A/44/PV.13 General Assembly

Thursday, Oct. 5, 1989 — Session 44, Meeting 13 — New York — UN Document ↗ OCR ✓ 3 unattributed speechs
This meeting at a glance
3
Speeches
0
Countries
0
Resolutions
Topics
Foreign ministers' statements Central Asian regional issues Global economic relations War and military aggression Economic development programmes General statements and positions

The President unattributed #13237
Th~ Assembly will first hear an address hy the President of the Republic of Colomhia. ~r. Virgilio Rarco Varqas, President of the Republic nf Colomhia, was ~scorted into the ~eneTal Assemhly qall.
The President on behalf of r unattributed #13239
On behalf of the r,eneral Assemhly, I have the honour to welcome to the iJni ted Nations the Prpsident of the> Rep'Jhl ic of ColombiCl, His ~xcell~ncy Mr.. Virqllio Bareo Vargas, and to invit~ him to address the Assemhly. Prp.sident BARCO VARGAS (interpretation from Spanish): O~ nehalf of thp. people and the Government of Colombia please accept our congratlllationi'\ and good wishes on your election, Sir, as President of the r,eneral ~ssemhly. I am sure that you wiJ 1 pr~side wl tt) distinction over the deliberatiol"\s of thi:;:; body, which brings tooether the community of nations. Let me also associate myself with those who :'~V~ already oraised the splendid work done hy your predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo. In ad~itionr may I p~y trih~te to the efforts of the Secretary-Gen~ral, ~avier ?ere~ de ~uellar, towards achiAving world peace. ~hiR i~ th~ l~st tim~ I shall address the General Assem~ly as Pr~sident nf ;':o)omhia. flowE>vE>r, T "lm here today not only .'IS PrAsidpnt of my country hutalsn as A ~iti7en nf the worl~. (President Barco Varqas) This is t."le last time T shall address the General i\ssembly as President of Colonbia. However, I am here today not only as Presid.:>nt of my country but al~o ~s a ci tizen of the wo::-ld. The terrible carnaqe of the Second World W~r qave birth to this body in the hope that nations standinq toqether uni ted co~ld prevent t'le qlobal madness t)f 50 years aqo from ever happening aqain. Since then, in spite of t.'le persistent efforts ')f the United Nations, mankind has continued to follow the destructIve path ~f. war in conflicts around the planet. nnly the unimaqinahle ne~astatinq ~onsequences of nuclear war ha·...e restrainer'! us from f;)llinq once aqa.in intl""l -3. woe Id-wide conflaqration. Yet, in spite of the fraqile armed pe~ce thus qe~erat~d, the ~orld has rem.-".lined ~t war. CO'1flicts qenerated by ideoll)gy, poverty, injl.15tice, excessi"!e :ilrnitif")ns, and no,.! increas inqly by narcotics, have scarred t..')e pe·Ace. Re:3pect for national :1over-eiqntY.lnderlies all o~tstr;,teQir:: ':.h:.'1~hq. Indeed, :'t i::; the basis for this TJnitE'd 1'Jati~ns. Yet 110\\' we fi.,d this newest threat, narcotics, and the dccompanyinq terroris'TI that payl;; no resper:t: to bvrde(.:;. We, the com.'TIunitl of natbns qat'lered here, Eind oUt"sel-'es under assalllt from an international c:iminal enterprise that respects none of our norms of sover~iqnty, border s or laws. To meet this new cllallp.l1qp. we ;nust. avail nu!selves of those core foundi'1Q values of the United Nations If we cannot nct toqether in the fa.ce of this 71enac,~, then we will be abettinq 11!'1restrained qrowth in t!1e -..ise of druqs and the violence they genera te. I ~m certain that Colollbia will defeat the irljq traffickers. But if. this ef.fort is not accompanied by a qlobal cot'mi.tment, then no 'Jictory can be achieJ·?<l. The recent qlobal outpcur inq of sol idar i t'/ and sl.1ppcr t for Colorrb ia oas ':le'?n a qreat encouraqement to us in t:'1ese difficult times. (?resid~nt Barco Varqas) A new era is upon us, an era as cri t i cal a~ the one that l.ed to the establishment of the Unit~d Nations. A new world war is beinq waqed by ~n aqqressor unrestrained by the tradi tional rtlles of enqaq~ment or hi' tl,,~ responsibilities of national ~overeiqnty. Thi~ aqqressor is an insi~iou5, qlobal criminal network wit.'l enormous power and reSOllr.ces, a crimi:\al ~nterprise th,:\!". feeds on the illeq,11 profits from the traffickinQ of druqs. As the Secretary-General sta tes in his rep.")rt to the :\ssembly th is v"~aJ, "Illicit use and traff.ic of druqs is now recoqnized as a social pLlque a fflictinq both developed and devel.::>pinq coun tr ies. "'1 thollqh efforts to contlat t"lis scourqe have intensifi~d in recent ~'ears, estimates sUQqest that the monetary value of druq traffickinq has recently surpas:;.:d that "f international trade in oil and is second only to the arms trade. It is .. chastening observation that humanity is so deeply mireo in the comlilerce of lieqradation and death." (A/44ft. P. 23) The members ()f t.'1ese crim.i.nal cdrtels were born in many nations" and many of their leaders are called Colorrbian. But whil~ some may halle been born in my country let me be clear: they are ~olo~~ian in name alon~. They are international fuqi tives on the run. They have no home. Colorrh ia is not their homeland. I am here today at the United Nations to l.3V out the stark re,~lities of thi~ 'liar aqainst druq traffickinq. Colorrbia is on the front line of t.'1is battle. For U,'3 this is no war of words. In Col·:>mhia the casualties of our struqqle have boen mountinq for some time. About one mont'1 aqo we suffered the traqic assassination of one ()f our finest national leaders, T.uis Carlos Galan. In many ways his death haG qalvanhed our nati.on and focused the attention of the world on this problem. But our war on druqs has been tak inq it!'> toll f.or years. We have lost 12 Supreme Court Justices, an Attorney General and a Minister of Justice. We have lost members of Congress, judges, mayors, scores of journalists, thousands of soldiers (President Barco VarQas) and policemen and tens of tho~sands of Colombian citizens who were committed to the cause of democracy. Followinq my announcement last monc~ of drastic measures usinq executive powers available under a staqe of sieQe, the traffickers in narcotics have continued to enqaqe in a cowardly reiqn of terror. They have threatened and retaliated against innocent families; they randomly strike at our cities and have bombed institutions such as our newspaper El Espectador that dare to speak out clearly against orqanized crime. (President Barco Vargas) In their aim to protect their illegal activities, the drug traffickers seek to destroy the will of our people and undermine our most precious institutions. Hear me well - they will fail. Colombia, one of the oldest and most stable democracies in Latin America, will prevail and emerge from this new trial stronger yet. In these past few weeks we have won some important victories. We are methodically breaking the back of the cartels, not just by confiscating and destroying many tons of cocaine: Colombian authorities actually capture almost 80 per cent of the cocaine seized in the world. But our offensive goes far beyond that. Those responsible for the assassination of Luis Carlos Galan have already been captured. Thousands of suspects have been apprehended and millions of dollars in property - processing plants, bank accounts, communications equipment, aircraft, boats, houses and ranches - have been seiz~: But all these victories will not be sufficient to win this war. That is why I am here today. Only through concerted international action can we hope to defeat the scourge of narcotics. The drug cartels have declared total war. This declaration of war is against the entire community of nations, against those whose young people are being poisoned by drugs and against those who, like Colombia, see their democracy and their institutions threatened by violence and terrorism. There are no boundaries to the death caused by the narcotics conflict, there are no safe ha~ens from nareo-terror - and now, there must be ne safe haven, anywhere in the world, for the narco-traffiekers. In this ~ar, the time has come for the community of nations to choose sides. It may be difficult for many here try agree that this is a global war: they may see it a.3 a scourge of this hemisphere alon~. Many, in factI do believe that cocaine is a scourge only of the Americas - produc~d in South America and consumed i~ North America. But that is not so, b~cause, even as we meet h~re today, the (President Barco Vargas) tentacles of drug traffick inq are reachinq into Europe and the Far East. The aqqressive search for new markets is no more respectful of oceans than it has been of borders. Wherever there are consumers there will be suppliers. And, indeed, cocaine is only one ugly manifestation of a much wider narcotics crisis. Make no mistake - th is scourge touches us all. In solidarity, as a col1ll'lunity of nations, this should be our plan of action. First, we simply must effectively stop the demand for these illicit druQs. It is the insatiable demand for druqs that fuels nareo-terrorism and is one of the greatest threats to democracy in Latin America. Those who consume cocaine are contr ibutinq to the assassination of my people by the cr iminal druq cartels. No doubt somebody a f~w blocks from this Hall, in one of this city's fashionable neiqhborhoods, tak inq h is usual dose of coca ine in the civil bed ca lm of his livinq room, would balk at th is description. Yet as sur ely as if he pulled the trigger he is the slayer of those Colonbian judges and policemen who have pa id wi th their lives for tryinq to uphold the law and delOOcraC)f. Every tactic and every weapon in the war against narcotics pales into insiqnificance when canpared to the need to reduce demand. The illeQal profits produced by drug consumption are simply too great. I am sure that in Colombia we will defeat the druq traffickers, but someon~, in some country, somewhere, will supply the dt ugs as lonq as the bus iness remains so profi table. This happened in the case of marijuana: when it became too expensive for druq traffickers to operate in Colorrbia, because of effective law enforcement, they moved to California, Hawaii and other places. The only law that th0 druq traffickers do nl1t break is the lar'" of supply and demancl. NO society, no matter how rich, can afford to have its sons and dauqhters poisoned by cocaine, heroin, marijuana or any ,')tiler deanlv dru'1. !n this reqarrl, President Bush's natif)nal druQ control ~trat~qy i;:; rt first :,t",p in the riqht (President Barco Vargas) direction. We must insist on the messaqe that illeqal druqs are ne! ther fashionable nor harmless, whether consumed at the qlitter inq parties of the wealthy or in the qhetto. Druq usecs need to understand that in this war they are in the ca~ of the enemy, alonq with those who produce and push drugs. Let me take this opportunity to say how mch I appreciate the initiative and leadership of the Prime Minister of Great Britain in her call for an international conference on the reduction of demand for nal7cotic drugs. Mrs. Thatcher has honoured me wi th her invitation, which I have accepted, to address the conference at its openinq meetinq next April. (President Barco Varqas) Secondly, our· efforts to reduce the supply of cocaine also depend on international co-operation in stopping the illegal trade in chemicals which are essential to the processing of this drug. Generally, nuch attention is qiven to the production and processing of drugs; for exa~le, too much emphas is has been placed on the cultivation of coca leaf in countries like Peru and Bolivia. Unfortunately, in contrast, little attention is given to controlling the supply of chemicals which are used to process cocaine and which come mainly from North America and Europe. None of them is manufactured in Colombia - all of those chemicals are snuggled into our country. Tightening controls on the manufacture and sale of those chemicals, as well as strengthening sanctions aga mst their illegal shipment, must be one of our highest pr lad ties. It takes more than coca leaf to produce cocaine. Without the needed chemicals there would be no narcotics. Let us exert pressure on the suppliers of those chemicals as firmly as we do on the poor peasant growers of coca leaf. Thirdly, the weapons used by the drug cartels to intimidate, maim and kill my people are not manufactured in Cololl'bia. They are found on the international arms market where even the most sophisticated weapons are easily and legally bouqht. Let us make no mistake about this: those who sell arms. to the nareo-terror ists are even more gu ilty than the addicts whose demand for druqs fuels violence. Last year Colombia presented a draft resolution calling for restrictions on arms sales, but unfortunately consensus could not be found at the United Nations. We can no longer wait while this deadly trade continues. It is essential to adopt special measures to reduce and control arms sales to drug traffickers and terrorists. I call on all the nations of the world to stop this madness and stop it new. My Government also views wi th extreme ser iousness the activi ties of foreign mercenaries in training and assisting narco-terrorists in Colombia. The international community must strengthen its condemnation of the murderous (President Barco Vargas) association of mercenaries with terrorists and drug traffickers. My Administration has not only condemned the presence of foreign mercenaries in our territory, it has also criminalized their ?ctivi ties and ordered their capture. These developments in Colonbia make an urgent and indisputable case for this I\ssent>ly to approve the convention outlawing these criminal activi ties. Fourthlv, international co-operation is an essential element in efforts to halt moneY-laundering. The drug cartels depend on the international banking system for the transfer of funds. A significant part of the criminal profits is invested in the industrialized nations - in bank accounts and bonds, in properties and in leqal bus inesses. Somehow our sense of jus tice is warped when a poor farmer \l,no feeds his family by growing coca is seen as a greater villain than the wealthy international banker ~o illeqally transfers millions of dollars of drug money that finances terrorist actions aqainst innocent people. If the international bankinq system co-operates, we can in the short term make great progress in the fight against the drug traffickers. Fifthly, each of us present here must press for the prompt ratification of the Vienna Convention. Painstakingly negotiated for many months, this convention includes specific action on a wide variety of fronts, from penalties for consumption to seizure of ships on the hiqh seas and confiscation of properties. Upon llri return to Colomia, ! shall introduce the Vienna Convention to the Colombian Conqress foe consideration and study. For this Convention to be effective, it must be ratified ann implemented bv the entire community of nations. I i In addition, I wish to recommend to this I\ssemblv two other multilateral initi::ltives: the first is to call a special session of this General ~sserrbly addressed to all aspects of the qlobal druq problem - consumption and production - which would consider urqent actiMls incl...1dil')q those I am suqgp.stinq today; the second 5 tep - and perhaps the most impor tant w~y of mak inq concrete proqr ess - is to establish an international working group at ministerial level. which would meet periodically to co-ordinate and refine specific anti-narcotics actions and to evaluate progress. (President Bareo Varqas) (President Barco Vargas) Sixth1y, central to poli Heal stability and maintenance of Colombia's democratic institutions is the strength of its economy. This is why international co-operatiOl to maint'3in a strong and stable economy is so vital. In spite of the enormous destabilizing power of drug trafficking, Colombia has been able to remain firm in its will to fight that international criminal organization. It is critical to note that our economy is not dependent on the income from this illeqal drug trade. In Colombia, that money is concentrated in speculative real estate activity and in money launderinq. Its contribution to the growth of our economy is marginal. Colombia is not - and will not be - a narco-economy. Three years aqo, I addressed the l\sseroly on the urgent ~ ~ed to fiQht absolute poverty. Rince then, my Government has embarked on an ambitious proqramme of social change aimed at transforming the livinq conditions of reqions traditionally excluded from the benefits of development. The results can already be seen. tn spite of the massive resources that the drug war requires, we will not relent in our pursuit of social change and economic progress. To that end, Colombia requires international and financial co-operation, but even more important is the adoption of commercial and trade measures which allow our economy greater access to markets in the industrialized countries and fair prices for our exports. The prime example is coffee, the traditional and principal source of income for Colonbian farmers. The International Coffee Agreement has recently collapsed, with the result that Colombia will lose more than $400 million this year in income. Sixty-one developinq countries stand to lose a total of $5 billion in income nent year. We need the help "f the United States and other countries to qet the Coffee Agreemel'lt "igned again. We cannot aEf,)rd to tall< idealistically of crop substitution in the case '.If. the coca l~e 'lIhile sabotaqinq CololtDian farmers' main cash crop and the country's larqest export. It is encour.aqinq to note that President Georqe Bush recently expressed his willinqness to co-operate in finding solutions to the problems that led to the rupture of the Coffee Aqreement. We eXPect that all other countr ies involved understand the ser iousness of the situation and the need to revive one of the most successful examples of international economic co-operation. The weakening of the conunoditii~s market only aqqravates the debt crisis. Foreign debt is a heavy burden for Latin America and is hinderinq economic qrowth. What is even more important, it is worsening the conditions of poverty for millions of Latin Americans. We must work tog,~ther to find realistic and effective solutions to this vital problem. There is yet another - and related - struqqle which has drawn the attention of the world and must be one of our highest pr iod ties in the decade of the 19905. It is, of course, the destruction of our natural resources and the deterioration of our environment. As I said recently in Manaos, in the meeting of member countries of the Amazon Co-opera tion Treaty, the industr ialized countries have an ecoloqical debt to all humanity. In less than two centuries, not only t'ave most of the native forests of Europe and North American been razed, but industrial production has brought pollution, acid rain and destruction to the ozone layer. This is an ecological debt to future generations of all the countries of the world who will have to live wi th the conse;Juences of the mindless way in which the developed countr ies have handled their natural resources. The way in which the industrialized nations can pay this debt is by directly contributing to third-world alternatives which preserve the environment, especially the tropical rain forests. I believe that these issues should be dealt with at the highest level of all Governments and of the United Nations. In Colombia we have already made progress in this respect. My Administration has already set aside more than 20 million hectares of rain forest and Indian reserves in the ~~azon region, an area much larger than many EIlropean countr ies. Let us pledge to pay this debt for future generations. If the narcotics problem were not a pr ior ity at this moment I would have spoken to the Assembly' today about another war: the struggle of the developing countries to eliminate poverty and social injustice. We should not lose sight of these fundamental goals. I would also have spoken in detail about the many important development projects we are promoting, the most important of which for the international community is the proposal to build a land bridge to link the Pacific and Atlantic oceans through Colombian territory. The railroads, highways and pipelines to be built will provide vital new links for global shipping. This is indeed a historic moment, and future generations will judge our actions. In this war on drugs there have been many heroes of many nationalities willing to give their lives. Many are well known, but even more are unknown. Luis Carlos Galan died because he dared to speak out. Guillermo Cano, the editor of El Espectadot, was gunned down because he would not be silenced. The thousands of soldiers and Colombian citizens who have fallen have died because of their commitment to this struggle. These brave men and women have not died in va in. The entire community of nations must build on t..'leir sacr ifice to defeat the curse of drugs. The record of human history is strewn W1 th the wreckage of failed civilizations. We nOtl face a new and global threat. We must act new befote it is too late. If we confront the narcotics manace with boldness and determination we can win. With international o:nnmitment and oo-operation, we can make this plague of the twentieth century obsolete. It is my cherished hope that the school children of the twenty-first century will learn about drugs and about terrorism only from their history books - the history of great plagues that were eradicated. We should be under no illusion~ about the burdens that lie ahead. Victory will take tine.. Winston Curchill might have been describing the road before us today when he told the House of Corranons in 1940: "Death and sorrCM will be the canpanions of our journey, hardships our garment, constancy and valour our only shield. We must be united) we must be undaunted". Let us declare today that together we shall use the last decade of th is century to bury the international scourge of drugs. tbgether we can and must succeed.
The President on behalf of General AsseniJly unattributed #13241
On behalf of the General AsseniJly, I wish to thank the President of the Jepublic of Colombia for the very important statement he has just made • Mr. VirgUio Barco var9as, President of the Republic of Colombia, was escorted from the General Assembly Hall.* Mc. Sahloul (Sudan), Vice-Pres ident, took the Chair. A<ENDA ITEM 9 (continued) GENERAL DEBATE Mr. OOLLlNS (Ireland): I extend to Ambassador Garba my sincere congratulations on his unanimous election to the office of President of the current session of the General Assenbly. His lonq exper i'-.nce at the United Nations and his commitment to the Organization and its central role in international affairs make him ideally fitted to exercise this office. We look forward to workinq under his expert direction. I should like also to pay a tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, for the efficiency and good qrace with which he carried out his functions. The tireless activities of the Secretary-General are the very core of the effectiveness of the Uni too Nations and I should like to assure him of our full co-opera tion and suppOrt as he carries out his vital task. The Foreign Minister of France has already addressed the Assenbly on behalf of the 12 member States of the European Community. My Government fully endorsed the views on the issues facinq the international col'll1\unity contained in that statement, which are commoo to all menbers of the Community. Fifty years aqo this month, as the Secretary-General reminds us in the introducticn to his annual report, world war began in Europe. When peace came at last, after six years of war, the building of the United Nations began - a siqn of hope risinq from the ruins of conflict. This was the second effort in this century to create an organization to settle conflicts be~een States and brinq an end to war. Unlike its predecessor, the Leaque of Nations, the United Nations was solidly founded; it has qrown and developed now for more than 40 years. At first, the Orqanization was limited in membership to those who had been allies in the war. Its primary concern was to ensure that no aqqressor would aqain brinq war on a (Mr. CoIlins, Ireland) qlobal scale. But over the years its concerns have widened as its menbership has qrown. It is new almost universal in its menbership. It has hastened the end of colon ialism and encouraged the transi tion to freedom and independence of many new States. Its concerns today extend to human riqhts and to issues of development as well as to disputes and conflicts between Sta tes. Our world of nation States has a vital need for such a universal orqanization. We have become increasinqly conscious of concerns at a qlobal level which far transcend the boundaries of individual States and affect the future of humanity as a whole. We must still work for the resolu tion of conflicts, an end to the arms race and the promotion of human riqhts and development. But now, in add! tion, we have become aware of an important new agenda. There are issues in relation to our fragile human environment on this planet and its preservation that can only be addressed only at a qlobal level. For this we need a universal organization and a co-operative approach with responsibility shared by all. It is vital that this effort be a global one. But it is also more d;; lficult to reach an aqreement within a universal orqanization, where many diverse interests must be reconciled. That is the new challenqe that we face. In seeking to meet that challenqe, we can count on a new and improved atmosphere in international relations. As we emerge from the shadc.Ms of the cold war, our hopes are greater than at any time since the United Nations was formed. The recent meetinq between the Foreign Ministers of the United states and the Soviet Union is encouraginq evidence that these two very important countries continue to build a relationship of confidence. That relationship is of importance for the whole world, most of all, perhaps, for Europe. The far-reaching domestic changes in several Eastern European countries, notably in Hungary, Poland and the Soviet Union, have playau an important part in improving the climate of East-West relations. Among the most important of those changes is the evident determination to ensure respect for human rights. Regrettably, full respect for human rights is not yet the norm throughout Eastern Europe. For egample, abuses of human riqhts affect larqe sections of the population of Romania and have caused larqe nunbers of the Turkish ethnic minority to flee Bulgar la. The Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe process has already been fruitful and has benefi ted Europe, and it must have a central place in any consideration of the situation in Europe as a whole. We will continue to urqe that all parties live up to the commitments they have freely made. East--West relations, however, cover only one sector of the concerns of the world community. Our focus 00 these issues, understandable though it may be, should not lEad us to ignore or neqlect the legi timate concerns of the rest of the ~orld. There must be no doubt that these concerns, too, will have our attention. There is a need, therefore, to widen the scope of our concern so that all nations will begin to bel'ieflt from the winds of political chanqe. The united Nations is well placed to help in that process. Threats to the very survival of life on our planet are the most immediate qlobal challenqes. They call for new international colflnitment and determination. The curbing and reversing of the arms race and averting the threat to the qlobal enVironment rank as' challenges of unparalleled importance. The arms race continues. Despi te some IR:)dest improvement~, enormous financial resources continue to be deployed, and wasted, in the quest for qrea ter sophistication ~nd superiority. Our enthusiasm for the current progress beinq made in arms-r~~ction talks cannot obscure that basic fact or relieve our concern. Nothinq short of the most deliberate and larqe-scale dismantlinq of forces and armaments seems likely to end the arms race. And until that happens, we will continue to live under the threats that those weapons pose. We are, of course, greatly encouraqed by the declared intentions of the two super-Powers to cut their strategic nuclear weapons by half and by the proqress beinq made towards conventional disarmament in Europe at the Vienna neqotia tions. Progress in those negotia tions mus t be accelera too. There is, however, a danger that the reduction in weapons nunbers may be canpensated for by the adoption of new and sophisticated weapons which are even more lethal and destabilizing than those in the arsenal at present. That would be a travesty of the disarmament process and must not occur. We are disturbed at the fa ilure so far to agree a coQ1:>rehensive nuclear-test-ban treaty. We welcome the aqreement by the Uni too Sta tes and the Soviet Union to make proqress towards ratification of less far-reachinq aqreements and to negotiate further limitations. We urge them to proceed to a complete ban. This is especially important as we approach the 1990 Review Conference of the Treaty Q'l the Non-Prolifera tion of Nuclear weapons~ The initiatives announced by the United States and thP. Soviet Union from this podium earlier in the week open the possibility of siqnificant proqress in riddinq the world of chemical weapons. We look to early mUltilateral aqreement on the cOtrplete elimination of these weapons of destructi«)n. The wor ld col11Tlunity has to see a real prospect of an end to this scourqe and we call for a serious effort towards that objective. Threa ts other than those posed by the arms race and armed oonflict have developed in a more subtle fashion. The damaqe to our environment now constitutes a danqer to the entire planet. The Earth°s very atmosphere is threatened bv our activities. Life-qivinQ resources are beinq destroyed by erosion, desertification and the devastation of tropical forests. Our rivers, lakes and seas are beinq poisoned with oils. chemicals and lonq-lastinq nuclear waste. Pollution from nuclear-weapons establish~~nts and the danqer arisinq from accidents involvinq nuclear-powe~ed and nuclear-armed vessels ad:j a further dimensioo to the threat. My Government is particUlarly concerned at the potentia 1 hazard of nucl61r submadnes. The danger is particularly acute in the narrow waterway of the Irish Sea, Where the submarine traffic of several nations is intense. Already, there have been many incidents involvinq darr~-::c to fishinq vessels by submarines travellinq submerqed. It is true that these are international water:>, and in the present state of international law such ,,.essels may pass freely throuqh them. But with ChernObyl and its effects felt throuqhout ~urope fresh in our minds. it takes no more than a little imagination to picture the disastrous c';)nsequences f.or neighbour ing countr ies such as mine if one of those submerqed nuclear reactors should meet wi th a really sec ious accident in narrow wa ters such as these. (Mr. Collins, Ireland) In the face of such serious dangers, it is not enough in my view to be concerned only about rights of passage established in another era. There is a need - a vital need - for a new sense of international responsibility on the part of the countries that operate these vessels in face of dangers undreamt of in previous times. We hold this planet in trust not just for ourselves and for future generations of mankind, but for all life. The health of the Earth depends on a fragile balance. We do not know ~~e consequences of upsetting that balance and upset it at our peril. The preservation of th~ health of the planet demands glohal co-operation. We must all promote and develop the rational, non-polluting use of the Earth's limi ted resources, and we must encourage the eeplen ishment of the natur.al her itage with which It'e have been blessed. Serious dehate is reqUired and serious decisions need to he taken, and the United Nations is well placed to move the world'~ Governments into action. Several important international conferences on the environment are planned, 3mong them the rood',>n Conf~rence next year of t~p. parties to the ~ntreal Protocol, which offers an opportunity to take more stringent measures to protect the ozone layer. The E~Jr"pe.ln COIll'nunity has a spo.cific responsihil ity in that aro:?il, and Ireland, which will ~o11 thp. CQ~munity pre~iden~y during th~t po:?ciod, will woc~ t~ the best of its abil ity to pr.)rrot~ sign i ficant ::>roqres~.• n~spit~ ,1 qceat~r spirit ,'If ~e,lco:? and an e.'1!';ing of int~rnation31 te'lsion b~twee:1 F.:a:it and ~"lest, instahility and turmnil r:o:1tinl.:(> to "ffect the riaily lilli~S (Mr. Collins, Ire~) conflicts in a number of countries and regions, including Afghanistan, Cambodia and Central America. Ireland shares the concern which the presidency expressed and the determination of the TWelve to play a constructive role in helping resolve these terrible problems. I would like to add some thoughts on two areas of conflict which are an affront to our conscience and sense of justic~. I speak of th~ Arab-Israeli confl ict and the inhuman system of apar~heid. In Gaza and the West Bank, a heavy toll has been exacted on the Palestin ian people, often the very young, in their resistance to occupation. We are dismayed by the lnethods used in attempting to quell the disturbance by force. The policy of repression is not only unjust, it is also unsuccessful. Ohly a political solution can end these deep-seated problems. We welcome the steady eVOlution of the Palestine Liberation Organization's position towards a politicdl ~ettlement of 'the Arab-Israeli problem. We also welcome the new momentum it ~as given to the peace process. A comprp.he~~ivp. settlement of the conflict must guarantee security for all States in th~ region and self-determination for. the Palestinian people. Within the framewori( of a n'!!g")tiated peace settlement, it is for the Palestinian people to ~'!!cide how it wis~~~ to exerci~e its riqht to self-determination. We will be contrib:lting what we r:an in the comin9 months to the ~ffort5 of the 'l\Ielve to 3dvancp. a comprehp.nsive settlement. (Mr. Collins, Ireland) Our hope is that the independent Palestinian State proclaimed unilaterallY last year will become a reality, as a result of an international peace conference under United Nations auspices. All the parties concerned - includinq the Palestine Liberation Orqanization, whose role in representinq the Palestinian people we have recoqnized - must participate directly in that conference. We have all been appalled at the devastation which many years of conflict have wreaked on Lebanon. We welcome the efforts currently beinQ undertaken by the three Heads of State of the Arab Leaque, and the indica tions that a settlement may at last be in siaht which will quarantee the sovereiqntv, unity and territorial inteqrity of Lebanon, and see the introduction of siqnificant political reforms and the wi thdrawal of all non-Lebanese troops - except, of course, the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon. The continued capture and holdinq of hostaqes is deeply distressinq. "'any families have been stricken; my own country has not been spared. Amonq the hostaaes beinq held is an I rishman, Br ian Keenan, who had been workinq in Beirut as a schoolteacher. Nobody has a riqht to hold innocent people hostaae; nobody has a riqht to visit so much sUfferina on people lJlo have no involvement in, and no responsibility for, the causes alleqedly beinq served. To those who hold these hostaqes and to those who may be in a position to influence these people, my appeal is a simple one: "Free the hostaqes now". In South Afr ica the shameful repression of the black population continues unabated. Bans on black political orqanizations and the black trade union movement remain. The detention of Nelson Mandela and other political prisoners continues despite numerous appeals for their release. Many representatives of the "'ass Democratic Movement have recently been arrested and remain in detention. (Mr. Collins, Ireland) In the most recent elections, black South Africans were aqain denied any voice in the political structures of their country. The elections were the very embodiment ef discrimination. It is hard to consider them as the prelude to t.~e abandonment of apartheid. Yet nothinq less will cio. We note the declared awareness now beinq displayed by the South African Government of the need for reform. It is lonq past time for real and meaninqful change in f;outh Africa. The South African Government must delay no lonqer in abol ish inq apartheid and in working with all the people of South Africa to build a society based on equality and justice. In Namibia, the looq-delayed process of independence has bequn under United Nations auspices. Ireland is honoured to be associated with this process thIOUqh the participation of Irish personnel in the United Nations Transition Assistance Group. I take this opportunity to reaffirm our support for the Secretary-General and his Special Representative in fulfillinq their roles. The next step - in Noveooer - is the holdinq of elections in which the Namibian poople must, wi thou t intimiciation, be free to express t..eir sovereiqn will. We are encouraqed by recent inl tia tives towards na tional peace in Anqola, and we also welcome indications of moves towards a settlement based on neqotiation in Mozambique. There is, in the cominq year, an opportunity for a qeneral improvement in the situation in southern Africa. This opportunity must be qrasped. We firmly believe that it is only throuqh deepeninq and strenqtheninq the admittedly fraqile ties on the Korean peninsula that tension can be reduced. In 1989, it is anomalous tllat the Korean peninsula is not represented in the United Nations, and W~ hope that this anomaly can soon be rectified. The observance of human riQhts has a central place in any consideration of the sta te of th e wor Id. It can no lonqer be isola teci or hidden bel'! ind national (Mr. Collins, Ireland) boundaries. Human riQhts are now a permanent and leqitimate aspect of international relations. My Government welcome this evolution. Nevertheless, it is clear that there are Governments which enqaqe in mass ive violations of human rights. Their conduct is an affront to the inherent diqnity of man and the conscience of humanity. The European COllVllunity President has already mentioned our concerns for the observance and restoration of human riqhts in a number of countries. We would like to emphasize that Ireland has been deeply saddened by events in China since June. The violent suppression of peaceful demonstrations and the series of arrests and executions which followed have left a deep scar. Irish public opinion has followed with concern the renewed threat to human riqhts in some countries of Central America. Effective action must be taken bV the Governments concet'ned to end abuses, to brinQ those responsible to justice and to put in place political structures which will make those abuses a thinq of the past. The United Nations role in peace-keepinq has been qreatly enhanced in the last two years. Ireland has been proud to play a full part in these efforts. Afqhanistan, Iran-Iraq and Namibia have shown the essential role that the United Nations and only the United Nations can play in the resolution of reqional conflict. Allow me for a moment, however, to reflect on what I miqht term the problems of success. The dispatch of peace-keepinq forces should be seen as a first step only in the resolution of conflict. It is not ala end in itself. Without the necessary POlitical will to reach a settlement, there is a qreat danqer that the peace-keepinq role of the Uni ted Na tions nay be ser iously eroded. The peace-keeping function, as it exists today or as further developed, re:Juires the firm financial commitment of all the Member States. It is vital, not (Mr. Collins, Ireland) least from the point of view of political credibility, that the financing of peace-keeping be put on a sound footing. The parties to regional conflicts have clear responsibilities which do not end with the deployment of United Nations peace-keeping forces. The United Nations peace-keeping role WaS designed not to replace, but to facilitate, the peace-keeping obligations of those parties. If the obligation to move beyond a mere cessation of hostilities is accepted, we, the Members of the United Nations, should be prepared to entrust further responsibilities to our Organization. r hope that we might see the role of the United Nations develop further in the direction of peace-promotion by encouraging the conditions in which democracy can grow and flourish. There is scope for greater United Nations involvement and more USe of its expertise in election-monitoring. The Organization is, in fact, as the Secretary-General has pointed out, increasingly called on for this. Shortly, under United Nations supervision, the people of Namibia will elect their first independent Government. Other elections or referendums are proposed or are possible in several other areas beset by tension. The attitude towards elections has also begun to change in many parts of the world where democratically elected Governments have not been the norm in the past. We should carefully consider the possibilities for greater United Nations involvement in this process. There may also be a role for the United Nations in undertaking related tasks in the furtherance of democracy, perhaps through the promotion of international standards for free and honest elections. We cannot m~nage the welfare of this planet if we ignore the well-being of those of its people who are denied its fruits because of underdevelopment. We must move towards bridging the deep divide between rich and poor countries, between de'1eloped and developing. The 1980s have in many cases been a lost decade for (Mr. Collins, Ireland) development. Among the problems facinq developinq countries, the debt problem looms larqe. In many cases, it is countr ies wh ich are least able to do so that are being the greatest debt burdens. A resolution of the debt problems besettinQ third wor Id countr ies calls for urqent and continuinq attention on the part of both the the reduction of the debt burden. lenders and debtors alike. We welcome the widespread acceptance of the need for The gap separating the least developed of the third world countries has widened further. The problems of the least develoPed sub-Saharan countries are particularly alarming. The international community must consider mor~ effective and timely acticn to assist and alleviate the growing crisis that they face. The resolu tion of the problems of the world's developinQ countries will not occur overniqht. It can come about only if sustained efforts on their part are suppor ted by the interna tional community. Those of us in the more developed countr les should not imaqine that we are insulated from the problems created by underdevelopment. If, out of dire necessity to provide food or to repay debt, c)evelopinq count:ries choose environmentally wnsound path, we will all suffer. Damaqe to the env ircnment anywhere in the world aU::,cts us all. It would be traqic if the developinq countries were to repeat the mistakes of the developed world. We can avoid t."lese enviroomental consequences only if we tackle with determination the problem of underdevelopment. The Onit~d Nations system can play an il'lPQrtant role in further-ina the economic advancement of developinq countries and in strenqtheninq ecooomic oo-()peration for the benefi t of all. fieveral important conferences devoted to development, inclucHnq i'1 special sess ion of the General Assemblv, are beinq o:>o\'enoo. The fourth international development strateqv i, beinq elaborated. In this or(,cess, develop~ and developinq countries alike will be able to commit thelt\!'.el'JeG anew to decis i'le anti effect ive co-operation to ach ieve lastinq solutions to the prohlems of t,"le develooinQ world. 'Ibqether, we must worl( to mal(e the 1990s a r\~cad'" of <3'?nuine df"lelooment. No 'Hsc\Jsgio"l of ql.·Jbal questions can be complete without reference to the !';~as, which cover t:lt;' taraer part of the Earth's surface. The Convention on the :..l'''' of t:H~ ;:;p.<l is ,.1 mi ter;t()O(;> in the "'listorv of international law-makinq and c')-opf.?nltlon, which must not b~ allowed to fail. Universal acceptance of its .Jrr"h·L~ir)"l" ,;:till "'llJde!':: us b~1u5e some elements rel.'ltinq to the reqime for the r.o-3-h--d !,l.)\t.~ {"''It found ~eneral acceotanc~. We believe, however, that there n0\17 achievino a un iversally acceptable convention. We hope that there will be the widest possible participation in this process. For 20 years - since Auqust 1969, when the Irish Government made an urqent plea for the involvement of the United Nations to stem the tide of violence that threatened to engulf Northern Ireland - successive Foreiqn Ministers of Ireland have reported annually to the General Assembly on developments in that troubled part of our island. Twenty years on, the situation in Northern Ireland remains of central conCern to lW{ Government and continues to claim the attention of the interna tional community. The conflict in Northern Ireland is, Hrst and foremost, a human traqedy. We must ne\1er lose a sense of the sadness and loss that lie behind statistics of death and injury. This was brouQht home to us most forcefully in the past week by the utterly senseless killinq of 10 younq British army bandsmen in southern Enqland. The perpetrators of this atrocity stand condemned bv both the British and the Irish Governments and peoples and by world optn ion. But our human sympathy for the victims of violence, instinctive and deep as it is, and our urqualified condemnation of. its perpetrators are not in themselves sUfficient. As public representatives, we have a responsibility to work actively and imaqina tively to achieve poll tical solu tions to the underlyinq poli tical pr ob lerns. Central to the situation in Northern I reland are some of the same elements that are at the heart of a number of conflicts elsewhere in the world. It is a society divided by radically different interpretations of history, different Se1ses of identity, and different aspirations for the future. The very complexity of such conflicts nefies any simple solution. There is no easy formula for harmonizinq memories and reconcilinq aspirations. A minimum first step, however. is to seek to identify those elements that are essential to an endurinq solution • The fundamental prerequisite for proqress is equality. Its presence may not quarantee a resolution of the problem, but its absence will surely mean that a settlement will continue to evade us. Only on the basis of equality can we conduct an open-minded dialoque leadinq to reconciliation. Confidence in the essential fairness and equality of thp system is fundamental to any healthy society. It was the tota1, and well-founded. absence of that confidence on the part of the nationalist minority in Nor th er n Irelanc't that formed the backqround to the fateful events of autunn 1969. Many of the bas ic civil riqhts demands articulated then have received a response in the 20 interven inq years. More have been answered since the siqnature. in 1985. of the Anqlo-lrish Aqreement. which haf as one of its basic objectives the achievement of equality of treatment for all. In the past year. for example. new fair-employment leqislation for Northern I reland has qone on the sta tu te books, and we now look to the effective implementation of that leqislation. However, action on t."le economic front has to be sustained, and equality in the distribution of economic resources has to he developed. Althouqh a l~acy of economic discrimination is not easily shaken off. wi th determina tion on the part of a 11 involved it must, and will, bl? A.s fundamental as economic equality must be confidence on the part of the community qp.nerally in the essential even-handedness of all t."e instruments of Qovernment, includinq the adninistration of justice and the operation of the security forces. If that confidence is absent, there will inevitably be an erosion of mor a 1 and POlit i ca 1 all thor ity. My Government han consistently POint~d to the need for the security forces in Northern Ireland to win the trust of the nationalist community. In -1rticular, we have focused, over the past year, on the urqent need to adtiress the problem of harassment of thc nationalist community by elements within the security forces. We have had to reqister our deep concern at the involvement of melTbers of the security forces in the most serious of crimes, including murder, and at the qrowinq evidence, in recent weeks, of collusion between menbers of the security forces and loyalist paramilitaries. We have also had to protest at decisions, within the past year, to allow soldiers to resume service after they had been found Quilty of most serious crimes in Northern Ireland. We have raised these concerns with the British Government in the ~nqlo-lrish Intergovernmental Conference. We are convinced that only the most effective and urqent response can repair the damaqe done b'y' these recent developments. Despite such set-backs. we must continue t~ work for political proqress. I believe that the ~nqlo-lrish Aqreement - recently fortified by the review of its workinqs - plays a crucial role in this reqard. But the effectiveness of the Aqreement as a framework for reform, co-operation and political proqress must be develOPed continually by both Governments. Likewise, the differences that, ine"i tably. will arise from time to time between Dublin and London in the opera tion of the Aqreement must be tackleii resolutely and overcome, and the two Governments must. toqether, demonstrate their firm commitment at illl times to movinq the Agreement forward. Never has t.'ere been such a vital need Eor innovative and ,-:r:e3tive thinkinQ wi th in, and about, Nor th er n I r eland ~ never has th er e been or e"l ter urqency abOIl t translating such thinkinq into practical steps forward. Both t'.he British and the Irish Governments, as well as both sectors of the community in Northern Ireland, have responsibilities in this regard. For our part, ~e must - 3S we no - strive to understand that mix of etrotions, interests and loyalties from which unionism dra ....s its character and strenqth. We have continually to remind ourselves of unionists' (Mr. Collins, Ireland) fears. We have to ensure that our friendship is not mistaken for threat, and our genuine concerns dismissed as one-sided complaints. The Irish Prine Minister - the Taoiseach, Charles Haughey - has repeatedly made clear that tht:~ Irish Government wants to enter a new dialogue with unionists. Our door is open, and we stand ready to advance to meet our un ionist colleagues in mutual respect and friendship. We say directly to the unionist le'1ders that there is nothing to be lost - nei ther self-respect nor poli tical advantage nor integrity of position - by meeting with us to discuss together how we can share our island. The gain will be for all the people of Northern IrelClld who long for leadership out of the present p)litical impasse. We will address the per iod ahead with the same unswerving conuni tment to a resolution of the problems of Northern Ireland that inforll'ed our apprcach to this Organization 20 years ago. On that occasion, the then Irish Foreign Minister em(ilas ized tha t "Differences in p)litical outlook or religious belief need not set people apart ••• the real barriers are those created by fear, suspicion and intolerance ". Today, I again evoke that sentiment, applicable not just in tbrthern Ireland but in so many situations worldwide. If our discourses at this annual debate of the General Assembly do anything to enlarge understanding or to help lower those barriers, they will indeed have preYed worthwhile. • The united Nations proved its value as the forum in which all questions of qlobal concern should be resolved. The opportunity exists to make further procu:ess in puttinq into practice many of the principles of the Charter which up to I'\OW ha\'e been only imperfectly observed. We note qratefl.lJ.ly that many of the tensions and rivalries that have bedevilled the conduct of international relations over the vears are now part of the past. We are therefore faced with a unique opport:Jnity. We know that the heritaqe of future generations is threatened and th.'it action has to be taken soon to protect our environment. We know that an unchecked arms race is not addinq to our security but takinq from it. We know that assalJlt on the human riqhts an1 diqnity of the individual in any country io; an assault on us all. We know that we cannot sit passive and uninterested as reQional conflicts and tension continue and fester. ~nd we know that the problems of the poor and the underdeveloped will not solve themselves wi thotJt new and better directed support. We must beqin to move closer tl') the q0.11 ~f a more j\lst. more secure, f3.irer and cleaner world and we now have a real opportunity to work for proqress towarrls those aims throuqh this Or<:tanization. Mr. ~L-K~LIFA (Bahrain) (interpretation from Arabic): It Qi~es me pleasure to start by conqratulatinq Ambassador Garba of Niqer ia on his election as President of the General Assenbly at its forty-fourth session and wishinq him success in directinq its proceedinqs. I should also like to convey our thanks and appreciation to Mr. Dante Caputo who, as President of the Asserrbly at its forty-third session, quided our proceedinqs with admirable efficien~{. I cannot fail to refer in that respect to the annual repOrt of the Secretary-General on t."te work of the Orqan iza tion as a complete record ,)f tli n issues and topics competently addressed by the United Nations since the forty-third session. I avail ffiyself of this opportunity to eKpress our utmost appreci~tion to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, for the prominent role he has assumed in this reqard and for his unrelentinq efforts to promote the role of the Orqanization in t.'le maintenance of peace and security and in the achievement of the objectives of the United Nations Charter. This session convenes in an atmosphere of international detente character bed by a spirit of dialoque, the buildinq of bridqes of trust and cO-Qoeration amonq States and the solution of international problems by peaceful means rather than by confrontation and resortinq to the use of force. Durinq the past two vears, the world ha!; witnessed an enerqetic move towards resolvinq some of the chronic reqional conflicts which, for many years, have been a source of concern to the international community. We al~o witnessed a collective tendency towards streuqtl1eninq the role of the United Nations in c:ontrollinq the hotbeds of tension in seI1eral critical area~ of the world. At the beqinninq of th is month I eaders of the non-a Uqned countr ies met in Belqrade to examine and assess t.h~ international ~ituat:ion and to dis<:IIS3 the latest developments on the road to ~aceful coexistence, the coexistence wh ich constitutes the main objective of the Movement. The wills of the Member States of the MDvement converqed on the 'leed to improve the methods for dealinq with in terna tional problems, in order to keep pace wi th the la test developments tha t have taken place on the world sc~ne, and to devise a unified conception of. an inteqrated st&:ateqy for a future in which co-operation in all fields will prevail. The lessons of history and the exper iences of the past have proved to us that pr eserv inq th e vi ta li ty of the role of the Un i ten Na tions in the ar ea of international co-operation must remain a fundamental constant in our chanqinq world. That is because we live in a world where boundaries overlap and interests and relationships intertwine to such an extent that it is impossible for any individual State, no matter how powerful or how great its potential, to isolate itself within its own boundaries and solve its problems alone and apart from the outside world. The improvement we are witnessing in the relations between the two major blocs confirms our conviction that differences in political philosophies and ideologies should not impede the accommodation of different interests, nor should they haml~r co-operation between States with different political and socio-economic systems. Proceeding from this perspective it can be said that the decade of the nineties heralds drastic changes in the course of international relations, as \·],~ll as positive trends and constructive steps to develop the concept of collecti~e security, a concept which once was only a vision in the minds of the architects of the Charter. Such new changes and trends would, h ben, develop multilateral international co-operation in the coming ye.ns for the pronntion and advancement of the international community to the benefit of mankind and human civilization as a whole. Durinq the lQaos, t~e United Nations has had to tac~le various global political, economic and social problems. The United Nations fulfilled the tasks entrusted to it and has be.en able to adjust to this changing world. It has thus asserted its credibility and ensured its future "iability. The extent of the change in the working methods of the Organization in response to new developments on ",.he world scene becomes evident from even a quick glance 1t the items on the agenda of success ive sess ions of the Gener al Assemb ly., However, the er iter ion for: measuring its success in carrying out its future responsibilities will no doubt be decided by how much it can absorb the facts of the new era and conform to them in order to address the issues of the environment - poverty, famine, disease 3:1<1 natur al disas ter s. (Mr. Al-Khalifa, Bahrain) It goes without saying that the United Nations cannot carry out these vital tasks without the contribution of every State towards finding an appropriate formula for achieving interdependence among nation~ in a new world where the human race is perceived as an indivisible whole. Allow me in this context to concentrate on three main issues which we feel should be dealt with seriously and effectively. The issues should be given close attention by the United Nations so that appropriate solutions may be found to them. The First such issue is the pronot ion of peace and securi ty in the world. Progress achieved in the peacefUl solution of certain regional conflicts has aroused a feeling of optimism in the international community, a feeling which often leads us to believe that real possibilities for finding just and lasting solutions to the pending international problems do exist. However, when it comes to the question of Palestine, such hopes dissipate as Israel reveals its true intentions abou t peace • Over the four decades since its founding, Israel's talk of peace has remained one of many empty slogans r since its response to ~rab peace initiatives was invariably to consolidate its occupation, refine its methods of oppression and intimidation of the Palestinian people, demean their dignity and violate their human rights. Then came the heroic intifadah which wore out the Zionist entity. Having despaired of suppressing it, Israel believes that by sowing di.ssension in the Palestinian ranks and by absorbing international pressures through what it calls the Shamir election initiative, it can quell that intifadah. (Mr. AI-Khalifa, Bahrain) The awareness and steadfastness displayed by the Palestinians, however, came contrary to all Israeli expectations and accounts. The Palestine Liberation Organization (PtO), the sole and 1eqitimate representative of the Palestinian people, was able to face up to the Israeli manoeuvre by assertinq wisely and objectively that free elections canno·t be held under occupation, nor can they be held away from international supervis ion. Such elect ions should take place within the framework of a comprehensive peace process in which Israel declares its acceptance of the principle of "land for peace". At the core of the peace process in the Middle East is the exercise by the Palestinian people of their riqht to self-determination in their own national soil and to establish their own independent Sta te. It would be totally unjust to pay heed to the alleqations advanced by Israel about the danqers inherent in establishinq the Palestinian State, since such alleqations are null and void and desiqned to help Israel overcome the dilemma of the intifadah in whidl it has been fumblinq blindly for nearly two years. We therefore appeal to the General Assenblv to call upon the Security Council to impose international leqitimacy in accordance with General Assembly resolution 43/176, which defines the foundations of a just peace between all parties involved in the Arab-Israeli conflict as well as urqently conveninq the international pence conference under the auspices of the United Nations as the appropriate vehicle for findinq a realistic solution to the Middle East problem. In the interest of of establishinq a just and lastinq peace in the Gulf area, the State of Bahrain since the very beqinninq welcomed the cease-fire between Iraq and Iran and the commencement of neqotiations between them under the auspices of the United Nations. While supportinq the efforts of the Secretary-General aimed at conciliating the viewpoints of both parties and narrowinq their differences, we are hopeful that both countries will be able to arrive at a formula for a durable, J Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library comprehensive and just pe:lce between them thro"qh the implementation of Security Council resolution 593 (1987) in all its provisions, since that resolution is a comprehensive pe:lce plan, as well as by adherence to the principles of qood neiqhbourliness, non-interference in internal affairs of other countr les and the establishment of relations on the basis of nutual trust and respect. Reqardinq the Lebanese crisis, 15 years of a bloody strife have failed to ensure security or stability for Lebanon. They have convinced all Leba~ese factions of the necessity of findinq through dialOQue a peaceful solution that will achieve national accord in order to ensure the country's future and preserve its unity free from all external interference. We therefore urqe all people of Qood will and appeal to their conscience to support the efforts of the tripartite Arab Hiqh Committee. In welcoming the resumption of its efforts to end the Lebanese crisis we earnestly hope that all parties concerned will co-operate with the Committee in order to enable it to fulfil its task and that all parties will beQin to implement its resolutions for the good of Lebanon and its people. The riqht to self-determination is orqanicallv linked to the question of prollOtinq pooce and security in southern Africa. We have followed with interest the efforts of to.he United Nations and the endeavours of its Secretary-General to implement Security Council resolution 435 (1978) on the independence of Namibia. We look for~'ard to the day when an independent Namibia will take its place in this very Hall and we consider that to be one of the important achievements of t.~e United Nations in its ceaseless quest to eliminate colonialism and support every people's struqqle for freedom and national indr>pendence. Oespi te the pas iti\1e and encouraqinq developments in southern Afr iea, the Pretoria regime continues to persist in its racist and inhuman policies. We therefore rena.t our call to the international community to continue its efforts aimed at completely eradicatinq the policies of apartheid in South Africa and at . j the establishment of a demcratic fraternal society in which freedom, justice, equality and respect for hUlllan rights prevail. As for the situation in Afghanistan, we hope that the United Nations will continue to utilize its capabilities and use its qood offices to find a solution to the prevailing si tua tion there that will enable the Afqhan people to choose the POlitical and social system acceptable ·to it, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly. It is regrettable also that the question of Cyprus remains unresolved and that the split bet.ween the two Cypriot communities continues to exist. In this reqard I should like to reiterate Bahrain's support for the unity of Cyprus, its independence and non-aligned status. We hope that the bi-communal dialoque conducted under the auspices of the Secretary-General will make proqress. We hope too that direct dialoque between the two parts of the Korean peninsula will improve relations between them and help realize the aspirations of the Korean people for a restoration of their national unity. The second issue, which is ne less important than the first, is that of qldJal developmenc. It poses a major challenge to the international community in its persistent endeavour to lay the foundations of economic and social progress and improve the standards of livinq of people throuqhout the world, as envisaged in the Charter. The riches of our world are distributed very unevenly. In this era of the corquest of space and impressive scientific and technoloqical advancement, it is no longer tolerable to fin,id that poorer nations continue to struqqle for survival under circumstances of extreme austerity which have already led to unstable political, economic and social conditions in them. Indeed it is distressing that more than one fourth of the world's popula tion should lack adequate shelter and that 100 million people should be wi~~out shelter altoqether. While deJIDgraphic and social indicators can explain the magnitude of the traqedy in the countr ies of the third world, nevertheless it is underdevelopment that is the most complex and serious problem of our times. The international community is facing an acute crisis as a reSUlt, inter alia, of structural illlbalances in the world economic order: the widening qap between the developed and dev~lopinq countries, the majority of which is still sufferinq from external debt problems; deter iora ting terms of trade, and unstable ra tes of exchange. These factors have corrbined to produce a negative phenomenon reflected in the reverse transfer of financial resources from developinq to developed countries and a marked impasse in the North-South dialogue. Solving the debt crisis requires, in the first place, the elaboration of a new plan for the development of the third world and that creditor countries recognize the need of debtor na Hons to be able to negotia te collectively on the bas is of an integrated programme to be developed following a realistic examination and through joint co-ordination, in order to brinq about a more effective and global policY. The current international situation provides a propitious opportunity for the success of sum an ini tia tive. The present improvement in the interna Honal atmosphere must be exploited to qive new impetus to multilateral co-operation so that feasible, permanent solutions to the third world debt crisis can be found. It is now widely recognized that, so lonq as the arms race continues, development cannot be fully achieVed. Althouqh the world has witnessed a rapid arms race during the previous three decades, present possibilities are promisinq: disarmament proposals, includinq ini tia tives for the reauction of conventional weapons, ar~ beinq considered by the States merrbers of both the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Warsaw Pact. The success of such initiatives would surely be of great help in reducinq tensions in Europe and in re-orienting in terna tional efforts towards compr eh ens ive development proqrammes. (Mr. Al-Khalifa, Bahrain) While disarmament and arms reductions are pre-requisites for development, economic inteqration is the most important element of its synerqy and the most noticeable canpooent of its success. Economic inteqra Hen has become an important, developmental necessity dictated by the demands of our times in the context of current world developments, and is one alternative for solving the economic problems of developing countries. We are livinq today in an era of major economic groupings based on a balancing of interests and interdependence. While most of the successful economic qroupings today are composed of developed countries, it is the developinq countries that are in dire need of such institutions to enable them to achiE!\1e economic inteqration and build societies of progress and prosperity for their peoples. The European Community was the first to succeed in buildinq the edifice of economic inteqration that will culminate in an economically united Europe in 1992. Similarly, the Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) has, since its inception in 1981, followed the same course for achieving the integration of its six member States on their way to sacio-economic uni ty • Stressing the importance of such reqional co-operation, Shaikh Isa Bin Salman Al-Khali fa, the Amir of the Sta te of Bahrain and Chairman of the current session of the GCC, has said, "Developments in our contemporary world, together with the interrelationship of international interests and their continuous interactioo with changing events, have dictated political, economic and social tendencies towards co-operation and inteqratioo within the various regional qroups, leadinq them to unite their entities, thus keeping Pace with the March of time and the proqress of the human race. It was from th is premise that the Gulf Co-opera tion Council emerqed as one of the most important, if not the most important, achievements of ou:, req ion. 11 (Mr. Al-KhaHfa, Bahrain) Since the signing of the Unified Economic Aqreement in 1981, the Gce States have taken steady steps toward economic inteql~ation throuah expandinq the Gulf common market and acceleratinq economic development. The Manama Declaration issued by thG ninth summit meetinq of Bahrain held in Decen'ber 1988, affirmed the determination of the States melTbers of the Council to continue workiM jointly to attain the aspirations of their peoples. The Supreme Council also adopted a nunber of important resolutions which involved encouraqinq the establishment of joint industrial ventures, reinforcinq the principle of Gulf citizenship, permittinq the ci tizens of GCC Sta tes to own shares in the joint stock compan ies active in the economic field, and equal tax treatment for citizens of all GCC States in the arE;'a of investments. This year has also witnessed the birth of two other similar orqanizations~ the Council for Arab Co-opera tion and the Arab Maqhreb Un ion. The GCC welcomed the establishment of both of these new Arab groupinqs as a qualitathe and essential development s.trenqtheninq relations between the States menbers of the Leaque of Arab States and as a channel for natural conununicathn between them and the United Nations with a view to achievinq the reqional development that the Charter encouraqes. We are certain that the three Arab groupinas will effectively endeavour to evolve co-operation at the reaional level and prorrote the process of economic inteqration, thus contributina to the welfare and prosperity of the Arab rea ion. The phenomenon of the spread of narcotic ~ruas has become a factor impeding progress and '.mdermininq the very foundations of societies, particularly through its devastatinq effects on younq people, who are an impOrtant pi llar of development. I slam has fouaht the abuse of narcotics and hanned their use for a 11 but scientific and medical purposes. 'rhus, our Islamic jurisprudence (Shari''!) has (Mr. Al-Khalifa, Bahrain) provided us with an invincible bastion of ethical values that has limited the spread of this phenomenon in our societies. Despi te the fact that more than 30 years have elapsed since the launchinq of the international campaiqn against the abuse of narcotic druqs, this problem is still with us, albeit ,in varying degrees of severity from country to country. The whole world today is organizing concerted efforts and intensive campaiqns against druq addiction and illicit traffic in narcotic druqs, which are destructive activities and a crime against humanity as a whole. In accordance with the teachings of our Islamic religion, the State of Bahrain has qiven its maximum attentioo to avoidinq the spread of narcotic druqs and drUq addiction within its boundar ies, and has promulqated a ser ies of laws to proh.ibit the use of, addiction to and circula Hon of narcotics and illicit traffick inq in them. Proceedinq from our keen desire to contribute to the international campaiqn aqa inst the abuse of narcotic druqs, and in support of in terna tional co-opera tion for eradicating this danqerous phenomenon which affects various cross-sections and aroups of human societv, the State of Bahrain has decided to accede to the following conventions: the Sinqle Convention on Narcotic Druqs of 1961 as amended by the 1972 Protocol; the Convention on Psychotropic Substances of 1971; and the United Nations Convention aqainst Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Druqs and Psychotropic Substances of 1988 - which we signed yesterdav. The third issue, the environment, is closely linked to the previous issue, since development and the environment are indivisible. Today, I do not think there can be any disaqreement on the importance of preservinq the mechanisms that ensure the renewal of the biosphere in order to protect the future I)f humanity. The problems of a ir pollution, cieserti fica tion, the transfer of wastes, pollution of the seas and oceans, the depletion of the ozone laver, and other problems, are at the forefront of the list of international concerns owing to their negativpimpact on humanity's present and future. The world today has reached a stage where some economic development programmes are threatening the environment wi th irreparable damage. Such damage could even endanger the elements themselves and the balance of nature's cycle on which the very survival of planet Earth depends. Our view of the wor Id we live in has undergone a cOllspicuous transformation. It is a view of ceaselessly evolving and constantly changing world. This vision requires a new international strategy for development governed by the principle of the imperative of concordance and harmony between the objectives of development and the requirements for preserving the environment, a strategy that would serve mank ind wi thout endangering its fa te. Thus, environmental preservation is no longer limited to merely selecting appropriate methods to deal with certain accidents or to adopting a series of measures designed to deal with each case separately, but calls for an approach which seeks to eliminate the contradictions between the rationale behind the strategies for economic development and that which governs the policies for preserving the environment. Hence we welcome the initiatives put forward in this respect, particularly the proposals of the committee presided over by Mrs. Gro Harlem Brundtland, Prime Minister of Norway. We believe that those proposals constitute a good basis for revitalizing international co-operation in this field and for intensifying efforts with a view to finding an approach which would ensure safe development. (Mr. AI-Khalifa, Bahrain) In this regard, we also support the convening, in 1992, of the United Nations Conference on the Environment and Development to deal with the major issues facing our contemporary world in the context of social and economic development r as well as the implementation of the recommendations of the Global Committee on the Environment and Development, and the Environmental Pe~spective to the year 2000 and beyond, in addition to formulating a programme for future activities in this vital area. The international community is at present undergoing a process of radical transformation, a process which will be reflected, in one way or another, in the components of the existing world order. A characteristic of such historical transformation is the presence of thesis and anti-thesis, the synthesis of which would help to make progress. Consequently, the future of the world is dependent upon the stability of the process of confidence-building among nations and upon how deeply rooted are the yearnings for the unity of human fate in the face of major challenges, foremost among which are the strengthening of peace, the promotion of development and the preservation of the environment. As a focal point for international action, the united Nations must, at this important phase in the history of mankind, evolve its role in order to achieve the common objectives which are dictated by mutual interests. It must endeavour to restore the unity of humankind in all its aspects, so as to overcome the narrow self-interests of States and provide for the role of the human being in rehabilitating this Earth and preserving its civilization. We need not recall today that we stand at the threshold of the twenty-first century, with the responsibilities and obligations that implies. This should prompt us to close ranks around our Organization to ensure that it proceeds towar.ds bright prospects and a prosperous future for coming generations. Mr. SAVETSILA (Thailand): On behalf of the Thai delegation, permit me to extend to Ambassador Garba our warmest congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the Ggneral Assembly. His recognized wisdom, proven diplomatic skill and strong dedication will undoubtedly contribute to the successful work of this Assembly at an important juncture in the life of the United Nations. We are grateful to Nigeria and, indeed, to Africa for providing us with the services of one of its most distinguished sons. Permit me also to take this opportunity to pay tribute to Mr. Dante M. Caputo, President of the forty-third session, for the leadership, dedicat10n and wisdom he has shp" _ over the past year. May I also extend our warm felicitations to all the Vice-Presidents of the General Assembly. While representing the different regions of the world, they also reflect the universality of the United Nations.* Developments over the past year enable me to maintain a high degree of hope and optimism. Twelve months ago, I stood here at tn;s podium and welcomed a new and more encouraging trend in international affairs: a trend towards peace and accommodation) a trend towards co-operation and consensus among the per~nent members of the Security Council; a trend towards what I called "a new world order of peace and j~stice". It is a trend that I believe continues to be discernible. But it is also clear that numerou~ and substantial tasks remain before us. Detente and relaxation of tensions among the major Powers have not been translated in all cases into resolution of outstanding regional and global issues. In many cases, what is urgently required is a more active intervention on the part of an impartial international body such as the united Nations. The time is ripe * Mr. Vraalsen (Norway), Vice-President, took the Chair. _----L- J Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library for the United Nations to act with increased vigour. We should not l~t the opportunity provided by a more favourable international environment Pass us by. The dream of a free Namibia needs to be realized with tine full implementation of the United Nations plan for the Independenc~ of Namibia. The r~turn to Namibia, after 30 years of exile, of Mr. Sam Nujoma, the courageous nationalist, augurs well and should be a positive step for peace in that country. Sadly, no significant progress has been made in n~ighbouring South Africa. The bankrupt policy of apartheid continues. We have spoken in outrage of this inhuman policy and system. We have condemned it in this and other forums. The United Wations must continue to press Pretoria to make the necessary transition. by focusing attention on the issue and by maintaining political and economic pressure. We can only hope that reason and good sense will prevail soon enough to avert the tragedy waiting to occur in South Africa. In the Middle East, the question of Palestine also remains unresolved. The Palestine Liberation Organization's acceptance of security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) was a major step forward. Yet peace is not at hand. The inalienable rights of the Palestinians are still being denied. The intifadah is a manifestation of the struggle for freedom that continues unabated in the occupied territories of the West Bank and Gaza. The overwhelming majority of members of this Assembly have inade clear what needs to be accomplished. The foundation for a possible solution has been establighed with Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) as well as other Security Council and General Assembly resolutions and decisions. Let these serve as guidelines towards an eventual settlement of this problem. which for too long has held back peace in the Middle East. (Mr. Savetsila, Thailand~ Earlier this morning, I listened with great interest to President Mubarak's speech. My delEgation was encouraged by recent developments which have helped to pcoduce conditio~s favourable for the launching of dialogue between the Palestinians and the Israelis without pre~onditions. My delegation wishes also to express the earnest hope that this proposed dialogue will lead to a "converging perception of steps which would pave the way for peace and for overall agreement on conditions for a comprehensive settlement". Furthermore, Thailand has always supported the convening of an international peace conference as part of this process in order that a final comprehensive political settlement can be achieved, paving the way to a durable peace in this important region of the world. (Mr. Savetsila, Thailand) As we look north from Palestine, we see the continuation of another conflict, one that has caused so much suffering and so many d~aths. FOr so many years, members of the international community have tried hard, but in vain, to end the bloodshed in Lebanon. A political solution through national reconciliation is desperately needed in l~bar.on. I welcome the Arab League Committee's announcement of 16 September proposing a new peace plan for Lebanon. My delegation hopes that all the parties concerned, including the United Nations itself, will join the Arab League in working for the immediate termination of the hostilities that have gone on for far too long in Lebanon. Closer to home, developments concerning the Korean Peninsula continue to be very important to the question of peace and stability in north-east Asia. For this reason, the unification initiative by President Roh Tae WOo deserves serious consideration. Furthermore, we would welcome any move by the Koreans to join this Organization if they so desired, for we believe in the principle of universality of ment>er sh i p in the Un i ted Na t ions. In rir/ delegation's immediate part of the wori.d, the question of Kampuchea also remains unresolved. The General Assembly has for 10 years laid down guidelines for the restoration of peace and security in that war-torn country, but thus far, diplolMtic efforts within and outside the Organization have proved insufficient. The two Jakarta Informal Meetings convened over the past year were significant regional efforts. The Paris International Conference on Cambodia in August helped the parties and participants concerned to come to grips with the complex technical problems and difficult political issues. My own Government has attempted to maintain informal dialogues with the Kampuchean parties concerned to avert large-scale hostilities. But peace remains elusive. (Mr~ Savetsila, Thailand) Only a political settlement of the Kampuchean problem in a comprehensive manner car. assure a return to peace and order in that country. A solution which addresses only one or two out of the multitude of aspects for a oompre~ensive settlement will invite prolonqed hostilities and impose further hard8hip on the Kampucheans. My delegation notes the announced withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea. But in the absence of United Nations super.vision, control and verification, we are unable to be confident that all the foreign troops have left. And indeed, the reality on the ground at present appears to be one of intensified fightinq. My delegation believes that it is crucial and most pragmatic for the United Nations to be intimately involved in the implementation of any peace plan for Kampuchea. The institutional expertise and long experience of the United Nations are universally acknowledged, especially in the area of peace-keeping and in the prepa~ations for, and supervision of, flee, fair and democratic elections. The same applies to the repatriation of the half million Kampuchean refugees and displaced persons. A central role for the United Nations in reconstruction and rehahilitation efforts for Kampuchea will also be vitally important. Let me now turn to the problem of refugees in South-East Asia. Refugees and displaced persons from Kampuchea, Laos and Viet Nam remain a humanitarian problem ef some maqnitude. For this reason, my delegation recalls with much satisfaction the International Conference on lndo-Chinese Refugees, convened in Geneva by the Secretary-Gene~al this past June. The Declaration and the Comprehensive Plan of Action adopted at that Conference contain much-needed and tim~ly quidelines for coping with this problem in an all-embracing and balanced ma~ner by all who are directly concerned within the region and beyond. It was gpod work. I commend all who participated and made it possible to arrive at the conclusioh we reached. The (Mr. Savetsila, Thailand) co-operation of the i~ternational community is still essential and, it is hoped, will he forthcominq at the levels reauired. Let me move from problems of the various regions to problems that affect all of us without exception on this planet. The first among these is the continuing bUild-up of conventional, nuclear and chemical weapons. Billions upon billions of dollars continue to be channelled to developing and deploying armaments. The major Powers among us now have instruments capahle of destroying this plan'!t many times over. A reduction of a mere 2 per cent of these expenditures hy major Powers would yield upwards of at least $200 hill ion a year in resources for peaceful development purposes. This is four times more than the total amount of resources availahle in the world for developmen' today. Such a small reduction in the defence budgets of the major Powers in the armaments field cannot possibly nullify their militar.y capability to defend themselves. But the resources that could ~ ~i~erted to development purposes would help redress ~conomic im~alances and mitigate some of the causes of regional conflic~s. With this in mind, my delegation welcomes the report of progress made in the disarmament talkS between the United States and the Soviet Union. My delegation hopes that progress in bilateral negotiations will be complemented by progress in multilateral degotiations. This week, from tllis same podium, the President of the United States and the Soviet Foreign Minister made important proposals on the RUhject of chemical weapons. We welcome both proposals as significant initiatives marking a major step towards the global elimination of all types of chemical weapons. Another probl~m ~hich affects all of us on this planet as we approach the ~e9innin9 of the twenty-first century is the environment - our common environment. flow well mankind may survive into the next century depends upon how well we preserve and conserve the Earth's environment. The list of serious envi.ronmental problems grows ever longer. We pollute the air we hreathe, the water we drink, the soil we till. We let l~se chemicals that puncture holes in the ozone layer, anrl we dump our dangerous unwanted toxic wastes upon one another. At t~is rate, we cannot hope to pass on to posterity the environmental heritag~ entrusted to us hy preceding generations of humanity. (Mr. Savetsila, T~ailand) (Mc .Savets na, Tha ilan.,d) I am pleased to share wi t.h .the Assembly my Government's own rodest efforts addressed in our current national economic and social development plan. Logging concessions have been revoked. Urgent measures are being made in reforeetation throughout the Kingdom. we have also designated 1989 as the Year of Natural Resources Preservation and Environmental Protection. We will intensify pu\)lic awareness OL environmental issues. But environmental issues cannot be successfully tackled by single nations or even groups of nations. They require the universal support and efforts that can be marshalled only by the United Nations. We must devise common strategies to combat these pressing problems at the national, regional and international levels. Our common strategies must be based on full awareness of these problems and dangers. My delegation is pleased that the environment is 00...1 receiving the broad il\ ':erest of th is wor Id body. It is fitting and urgently necessary that environmental protection should also be at the top of the regional development agenda. For this reason, my delegation cornmends the Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (ES~P) for its proposed convening of a ministerial-level conference on the environment for Asia and the Pacific in 1990. We will encourage this conference to produc~ practical guidelines and measures for immediate implemen~tion. This conference should serve as an important step towards the convening a,f t:ilE! United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in 1992. My delegation welcomes Brazil's generous offer to host that important conference. Another problem of grave concern and magnitude that threatens us all because it recognizes no boundaries is drugs. Drugs are insidious and lethal: insidious because of the greed the;' inspire in those who would 'prey upon us I lethal because drugs completely destroy not only the individuals, but also the society of which (~r. Savetsila, Thailand) t1ler ~ individuals are a part. We support those who have declared a war on druCjS because war is what it takes to cotrbat and to vanquish this ~nace. National efforts are essential and international co-operation and co~rdination are cruci~l in a total war on drugs. The United Nations convention on this issue adopted in December 1988 points the way towards more effective and comprehensive international effort~. But eradication of this menace cannot succeed if the demand for illicit drugs continues to beckon the supply. Social and cultural dimensions of the problem at both the d~mand and the supply ends must be addressed. I have spoken of glObal problems that we all share beCr3use the Assent>ly is the most appropriate forum in which to discuss them. They are problems that threaten us and our survival. I have spoken of the need to work as one to tackle them. There is an underlying interdependence we all share. Interdependence has been the driving philosophy o! this House. In one major aspect of international life the cri tical importance of i•• terdependence needs to be further underlined. This is in the economic and the development fields. My country and most of those within my region believe in art ope.n multilateral trading system. We have been more fortunate than some in our ability to obtain the kind of growth and developnent we have today. The countt'ies in the Association of South-East Asian Nations (PSEAN) are our partners. So now are the Pacific Rim countries. Together we hope to spur growth and development for the Asia and the Pacific area as a whole. We see this expanded regional co-operation as a means to promote a multilateral trading system which is outward-looking and in harmony with the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Through our regional efforts my delegation hopes to achieve a unanimity of understanding th"t a free and open mul tila teral trading system is nutually beneficial over the long term and that, in contrast, protectionism is harmful to (Mr. Savetsila, Thailand) all our common interests. If t.':lose basic objectives could be achit!ll1ed. perhaps the international oolllllunity could be on the way towards easinq debt and other economic problems. For those reasons my deleqa Hon has a ttached Quat im.,ortance to the Uruquay Round of multilateral trade neqotiations and, throuqh it, the promotion of trade libenlha tion. In c:ddition, there ar.e other economic problems that must be addressed as well. These include trade imbalances. the fluctuation of exdlanQe rates. depressed commodity prices and the net transfer of financial resources from devel~inq countries. On all those issues 1Il Ha teral measures will not suffice. political will, international co-operation and constructive dialoque are required to effect the necessary structural chanqes. Here aqain the role of the General Assenbly is a beneficial one. In its wi::;~om the Assembly has decided to foc~ the world's attention on these pressinQ problems at a special session on interr.~tional economic co-operation in 1990. Tnere are also special cateQories of countries that need special attention within the framework of the United Nations. For this reason the Second Conference on the Least Developed Countr iea next year also has my delcQa tion 's full support and endorsement. As we look down the road towards the end of th is century and the beqinninq of the next. I am convinced that we could b!' on the threshold of an era of unprecedented peace and prosperity. International co-operation and understandinQ are the key components of any strateqv to reach these Qoals. In such a strateqv I see the United Nations as an indispensable instrument and our deliberations here as the necessary catalyst. I also see the role of the Secretary-General as crucial in these colllllOn endeavours. Under the leadership of our Secretary-General the Organization has made a difference. Under him it has become even more relevant to our lives. (Mr. Savets ita, Thailand) I wish the President of the Assembly QUilt success in over:seeinq the important work that lieS' before us. At the end of this forty-fourth session I trust we shall be one step closer to the qoals of paace and prosperity we seek fO[' all mankind. Mr. FOOS (~lxembourg) (interpretation from French): On behalf of the Government of wxembourg, I wish to convey to our President our warmest congratulations on his unanimous election to the presidency of the Assembly. Along with his wealth of diplomatic experience, particularly as Foreign Minister of one of the most important countries in Africa, he has sound qualities enabling him to direct our work wisely and effectively. On Tuesday Mr. Roland Dumas~ Foreign Minister of France, expressed the views of the 12 States Members of the European Community about the main subjects on the current international scene. Since his statement reflected our common concerns, I shall confine myself to giving just a few additional details. Over the past 12 months we have noted a continued general improvement in international relations. A favourable climate is developing between the Soviet Union and the United States, between East and west and between Mlrth and South. Big steps forward have been made in the solution of a number of regional conflicts, making a reality of the favourable prospects noted last year. MOre and more the military option and military pressure are giving way to negotiation and co-operation, on the basis of the principles of the Charter, as a means of solving international problems. It is, first, in Europe that we see these favourable developments, accompanied by profound changes. The European Community is pursuing with determination its process of unification. The creation of a single market adds an important dimension to that movement. The Community is open, and will remain open,· to all the countries of the world, and, true to its purpose, it is bringing about new opportunities for growth and co-operation for all. In the light of that process, we welcome the emergence of open and truly deItDcra tic socie ties in Central and Eas tern Europe • The first free elections in Poland, which have just taken place, as well as the programme of the new Government resultinq from those elections, offers prospects - undoubtedly difficult to make a reality, but extremely encouraging - of the building of a Poland that is master of its own fate and faithful to the identity and the most cherished aspirations of its people. Similar developments are occurring in Hungary, on the basis of conditions that are peCUliar to that country. Th~re, too~ the way is now open for a multi-party system. In the Soviet Union the process of democratization is making headway. In particular, it has been cemented by the creation of new institutions - the People's Congress and the Supreme Soviet - following elections in which a plurality of candidates was assured. We hope that the course thus embarked upon will he followed by the other countries of Eastern Europe, so that the end of the twentieth century will he marked by the triumph of democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms. Significant economic restructuring is accompanying those political changes. With them, there will be a progressive elimination of bureaucratic, centralized planning, which will give way to a market economy, one with social responsihility, but based on autonomy of decision-making for those involved in economic life. The vitality of more productive economies will be such as to make it possible to overcome the grave economic problems faced by the countries concerned. The political and economic reforms will inevitably lead to new forms of co-operation between the European countries. The old psychological and physical barriers have been torn down. Ideas, information and people are circulating freely. The European peoples are rediscovering each other and growing closer. (Mr. Poos, LuXembou~) Sound institutions, such as the Council of Europe and even the process of the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe, are the foundations on which the desire of Europeans to live together freely and in complete trust can grow. In that connection, my Government attaches great importance to President Gorbachev's recent assurances that every country is free to choose its own path and that therefore no country can arrogate to itself the right to resort to force to impose its will on others. As that assurance is accompanied by the fact that the Soviet Union is being turned into a State where the rule of law is paramount, it takes on a particular significance. The very encouraging prospects now seen in the negotiations on conventional weapons in Europe, Which have been opened in Vienna, are a persuasive example of the new climate of convergence between the two parts of Europe. By lowering the levels of various categories of weapons, by pledging themselves to increased transparency and predictability in military auestions and by defining new confidence-building measures based on strictly defensive strategies, the 23 countries concerned - indeed, the 35 associated with the negotiations - are putting an end to 45 years of suspicion and hostility. We welcome the resumption of negotiations on the reduction of strategic nuclear weapons. As regards the negotiations on chemical weapons, President Bush's recent invitation, WhIch the Soviet side has already accepted in principle, will make possible a real advance in this very complex area. We should take advantage of the momentum thus created and speedily conclude a balanced and verifiable agreement. In Afghanistan, an important part of the Geneva Accords has been implemented with the withdrawal of Soviet troopA, in accordance with the timetable laid down, thus putting an end to a foreign occupation which had lasted for more than (Mr. Poos, Luxemhour~) 10 years. However, the situation continues to he very worrying, hecause of the de.adly struggles still going on between different Afghan factions. In Cambodia we await the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops by the end of thi~ month. Here, as elsewhere, it seems to me desirable and even inevitahle that our Organization should play a paramount role in the search for a peaceful solution and in its implementation. It is regrettable that the Korean peopl~ is still not occupying a seat here as a Member, in violation of our Orqani?ation's principle of lIniver~ality. There are some encouraging signs with teqard to the African continent. A historic process is culminating in Namibia, thanks to the efforts of the United Nations. We welcome the fact that after the signing of the two agreements last December the implementation of the process laid down in Security Council resolution 435 (1978) has finally got under way. I have no doubt that that operation is beneficial for our Organization; it should give us inspiration for the future. The gradual withdrawal of Cuban troops from Angola also gives grounds for satisfaction. It is to be hoped that national reconciliation will now follow. A similar reconciliation effort in Mozambiaue also deserves our support. The same is true of the negotiations that the Government of Sudan is to undertake with the opposition in the south, as well as the negotiations that the Government of Ethiopia is conducting, on President Carter's initiative, with the representatives of the Eritrean people. The painful problem of apartheid in South Africa still remains. The elections held at the beginning of this month showed that even among the white population large sections are in favour of change. It is up to the new leaders to carry out their mandate for reform, by immediately freeing Nelson Mandela and the other lead~rs of th~ anti-apaTth~id movements, by ending the state of emergency and by l~gali?inq th~ opposition parties and movements - in short, by putting an end to the regime of brutal repression, which still exists, and which caused 50 much violence in the r~c~nt elections. In Central America, the prospects of agreement have never been so good. After the conclusion of the Esquipulas 11 and Costa del Sol agreements and the recent meeting at Tela on the 7 August, the peace-making mechanism can now start up. The promise of free elections in Nicaragua, next February, is also an extremely important element in this regard. In El Salvador, the dialogue between the opposing parties also seems to be und~r way. Thus all the countries in this region have given effect to their intent to move towards democratic pluralism, respect for human rights, the promotion of social justice and resolution of the serious so~i~l economic problams that have been aggravated by 10 years of a pitile~s warfare. In contrast with Africa and Central America, in the Middle East we are witnessing a situatinn that is constantly deteriorating. The road towards a negotiated solution continues to be blocked. The uprising in the occupied territories is spreading. Day after day there is an increase in the confrontation together with an increase in the number of the dead and wounded and in th~ SUffering of the general population. In the light of the decisions taken by the Secudty Counc i 1, the occupying forces continue to resort to repress ive measure~ which ar~, inter a~i at variance with the Geneva Convention. This is particularly regrettable since important changes have taken plac~ in the last year; the decision taken by the Palestinian National Council recognizing the eKistence of Israel, to give up terrorism and to conduct negotiations on the ba$is of resolutions 2~2 (1967) 3nd 338 (1973) of the ~ecurity Council. The decision of the United States to recognize the ~>tistence of the falec;tine Lih~ratit)n Organization d:'ld to initiat~ a dialogue with its representatives is, likewise, an important st~p in th~ right dirp.ctio~. (Mr. Poos, Luxembourg) Organizing elections in the occupied territories, including East Jerusalem, may prove a useful step, provided that it is seen 00 be part and parcel of an overall process and to the ext~nt that the elections are held under acceptable international safeguards for both parties. The Palestinians have the same rights to existence and to self-determination as those which were demanded and won after so much sUffering and tragic sacrifice by Israel. We cannot be resigned to tragedy which is tightening the stranglehold on Lebanon day by day. The sufferings caused to the Lebanese population are of concern to us all. The coming about of the cease-fire and the resumption of dialogue between the various Lebanese communities, which are all equal in rights and obligations, as well as the withdrawal of all foreign forces, are two prerequisites to cessation of the civil war. Between Iran and Iraq, tile cease~fire has undoubtedly been respecteo. Nev~rtheless, it is disappointing to note that the negotiations being conducted by the Secretary-General and his Special Representative with the two parties have not yet yielded the slightest result. Nevertheless, there can be no valid alternative to se~king for a global solution, based on resolution 598 (1987) of the Security Council. On the question of cyprus, the Secretary-General has initiated a new series of intra-community negotiations and submitted to both parties proposals that are intended to be part of a settlement plan. My Government unreservedly supports the action of the Secretary-General and his representative with a view to the continuance and intensification of the negotiations. The same is true of the conciliation which is being pursued by our Secretary-General wi.th regard to the questions of Western Sahara and East Timor, in order to arrive at a solution based on respect for the aspirations of the peoples of those regions. The inten~ified search for agreements in various regional problems has led to a systematic resort to, and mUltiplication of, peace-keeping operations. Congratulations are due to those United Nations officers who are able to assist in defining, deploying and conducting these operations with admirable skill and effectiveness. These operations are of inestimable service to the cause of peace. They guarantee to the United Nations an unprecedented authority and prestige. Nevertheless, they should not let us overlook the fact that they are only a temporary solution, intended to facilitate the implementation of a final settlement of those conflicts. Their smooth functioning also requires that each State faithfully fulfil its financial obligations, past or present. Regardless of its financial situation, my Government will study practical ways and means of contributing directly to the peace-keeping forces. You may well imagine the feeling aroused by the craven execution of Lieutenant-Colonel 8ig9ins in Lebanon, who was kidnapped in the course of his duties. This criminal act illustrates the dangers to Which members of these international forces are vulnerable when exercising their mission. The Government of Luxembourg, which is the outcome of recent elections, continues to attach extreme importance to respect for human rights. More than 40 years ago, our General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. At a time when we are celebrating the bicentennial of the French Revolution, it is extremely regrettable to note that more than 60 States, including some of the larger ones, have still not ratified the International Covenants on Human Rights. Furthermore, in many States where the provisions of these instruments are already in force, there is no adequate legal protection or any SUfficiently effective sanction machinery to ensure that they are respected. For the Government of Luxembourg, the educational efforts need~d to inform and to awaken the consci~nce of people and to promote a spirit of tolerance and justice, should be pursued and reinforced. The same is true of the disinterested action of non-governmental organizations that unreservedly commit themselves to promot.ing the cause of human rights, even going so far as to risk the lives of their members. In the light of the considerable emotion which in recent years we have been accustomed to feel about certain countries that have little respect for human rights, I should like to add my voice to that of the international community, and call upon the leaders of those countries to put an end to repressive acts and to allow a return to a policy of openness and reform in keeping with the course of history. OVer and above tbe conflicts and the attacks on individuals, problems connected wi th the protection of the environment have become subjects of priority concern for universal public opinion: the statements which we have been listening to throughout this week provide clear evidence of this awareness. More and more human beings are affected by the damage caused to ecological balances. The destruction of forests is accelerating, the desert is spreading. The erosion of the soil is threatening agricultural production and the existence of millions of human beings. The pollution of the seas and oceans, and the proliferation of toxic wastes is daily leading to new tragedies. The slow destruction of the ozone layer exposes us to ultraviolet radiation with incalculable consequences. We are therefore firmly embarked on a course which is designed to prevent further deterioration of the environment. Initiatives successfully taken in recent months, particularly by Margaret Thatcher, Ruud Lubbers and Michel Roc~rd, as weJ as the Arche summit which met in Paris last JUly, have provided us with guidelines which should lead to urgent action. It is up to the international community at present, and therefore to our Organization, to define these priorities pending the holding of an international conference on the environment, which has been planneCl for 1992. (Mr. Poos, Luxembourg) (Mr. Poos, Luxembourg) My Government agrees entirely that there is a need to draw up a model convention to define the problem and to J3Y down the guidelines for international action thrcugh concrete Aeasures. The destruction of tropical forests by bur.ning, which, in its turn, produces carbon dioxide in the atmosphere, should he halted. The rights of indigenous peoples, particluarly along the Amazon; who want to p~eserve their natural environment should he respected. A universal policy of protection and maintenance of forests should be launched. We shall succeed in thiz only if the courageous campaigns conducted hy a number of movements workinQ for the protection of the environmp.nt create a collective awareness of the situation. It seems to me that this is a very favour~hle moment to lay the foundation for lasting growth hased on a synthe~is hetween the ecological dimension and man's ~conomic activities. It is primarily up to the industriali7-ed countr.ies, which are mainly responsihle for the problem, to meet thi~ challenge, of concern to all mankind. The Organization should cr.eate structures that are sufficiently sound, flexible and effective to enable action to hp taken when it is ~eQuir.ed. Simultaneously, incr.eased attention should he paid to the I:'apid growth of the world population, which is increasing at the rate of 1 hillion every 10 years. This growth rate should he a cause of concern to us in the light of development possihilities and of the c?nstraints th~t it will place upon the envitonment. In fact, the economic and soc'ial situation in a large numher of developing countries remains diSQuieting. For mi1lions of their inhahitants the 1980s have been a lo~t decade. This is particula~ly true of the countries of Latin America and of suh-Saharan Africa, where there has been stagnation and decline. poverty, hunger and deprivation are killing 40,000 children every day. That is a shameful situation, which no one can shrug off. The simple struggle for survival has led large numbers of people in these countr ies to overexploit nature. The pressure from debt-servicing, which aCCOUll ts for, On c,°erage, 30 per cent of their expor ts, has speeded up the excessive exploitation of their natural reSOurces. In other words, short-term economic demands have prompted many Governments not to give ecological problems high priority. Therefore, it is hardly surprising that violence is increasing - indeed, ~aking on alarming dimensions. In the light of the situation to which they have been doomed, a number of young people are becoming drug addicts, prostitutes and delinquents and are indulging in new forms of criminality. The food riots that have taken place '..n some developing countries indicate clearly that young people are the victims of the upheavals that poverty has forced upon th~m. The number of refugees fleeing the warfare, persecution and terrorism, as well as unemployment and underdevelopment, increased from 5 million in 1978 to 14 million currently. The scope of these problems means that we must redouble our efforts. In particular, the 1990 special session of the General Assembly devoted to international economic co~peration will provide us with an opportunity to redefine the principles and guidelines for building a world that is fairer and more human. It seems that in order to remedy this situation, and to ensure lasting growth, a substantial reduction in debt and in the cost of debt-servicing would be an important ini tial step. Following the agreements concluded wi th Mexico and the Philippines, the Brady Plan could be applied On a broader scale, taking into account the specific features of each situation. In the case of world trade, if the Uruguay Round is successful - as we unreservedly hope that it will be - it is likely that it will create favourable conditions for an increase in exports from the developing countries. (!:!!.:....POOS, Luxembourg) Another evil, which is eaually glohal and eaually a threat, is the illicit traffickinq in drugs. T orge a re~olute stcenqthening of international co-o~ration, startinq with the swift ratification, hy all countries, of the Vienna Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic SUbstances, which I have jURt Rigned on hehalf ot Luxemhourg. It should he clear that Luxembourg, which is already participating in the working group that emerged from the summit meeting at the the Arche de la DtHence, will spare no effort in this field. T take this opportunity to welcome the very courageous and determined action that has heen taken by the President of Colomhia, Mr. Virgilio Barco - action that the Government of Luxemhourg supports unreservedly. Before concluding, ! ~hould li~e to pay a just trihute to the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar. His activity at the head of the Organization, his tireless efforts at mediation and conciliation have revealed his great talent as an organi?er and a negotiator. His patient and far-sighted commitment to peace has made a sUhstantial contribution to strengthening the role and importance of the United Nations in international affairs in recent years. My country has just celehrated the one hundred and fiftieth anniver.sary of its independence. I should like to thank the Secretary-General for having graced with his attendance the pUhlic events that took place last ~pril in the presence of seven prime ministers and leaders of the main international organiz~tion~ to which Luxemhourg helongs. This celebr.ation enahled us to relive the progress of the Grand Duchy of Luxemhourg through the vicisRitJdes of history. While noting that, in 198Q, the future development of our country is Rurrounded by more favourah1e conditions than in the past, we must reconqi7.e that the lif~ of small States in particular depends more and more on international orqani?dtions. Dealing preci~ell wit~ the role of Rmall States, the Secr.etary-General said on 18 April in Luxemhourg: (Mr. Poos, Luxembour9) -They do not need to think about the danger or cost of endless wars to realize the ahsurdity of all armed aggression. Being more aware of their vulnerahility, small States, or at least those of them that hehave rationally, are naturally peaceful and respectful of the law. They also fael more keenly than others the need for international co-operation, which is the purpose of our Organization. Like war, isolation for them would spell suicide. LiVing hy international trade, they are aware of the dangers of protectionism, as well as the soundness of the liheralization of trade and the usefulness of heing integrated in broad economic spaces where conflicts are no longer conceivahle and where everyone can profit from overall prosperity. Also, they can gauge the importance of regional political co-operation and the international co-operation which it engenders. Luxemhourg, therefore plays an even greater role in the United Nati~ns hecau~e it is an active member of the European Community. Firm supporters of the Organization, small countries play a particularly useful part in it since they have experience in conciliation and hecause their interests generally coincide with the general interest." After that lengthy quotation, I have nothing to add. For what the Secretary-General has done at the head of the Organization, and for his presence in our country and the wordS he spoke there, I want simply, from the bottom of my heart, to express our complete gratitude. Mr. VELAY~ (Islamic Republic of Iran) (spoke in Persianf English text furnished hy the delegation): Let me at the outset offer my sincere congratulations to Mr. Joseph Garha on his election to the presidency of the General Assemhly at it~ current session. I hope that under his leadership the Assem~ly will be ahle to achieve desirable results. To that end, he can rely on the co-operation of the Islamic Repu~lic of Iran. My thanks qo also to Mr. Dante Caputo for his ahle work during the forty-third ses~ion, as well as to the Secretary-General for his uotirin~ efforts at the United Nations and on the international and regional scene. The demise of Imam Khomeini, the leader of the Islamic world and the founder of the Islamic Repuhlic of Iran - may God he pleased with him - was a tragic loss for the Islamic Repuhlic of Iran, the Islamic world and all freedom-loving people. Ouring many years of relentless struqqle, hp. spared no effort to oppose exploitation, tyranny and injustice. Our people have entered the second decade of their revolution with precious experience gained from 10 years of resistance against agqression, political propaqanda and economic pressure, and are now making great strides towards national reconstruction with resolute determination and reliance on the fundamental principles of the Islamic revolution. As we approach the 1990s, the world is moving towards relaxation of ten~ion both at the qlohal and the reqional levels. The international community's effor.ts to resolve regional conflicts are indeed commendahle, hut we cannot afford to Jose siqht of the fact that there remain many unresolved disputes with the potential to threaten international peace and security. The principal cause of the perpetuation of these crises is the oomineering policies pursued hy the hiq Powers against the interests of third-world nations. In order to set this sitllation ri~~t, we must therefor.e alter unjust international relations ann qive them a hasis of justice and respect for int~rnational law. (Mr. Velayati, Islamic Repuhlic of Iran) The No~-Alianen Movement has c~l]eo for the oe~i9nation of the 199Js a~ the decade of inter~ational law. Durinq that oecade Gove(nment~ and intprnational forums should redouhle their effort~ to ~trengthen respect for the rule of law in international relations. Hj~tory has shown that it is those with power and miqht who are more prone to violate rrinciple~ of international l~w. Unlawful actions by the United States aqainst my country - such a~ the seizure of our a~sets, attacks on our oil pl atformR and the downinq of our civilian aircraft - are clear eXamplf'5 of diRrespect for le~al normR hy those who po~sess power and might. It is our hope that in the next decade, with the efforts of the United Nations and a reassessment hy the hia Powers of their hehaviour and conduct on the international scene, the qround will he laid for the rule of law. Political and economic oomination have heen addressed at length in international forums, but what has not received adeauate attention is cultural domination. The world-oomineerinq Powers u~e cultural domination - a prelude to other forms of domination - to gain political influence and to alienate the nation~ of the thiro world from their social and cultural values. Unfortunately, nations that desire to return to their own cultural identity are suhject~d to severe att~cks hy the domineering Power~. DeciRions hy the Organi1ation of the Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement aimed at countering cultural domination hy arrogant Powers in the Islamic world and the third world ha"e ushered in a movement to eliminate that form of domination. Cultural attacks by some Western countries ha\1e been carried out as a result of an incorrect assessment of the realitief'l and an underestimate of the stronq feelinqs and heliefs of Muslim nations. During the presic'lency of France, the European Community can gain its rightful place in its relations with Muslim nations, including the Islamic Repuhlic of Iran, hy correcting its past political mistakes and by respecting the pr.inciples and social and religious values of Islamic societi~~. (Mr. Vela~ati, Islamic Repuhlic of Iran) At this point I must address'one of the destructive, devastating social tragedies of our time, namely, trafficking in and the production and use of drugs. The international community has rightly devoted special attention and displayed special sensitivity with respect to this problem. Iran is located geographically in a region that provides a link for a major part of the illicit drug trafficking from east to west. That has put a special hurden of responsibility on the shoulders of the authorities of the Islamic Repuhlic of Iran with respect not only to the apprehension of international drug traffickers but also to safeguarding the health of our own society. To achieve this aim, we have begun during the past year to close the ways through which illicit drugs are brought into our country, hy strengthening co-operation with neighbouring countries and expanding operations to discover and destroy international drug-trafficking networks. Those measures - supplemented by strict laws and heavier punishment for the merchants of death - have, in a short time, resulted in a considerable reduction in drug trafficking and consumption in Iran. But because of the nature of this phenomenon, an effective campaign against the international mafia of illicit drugs is not possible without international co-operation. Therefore, the Islamic Repuhlic of Iran welcomes international efforts to that end. In the course of the past year, efforts to gain access to auantitatively larger and qualitatively better weapons have continued unabated, while at the same time multilateral negotiations on disarmament with the ultimate purpose of achieving general and complete disarmament under effective international control have continued with undiminished momentum. It appears, however, that the speed at which weapons are amassed is much faster than the pace of efforts in the field of disarmament. Meanwhile, chemical weapons have hecome comparahle, in terms of their capacity for mass destruction and their brutal nature, to nuclear weapo~s, and pose a grave threat to regional and international peace and secur.ity, arousi~g serious concern on the part of the international community. Eight years of glohal indifference to the use of chemical weapons against the Islamic Repuhlic of Iran has encouraged some countries SUCII as Iraa to huild the largest arsenals of chemical ~nd hiological weapons and to improve them aualitatively and auaotitatively. (Mr. Vel.1ya ti, Islamic Republic of Iran) The international community's failure to respond properly to Iraq's repeated use of chemical weapons against its Kurdish citizens, during the war and even after the establishment of the cease-fire, as well as ascertainment of their practical advantages have caused world-wide c~ncern over the increasing e$calation of such weapons. The Islamic Republic of Iran, as a country that has suffered the ~ost from the recent use of chemical weapons, is convinced that the ultimate remedy lies in the total destruction of all chemical weapons and that such transitory solutions as the prevention of the proliferation of such weapons will not be effective. The Islamic Republic of Iran has expanded its efforts in the Conference on Disarmament for the conclusion of a comprehensive convention on the prohibition of the production, development, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons. The principle of universality is an absolute necessity for ~nsuring the ~ecurity of States that have been the victims of chemical-weapon use and those that are p~tentially ~ubject to be threatened by such weapons. The universality of such a convention requires adequate punitive provisions as well as sufficient incentives. Pending the conclusion of the convention all States are bound to abide by the provisions of the 1925 Geneva Protocol on the prohibition of the uSe of chemicr.ll weapons, ~nd delinquent States must be punished immediately after first use. More than a year has elapsed since the establishment of the cease-fire b~tween Ir~n and Iraq. With the utmost regret r must declare that, despit~ 15 rounds of direct talks under the auspices of the Uni ted Nations Secretary-General and the with the assistance of his Personal Representative, no st~p ~ther than the establishment of the cease-fire has been taken for the full implementation of even the first paragraph of Security Council resol~tion 598 (lQ8,). In paragraph lof (Mr. Velayati, Islamic Republic of Iran) that resolution, the Security Council demands that "as a first step towards a negotiated settlement, the Jsiamic Republic of Iran and Iraq observe an immediate cease-fir~ ••• and wi thdraw all forces to the internationally recognized boundaries without delay". That paragraph, which is fully in line with the most fundamental principles of international law, leaves no room for doubt or for self-serving interpretations, since both the cease-fire and withdrawal to internationally recognized boundaries are mandatory measures that need to be taken unconditionally prior to and independent of any negotiations. On that basis the Secretary-General in his proposed timetable of July and August 1988, envisaged that withdrawal to internationally recognized boundar.ies should take place within 13 days after the cease-fire. The Islamic Republic of Iran agreed in principle wi th that timetable, which includes timing and procedure for the implementation of all the provisions of resolution 598 (1987). Iraq, however, refused even to consider that timetable and continued to insist on its prerequisite of direct talks prior to the cease-fire. Even after the announcement of the cease-fire and prior to its establishment, the Secretary-General, in J.tis letter of 16 August 1989 to Iran and Iraq, called upon the two countries to begin withdrawal simultaneously witil direct talks. During the past year I raq has refused to take the very fir st step in fulfilment of its obligations under the United Nations Charter and the security Council resolution, namely, withdrawal from the territory of Iran. On the contrary, Iraq has tri.ed to take ad'!antage of its illegal occupation of the territory of Iran to realize the illegitimate and expansionist ambitions for which it launched a war of aggression against its neighbour. On the other hand, Iraq (Mr. Velayati, Islamic Republic of Iran) tries to deceive world public opinion by raising the issue of prisoners of war - a purely humanitarian issue - and utilizing it in its campaign of deception. A selective approach to the implementa t ion of the provis ions of resolution 598 (1987) is not acceptable. According to the letter of the resolution, wi thdrawal must take place prior to and independent of negotia tions. Nevertheless, out of purely humanitarian considerations we have declared that we stand ready to exchange prisoners of war according to the plan proposed by the Secretary-General. On the basis of the first plan, all prisoners of war should have been released by 20 November 1988, and according to the October plan all of them should have returned to their homes by the end of 1988. The Islamic RepUblic of Iran has declared its acceptance in principle to both plans, Iraq has failed to accept either plan. I should also mention at this point that there is an imbalance in the number of prisoners of war registered by the Interna.tional Committee of the Red Cross in ;~e two countries. Iraq authorities have up until now admitted the capture of about 45,000 Iranian prisoners of war. Of that number, only 19,000 have been registered, while approximately 50,000 prisoners of war have been registered in the Islamic Republic of Iran, which constitutes the majority of Iraqi prisoners of war. That imbalance needs to remedied soon. We are prepared to continue direct talks under the auspices of the Secretary-General. It has now become clear that the problem does not lie in the form of th~ talks or in the lack of confidence between the two countries. The real problem lies in Iraqis refusal to implement the Seeurity Council resolution. As long as there is no serious r.eaction to this dangerous and illegal stance of Iraq it is highly improbable that we will see progress in the implementation of the resolution, ann dwp.lling on side is~ues -",ill prorluce 1'\0 re!'>ults. 1'h•., (Mr. Velayati, Islamic Republic of Iran) responsibility is incumbent particularly upon the Security Council, given its commitment in its resolution. However, the world has witnessed with great surprise that the same Security Council that adopted resolution 598 (1987) with much international fanfare has not taken a single step to help with the implementation of that resolution. Rather, it has chosen to watch with total indifference the continued occupation of Iranian territory and the non-implementation of resolution 598 (1987). Iraq must realize that peac~ is to the benefit of the two countries and the region. The continuation of the present "no peace no war" situation can gradually move the region towards a resumption of tension. We are earnest and serious in our determination for peace between the two countries and for stability in the Persian Gulf region. We stand ready to impl~ment resolution 598 (1987) without delay and free from preconditions and excuses. The 1 OCtober plan was proposed after long discussion with the two sides and consultation with the Secretary-General. We accepted that plan despite our comments solely to help the Secretary-General discharge his duties in the implementation of the resolution and because of our confidencp. in him. Iraq, however, has so far refused to accept the plan. We welcome t~e ~isi~ of Mr. Eliasson, the Secretary-Generalis Personal Representative, to the two countries. But if those efforts do not lead within a reasonable time to a change in Iraqis stance, other measures must be contemplated. I now wish to touch Ilpon a number of points 17egarding peace and securi ty in th~ sensitive and strategic region of the Persian Gulf. Without doubt the security of that r~gion is closely linked to international peace and security. We believe that ,:]urahle peace and secur ity should be provided by the States of the region, without for~ign interferenc~. (Mr. Velayati, Islamic Republic of Iran) Common religious, cultural and economic grounds among the Persian Gulf countries prOlTide the essential motivation for their greater solidarity as well as the needed strength and power for the maintenCl1ce of security in the region without the presence or interference of foreign Powers. The Islamic Republic of Iran desires to expand bilateral relations with the countries of the region 00 the basis of nutual respect for legi tina-ce rights iI'ld interests, and endeavours to provide a solid foundation for a durable peace and security wi thout the presence iI'ld in terference of foreign Powers in the Pers ian Gulf. The complete withdrawal of 5:>viet forces from Afghanistan was welcomed by us and by the international community. The Islamic Republic of Iran has consistently insisted on the indisputable right of the people of Afghanistan to self-determination cnd to choose their future form of government. While declaring anew our support for the struggle of the MUslim people of Afghanistan, we stress the need for the creation of an Islamic, popular ald non-aligned gOlTernmant that will be free of foreign interference and friendly to all its neighbours, a government which can be realized only wi th the unity of all segments of the Muslim people of Afghanistan. We shall continue to exert our utmost effort towards that end. We will coo tinue, as we have dooe in the past, wi th humcni tar ian ass istance to Afghan refugees in keeping with our Islamic and humanitarian responsibility. We hope, however, that with the final resolution of the AfghanistCl'1 problem iI'ld an improvement in social and political conditions the road will be paved for the honour able and voluntary repa tr ia tion of re fugees iI'ld displaced persons. Last year the oppressed people of Palestine and Iebanon witnessed important and extensive developments. The uprising of the Muslim people of Palestine in the West Bank and on the Gazes Str ip, which has lasted [or more than 20 months, and (Mr. Velayati, Islamic ~public of Ir an) other resistance movements of the Palestinians, are a natural consequence of neglecting the inalienable rights of the people of this land. The people of Palestine caltinue to resist valialtly and resolutely in the face of the aggressive and criminal practices of the Quds-occupier regime which seeks brutally to suppress the upris ing by bea ting, kill ing ald tor turing a large number 0 f revolu tionar ies. The continuation of this uprising has shown that under no circumstances will th~ Muslim people of Palestine be ready to accept compromises on their inalienable rights • If the international community seeks to find a solution to this crisis and to bring about peace a'\d security in the Middle East, it should realize that the only viable remedy lies in the full restoration of the rights of Palestinians, or, in other words, the liberation of the occupi.ed territories ald the establishment of an independent State in the entire territory of Palestine. Any solution that falls short of meeting the legi timate aspira tions of the people of Pales tine cannot guarantee peace and security in this region. EXpansionist acts of aggression by the Zionist regime have widened the scope of the er isis also to Lebanon. The occupation of southern Lebanon, the area tion of instabiEty in the region, the suppress ion of Lebanese ald Pales tin ian res istance groups, the abduction of persons and personalities such as Sheikh Abdul Al-Karim Obeid, ald the use of puppets ald mercenaries have contr ibuted to further aggravation of the cr isis in Lebanon, a country that has already suffered nuc:h destruction. As if that were not enough, Iraq has also !anned the flames of a destructive civil war in Lebanon by pouring armaments into that country, adding to the number of huma'l losses cnd subjecting tha t na tioo to the peril of partitioning. While emphasizing independence and territorial (Mr. Vel aya ti, Islamic R:public of Ir an) in tegrity and the r-aed to respect Lebanon's right to s elf-de termina tion 00 the basis of the will of the majority of that nation, the Islamic Republic of Iran supports the res is tance of Islamic CIld na tionalist forces in Lebanon aga inst the Zionist regimets acts of aggression. After many years of struggle, the people of Namibia are new looking forward to taking their destiny into their own hands. We once again declare our full support for the independence of Namibia and call for the holding of a free election and for the prevention of the Pretoria regime's exercise of influence in the election process. Therefore, the immedia te withdrawal of South Afr iean police forces from Namib ia is essen tial. The in terna tional community should con tinue to give its support to the independence process in Namibia and to the South West Afr iea People's Orgalization (SWAPO) by making finCllcial assistalce available to that organization so that true representatives of the peop! e of Namibia can assume power. Reassuring developments a1 the world scene CIld an imprO\Tement in the international political climate concerning some of the problems and crises that I have touched upon have thrust the international community into an era of anxiety tempered by hope. Weathering this era and removing these anxieties will depend to a large extent on the far-reaching and serious efforts tTade by in terna tional forums and in particular by the United Nations. I hope this session will see significant, practical and effective steps taken towards the attainment of those goals. Hr. SAHIOUL (Sudan) (interpretation from Arabic) ~ It gives me grea t pleasure to congratulate Ambassador Garba of Nigeria most warmly on his election as President of the General Assembly. His election reflects the confidence the in terna tional community re poses in him and is a tribu te to h is COWl try, Ni ger ia, (Mr. Sahloul, Sudan) with which the Sudan enjoys warm, close and friendly relations. We are sure that he will guide the work of the Assembly in a successful manner and with fruitful results. I also express the deep gratitude of my delegation to his predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, for the great ability with which he carried out his stewardship of the forty-third session. We would also like to renew our thanks and gratitude to Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, for the invaluable efforts which he has exerted in order to strengthen international peace and securi ty. The Assembly is, I am sure, well aware of the latest political developments in Sudan. These developments aim at rectifying the situation in our country on the bases accepted by our people. These are: the principles of good-neighbourliness~ the peaceful settlement of disputes) the promotion of mutual co-operation at regional and international levels~ the deepening of the principles of non-alignment) respect for international instruments~ and the peaceful solution of problems that confront our country. In this connection it must be noted that current initiatives and efforts aimed at solving the problems of the Horn of Africa by peaceful means receive the full support of my Government. We hope that these initiatives will bring about stability and complementary security in the region within the framework of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a11 Sta tes in the reg ion. The quest for peace in the Sudan has been and still is one of the main pr ior i ties of my Government. Peace, in our view, should be ach ieved through direct negotiations and di~logue. These have already commenced and we hope they will be pursued u:'ltil lasting peace, national unity and stability prevail in our country. (Mr. Sahloul, Sudan) The Sudan is still faced with enormously complex economic and social problems. The Assembly at its forty-third session dealt with some aspects of these problems in adopting a resolution on emergency economic assistance to Sudan following the rains and flood disasters. The Assembly also adopted a resolution on special assistance for the problem of displaced persons. And in the past year the international community accorded priority to the largest humanitarian relief operation in the region when the Secretary-General of the United Nations launched Operation Life-line in the Sudan to save thousands of people in the southern regions from starvation and ~eath. er"r. Sahloul, Sudan) While Sudan i.s grateful to the Secretary-General and the international community for providing this highly appreciated assistance in our ordeal, we look forward to continued efforts by the international community to implement the resolutions adopted by the Assembly at ils fotty-third session which called for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the infrastructure destroyed during the rains and flood disasters. This is in accordance \~ith the commitments that were ~ndertaken last November. International assistance should also be extended to the displaced southern Sudanese in the Eastern and Western Sudan when pr imary factors of produ~tion are available, so as to enable them to be self-sufficient. It is also our view that assistanc':l in thpmedical and health fields should be continued. In talking about the great SUCCess scored by Operation Life-Line Sudan, particularly in protecting the citizens in that part of the homeland from a devastating famine during this autumn, we should not forget the strenuous efforts exerted and the pioneering role assumed by Mr. James P. Grant, Executive Director of the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) J who led the operation in his c~pacity as the SecretarY-General's Special RepresentativeJ and his colleagues. Indeed, Operation Life-Line Sudan WOuld not have ';ucceeded had it not belm for the positi~e response and support th~t Sud~n r.eceived from donor. Stat':lS and various voluntary organiz'ttion:;, in particular from th~ U"'liteci Sti'\tes of America J the European EConomic Commun i ty and the International Commi ttee of the Red Cross. My Governmerjt fully understal'lds the human r3imens ion of Opera t ion Li fe-Li:1e S~d~n and is fir.mly committed to the need for the continuation of the int':lrnational o:!ffwrt to re,!lliz'3' the objectbl?s spl?lled O'J': 1:1 t'1/? Rhartollm ?lan ()f )l,,:tiol"l. It i.s fe)( t;1i,~ re....son t."lat my deleqati()n will submit J "it tht" ~ucrent sesr,ion of this its ~olirhr.it:y Wit'l <l!'\d slJpport fnr Operatilln Lif9-Line Sudan in it, upcoming phase The last few years have witnessed a renewed interest in peaceful accommodation by the two super-Powers and the relaxation of tension in international relations. The intention of the various parties to resolve conflict in international relations through peaceful negotiations has been confirmed. This favourable international climate enabled the United Nations to play its predictable role with efficacy and considerable success. The United Nations has made valuable and constructive contributions in this regard. Yet more is expected from the Uni-ted Nations by way of the realization and strengthening of international peace and security. These new beginnings have evolved to create an international climate that is favourable to stability and requires increased mobilization for its consolidation. Sudan therefore welcomes the progress achieved in the area of disarmament and the concrete proposals made to reduce armaments. Sudan also welcomes the constructive proposals recently announced by the two super-Powers on chemical and medium-range weapons. The beginning of this month witnessed the convening of the Ninth Summit of the Non-Aligned Countries during which the Heads of State and Government adopted important decisions aimed at consolidating peace and boosting the prosperity of mankind. In welcoming all these efforts we hope they will evolve into concrete achievements that will realize the basic aspiration o·f the international community to avert the dangers of armament and war. This new rappraachement and political, cultural and economic co-operation between countries and groups with different political systems will give impetus to the consolidation of international peace and security - all the more so when it becomes evident that the mutual interests that bind people and ~ountries are stronger than the political and ideological differences or disputes over narrow interests. These positive trends are ushering in a new era for mankind and we trust that all will duly contribute to it. Since the General Assembly met last year in its historic session at Geneva and the international communityts recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to establish an independent State on its own soil, the Palestinian people, under the leadership of its sole, legitimate representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), and by the Group of Arab States has demonstrated its acceptance of the international community's decisions as all the United Nations resolutions with a view to paving the way to a just and comprehensive settlement in the Middle Fast. For ~ts part, Israel continues to challenge the international community and flout United Nations resolutions. This makes Israel the main party responsible for the deterioration of the situation and the escalation of the conflict. As a result of this obdurate Israeli attitude, the Palestinian problem, unlike other problems in other tension areas, has not shown any progress towards a just and comprehensive settlement that preserves the rights of all part~es. What 'israel purports to present as an election plan is no more than a plan to consecrate its occupation that daily escalates its bloody and oppressive practices against the Palestinian people. Elections are based on the idea of free will, but what free will is there for a people denied the right to self-determination? The intifadah of the Palestinian people in occupied Palestine is the glowing culmination of a long, valiant and courageous struggle. The will of the Palestinian people will not be sapped by Israeli occupation. The intifadah proves that the denial of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people will lead only to deadlock. The international community has no option but to strive in an effective way to force Israel to comply with its rule and implement United Nations resolutions regarding Palestine and Israel's withdrawal from Palestinian land and all occupied Arab territories. My country continues to follow with graye concern the bloody eyents to which the sisterly people of Lebanaon are subjected. However, the recent success of the Arab Tripartite Committee to convene the Lebanese House of Representatives and the meeting of the Security Committee give us cause for optimism regarding prospects of an agreement that will bring about peace and security in Lebanon. The present situation in southern Africa is of grave concern to us. The Brazzaville Protocol and the New York Agreements of last year sparked hopes for a full implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) and the United Nations plan for the independence of Namibia. But the Pretoria regime i~ manipulating the implementation of the independence plan and persistently violates its text and spirit in an attempt to weaken the political position of the South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) and ensure its own future hegemony over, and COlonial rule of, Namibia even after completion of the plan. South Africa has not dismantled neither Koeyoet nor the South west Africa Territorial Force, which are still actively terrorizing the people of Namibia by every means. Those terrorist strike forces are a real and very serious threat to the security and safety of the leaders and members of SWAPO and to their legitimate political activity. Some of the repressive and discriminatory laws are still in force, for instance the AG-8. Some political prisoners are still behind bars and amnesty is restricted to Namibians in exile and does not include Namibians inside their country, which leaves them exposed to threat and terror by the State. With the elections in sight next NoYember, South Africa is already manipulating the process to rig the elections. The voters Registration Act, exclusively set up by the Pretoria regime, allowed the moving of thousands of white South Africans into Namibia and registering them there for the elections. South African military and police staff and civil servants of the colonial rule stationed in Namibia can also register and vote. South Africa's Administrator General has introduced two pieces of legislation that are a flagrant and grave violation of the principles of free and fair elections. The draft on elections does not provide for the seCIect vote and has loopholes that allow rigging in vote coun Hng. The draft on the Consituent Assembly effectively denies the people of ~mibia its right to self-determination as it installs the Administrator General as president of the Assembly wi th veto power. The international community is now required, more than ever before, to monitor closely the independence plan for Namibia. We call on the Security Council to fully assume its responsibilities as stated in its resolutions 435 (1978) and 640 (1989). Ehough funds and facili ties must be made ava HabIe to the Uni ted Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) to enable it to fulfill its assigned duties. The mass ive popular reception that SWAPO leader Sam Nujoma received at ho~ this week proves beyond doubt the full support of the people of Namibia for SWAPO. This support will certainly be reflected in the results of the forthcoming elections, if the international community guarantees that they are truly free and fair. The situation in South Africa remains the same, despite political changes there. Apartheid is still in place. The Pretoria Government is still most aggressively repressing the resistance of the people of South Africa to this notorious system and refusing to heed the universal demand of the international oomnunity that it release the militant leader Nelson Mandela and his comrades. Condemnation is not enough. Nominal support of the struggle of the people of South Africa is not enough. The international community is required to confront the racist regime and strictly implement its boycott in order to completely isolate it and enable the people of South Africa, under the leadership of its legitimate representatives, the African National Congress of South Africa (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), to ga in its legi timate rights. The international community has witnessed with great appreciation the efforts of the United Nations and its Secretary-General which have resulted in the establishment of a cease-fire in the long, bitter and destructive war between Iraq and Iran. Although this achievement created hopes and optimism, we observe with concern the lack of progress in the negotiations between the two parties to the confl ict. we call upon the two c;ountr ies to confirm their peaceful intentions and respond positively to the efforts of the international community represented by the United Nations, and to work constructively to resolve the complications of the war and settle the conflict comprehensively and conclusively by peaceful means within the framework, and through full implementation, of Security Council resolution 598 (1987). This settlement, we believe, is an essential precondition for repairing the ravages of war and mobilizing both countries' potential for reconstruction and the national welfare. The Geneva accords reached in 1987 between the parties to the Afghan question and the subsequent withdrawal of Soviet troops from that country raised hopes that national reconciliation in Afghanistan was imminent, but it has not materialized so far. We call upon all the Afghan parties concerned to contribute constructively to reaching national reconciliation and unity without which neither security, stability nor reconstruction can be achieved. We carefully observe the recent developments in Cambodia and call upon all parties to work sincerely to achieve the goals that will r;~alize the aspirations of the people of Cambodia for independence, sovereignty and national unity. We hope to see the Korean people move towards achieving their aspiration to reunify their homelahd through peaceful means, free from foreign interference. We hope that the initiati.ves for reconciliation and the elimination of tension in Central and South America will lead to general and comprehensive security and peace and thl1'3 contribute to the stabili ty and development of the region. This prompts us to speak of the dangers to which Colombia is exposed because of its war against the mafias of illicit traffic in drugs. We hope the international commu~ity will support the Government of Colombia in its attempt to root out drug trafficking, which is a threat to security and stability in the region. The international scene has witnessed rapprochement between the two super-Powers, and peace has been achieved in many places in the world, but this is not reflected in the fields of international economic co-operation. We hope that the monies released by arms reduction will be put into programmes of economic and social development in the developing countries within the framework of international economic co-operation. The priority in this direction is to set up a just international economic and monetary system that will help these countries to overcome backwardness, pov,erty and stagnation. This cannot be done unless the international community fully assumes its responsibilities and seriously exercises political determination in addressing problems of growth and development in the developing countries. Foreign debt is the primary obstacle to any effort to pronote economic growth. The Sudan recognizes the encouraging initiatives of some creditor countries and deams that efforts in this sphere are not enoughJ they must be supplemented by effective steps to accelerate financial flows into the developing countries to support their national developmental efforts and expand their economic capacity. These steps are necessary to enable those countries to embark on the course of repaying their debts and to activate broader, more comprehensive co-operation to the benefit of both debtors and creditors. The conception of economic and technical co-operation has become an integral part of the general polltical awareness in .:he developing countries. The changing scene of the international economy offers opportunities for co-operation that must be utilized through a forthright dialogue between the rich and the poor countries (~r. Sahloul, Sudan) to the benefit of both. Efforts must be made to control the net flow of resources from the developing countries to the developed countries and the multilateral financial institutions, thus depriving the developing countries of vitally needed resources. The pro9ressive drop in the international prices of primary commodities is of grave concern to the developing countries, and we hope that the establishment, las t June, of the COllUllon FUnd for COllUllodi ties will contr ibute to improving the present state of trade in primary commodi ties. We welcome the global system of trade preferences and consider it a necessity to strengthen its mechanism in favour of the developing countries, particularly considering the current trend of protectionism. Having passed through the "lost eighties", the developing countries view with hope and optimism the nineties, the fourth decade of the International Development Strategy, when the lessons of the past will indeed help in setting new concepts of international economic solidarity. We look' forward to the forthcoming special session of the General Assembly devoted to international r::conomic co-operation, especially in developing countries, and to the second United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, to be held in Paris. We consider them important steps towards estahlishing the solidarity of rich and poor countries for development, elimination of poverty and consolidation of the basis for self-reI iance. We should like to draw attention to the dangerous situation resulting from environmental deter iora tion, par ticu!ariy deserti fica tion, drought, ecological irrbalance, cl imatic changes and the depletion of the ozone layer. We also draw attenticn to the dangers of exporting nuclear and industrial waste Md dumping them in the developing countr ies. We call upon the whole international community to bear jointly the common responsibility to control environm~ntal deterioration and share its burden. while noting the necessity of aChieving sustained and ecologically safe development. The many important and urgent matters on the agenda of this session of the General Assembly and the favourable international climate offer a great opportunity for the international community to confirm its sincere commitment to the Charter of the United Nations. (Mr. Sahloul, Sudan) (Mr. Sahloul, Sudan) This will promote the efficiency of the Organization and is a guarantee of the establishment of international peace and security and the enhancement of international co-operation in all other fields. Finally, we hope that this session will achieve fruitful results which will make it a landmark in the annals of our collective effort. Mr. KAMIKAMICA (Fiji); On behalf of the delegation of the Republic of Fiji, I extend to Ambassador Garba our warmest congratulations on his election to the high office of President of the forty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. His unanimous election is without doubt a recognition of the esteem in which he is held personally; it concomitantly reflects the high regard we all have for his great country, the Federal Republic of Nigeria. We are confident that his distinguished leadership will guide this forty-fourth session to a most successful conclusion. And the success that we achieve at this session will strengthen the supportive climate for international relations and further instil the need to interact positively among ourselves so as to solidify the basis for permanent international peace. The General Assembly is a meeting of representatives of sovereign nations and, in a sense, is about how we can enhance relationships and co-operation, how we can promote economic and social progress and how we can live in peace with one another. The world is now poised on the threshold of the last decade of the twentieth century and we will soon enter a new millennium. But what of the old century? The twentieth century has seen mankind suffer from two global wars, one of which was described as "the war to end all wars". Fifty years have now passed since the Second World War and, despite only limited conflicts and a period of cold war, we have witnessed the de\7elopment of massive arsenals. (Mr. Kamikamica, Fiji) On the positive side, we have seen phenomenal advances in science and technology, enabling man to land on tile Mbon and taking him to the final frontier, space. Scientific developments have helped improve living standards, increased agricultural and industrial production, and have added years to our lives. The story of mankind is, however, not simple and our achievements will pale into insignificance if the international community cannot come to terms with itself. In this regard, it is gratifYing to note that international tensions are beginning to wane, that major conflicts which have afflicted certain parts of the world appear to be in the process of resolution, in many cases using the good offices of our SecretarY-General. It is a tragedy that, while the Iran-Iraq war has seen an end to fighting, another country in the Middle East remains torn by strife. How much lor.ger will the people of Lebanon be sUbjected to a life of violence and insecurity? The United Nations, in an effort to eliminate sUffering and pursue peace in Lebanon, sent what was to be an "inter im force" which has now been in that country for over 11 years. The mediation of the Tripartite High Level Arab Committee is welcomed and we earnestly hope that it can find a durable solution to the issues. Fiji continues to support the Palestinian people's inalienable right to ~elf-determination and to a homeland, while at the same time recognizing Israel's right to exist as a St~te within secure boundaries. My delegation welcomes the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Kampuchea, which, we earnestly hope, will lead to the restoration of peace and to reconstruction in that ravaged country. The central role of the Associati.on of South East Asian Nations (MEAN) will be crucial b this regard and deserves the fUllest support of the international community. (Mr. Kamikamica, Fiji) It is also pleasing to note the new dialogue between the two Koreas which we sincerely hope will reduce the obstacles to peaceful reunification. However, as we have said in the past, we believe that in the meantime neither of the two should be denied the right to join this Organization. My delegation welcomes the recent developments in Namibia. It is most gratifying to see that, after years of international criticism and condemnation, South Africa has finally renounced its intransigence and agreed to let the people of Namibia achieve their cherished dream of independence. We look forward to the early admission of Namibia into the United Nations. My delegation renews its call to South Africa to bring a speedy end to the atborrent and inhuman policy of apartheid and grant to the black South African people their right to play an effective role in the government of their country. We will continue to support the measures being pursued by the international community to dismantle apartheid in South Africa, including the banning of sports contacts wi th South Africa. He welcome the recent initiatives being taken to bring peace and stability to Central Ameri ca. A,;; I said earlier, the twentieth century could be looked upon as the century of world wars. The creation of the League of Nations and its successor, the United Nations, clearly manifested man's desire not merely for lasting peace, but also for social and economic benefits for all mankind. And while Witll all our hearts we sincerely desire permanent and secure peace, ironically, this noble objective has continued to elude us. It has been argued that the possession of arsenals of nuclear weapons has ereate'"~ "l regime of peace based on a balance of nuclear power. But the build-up of (Hr. Kamikamica, Fiji) nuclear weapons only takes us closer to the edge of the holocaust. It is therefore important that the dialogue, discussions and .active reduction of nuclear weapons should continue. My country is committed to permanent and secure peace in our world. In pursuit of that commitment, Fiji has fully supported the United Nations in its peace-keeping activities. We have contributed troops for the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) and for the United Nations Good Offices Mission to Afghanistan and Pakistan (UNOOMAP) and, most recently, policemen for the United Nations Transition Assistance Group (UNTAG) in Namibia. Some 23 of my countrymen have paid the ultimate price while serving under the banner of the United Nations. (Mr. Kamikamica, Fiji) De~olonization, which has been one of the outstanding achievements of the United Nations, is reaching its final hou~. My delegation welcomes the positive developments in New Caledonia. We are confident that ~'rance will honour the commitment made in the Matignon Agreement to give the people of that Territory the right to exercise their will through a free and genuine act of self-determination in accordance with the principles and practices established by the United Nations. We are, however, indeed sorry that when that day comes one of the champions of the independence movement in New Caledonia, Mr. Jean Marie Tjibaou, will not be there to witness it. We in the Pacific were shocked to learn of the assassination of Mr. Tjibaou with his Deputy, Mr. Yeiwene Yeiwene. Mr. Tjibaou had become a familiar figure in the corridors of the United Nations, championing with dignity and forcefulness the caUse of his people. He will be missed by us all. The South Pacific is a relatively calm and peaceful region. We have pursued a number of initiatives to ensure maintenance of that situation. For example, we have established the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone Treaty - or the Treaty of Rarotonga, as it is more commonly known. Regrettably, however, France continues to carry out nuclear testing in the region. Its action hns earned the strongest condemnation by all countries in the South Pacific. When the French Prime Minister visited Fiji last month, I reiterated our concern when I told him: "If I were to ask only one thing of you, Mr. Prime Minister, my plea would be simple: please put an end to your nuclear-testing programme in the Pacific". ~ny of the Pacific Island countries depend almost entirely on the sea for their sustenance. Continued nuclear testing seriously threatens the resources on which they depend. A.,other danger posed to our food supply and economic sustenance is the i'laiscriminate exploitation of our marine resources by drift-net fishing or th~ (Mr. Kamikamica, Fiji) "wall of death" constructed by distant water fishing fleets. It is the unanimous position of the South Pacific Forum that this practice must stop. There is a third danger which threatens our environment. The phenomenon called "the greenhouse effect" or "global warming" is likely to cause a rise in sea levels which would submerge many of the low-lying islands in the Pacific and elsewhere. This issue must continue to be addressed by the international community as a matter or urgency. It is important for us to preserve, protect and promote our indigenous natural resources. And if it is important for us to preserve and protect our indigenous natural resources, then it is even more important for us to protect our indigenous human resources, our indigenous and tribal peoples - their special rights, their traditions, their culture. In that regard, the international community has been concerned about these issues. The rights of indigenous and tribal peoples are guaranteed and protected under the Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention of 1957 and under the Convention concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries of 1989. Permit me to make a few remarks on the situation in my country. At the heart of th~ two military actions in 1987 in Fiji were the concern and fear of the indigenous Fijian people about their future. The indigenous Fijians settled in the islands of Fiji more than 3,500 years ago. Immigration into Fiji during the early part of the Briti~h colonial admi.nistration led to a situation where. before the fOtlnoing of the United Nations, the indigenous Fijian people had become a minority in t~eir own country_ With the ahroqation of the 1970 Constitution in October 19B7 and the institution of an interim civilian Government in December 1987, there began the sensitive task of drafting a new ConstitJtion which would guarantee and protect the (Mr. Kamikamica, Fiji) special rights of the indigenous !"ijbl people while at the same time addressing the rights and interests of the other communities in Fiji. The Interim Government prepared a draft Consti tution. Subsequently, a Constitutiona.l I nqu iry and Advisory Committee was set up to receive the views and opinions of the people on a new Constitution. This 16-member Committee was made up of eminent persons in Fiji; it comprised six Indians, five Fijians, four from other races and one Rotuman, who was the Chairman. After conducting hearings throughout the r.ountry and receiving wr i tten and oral submissions over a period of eight months, and after deliberating over its report for a further three mo~ths, the Committee submitted a unanimous report to the Interim Government. I~ recommended, inter ali~, a two-chamber parliament of Fiji - a house of representatives comprising 37 Fijians, 27 Indians, four from ot~er races and one Rotuman; and a 34-member senate consisting ut chiefs and prominent citizens from other com~unities. The Interim Government released the report of the Constit~tiona1 I~quiry and Advisory Committee for public information earlier this month. The Fiji Times, independently controlled and the only Enqlish daily newspaper in Fiji at the time, said in its editorial: "The Constitutional Inquiry and Advisory Committee has produced a generally balanced report after an exhaustive n~tion-wide enquiry. It is ~ertainly not going to please ~veryone but the Committee, working within its terms of reference, has presented a compromise package that it hopes will be acceptable to all different communities "It recognizes that its package is by no means perfect - that is why it recommends a review within seven year~ - but makes out 3 5trong case for its acceptance now as a workahle doc~:nent, ~nd workable it is". d if flCU 1t. g~nerations t~t unhorn. 'rne PRESIDENT: I shall "lOW call r)rl t:lOS~ represent"tive<; ",ha Ui"i'l to) speak in exerci!>e '.lf the right of r~pl~', 34/401, statement!'> in exercise of the riq1lt nf r~?ly .:1r'" l.imit~d t·, lO·ni:ut·..', f)~ the first intervention and to 5 minutt'!'; for th.,> ·.l('cond .inri"ll") ll-i h·~ i'll3t"i"" ::>y delegations from their ~e3t~. Mr. I3ROCHAND (France) (int"'Ci)(t.t:ltil)n fr.)m Frp.nchj: 1'1 t;te ·;ud:~'me1t just made by the repce5enta t ive of Fij i. ~\I' ;;9ol{e of my Cl)llfi tr! "tn i ~P :md.>r'1::' ')'J:1:1 nuclear test~ that France ie; l1nd<:!rt"lking i:1 it:; own torrit.,t'! 1:1 ?ai.y"l":,,i.\. ~y t")(~riments - the Ilnderqround eXp!"'ri:nt"nt.;, I r~~ilt - i:1 n.) loll! '1,"trtn ~i':n... r tne cl imat<:! of friendship and co-o~ratiun - I \o/il.l lJ(>rt!: Ice t ..., c~min<i tt1'? repre~A1tative of Fiji "".-. my~~lf have just rp.pp.ato~. !'ir;i~ntific rep•.,rts carried !)Jt by thre~ indep~njent :;cie:'ltific sttl'ly te;\'1IS whi,-:h were alloweo to study ~ururo~. We b~liev~ th~t the French Government should aJthorizp. ~ further scientific study foe the benefit of the South Pacific region ~nder the s'.lpervision of the United Nations. ~he meeting rose at 7.55 p.m.
Cite this page

UN Project. “A/44/PV.13.” UN Project, https://un-project.org/meeting/A-44-PV-13/. Accessed .