A/43/PV.60 General Assembly

— Session 43, Meeting 60 — New York — UN Document ↗

36. (cQntinued) IOLICIm OF APARTHEID OF 'rim Q)VBilR4~T OF SOOTH APRICA\ (a) REPORT OF TUB SPECIAL (J:)MMI'1"1'EE AGAINST APARTBBm (A/43/22) (b) RE»?ORT OF THE INTERQ)VElUMPNTAL ~UP 'ro MONI'roR THE SUPPLY AND SHI IMBNT OF OIL AND R'mOLSUM PRODUC'!'S 'ID SOUTH AFRICA (AI43/44 (c) REPORTS OF THE SEQlETARY-GEHERA~ (A/43/682, A/43/699, A/43/786) (d) REPORT OF THE SPECIAL lOLITICAL Q)MMI'l'TEE (A!43/802) (e) DRAFT RBSOWTIOl\1S (A/43/L.30 to A/43/L.38, A/43/L.41, A/43/L.42) The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish) \ I should fir st like to dr~w the attention of the General AsseDbly to the report of the Special Political Committee (A/43/802). May I take it that the General Assembly takes note of that report? It was so deci~. The PRPSIDENT (interpretation from Spanishh I should like to lZopose that the list of speakers on the item before us this morn ing be closed this afternoon, 28 November 1988, at 5 o'clock. If I hear no objection, it will be so decided. It was so decided. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from Spanish) \ I call first on the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, Mr. Joseph Garba of Nigeria, who will introduce the Special Committee's report. Mr. GARBA (Nigeria), Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid: It is indeed an hoocur for ne to address this lofty body as we colllllence the debate on agenda item 36, on the policies of apartheid of the GoI7ernment of South Afr iea. The paraCbx of SOuth Africa today was best defined by Jose Marti, who, in 1893, expressed most eloquently the essence of the struggle in today's SOuth Africa when he said that: "Men have no special right because they belong to one race or anothen the word 'man' defines all rights." we find it iron ic that 95 year s ago people of that gener aUon could, in their limited civilization, perceive and define rightly what today our so-called civilization is at pains to make a pronouncement on. Hence it happens that in South Africa today a white minority con..tinues to cling to power by subjugating the !l\ajority population of that country - the blacks; that, in breach of the Charter of the united Nations, the South African regime continues to implement with abandon l ts apartheid policies, thus negating the inalienable and political rights of >lacks in the country of their birth. (Mr. Garba, Chairman, Special Commi ttee aga inst Apar theid) The political and socio-ecQ'lom!c reali~y of SCu(:h Africa cnd the southGrn African sli:n:egion is today stark. Recent negotiations in the southeri'l African subreg10n give reason for cltutious hope for the resolution of the wer confli~t in Angola and for the independence of Namibb. we are, hClWever, aW&re of the enor!!Ous difficulties faced by any political accord regarding a settlemmt of the conflict. The fact is that changes in the confi~ration of the \\,-orld polity have been instrumental in the role played by the wor:ld Pow~s in pcesent developments in the region, in particular regarding the independence of N4mibia. These changes shculd be an important reminder of the positive effect that intEnatiatal actiQ'l c.m have Q'l events in SOuth Africa end in the region. (he ie, however, bothered thet even the i:eCelt ou tbreak of global psce hQS not extended to G:X addressed the speci fie and disturbing ques'cion of &part&;ein. For this r~ason, while South Africa is engagad in a prOOl!S8 sooking an end to the conflict outside its borders, it reJll!lins at war wi th its own people. In that conb:n:t we 8erio~sly question the viability of any peaceful settlement in the region while !E,8rtheid cootinues in South Africa. As long as the racist regime oontinues to p.1rsue its aggressive policies against its people, the political stability and peace of that sUbregion will be under constant threat. South Afr iea is today a police State. The renewal of the state of emergency and the virtual ban imposed last February at peaceful anti-apartheid organizations and individ1als are designed to stifle any opposition to the regime. The Draconian measures imposed on the domestic and foreign media, affecting even an Afr ikaner opposition newspaper, ahOfl that the regime persists in its efforts to censor drastically any opposing view inside the country and any Jft3dia effort to relay the ugly domestic reality of that country to the outside wor Id.. What seems clear is that the enactment of these repressive measures was aimed at crushing any (Hr. Gmrba, Chair_n, §!ecia! Committee against Apartheid) oppositicn to the so-c::alled reforms and the nation-wide mmicipal elections of last Cctober • As is known, those elections were put of the "reforms" being proposed by the regime. Blt these "reforms" cb not respond to the ultinate demand of the black people in that country for full political ri~ts in an unfragmented, democ:ratic and non-racial south Africa. They respond ra th.er to a dwingenuous effort to co-opt secmrs of the blaclt ~p.1!ation into a lEoposed adl1 isary political body, the so-called Natioosl Statutory Council (mC). Olrerloilelmingly, blacks have rejected the pcop)sed If;C because it gives an appear ance of power-shar ing that in tr uth is illusicnary and wi thout substance. The resu! ts of the recent nation-wide mmicipal elections, when only 1.3 pel' cent of the overall black population voted, can only be a IXesage and sober remindei: that the R3C is doomed to failure. The Human RiC#lts Commission - a body created recently to monitor the application of the tbivel:sal Declaration of Human Rights in SOUth Africa - issued a report before the elections detailing official acts of initimidation and violence and abuses designed to coerce blacks into votL,g and thus thwart any opposi tioo to the elections. The Commission's rep'rt concluded that the conditions set down by the Un iver sal Declara tion of Human Rights for genuine elections had not been JroC1t. The illega11 ty of the elections was never in question, and in a resolution on the elections adopted last month the General Assenbly reaffirmed that in very clear and unambiguous terms. We believe that recent events demonstrate cler ly the regime ea two-pronged approach to the catflict in south Africa~ at the ate hand, an attempt to coerce the black majority iilto submissiat and further subjugation and, on the other, an a'.,tempt to lure them through political legerdemain into accepting sham reforms that would leave the p)wer o~ the white minor ity intact. The election results (Mr. Gat ba, Chairman, Specia! Committee against Apartheid) demonstrated that, despite system!ltic retreSSiCXl, resistance to the apartheid regime continues, led by the national liberation movements. As some anti-apartheid organ iZ8tions are bamed, others rise up to take their place. And so it is today that in South Africa the trade unions and human ricjlts and religious groups are in the fcxe fralt of the struggle fce 1!beratim. Tragically, the situation is becoming increasingly polarized in that country, and this bodes ill for the future. I£tt us not forget that, along with official coercion and violence, paramilitary, r icj1t-wing extremist groups, whose links to the South African security forces are in little doubt, have in the last year increased the systematic violence against anti-apartheid opponents inside South Africa and the assassination of cadres of the resistance outside the region, even in capi tals of western nations. The bonbings of Khotso and Kanya Houses - both the offices of religious and other anti-apartheid opposition organizations - show that even church and other religious organizations have not been spared. The !i'lcrease in political trials of activistG at charges of treason and the subsequent death sentences imlOsed are evidence of the regime's use of the judiciary as a legal weapon against its opposition. The conviction in the Delmas trial is sic.J'1ificant and has lcmg-term implications for the anti-apartheid opposition. The judgment not only criminalizes any form of oppeaitim, but also establishes a fateful pr:ecedent~ that any non=violent action that may oppose the regime is treasonous and therefore subject to the death penalty. The c::ommtatlon of the death sentences Cl'l the Sharpeville Six, which we. all welcome, came only after the whole wor:ld had to mobUize to save the six ~ung people convicted at the basis of the "common purpose" doctrine. The cormnutation of their sentences is remarkable in that it clearly shows the dilemma of SOuth Africa today and the tragedy of that country, and remarkable in the sense that for Botha to be able to OOllll\ute their sentences he (Mr. Garba, Chairman, Special COIMlittee against Apartheid) had to placate the extreme right by the pardon of four whites convicted of actual murder. This trading off is not only unbalanced but detr imenul to whatever good the regime may want the world to perceive. The question in truth iS$ were the Sharpev1l1e Six death sentences ml'llnuted on their cwn merit or used as an avenue to save the lives of four whites guUty of the murder of some blacks? South Africa is today a oountry at war with its GWn people·, it is a society in crisis. Time is ruming cut as apartheid cootinueo to corrode south African society, both black and white, a fact that is hav ing an impact even on the Hational Party's AfrikanC!r support. It is a historical truth that the fomdations of a society begin to weakm when that society loses the support of its intellectuals and i t:s youth. More \lib!te youths are leav ing the country because they C8MOt see a future in SOuth Africa.. small sectors of Afrikanerdom are growing restless, further disenchanted \1Ii th the National Party, and have entered a process of political dialogue with the anti-apartheid opposition forces inside and cuts ide SOUth Africa. OWerall, a search, is under WIly among the anti~apartheid groups, both black and white, to find connon ground to confront the apartheid regime l' indeed to buua unity in action. What has the international oonmunity's response been to these developnents? I must admit that the response has fallen rather short of ,,at is required. Since this Assembly last considered the aeartheid question, in Nov~er 1987, with few exceptions the llCessure on South Africa has come f~om non-gCNel:nmental sources':. from banks which find it increas ingly riaky to lend to South Afr 1ca, from companies which find investing there too hazardous and almost non-profitable, and from indiviciJals and organizations which oontinue to press for global disinvestment. With the exception of further actial taken by the Nordic countries, it is only Commonwealth, with the exception of the United Kingdom, and the United states ("'1'. Garba, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid) Congress that have kept up the momentum of gOlTEnmental action against Pretoria. Unfortunately, the international colfillunity has failed to adopt the most important lieuure, the ally measure capable of giving thel SOU th African regime the unmistakale message that. its apartheid policies will not be tolerated because they are anathema to the basic tenets of a civilized wcxld. I am referring here to the faUure of the international coilll1unity to impose comprehensive, mandatory Sa'lctions against SOUth Africa under Chapter VII of the Q1arter of the thited Nations. (Mr. Garba j Chairman, Special Corami~tee against Apartheid) It is true that a nul1ber of GoveE'nments have cadopted measures against SOUth Afr iea and therefore have contr ibu\:ed sign ificantly to the cOl1lllOn efforts of the international community in that regard. The Nordic countries and the thited States have adopted some far-read1ing measures. I regret to say, however, that the measures taken by the European Ecooomic Community have been rather weak and, in many ways, seem to haITe been des!9!\ed for perceived effect rather than effectiveness. The Special Committee is particularly concerned and deeply regrets that the thited Kingdom, the united States and the Federal Republic of Germany continue to be major economic partners ef SOUth Africa, although trade between the united States and South Afriea did decline in 1987 as a reeult of the united states anti-Apartheid Act. Our Committee views wi th a.pprehensim that in 1987 Japan assumed the position of the PI: imary trade partner of South Afr iea by substantially increasing its trade, both imports and exports, with that country. The Special Committee hopes that the decline of trade registered in the first months of 1988 is a sign that the Japanese GeNe:nment is serious about mdertak ing measures to curb its eoonomlc ties with South Africa. The COJ'll'llittee acknowledges the efforts ef the Japanese Government to streamline its trade relations with South Africa and is ootllizant that the rise in trade figures has resulted in part from the appreciation of the Japanese yen. we ne'lertheless feel that the Japanese authorities must do more to absolve themselves. PUrtherzgjre, it appears that some countries are seeking ad'lllllltages by filling the eccncmic vacuum created by the selective sanctions a(bpted by those countr ies which have heeded the call of tha internatiooal ooml'lumity to isolate South Africa. In this regard, the Special COl1lillttee is disturbed that the (ECNince of Taiw~n M.d certain other Asiatic countries have also increased their volume of tzade with south Africa in the past year. The Special Committee is particularly disturbed that the 11 feline of the Sou th African economy - that is, short-term credit - is being prO'lided mainly by the thited Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany and Sfitzerland. It is further concerned with reports that recent infractions of the arms embargo have involved the sale to SOUth Africa of sensitive equipment with military use from the Federal RePlblic of Germany and some other western countries. The Special Conmittee is closely following the investigatioo undertaken by the Parliamentary Committee in the Federal Republic of Germany, in particular concerning the sale of submarine blueprints. The Committee hopes that the P~liamentary Committee's final report, in contra:Jt to the Governnent's fiscal review which patently failed \'i:o do so, will bring all the facts to light, for the benefit of everycne calce:ned. ]iven that the arms embargo is ale area in whic:b the united Nations has been able to impose mandatory sanctions on SOuth Africa, the Special Committee views with seriousness attempts by some Menber States to bust the arms embargo to the imp:>sition of which they had hi therto been parties. The alUS is al t.he GoIer:nments of the coun tries concerned to redeem their image and credibility by thOl'oucj11y investigating these viola tions. The situation I have just desc::r!bed gives us no reason for confidence or canfort. The situation in SOUth Africa cmtinues to deteri«ate~ if the international colllllunity is to be a serious actor in the unfolding of events in South Africa, it needs to ta1ce decisive actial and acbpt effective measures against the regime. In this context ,it is my duty to introduce the report of the Special COlIlIIlittee against Apartheid in cbcument A/43/22. I draw the attention of mel'lber:s to, among other things the section -Review of developnents in South Africa- in paragra(h8 5 to 60. I should like in particular to draw attential to .:he conclusions and recommendations I'Il!!de in paragrarns 183 to 194. I should also like to point out Annex I, containing a report on recent developnents ooncerning relations between SOUth Africa &nd Israel, which the Special Committee has submitted in compliance with the directives of this body. I feel it is my responsibility to point out that, in the discharge of our 1IUIndate, we have found that the Government of Israel has taken certain J:Ositive measures to redefine its relations with SOuth Africa. The special Committee is therefGt'e mCJ\izant of its tecent economic actions as well as action.s against its sportsuen who went to South Africa. The Committee hOlifeYer feels that it lot more needs to be done in the area of military collab<X'ation • The report of the Special COl'llllittee against Apartheid concludes that the most effective sanctions, short of the imPOSi tion c)f canprehens lve and manda tory sanctions, should be targeted at a few areas of the economy, notably a ban on imports of coal and agricultural p:ocllcts, ClIt the aupplyof loans and credit, on the transfer of technology and on direct air fli~ts to and from South Africa. A mandatory oil ellbargo still remains ale of the most powerful ways of pressuring the racist regime. As e_mplified abcwe, the effective monitoring of the arms emergo is of extreme si~ificanC'e in the internatiooal campaign against i!putheid. The &lropean Fconomic COJIIftunity and Japan which, in the scope and implementation of sanctions, currently 1ag substantially behind the Nordic countries and the thited States, should be urged to raise the level of thf' '. sanctions and close the loopaoles in.existing sanctions. Me~sures shoold also be considered to p:event countries from benefiting from the vacuum created by other sta~eB tiaich have imposed sanctions. Ql this issue, paragraph 60 of the secretary-General's rep)rt al implementation of national (Mr. GM ba, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid) measures acbpted against South Africa (A/43/786), to which I also draw the Assembly's attention, concludes that the undarmining of sanctions is inherent in situations where sanctions are not Wliversally applied or ~en internationally accepted IX inciples and procedures have not yet evolved. The ~ecial CODlllittee further believes ttu~t states deciding to L"ltroci1ce sanctions should acbpt natimal legislative measures to penalize violators of sanctions, instead of merely relying on policy statements. Finally, experience so far has shown that the sanctfons adopted against South Africa need strengthening, better oo-ordination and standardization, imprOlTed implementation and a more effective centralized monitoring and reporting system. In the final analys is, events in South Afr lea wUl determine the cow: se of the history of that country. There is no doubt, however, that the internal pressure of the anti-apartheid opposition c:oDbined with effective external pressure can becnne a powerful force against apartheid. In that CQ'lt:ext, the potential effect of economic measures against SOuth Afr iea has been key in the call to the interna tional community to impose fur ther sMotions on SOU th Africa. The cost to the regime of maintaining apartheid must continuously be increased,; it should be clear, though, that the intention of the inta-national commla\ity is not - as is son;etimes disingenuously argued - to damage the South &fri08n eoonomy irreparably. Rather, sanctions have always been envisimed as a c.stalyst for the domestic and international business oo!llllunity because sanctions can affect those ea;)nomic secta:s which have influence en the political decision-making process in that country. In the same vein, other efforts to isolate South Africa, sum as in sports and in the cultural field, can exert a parallel pressure at the ruling white minority and therefore should also be strengthened. (Nr. Garba, Chairman, Special COIlIJIlittee against Apartheid) Today the need to exercise economic and po:I.itical. ptessure against the regime is even greater. The united States, the united Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany and Japan must use their considerable economic and politieal leverage on South Africa to assis't the ma10rity of the people of that country to defeat apartheid. Increasing attempts by some countries in the Far East and certain cOWltt'ies in Afr lea to help South· Afr iea evade sanctions should be 4!xposed and indeed caadeJlfted. There can be no traffi c:k ing wi th the apar theid regime. No country should pr.ofil: from the spoils of apartheid. On its part, the Special ComRlittee will c<X\tinue in the coming year its activities desi~ed in particular to influence not only decision-makers but also opinion makers in order to strengthen the international campaign against the apartheid regime. The COlIIfilttee is increasingly targeting its efforts, sparing resources, but spar ing no efforts. Our seminar this year in Lima vi th some 17 journalists from Latin American and Caribbean countries was intended to mobUize opinion-makers in an area which Pretoria has tried to infiltrate - and in some cases successfully. (Mr. Gar ba, Chairman, Special Canmittee against Aparthei~) Our Symposi\lll on Culture against Apartheid, in Athens, with 36 renowned personalities from the world of culture gave the cultural isolation of Pretoria an urgent and realistic impetus. In the same vein, the Special Committee plans to organize in 1989 meetings with selected parliamentarians, members of the media, educatCX's and labour leaders. While there are signs that the political climate in the southern African Bubregion is improving - a de'lelopnent that the Special Canmittee welcomes - the international coJIIDunity should intensify its focus on the continuing deterioration of the internal situation in South Africa, where apartheig" which is the root cause of the regional conflict, remains virtually intact. If Hr. Botha is coJIIDitted, as he says, to a peace ~ocess in the region, let him begin that process inside South Afr ica by responding to the demands of the black major ity population and its white allies. Let him establish the conditions for the peaceful resolution of the conflict in SOuth Africa by~ first, lifing the state of emergency, immediately and uncQlditionally release Nelson Mandela and all oth.er .political prisonei-s and detainees, particularly children, lifting the ban on all political organizations and opPonents of apartheid,' and allowing the safe return of all political. exiles~ secondly, withdrawing the regime's troops from black townships and repealing restrictions on the freedom of the p:ess~ and thirdly, ending the policy of bantustanization and forced population removals and military and paramilitary activities aimed at neighbouring countries. The Special COJIIDittee against Apartheid welcomes the release tb.is weekend of Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC) leader, 2ep-ania M;)thopeng,' and African National Congress of&.luth Africa (ARC) member, Harry Gwala.· It hopes that this humanitarian gesture is also a political gesture and that it will be followed by (Hr. Garba, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid) the genuine release of NelsQ'l Mandela and other political priscmers. This is the first necessary step in a ~ocess of negotiation for the peaceful resolution of the conflict in that caun try. The ultimate power in any society rests with the people. In South Afr lea a minority assumes that the J'M.jority is not enlightened enou~'h to exercise this power. This fallacious assumption cannot be given currency and credibility by th~ international commtmity, foe it creates a situation that caMot be accepted in any other sr;i1ere of the international ooll1Dunity. In presenting the report of the Special Committee - an affair that hClS become an annual ritual - let me say that, while the debate on apartheid may for some of us be a chore that must be performed in the course of a General Assellbly session, it is for the rest of us a commitment to bring an end - Cl peaceful end, indeed - to the heinous crime of apartheid. Let us remenber that the fate of millions of black and ~ite SOuth Africans is bound to our actions and our votes. The Special Committee is and continues to be sensitive to the feelings of those Mellber states that fa: one reason or another do not support our work and our approach to this issue. In the discharge of our mandate we continue to strive for: objectivity based on a fair and unbiased assessment of issues as we perceive them. It is neither our intent nor our man&lte to challenge the sovereignty or policies of MeJlber States, but I believe that it is our responsiblity to report such policies in so far as they relate to ap!rtheid South Africa to this body. Thus, in discharging our manda te we have called names where th is is factuall y requ ired • This is inevitable, and I do not think we should be apologetic for our actions. If Menber States feel that they must criticize our report, they must do so constructively and in good faith. They must, however, appreciate and accept., (Hr. Gar ba, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid) in their objecticn to name-calling, that no l!lIlDWlt of name-calling can equal the brutality and violence that apartheid policies and the racist regime visit on SOuth Africans. Our collective action must, therefore, be pE'edic:ated upon our candid perception of the enormous burden imposed on us by the evil system of apartheid. Mr. CRAQJLA (tbited R!public of Tanzania), Rapporteur of the Intergovernmental Group to M)nitor the SUpply and Slipping of Oil and Petroleum Prowcts to SOUth Africa: I have the honour to introwce the report of the Intergovernmental Group to Mlnitor the SUpply and Shipping of Oil and Petroleum Procilc:ts to SOUth Africa (A/43/44). This is the IntergCNernmental Group's secood report to the Assembly since the Group was established in 1987. It was wi th considerable anxiety that at the begiming of 1987 the meuDE!['S of the Intergovernmental Group accepted the invitation to join the Group, for it was a unique, difficult and delicate assignment that we wittingly accepted. The Group's task is unique in thet this was the first time the General Assenbly had created a body speci fically to mani tor caapliance wi th a non-mandatory sanctions measure. We did not have precedents or experience of other such bodies to fall back upon, and we are still aware that the future employment of this appcoach lIBy well depend on how effectively we e3llecute our mandate. Our task is a difficult one by any standards. OUr work is of a very technical nature - mm ma:e technical than ootsidel:'s perhaps realize, and more technical than tee ourselves expected at the beginning of our work. We first had to acquire a tedmical l.I'lderstanding of the problem and its divel:'se intel:'national aspects. we had no mater lal resources for our task, the Group having been established at a time of financial er is is in the Organization. Nor would it have been proper for us to (Hr. Garba, Chairman, Special Committee against Apartheid) seek such resources at that time befCll'e we knew that we could employ them .in a meaningful manner to carry out our assigned tasks. FiJrthermore, tlle mpartheid regime of south Africa has done everything possible to frustrate outside monitoring of its oil supplies, even to the extent of reluirin9, and paying extra for, _ximum secrecy in this regard. 'l'hus, f.rom the very b8CJinning we realized that our task would depend on the co-operation of Governments, particularly those of oil-exporting and oil-shipping States. However, what made· our task mre difficult was the fact that there had previously been almost no reliable mechanism for monitoring canpliance with, or co-ordinating the enforcement efforts in respect of, the oil embargo against South Africa. This situation created favourable conditions for oil shippers and trade:s to defy such an oil embargo against South Afr iea with little fear of any adverse consequences, particularly as the ellbargo was voluntary. (Mr. Chagula, Rapporteur , Interg01ernmental Group to M:>nitor the Supply and Shipping of Oil anil Petroleum produ~ to South Afr iea) Just as we slarted out wi th a feel ing of anxiety almost two years ago, it is only now with a CEH ta in feeling of relief that I can speak today to peesent our secatd report to the General Assenbly. I feel that our achievements in these first two years have been significant and remarkable and that if we can maintain the same mmentum we will soon be making serious inroads into South Africa's illegal oil supplies, so far as ooncerns the Assembly having regard to its resolutions 41/35 F and 42/23 F, reference to wich has been made in our report. Regarding the technical. pt'oblems I can only state that we have rapidly been gaining e~t~M,:!rience in sifting and evaluating the voluminous information on ships' voyage recor&, oil discharge doollnenta tion and the like. We plan to widen our ap~oach by introci1cing certain new methods of data analysis in the coming year. we have been heartened by the extent of Government support for our efforts and in certain cases the {Xecision of informatim prCJllided by GOITernm~ts was decisive for our analysis. We have also very much appreciated the indispensable support we have been receiving from the thited Nations Centre against Apartheid in our task. The report of the Intergovernmental Group to lbnitor the SUpply and Shipping of Oil and Petroleum Products to South Africa consists of seven chapters and three anne~s and prOV'ides both a descriptive and an analytical review of the work of the Intergovernmental Group. The report this year is more canprehensive than that of 1987. New sections on foreign invesbnents in the South Afr iean petroleum industry, transfer of technology and the role of the oil canpcmies, dissemination of information and the proposed hearings on the oil embargo r:d~,st South Africa have been added to our r.eport this year. Annex I of the repor:t contains replies from Gover nments to the q ues tionnair e we sen t out to member Sta tes r egarding the supply of oU and petroleum t:owcts to Sou~h Africa and Namibia. The other two annexes deal with cases of alleged violations of the oil embargo. In this cCX\text let me prOlTide a few statistics. In 1987, our first year of operation, 32 cases of alleged violations involving 25 ships were reported to us. Of these cases three were eliminated en the basis of information supplied by the Governments concernede In the remain:lng 29 cases we concluded i:.'lat oil shipuents to SOUth Africa -~ad pr:obably occurred, unless evidence to the cCX\uary emerges in the future•. The co-operation of Gove:n~nts in this ellercise is crucial. In 1988 we received reports of 64 alleged violations of oil shipments to SOuth Africa from outside involving 32 ships. seven allegations were withdrawn &le to insufficient information; in nine cases the GoI7ernments ccnceri1ed prodded doOllllentation of oil discharge in noo-South Af!:ican p;>rts, leading us to delete these cases from the list. The rema1.1'1il1g 48 cases are still wdet' investigation by the Group. This year there were also four additiCX\al allegations of oil shipnents £ran SOUth Africa to Namibia. Gle of these was confirmad, the other three are still being investigated. OUr rate of detection ~11d coverage of violations of the oil embar90 agaL,st South Africa is increasing, and we are dealing with more cases tlere the same ship has been involved in more than one voyage to SOuth Afr iea. A reasCX\able goal for the IntergOlTernment,al Group at this point is to raise the rate of detection ana coverage, thereby cxeating a powerful disincentive to engage in this traffic. ViOlatCEo -<fill th1M twice now that they know there i9 a greater chance of detection and th~t such detection will subject them to further scrutiny in the future L, respect 0.£ a'd1er ships in their fleet, not just the .:me that was caucjlt deliver!nCj oil to South Africa. Perhaps freight charterers will think twice about engaging ships or canpanies ~ic:h have been identified as violators. 'lb achieve this we obviously must publicize names, but I should like to assure delegations that our app:oach is CXle of vigilance and not vindictiveness. Because vigilance on behalf of the Assembly is our main concern, we have felt it p~ticularly important to apply stringently fair standards in evaluating evidence and to extress ourselves very cautiously in our findings. The IntergOlTernmental Group has emphasized that publishing these cases "does not in any way imply a charge against or a passing of judgement on the individual States concerned or canpanies tmder their jurisdiction. a (A/43/44, p. 10, para. 38) For that reason we stre8s that a "confirmed violation" to us means only that sufficient evidence has not been p:esented to dispel the allegatim that the oil in question prcbably has been shipped to South Africa. For the same reason we decided to accept oil discharge c.bcumentation as a refutation of alleged violations. In the meantime we must" howwer t emphasize that Governments concerned should scrutinize the authenticity of the cbcumentatioo presented and be more vigilant than in the past in order to Irevent oil and shipping companies from forging sum cbcumentatim. we prefer to err CXl the side of leniency in order to ccntinue the present hicjl degree of co-operation and trust the Group enjoys from Governments. Our assignment is mique, or at the very least unusual, in another lCespect. On the one hand we have been mandated by the General Assenbly to monitor compliance wi th measures which it has recCllllmended to ! ts Henbers. B.1t as far as the can !age of crude oil to South Africa is concerncad we are not dealing with normal legitimate commerce but rather with an "illegal" trade in a comJlDdity which is being fraudulently diverted to South Afr iea against the expt'essed wishes of the producer e and exporters, for fiO exporter or p:'od1cer of etude oil allows it to be exported to s:.uth Afr lea. The oil-exporting countr ies have done everything, from discouraging and banning such exports to actually making them a criminal offence. In most cases they have done so independently of, and prior to, the reoonmendations of the General AsseDbly. In this sense the IntergOlTernmental Group is simply co-ordinating the enforcement of the national measures already taken by Memer states. What I have just stated applies to crude oil. In some cases, however, States have even begun to take similar legal measures with regard to refined petroleum products. And in recent years two major maritime countries, Norway and Denmark, have made the shipping of oil and petroleum l%owcts to south Africa illegal. we hope to see more States in the near future taking similar steps to ensure that the process of supplying South Africa with oil and petroleum proc1lcts is rendered illegal by the States whidt in one way or another IOOve or handle the oil between p:ocl1cers and end users. S1~in9 of Oil ..0 Petroleum Pr ets to South Afr lea) The In tergcwernmental Group feels that, b~ides being fa ir, its approach should also be b~oad and comprehensive. J!tlr this reason we have taken up, albeit very briefly, the related question of South Africa's attempts to mitigate the effects of the oil embargo by converting other hydrocarbals to fuel and by oil explcration or stockpUing. Wa have done so because there is less unanimity in the international (X)nmunity on this question than there is on the question of supplying oil to South Africa. By drawing attention to outside suppliers of critical t.ed1nologies for these activities we hope to gain greater understanding. OUr view is that this too should be p:ohibited and that appropriate measures should be taken by the international oonmunity throucjl the Assemly. Let me just briefly report on several commWlications wid1 reached the Intergovernnental Group after its report for 1988 had been prepared. These commll\ications CQ'lcern our ongoing investigation of cases of alleged violations of the oil embargo against South Afr lea, and other related matters. These commWlications from Gcwernments will be considered by the Group as soon as possible and will be reflected in its report next year. However, I would like to give a brief report on them foe the information of delegations. The Permanent Mission of Qatar, on 7 OCtober 1988, sent a&U tional information cQ'lcern ing the ques tiOM8 ire we had sent out. The Permanent Mission of the FederAl Republic of Germany, in a note verba1e ..'. dated 10 OCtober 1988, stated the following ~ "The 'German Shipowners Associatim' has been advised of the Federal Goverrment's Policy and of the decisions taken by the Foreic;J\ Ministers of the European Community on 10 S!ptenber 1985. No crude oil shipments to SOUth Africa are being carried out either directly or in transit from {X)rts in the Federal R!public of Germany or by vessels fiying its flag." The Perlnanent Mission of the united Ar.ab :&nirates sent a note verbale, dated 31 OCtober 1998, concerning the case of the ship Fidius, which stated, inter alia\ "1. It was alleged that the ship arrived at Fujairah anchorage on 18 June 1987 and left after five days. In this CQ'1text, it should be known that neither an oil port nor any port for loading or transporting oil exists in Fujairah. Accordingly, no oil Miatsoever could have been lifted from Fujairah. "2. It was also alleged that the ship left for Iran and then departed and called at me a: more South African ports to del iver oil. Assuming that such movement on the part of that ship is rorrect, it does not in any way Miatsoever ~O'le, or even indicate, that it 11 fted oil from Fuja irah or any other por t in the un i ted Arab Emira tes • "'1'0 sum up, the allegation about: Fidius carrying oil from Fujair8&'l is false and wi thout: any fomda tic:n. It The Office for Foreign Affairs of Liemtenstein sent a note verbale, dated 31 OCtober 1988, concerning the ships Berge Prince and !.",rge Princess, which ota tea, inter alia \ (Kr. Chaq.11a, Rappor teur , Intergcwernmental Group to f1bnitor the9.tpply and Shipping of Oil ald Petroleum Products to South Afr lea) "The Office for Fcxeign Affairs wishes to state that the ships owned by a compsny registered in Liechtenstein had been bare-boat chartered to a Norwegian shipping firm. These ships did in fact call at ports in SOuth Africa in connection with oil trade. SUch cialls were according to authcxity cQ"ttained in the bare-<:08t charter agreement permitting them to engage in 'lawful trade'. In the meantime, Norway has passed a law which forbids engaging in oil trade in SOuth Africa. Accordingly, the ships will have to obey 'th is law. ". The Permanent Mission of Qatar, on 9 Novemer 1988, sent notes verbales accanpanied by c.bcumentation of disdlarge of the oil shipments of the ships Berge Enterpr lse and ~, both of whidl were delivered in Singapore. The Mission of Iran sent a note verbale, dated 18 NO'lenber 1988, wi th a copy of the certificate of discharge of the ship Fidius, which departed from Iran in June 1987 and delivered its 011 cargo in Ibtterdam, Netherlands, on 16 August 1987u The Mission of Iran also sent another note verbale, dated 2S Novemer 1988, denying that the ships Berge Pr iDee Md Serge Pr incess were il1lTolved in supplying Iranian oil to South Afr iea. It may be recalled that the Intergovernllental Group has always requested that certi ficate of discharge should be submitted to prO'le that the oil shiprillmt in question has not been delivered in South Afr lean ports • ." The Pruident returned to the Chair. I have tried to reflect fa! thfully the views expressed by various Gcwernments after our report for. 1988 had been prepared simply to assure Menber states that the Intergoyernmental Group very carefully considers all communications it receives from governllents .befOre it compiles its remnmendations to the Assenbly. Before I cooclude, I am cmty bound to expcess the indebtecbess of the Intergovernnental Group to the Centre against Apartheid and its Director, Assistant secretary-General Mr. Ebt1rios ~usouris, u well as to its staff, particularly Mr. Amer Araim, who very competently acted as the Group's seC%etary throucjlout the year. for their support and collabora tioo. Finally, in my capacity U Rapporteur of the Intergovernmental Group, I should like to thank the Olairman, t.ile Vice-01airman aid all menbers of the Group for their oollaboration, whim has enabled me to finalize and present th is report to th~ General Assemly in good time. It is my hope that the Asseil'bly will adopt the report without any dissent or reservations. Hr. MLLOJA (Albania) ~ South Afr lea's racial 1X'licy has been before the thited Nations in one form ex another for more than 40 years. Inta-national opinim has not failed during all that time strongly to denounce that inhumane system, ~ich has deepened and institutionalized in that country the racial JiOlicies inherited from the 19th century. In spite of the efforts and struggle of the Azanian people for national and social freedan, ~ic:h takes various forms, apartheid continues to act like a system that oppresses, exploits and humiliates not only the Azanian people, but also the Namibian people, and in so doing defies the entire African oontinent. Therefore, the international oonmunity cannot remain and has not remained silent towards that regime and its system ~id1 is based on the racist theory that the white minority should rule the coloured majority only because they are bern colour'3d. That attlorrent regime, which relies on violence, is the cause of the destabilization and tension in southern Africa. Testimony to this is the grave situation of the Azanian people, the occupation of Namibia and the aggressive and subversive acts carried out systematically against the countries of the region. In the };resent circumstances, as in the past, the source of concern is the plight of the Azanian people. R!gardless of the rigid censorship the racists have imposed with the aim of creating a blackout around the COurlUY, information reaching the world shows that apartheid leads to the killing, arresting and blackmailing of people, only because they demand the most el&mentary rights. Even defenceless children, women and old people are not spared. The demonstrators protesting for better working and living conditions, for equal ri9hts and justice, are suppressed most. ferociously. Every aspect of life in SOuth Africa is ,character ized by violence and terror. The massive oppression of the people is the racists' agendae Throuc#'l the dracCl1ian laws enforced I.I1der the state of emergency, which has l(l1g since been declared throughout the country, the racists carry out criminal acts. thder the p:etext of the state of emergency, the so-called securi ty col1lllittees have been turned into a shadow administration of violence &nd ten-or. Il1t this atnorrent regime does not confine itself to the oPIX'ession of the Azanian population alale. Aspir 10g for hegemony, it has turned the southern region of Africa into a hotbed of subversion and destruction. The illegitimate occupation of Namibia, the continuous acts of subversion against the neighbouring countries, testify to the policy of State terrorism pursued by the regime. The £root-line States, which are a direct target of such er imina! practices, as well as all the other African States, are conscious that Sou th Africa is the real cause of the grave situation and the political, eoonomic and social oomplications in the region. At the same time, they know that this challenge should be opposed in solidarity, with determination and without comp:omise. The People's Socialist ~public of Albania stands in full solidarity with them in their legitimate struggle. In the history of our organization, among the dictatorial regimes the racist regime of SOUth Africa is probably the most condenned and denounced by wodd opinioo. Such unanimous oonc1emnation is a demonstration of the opposition they have shown to the regime, which has constantly defied the aspirations of the Azanians and the solidarity that other peoples maintain with them. There is no doubt that the source of its defiance and arrogance does not rest en the strength of the racist repres~ive machine of the white minority alone,; it stems from the support that the regime gets from the big imperialist powers, notably the (hi ted States, which have VE ious interests in that part of the continent. Furtherl\1ore,the destabUized situation in southern Africa is becoming more complicated because of the co~tinued interference of the two super-Palers, the lbited States and the SOviet thion, which are serving their imperialist interests • Eadl of them t::ies to exploit the situation in the way that most benefits them, trying to make space fbp: their expansionist amitions. In addition, their bargains and agreements, which they ever more consider to be their exclusive dollBin for the settlement of regional conflicts, in fact aim to secure a carte blanche for their diktat and interference in the internal affairs of the region, their goal being the strengthening of their political, eoonomic and military positions. But it is clear to the peoples of the region that imperialist interference entails grave oonsequences. The unity of their efforts, desires and will, should be determinant in lessening tensions and creating genuine circulIStances cmducive to the realization of their aspirations. The course of events in Azania and in southern Africa as a whole has shown that the racist regime will be eradicated nei ther through pleas nor as a result of the bargains or sdlemes designed by the imperialist powers, but throucjl the resolute struggle of the peoples of Azania and Namibia with the solidarity and support of the African peoples and international opinion. The struggle waged by those two peoples against apartheid is a major social conflict and not a conflict between races. It is a struggle between the Azanian people on the ale hand and the apartheid system on the other. The so-called solutions based on reform are but manoeuvres to hoodwink the masses of the people wi th the ail1l of perpetuating the racist rule. That is why, in our opinion, the Azanian questio:i is not a question of constitutional reform, for apartheid cannot be reformed, it must be canpletely varquished and abolished a1C8 Md for all. B}? upr:ooting the racist, neocolalialist and imperialist domination and plundering of that part of Africa, the people would eventually gain the rights for which they have loog foucj1t. Theremre, the Azanian and Namibian peopl",s, as well as all the other African peoples, have never agreed with the demagogy of reforms,. on the ccmuary, they have opposed them and are fighting, arms in hMd, for fzeedan and self-determination. Their struggle and, in the first place, the spirit of ~termination displayed by the popular masses are the best gu&umtee, clearly indicating that no future awaits the racist regime of South Africa. The Albanian delegation reconfirm that our people, as in the past, will resolutely oppose every kind of r ac1al discr imination. We strongly denounce the racist policy of SOuth Africa and support without reservations the just struggle of the Azanian people and of the other African peoples for national liberation, in defence of freedan and national independence and against the interference of the imperialist and neooolooialist Powers. We expceas oonfidence that, due to their spirit of sacrifice, courage and strong will to live freely in their homeland, the day is not far away when the Azanian people beoome masters of their own oountryq like their brother African peoples. ~. BADHfI (B:Jypt) (interpretation from Arabich The Afr ican oontinent is confronting enormus and various challenges Wiich can be OI7ercome only by unshakeable will and fierce determination. Our peoples in Afr ica have no choice but to face up to those challenges and cwercome the difficul ties. The first of those challenges, and perhaps the JOOst prcwocative, is the deteriorating situation in southern Africa created by the racist and aggress ive policy of SOU th Africa against the people of the region. (Mr. Mlloja, Albania) Apartheid is a frightful human tragedy·, and it is p:actised by an inhuman regime based on repression, bloodshed and murder. The Un ited Ha tions and the international community have reiterated their ca1dennation of this crime against mankind, and we all remain convinced that it must continue to be opposed and that those respons:fr>le foe it must be punished. A regime based on racial discrimination and the denial of the fundamental rights of the overwhelming majority of~e population is in flagrant cootradiction of the spirit and doctrines of the revealed religions and goes against the principles of the United Nations Charter, from which all Menber States draw inspiration. Egypt's strong principled stand is against all forms of racial discrimination running counter to the pt'inciples of freedom and justice, as cClltained in the thiversal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The racist minority in Pretoria remains firmly committed to the shameful policy of apartheid, whim it practises against the overwhelming major ity of the population, in flagrant violation of human rights, the thi ted Nations Olarter and resolutions of the Organization. As has been shown in the past, this policy is the root cause of the shedding of blood and the escalation of violence in a vicious circle not limited only to South Afr iea but spr ead throughout the region. It has forced the oppressed majority to take a stand against it sinoa it has not emly been subjected to racist legisla tion and de1% ived of its fundamental human ricj1ts and just politieal representation but has also been the victim oi terrorist measures, oppression and repression. The pr isClls are thus overflQling with detainees, many of whom have been tortured and k Hled. The growing v iolence in SOuth Afr iea has taken on unprecedented proportions. &nergency measures are applied against elements of the national resistance 1n a desperate attempt to suppress and annihilate the growing resistance by means of which the masses are confrmting the racist policies and manoeuvres. This terrible human sUffering endu;red by the persecuted people of South Africa has only strengthened that people's resolve to rid itself of oppression and in a rarely seen political awareness to unite behind its organizations and leadership. The international community must consolidate its commitment to the oppressed majority of South Africa in its struggle against racial discrimination and must redouble and diversify the pressure brought to bear against the Pretor ia r.egime and uni fy all efforts in support of the growing rejection of apartheid in order to secure the final elimina tion of all inhuman pcactices. The united Nations first considered the question of racial discrimination in SOUth Africa more than 40 years ago. It is regrettable that circunstances have allOtfed f oese heinous policies to persist, in spite of the international community's unanimous cmdennation of them. Throughout these years the thited Nations has been firmly against racial discrimination, in the conviction that. effect of these policies poses a serious threat to international peace. That is why Egypt believes that greater efforts must be made without delay to free that State, which is torn by racism, thus alleviating the misery and suffer ing of the people and ridding mank ind of the shame and the poison of apartheid. Ji>;ypt also believes that it is up to the international community to take more effective action in order to rid South Africa of violence and prepare the way for a pe,lll.ceful and del'lDcratic settlement. A del'lDcratic dialogue among all the parties, on the basis of equality, is still possible~ it is in fact the most effective way of reaching a peaceful soluticn to the racist conflict in south Africa. At thou~ this is nothinCj new, we nevertheless believe that there must be dialogue among t.he leaders of all factions in South Africa and that such a measure is increasingly urgent. Peace can be restored in sou thern Africa only wi th the participation of the overwhelming majority of the region's population. Th,' Pretoria regime should respcnd to all appeals to reason and wisdom Md entf\.I into a democratic dialogue with the opprf::ssed majorit.y aimed at reaching a peaO!ful solution guaranteeing the interests of all the parties. Thus the Government of SOuth Afr iea should rescind all the measureD it has adopted against the peaceful resistance and immediately J:elease all political prisoners liS an essential nrst step towards the peaceful settlement of the conflict in SOuth AFtica. Pretoria is ooly deceiving itself lllhen it cQ'ltinues to believe that it can Plt an end to the pcoblem by stubbornly adopting measures against ta'1e resistance by banning political rallies or by flouting justice and the Clause of this oppressed people, or by arresting ita leaders. On the contrary, dialogue is the only means of restoring peace in the region. On behalf of the people and the Governnent of Fl:Jypt, I take this opportunity to express our best wishes to the Special Committee sgainst Apartheid, and to its Chairman, Mr. Garba, on the twent:"~-fifth anniversary of theComittee. The internaticn&l commmity sincerely hopes that the Commit.tee will be successful in its efforts to carry out its mandate in denouncing the racist policies and practices of afar theid and rnak ing world public opinion aware of the er uel ty of the regime and mobil!::!ng it in the struggle against apartheid and racial discdm1n~tion. For a quarter century the Committee has with great dedication made laudable efforts to develop and co-ordinate a plan of action to p!t an end to apartheid. we alao commend the a truggle of the fra ternal people of SOuth Africa, and i to leader f Nelson Mandela, who, in this heroic struggle, ~as been emf:)~lary in his principled firlll'less llnd faith in justice. In spite of all the trials and difficulties, he has made of that struggle a legendary saga. Egypt has always supportad the liberation mOV'ements in Africa because of its belief in the unity of the pa~t and. the future. It reaffirms its determination to do all in its power to give moral, political and material support to its brothe:s in South Afr iea so that their heroic struggle may soon be crowned with suocass. Mr. B1fIADNEH (Jordan) (interpt'QtatiQ1 from Arabic): I have the hooour to speak on behalf of the states of the Organization of the Ialamic CQ1ference on the item on the policies of apartheid of the GOV'ernment of SOUth Africa. Those policies are not only a crime agaiJIst humanity and an affront to the dignity of man, but also a threat to international peace and security. The Islamic states, on the basis of their principles, their history and their firm positions, vigorously Caldellll and totally reject tha t heinous policy. They consistently affirm their solidarity with and support for the people of South Africa in their valiant struggle against the racist GOV'ernment of South Africa to force it to renounce its policy of racial discr imination • The States member s of the Organization of the Islamic Conference raaffirmed that position at "the 17th Conference of Foreign Min !sters, which my country had the honour of hosting at the end of March this year. The United Nations h. tried ever since it was established, to bring an end to the racist policies of SOUth Africa. It has adopted many resolutions strongly mndemning those policies snd calling for their elimination. However, the Government of SOUth Africa persists in defying the will of the international cOlllftunity and violating the p:inciplas of the United Nations. It continues to defy security Comcil and General Assenbly resolutions en this subject. It persists in its r~lZessive policies aimed at suppressing any national opposition to its aparthe!!! policies, while cmtinuing to step up its Ul"Jdeclared war and commit acts of aggression against the frCl1t-line countries within the D:dmework of its policy of destabilization designed to ruin the economies of those States and prevent them frem opposing the policies of apartheid and supporting the national resistance movement. The Governnent of South Africa tries from time to time to implement proposals that it calls reforms. The lastest of these have been the elections to the municipal oouncils, which were boycotted by the people. These are desperate, vain attempts, mder internal and external preasure, to hide the ugly face of apartheid and make it more acceptable and more viable. Thus the Governnent o~ SOuth Africa la going against the current of history, disregarding the fact that racial discrimination is an erroneus system that must be eliminated. It is a crime against humanity a.,d its perpetratexs must be punished. It is also a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter, the universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration on the GrCl1t!ngof Indepaldence to Colmial Countries and Peoples. Some people believed that they oould persuade SOuth African leaders to give up the policies of epartheid voluntarily. Elit now that the opportunities and the time given to those leaders led to nothing, they realize their mistake. It iF'· now clear that the SOUth African leadtl[s merely wish to consolidate their racist regime and make it more effective. The regime believes that it can turn this confl iet to its awn advantage by using force and violence, despite the lessons of histocy. we are convinced that despite the armed attadcs by this regime on all fronts, internal and external, the national mmements will continue to mobilize their OWll forces and step up their activities so as to plrsue their struggle fbr as long as is required and whatever sacrifices are necessary, because they Me determined to win their freedom and preserve their dignity. The tbited Nations, in ita purposes and principles represents the conscience and aspirations of sankind. Therefore the Organization has a special responsibUity, that is, to spare mankind from the ignominy and the scourge of aertheid. Since this racist policy is being pursued by the South African GcNcnlllent and in view of its flagunt defiance of the international will, the United Nations must take effective deterrent action and imp:>se comprehensive mandatory sanctions to isolate the Government of South Africa internationally and fbrce it to renounce its policies of apartheid and eradicate them once and for all and without further delay. '!'he situation in SO'"th Africa is becoming werse and spreading, thus endanger ing int:ernational peace and secur i ty • '!'hat is why we cmdemn all co-operation between south Africa and any other State. We call upon all States to cease to support and assist that racist GoIrernment. we cmde8l the eollab«ation between the Gwernment of SOUth Afrie~ and Israel, as mentioned in the report of the Special COIMIittee against Ap&rt)ft~A~ (A/43/22), particularly in the milltary and nuclear sJ;:beres. That collabcxation extends, as in adlUtionto arutraf,ficking and the strengthening of SOuth Afr lean defences, to the training of that regi... 's forces Md auxiliary troops in its regioncl conflict, whldl is haraing all the front-line States and all those fi91t!ng for freedaD and independence in Namibia. We hail the struggle of the people of South Afr lea against the p)licies of apartheid, ane! the resistance carried out by the frmt...line States against the continuing acta of aggression by the racist regime of 9:)uth Afr lea. we call on all States Melllbers, to respect Md guarantee effective implementation of all security Council and General Allselllbly resolutions relating to the struggle against ap!rthe~• Wi thout that commitment on ever)'body's part, the policies of apartheid could not continue. We call upon all States tc give moral and material support to the people of South Africa in cmtinuing their struggle, to support the fratt-line comtries in their resistance and to help to mitigate their sufferings. we apPl"eciate all the efforts of the Special COJlll'llittee against Apartheid in fUlfilling its mandate, and those of the secretary-General in consolidating and co-ordinating international actim to conbat the policies of apartheid and ensure their elimination. Hr. ALs.6HAKAR (Bahrain) (interpretation from Arabich I should like at the outset to extend my thanks and appr:eciatim to the Special Committee against ?partheid for the valuable efforts it has made in the interest of the eradication of apartheid, that otnoxious wil which the thited Nations and the international community as Cl whole have declared to be a er ime against humanity. The U'lited Nations W:lS eatablished to reaffirm the belief of all the wexld's peoples in the ri91ts of man, his basic freedoms, and to uPtold the di~ity of the individual ane his human worth. It was entrusted with safeguarding ar.d pconoting those ri~ts and freedoillS for all lien, irrespective of race, colour, sex or creed. This year's debate in the General Asse.,ly on the policies of apart:he~ pursued by the Government of South Africa coincides with the fortieth 8nn!versa:y of the acbption of the tbiversal Declaraticn of RUMan Rights. It takes place at la time when the concepts of freedom, equality, decency and human dign ity have beco:R fWU)Ulental to the acl1erGnce by the wCX'ld 'a nations to the principles of the Charter and of other intert~ational instruments and conventions. They have bem. c:onstants of int«national behaviour that cm no longer be abridged, diluted or denied) nor can they be ceded, abanCbned or violated. Qle of the glaring paradoxes of today 'swadd is that, at the very threshold of the twenty-first century, the ~vern.nt of South Afric:a continues to p.!raue its Inachrcoistic policy of apartheid, "'ich hes been unanillOusly condemned by the whole world as a beinous crime against mankind and a grave threat to international peace and security. In its report (A/43/22) the ~ecial COIlIIittee against !eartheid fully reviews the political cmditions and the policies of apartheid in south Africa and their regional and international ruificstions. It also reYiew8 the letelst developaentB in the relationship between the two racist regi.88 of South Africa rnd Israel .. IAlring the period under rfiiew in the report, the ap'!rtheid re9i. in South Africa has not shown any sign of readiness to accept the establiBtUllent of a dellDcratic, :?Olitical and social system. ~ the contrary, the dominance by the white minority of tho blade _jodty ccmtinuee. The racist regime "till denies the basic righ9"~ of mil11on8 of non-whitesc The majority is still aen1ed the IlIOst elementacy political, eCClnomic, social and civil rights, Md even the most fwuJa!i1ental right to equality Md dign ity. The Go~ern.nt of SOuth Afr iea has been escalating ita apartheic! practices against the black _jarity.. n has eYen invented new _thods of relEesslon against thell, in conteMpt of the nu.rous resolutions of the ~ited Rations, "bieb has been ccndeming this vicious policy 8 inee 1952. The IIOst seriou8 consequmce of this ucalation is the U3e of murderous paramilitary civilian groups, wU:ll8e cppearanC! .-ad growth are Cl .ast serious tendency in the anti~ppoaition etrategy of the apartheid regi_. The reviSed labour la" of 1987 "uc!eaiCJJled to aM yet another lil'lk to the chain of tCl8trlctions iapoaed Oft the black people in «del' to ensure the full patalysis of It i.Row evident that the plight of the black ujority in SOuth Africa is not yet oyer. '!'he report lhedB light on the trsgic detail. of the conditions in the country and h!~li91ts tbeir gr..,e coneequenot8. The IMjority still liv.. under the yeke of an anachrmistic regime wich resorts to all forms of racinliSli'l, oppression, humiliation and persecution. It is ac!amant in pursuing ita outdated policies by Wtatever arbitrary racist means it can devise. The racist regime has reimposed the state of emergency and siege. It ~as resorte<1 to censorship and the .uzding of the media. It has also shackled all the .political activities of the opposition, the tradl! unims and the opponents of apartheid. The racist regime cmtinues to flout the resolutions of the General ASsen'bly and the security Council calling for & stay of exe01tian of the foes of apartheid. This has been demonstrated by the declared intention of the GoveE'nment to execute the activist Paul 'ntfo Setlaba. The per ioe! under rev iew has also witnessed an inczease in the nuraber s of men, women and children who have been imprismed and detained without trial. 1'hey still ,1an9Uish in prisons and camps. Moreover, the freedom fi~ter NelsQ1 Mandela is still im~isa1ed in spite of the deta:icxation in his health. He should have been released on purely humanitarian grounds. My delesation joins in the appeals to the South African regime fee the &.mcmditimal release of Nelsal Mandela and other political p: lsmer s and detainees. History has shown that apartheid cannot be reformed out of existence. This is a pipe dream. The regime is unreformable. It must be eradicated, exactly as stated in numerous General Assemly resOlutions. All the so-called constitutional reforlllS, phony bicameral a>uncils and local and municipal elections, which run cotnter to General Asseiibly resolutions, in particular resolutions 38/11 and 43/13, are merely cosmetic changes. They are cate~rically rejected by the internst10nal comm\l1ity as they are caltrary to the principles of the Charter and thited Nations resolutions. What is really needed is the establishment of a demoa:atic system baled on the political and social equality of all SOUth African citizens. This can be brouc#lt about only if the South African Government el'Ji)races the tenets of jw:stice and reco~izes the historical inevitability of the dismantling of the apartheid regime throuc#l genuine and sincere consultation with the resl African leaders in SOUth Africa, with a view to achieving majority rule and creating a system to which all the citbens of !buth Afr lea can belong, irrespective of race, colour or creed. This is the only viable ap1Zoac:h to eatablishing a genuine, democratic sooiety in SOuth Afrlce. Pretc.tria's continued CJnslau~t on the opponents of apartheid, including Church leaders, the imposition of ceNlarship, the recourse to detention and the baming of / ( ftl1 an~i-ap!rtheid activities show very clearly that that regime has no intention ~~' . ,': ;of putting an end to its obsolete policies, but rather intends to consolidate them /.: in ~actice ,and legislationo , ~ ; .. ' ~ The situation in t.i~uth Afr lea has developed into a ni~tmarE! that tortul'es the {' 'conscience of the internatiCllal community. Year after year, the General AsseJl'bly witnes'!l£!,s the infliction of more misery a~d suffering on the overwelming majority " at 'the hinds of the practitianer8 of the stmorrent apartheid policy. This SUffering continues because the II&jority rejects that policy and carries on the 11 truCJgle to PIt an end to th is atlhorren t regl_. A careful reading of the report of the Special Committee leads to the follow ing conclus ions. First, there is no reliable evidence that the apartheid policy can be eliminated. Ql tha cat trary, we see that the regime is resorting to behaviour aimed at consolidating this p:>licy by all p:>ssible means. Seccndly, the cCX\tinued state of emergency in ilouth Africa reflects increasing deterioration of the situation. This deterioration has led to the escalation of p:>pular resistance in an attempt to change this regime, ldlich is ana theme to all who cher ish human values. Thirdly, if the situation continues to deteriorate, the p:>ssibUity of a blood-bath in South Africa caMot be precluded. Slch a development CaMot be avoided under the policies of apartheid. This is a fr ightening fact, especially if we take into account the arbitrary policies of oppression of the r,cist Pretoria regime. Fburthly, continued trade, and the increasing economic and military CX)-operat1on between South Africa and Israel .,~ some other States help to perpetuate the apartheid regime and increase the suffer ing and aggravate the pI. ic#1t of the SOUth African people. It has become abtmdantly clear that this is the result of the close co-operatior! between the Pretor ia and the 'l'el Aviv regimes, whidl has been caldelllled by the thited Nations, especially the military collaba;ation. This increasing co-operation is neither new nor strange. These two racist ~egililes systellBtically use violence and ter~orism against the oppments of their r acis t policies and colon:lal setUement. They £loo t Un ited Ha tions resolutions and disdain the bade values and principles enshrined in the O1arter, the tbiversal Declaration of Ruman Ric#1ts and, indeed, any other international ins trumen ts • (M~. Al-Shlikar, Bahrain) tn the light of all this, the intc.!'natimal commWlity as ellbodied in the united Nations should take specific measures to pit an end to the apartheid regime and support the struggle of the SOU th African people by the imposition of col!llXebensive mandatory sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter, to ensure the eradicaticn wi thout fur ther delay of the inhuman policy of aear theid and to safeguard peace and stability in southern Africa. Q'1 numetous occasions Bahrain has ccndenned the atilorrent apar theid policy, which is contrary to the values and ideals of the glor ious Islamic shar ia, based on the Wlity of human hope, the equality of all people and the right of all to enjoy their basic r i~ts without regard to race, sex or religion. My coWltry once again declares that it supports all concerted internatimal efforts aimed at putting an end to the apartheid regime and at the establishment of a democratic society in wich all citizens can enjoy equal rights, wi thout discrimination as to race, colour or creed • In this respect, I appeal to the international ool'l'll\unity to continue its assistance and help to the PeOples of Azania in support of their legitimate struggle to put an end to the abhcrrent apartheid regime and enjoy their legitimate right to freedan, equality and self-determination. Mr. WAN IIJSSEIN (Malaya la)':, Malaysia is gravely concerned over the situation in south Africa. The brutal repcession of the majority black p'pulation by the I.&cist regime has oontinued with increctaing sever ity. The mass arrests, detentim and forced remOl1al o~ populations reflect the alarming desperation of the regime in the face of the relentl~s struggle of the black major ity against the evU and inhuman policy of apartheid • Malaysia has stated time and again that apartheid cannot be reformed.. The only way to accord the blade major i ty of SOuth Afr ica its legi timate r icj'lt to self-determination is by totally destroying the inhuman system ef institutionalized racism embodied in apartheid. This heinous system must be abolished if peace and stability are to be attained in SOuth Africa and in the southern African region.