A/44/PV.15 General Assembly

I ~hould like to draw the Assemhly's attention to document A/44/535/Add.2, which contains a letter addressed to me hy the Secretary-General informing me that, since the issuance of his communications dated 19 and 26 Septemher I98Q, the Dominican Repuhlic has made the necessary payment to reduce its rlrrears helow the amount specified in Article 19 of the Charter. May r take it that the General Assemhly duly takes note of this information? It was so decided.

I have great pleasure in welcoming the Prime Minister of New Zealand, His Excellency the Right Honourable Geoffrey Palmer. I invi te him to address the General Assembly. Mr. PALMER (New Zealand)~ It is a great pleasure to see a distinguished leader such as Ambassador Garba presiding over this Assembly. We have come to know him well from contacts between New Zealand and Nigeria, and we are confident that the Assembly is in very good hands. I last attended the General Assembly in 1985. I was then the Deputy Prime Minister of a recently elected Labour Government. I spoke on behalf of New Zealand in the general debate during the fortieth session. That year, of conrse, we celebra ted the for tie th ann iversary of the Uli ted N:l Hons. We all spoke with pride and enthusiasm about the Charter. We analysed its potential and looked at what had been achieved in the United Nations system over 40 years. And it was true~ much had been accomplishe~. But we all knew in our heart of hearts that despite the praise, the plaudits and the pizazz, it threatened to be a hollow anniversary. The failure to make progress on nuclear disarmament had distorted the fabric of international life. Seemingly intractable conflicts proliferated in many parts of the world. The peace-keeping machinery of the United Nations lay almost dormant and apparently dismissed. In our own region, the South Pacific, we watched anxiously the process of deoolonization and self-determi.nation in New Caledonia, where v iolence seemed imminent. sadly, these fears proved well founded. In Sou th (foIe. Palmer , New Zealand) Africa, the regill'e in Pretor ia con tinued year by year its unremi t ting and abhorrent practice of apartheid and its illegal occupation of Namibia. In 1985 there was all too lTUch evidence that respect for international law and the basic norms of the United Nations Charter were being ignored. We S<lJl the International Court being treated with cynical disdain. There was a steady erosion of State willingness to accept the rule of law and compulsory jurisdiction. New Zealand itself, in 1985, had been the victim of an unlawful act of force during the Rairbow Warr ior incident. I was obliged to draw that incident to the Assembly's attention in some detail. But times have changed. Fbur years later I am back in New York and I find a new picture. We have turned a corner. There have been encouraging signs concerning many of the intractable problems that we faced in 1985. It is a matter of enormous sa tisfaction to New Zealand that the Uni ted Na Hons, has been a k~y component in these developments. Even in the darkest days of cynicism about the United Nations, New Zealand stood up and spoke out in support of the united N~tions, the Charter principles and the rule of law. We applaud what has happened and what is continuing to happen. Let me cite some examples. In the area of peace-keeping, we see the United Nations proving what can be done, with hard-won progress in the conflict between Iran and Iraq. In southern Africa, a very important step has been taken in Namibia. New Zealand is pleased to have been able to contribute personnel to Uni ted JIb tions forces in both those situations, and also in Afghanistan. In the Pacific, we see grounds for hope in New Caledonia. We 10011; forward to a genuine act of self-determination in accordance with United Nations principles.· On disarmament, we have al!'io seen a marked change in the atmosphere, in the attitudes of the two super-Powers. One major agreement has been achieved; the intermedia te-nuclear-forces Trea ty. Other agreements, on strategic nuclear forces (Mr. Palmer, New Zealand) and conventional forces, are being negotiated. We in New Zealand appreciate the complexities of these negotiations. We applaud what has been achieved and what is being done. But our message must con tinue to be put bluntly: Do not return to the snail's pace of the 1970s and early 1980s. Deep cuts in strategic weapons and conventional for~es are urgent. We have a historical opportunity that ilay not come aga.n for a very long time. If the momentum slows and the moment is lost, history and all humanity will judge those responsible very harshly indeed. I a150 have to say quite plainly that we rema in disappo inted that the Un ited Nations plays a less than central role in key disarmament negotia tions. The lIni ted Nations must be a primary forum for the discussion of disarmament issues and the eventual negotia tion of disarmament trea ties. New Z~aland, together wi th Australia, has a special interest in promoting, through the Un ited Na Hons system, progress towards a comprehensive test ban. We again urge in the strongest terms that the powerful few reconsider our resolution with an open mind. New Zealand has a particularly well kno"1'l position on the question of nuclear weapons. I want to reiterate -what I said to the Assembly in 1985: "We have ••• declared unambiguously that we do not want any country to cEfend New Zealand with nuclea.r weapons ••• We will not have any nuclear weapons on our territory." (A/40/PV.7, p. 66) Since 1985 this policy has attracted widespread public support in New Zealand. This support continues to grow. It is clearly reflected in pUblic opin im polls. New Zealand is, and will remain, a nuclear-weapon-free State. Consistent with that position we urge, in the strongest term.c;, th.~t nuclear testing and nuclear weapons themselves be eliminated at the earliest possible date. Another fiel" in which we have ohserved significant developments in recent years is the rule of international law. It was a matter of great p.ncouragement to many small countries when last year, in the Assembly, President Gorbachev announcerl (Mr. Palmer, New Zealand) that the Soviet Union was aoopting a new policy towards the International Court of Justice. We also warmly welcome the fact that the Fbreign Minislt:rs of the Non-Aligned Movement, at their maeting at The Hague in July, began a constructive analysis of the Court and the role of international law. These developments went further and were reinforced by the welcome news of the recent agreement between the United States and the Soviet Union on the oompulsory settlement of disputes in the fields of drug tra ffick ing and terrorism. New Zealand urges all countries to review their positions on oompulsory jur isdiction and the settlement of dispu tes by third-party mechanisms. In this context 1 would also refer to the variety of roles that the Secretary-General can play to resolve disputes. 1 should also like to acknowledge in this Hall the people in the Uni ted Nations system who have done so much to ensure the progress made over the past few years. I do not mean only the staff that supports meetings here and in Geneva. I remenber also the unseen United Nations employees and volunteers who work in the field, often in very dangerous env ironments and su ffer ing consi derable hardship, negotiating cease-fires, organizing peace-keeping forces, serving in peace-keeping operations and running emergency relief and development assistance programmes. I want them to know that the people of New Zealand welcome and appreciate their very real contrib~tions. It would be tempting at this point to oonc1ude that the United Nations is in good shape, that things are all headed in the right direction and that we can all go h')me feeling good about what we have achiev2d. &Jt that is not the case. The United Nations system is still struggling with major problems. The evil of apartheid is still with us. We have not done enough to reduce poverty and indebtedness. Poli tieal sob tions s till elude ~ in the Middle East and Cambodia. But I have to tell the Assembly that, in New Zealand's assessment, a much larger problem has crept up on the wor id '5 leaders. It hac;; caught us unawares. The problem I refer to is the health of the planet Earth itsel f. I know that the United Nations nas not ignored the environment. Mr. Tolba and his staff in the United Nations Environment Programme have laboured valiantly. They have had real success on ozone depletion wi th the Montreal Protocol and, more recently, with the Helsinki Declaration. We in New Zealand have worked very hard indeed to support their efforts, Md we shall continue to do so. CM..,r. Palmer, New Zealand) CMr. Palmer, New Zea land} The general debate is itself demonstrating the growing international concern about the global environment. Action is under way in other parts of the United Na tions sys tem as well. A ma jor Uni ted Na tions conference on environment and development is scheduled for 1992, and it will offer a timely opportunity to take stock of the measures necessary to protect planet Earth. NP.w Zealand strongly endorsed the decision of the UNEP Governing Council in May this year to identify, in preparation for the 1992 conference, the eight critical global ~nvironmental problems: atmospheric degradation, fresh-water limitdtions, pollJtio'1 of the oceans, deforestation and the others. I also want to acknowledge t'e work of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. It is proving to be a very useful and effective mechanism, and New Zealand is playinq an active role in its work. All these measures are consuminq a great deal of time and energy. Environmental statements, seminars and conferences have become the poli tica 1 flavour of the month. Bu t it c;ometimes seems that a lot of talk takes the place of a ct ion. The 1992 conference will give us an ideal chance to prove to all the doubters and denigra tors of the Uni ted Na tions the real wor th of the Orgeniza tion. Our efforts in the coming weeks must be focused and they must be effective. We need vision, courage and action en the environment, not just talk. I want to ask some hard questions. Politicians are sometimes accused of getting on the green bandwagon because it is politically safe, simplistic and relatively cost-free. But 1 want to put it to the Assembly that anyone here who believes th~t environment issues are a soft option is !';adly misguided. (~1r. Palmer, New Zealand) The global environmental crisis is real. Human development has altered the global ecosystem in which we live. We hav~ been taking the good out of the air, the sea and the land and putting back was~e and poison. For most of human history the impact was so slight as to barely affect the balance. But in the last 50 years humani ty h as wrought havoc on th is Ear th. We have suddenly come to the knowledge that we can affect the ecologic::ll halance very seriou:;ly. Mot'e frighteningly, we have discovered that the balance has already been changed. The question now is, have we damaged our planet beyond repair? Can we get back to equilibrium? Can we arrest the process of change? The jury, of course, is still out on these questions. If the answer is that the change is irreversibV:=, the ultimate effects could be just as catastrophic for humanity as global nuclear war. I saw a cartoon recently. It pictured some aliens from outer space landing on a ravaged Earth where human life had ceased. One alien says to the other, "It's too bad. They just achieved general and complete disarmament and some hole in the ozone la yer got them". The message I have for thfE; Un i tp.d Na tions system is that we must look urgently at our priorities and our institutions. We must give real priority to the problems of the environment. We must give them attention at least equal to that which we devote to the poli tical and securi ty issues \mich have mesmerized the Uni ted Nations system and G:>vernments for so long. ~gradation of the environment i~ a prohlem that threatens our security every bit as gravely as the arms rac'=!. It aff'=!cts everyone. But we must recoqnize that, unlike the issue of nuclear disarmament, where a few very powerful countries have control of the means of destruction, '=!very country in the United Nations, no natter how small, contr ibutes in some way to t"e threat of environmental destruction. All contribute; all suffer. Pollution recognizes no poU tical boundaries. It is therefore beyond any doubt a p1'oblem for the United Nations. (Mr. Palmer, New zea lan2) Oi';:()urs~, not every coun try is equally respons ible, and not every coun try stands to be equally or as rapidly affected. SOmetimes the innocent will suffer more than the guilty. It is a fact that more than 80 per cent of the greenhouse gases are produced by a small group of economically privileged countries. It is also a fact that the contribution of the developed world to the depletion of the ozone layer is overwhelming" New Zealand understands the anxiety these facts cause to the peoples of the developing world. We are especially conscious of the plight of the countries of the South Pacific. Last year I represented New Zealand at the South Paci fie Forum meeting. We discussed climate change and the disastrous impact of possible sea-level rises. Imagine being the President or leader of an atoll country in the Pacific, such as Tuvalu or Kiribati or Tokelau, and learning that the effluent and byproducts of other people's development not only threaten sustainablE. development in your small i~tand country but indeed threaten to sUbmerge every bit of land on which your people live. Sma11 island communi ties in the Caribbean and Indian Ocean face similar problems. Pollution could literally wipe them off the face of the Earth. Or inagine representing one of the countries in the South Pacific with few or no natural resources other than the fish in the ocean. You discover that foreign fishermen from outside the reg ion have begun to use in your reg ion a fishing technology not used ther&'~ before, a technology which thr(!atens to collapse the albacore tuna fishery which is of vi tal economic importance to the coastal Sta tes of the region. I am speaking of the "wall of death": the enormou~ drift-nets which in the last few years have been employed in the South P&ci fic by distant wa ter fishermen. The technology is not new in it.<;elf. What is new, and wh.at, makes it quite unaccp.ptable, il'; a new techniqup. for the use of drift-nets. This involves several (totr. "allner, New Zea land) vessels work ing in co-opera tion, each deploying a series of veq' long nets. Fach net can be up to 50 kilometres in length. Each vessel sets a number of these nets in a very long lirle across the ocean. They sometimes cover thousands of kilometres of ocean. In the North Pacific, at the height of the season, an estimated 50,000 kilometres of drift-nets are set nightly. They then drift, literally like a wall of death. They catch and kill, like a vacuum cleaner, virtually every living creature, includ\ng some endangered species, that comes in contact with them. The indiscriminate nature of the catch makes this ~n unacceptable fishing technology. Turtles, whales, dolphins, birds; all are trapped Md killed. Large percentages of the catch are lost or wasted when the nets are recovered. In th~ North Pacific, drift-net fishing has seriously damaged valuable salmon stocks. I have to say that this technology was rejected unanimously by the countries of the SOuth Pacific. In July of this year at the South Pacific Forum meetinlj at Tarawa, South Pacific Heads of Government adopted a Declaration condemning the practice of large-scale dd ft-net fishing. But "wall-of-death" fishing is not just a moral problem. It is a legal, political and economic problem, and has global implications. Freedom of the high seas cannot be invoked to protect what is in effect a systematic assault on the regional marine ecosystem. There was a time when some argued that freedom of the high seas legitimized unacceptable and illegal practices. But customary interna tional law has responded over the years to outlaw unreasonable and repugnant practices. At the present time, international law is again responding to the unacceptable and unreasonable use of the high seas for dd ft-net fishing. There is already some evidence of the international community's response to this unreasonable use of the high seas. Many Pacific isla1d States, including New Zealand, have already taken action to outlaw the practice in their domestic regula tions and in their ,WO-mil~ 2.0"~O:;. -::'ht' T:,4:a""A ~chra tion was vigorously (i'lr. Palmer, New Zealand) supported only four weeks ago at the SOuth Pacific Conference on l~ture and Conservation of Protected Areas. It will be reinforced and codified later this year when tl1e South Pacific countries adopt a regional convention to prevent "wall-of-dea th" fishing in our region. I want to make it clear that what is troubling the South PacifiC': nations is not the practice of small-scale in-shore use of dri ft-nets of Hmi ted size, wh ich are used by various developing countries. Our concern is with the ne'·) arid highly destructive phenomenon of very long pelagic dri ft-nets. * The Tarawa Declaration called on the international community to support the position of the South Pacific countries on drift-netting. We have asked the Secretury-General to circulate the Tarawa Declaration as a United Nations document for the informa tion of all delega tions. The South Pacific will be vigorously pursuing this issue bilaterally, regionally and globally. We will be proceeding in a dispassionate, rational and reason~ble way_ But those who engage in this ecologically irresponsible activity should be in no doubt tha t the te-chn iques they use are U;lc.cceptable wherever they are used. New Zealand looks to the United Nations to support the Tarawa Declaration. Resolutions in the United Nations system to combat: drift-netting are inevitable if these practices are not Ii'lased out quickly. * Mr. Mudenge (Zirri>abwe), Vice-President, took the Chair. (~. Palmer. New Zealan<!) New Zealcnd, in close co-operation with the South Pacific countries and ob'ler Members of the Lnited Nations who have declared their abhorrence of the new drift-net technology, will be pursuing this issue within the United Nations system. At the present session opportunities exist under agenda items before several Committees of this Assembly. We note that the Cbvernment of the P-epublic of Korea has temporar ily halted drift-net fishing in the South Pacific. Th~t is welcome. We also welcome the decision by Japan in t~e past few weekls to reduce its drift-net fishing fleet. This is a step in the right direction. But a cessation of this fishing techniql]~ i~ the only ecologically acceptable solution. Only Taiwan has yet to respond to the concerns at the Pacific countries on this matter. We urge all concerl"ed to act qUickly. Indeed, the state of our qlobal fisheries is a good example of the broader - environmental problems that our planet is facing. There is really only one international measure regulating fisheries that proceeds on acceptably sound ecosys tem pr inciples. That is the Conven ticn for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine and :Living Resources. In this connection, I would remind the Assembly of the important and valuable environmental protection measures that have been achieved under the Antarctic Treaty, and note that further significant steps will be sponsored by New Zealand at the Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meeting in Paris next week. The Antarctic Treaty is an effective instituticn. We are making it even more effective in the environmental field. It is an institution that should be supported by the United Nations General Asserrbly. Even 20 years ago it was generally assumed that the fish in the open sea were inexhaustible. In general, anyone could go fishing without limitation. Yet we aU now know that the biomass (.If an'{ fishery can easily be overfished. We face a situation where the world's fishinq capacity may already be close to, or in P.X~~9S (Mr. Pa~er, New Zealand) of, sustainable yield from the commercial fisheries in the world's oceans. We are technically capable of catching fish faster than they can breed. Fishing rights are therefore tightly regulated and licensed. win we soon have to apply to OUl' atmosphere regulatory principles similar to those we are now applying to our fisher i.· .' I have to say that, if this is the case, then the example we have set with our fisheries is a frightening one. Drift"netting is simply the latest in a long history of irresponsible fishing practices. It is just as well that humanity has not depended on fisher ies alone for its survival. The record of in terna tional fi~heries management is such a sorry one that, if that had been the case, whole POpula tions would have long since perished in the wake of collapsed fisheries. But the reality is that there is no alternative atmosphere to breathe. There is only one global clinate. We must do better thCl'l the hal tinq attempts at fisheries conservation in that respect. I have some very specific and challenging thoughts about where we go from here to deal wi th the problems of the global environment generally. The intimate connection between the global environment and the global eCQnomy is beyond dispute. It does not need to be argued here. The conclusion of the Brundtland report that development only makes sense if it is sustainable has been wi dely recogn ized. The concept of sustainable development is, in its own right, an enormous challenge for the international community. But we must add to that challenge the need to address the disturbances that have been caused to the natural ecosystems. The ozone layer is already ser iously &plete1. Dispoc;al of hazardous and toxic wastes has become a global threat through dumping in the oceans. We have already witnessed unacceptable attempts to p.ty develf)ping countries to accept a role as waste receivers. Acid rain and desertification threaten economic progress on (~~almer, New Zea lan<;!) several cl)otinento;. ~forestatiQn is limiting the environment's capacity to heal it~elf and, more importantly, our atmosphere and our climate itself are threatened. Restoring the equilibr.ium, in all of these areas is going to involve quite significant impacts on the global eCDnomy. I do not bel i€'ve that the full extent of those impacts is yP.t apprecia ted by the general public in any of our countr ies. It is tiae that ordinary people everywhere stopped and thought for a moment. It is time to acknowledge that we are an adding to the environmental problems every day and that there are no free r idP.s. 11) the end, we are all going to have to contribute to the solutions, and this will require a major chdOge of attitude all over the world. Tn th is connection I want to pay tr ibutf' t,) the foresight shown by the Prime Ministers of the Netherlands, France and Norway, who in March this year brought together 24 Heads of GOvernment to oonsider the solutions. I was privileged to represent New Zealand at that meetinq. We adopted the Hague Declaration. That document called for the development of some very new and important principles to protect the global environment. t'lhat then does all this mean in practice? The Intergovernmental Panel on Cli!l'ate Change and its Work ing Groups are focusing on that issue in a great deal of cl'? ta i1. Butit seems to me that there are two very clear messages for the fu ture: first, if eff~ctive measures are to be taken to reduce grf'enhouse emissi..::ms so!tP. quit.:. radical economic measures will be required. Secondly, as is clearly spelt out in the Hague Declaration, SOIn? majlx in~tlt:utional chanqes are goinc:; to h,~ rpqu ired. As to eOlnomic measures, these will prove particularly radical for some economic thp.orists in many countrie~, in~ludinq New 7.p.aland. As many of you will kn(M, my Cbvernm(~nt has drastiCAlly reformed the Ne\>! Zealand economy. We have elimina ted subsic'lies, decequl.:l b:>rl cO!Rm(~r.cial activity and cf>vecsec'l the stul ti fyinq (Mr. Palmer, New Zealand) effects of unnecessary governmental intervention in the econany. And it has proved to be good eoonomic medicine. But it is abundantly clear from the evidence of environmental impacts that the definition Ot "necessary goverm-ental intervention" is going to have to change. Indeed, in New Zealand we have already begun to implement int-:!::,ventic ns co protect the g10.Hl environment. The first step was the implementation of the Montreal Proto~l in 1988. As a seoon~ step, I will shortly be putting before our Parliament legislation going beyond the Montreal ProtocoL By 1994 we shall reduce consumption of chlorofluorocarbons to only 5 per cent of 1986 levels, and we shall phase them out altogether by the year 2000. Thirdly, to address our national policies for resourCe management, I have commissioned the complete overhaul of our law relating to land use, water use, minerals, pollution and hazardous substances. legislation radically reforming all these areas will be submi tted to our Par liament before the end of the year. The New Zealand Government will make sustainable developnent the guiding principle behind decision-making in e:3ch of these areas. Ibt it is clear that these interventions will be insignificant by canparison with what will he required to combat the greenhouse effect. I am aware that there are s till many unknowns r ela ting to the greenhouse e ffeet, but the evi dence overwhelmingly points to the need to act. Effective action will require measures to reduce carbon dioxide and other industrial emissions. We shall have to look at ways to encourage measures of reafforestation that absorb carbon dioxide. We shall have to look at energy use, and tha t will have spin-off implications for economic activi ty and development throughout all our economies. CMr. Palmer, New Ze.:lland) But there are solutions as well as problems. Radical improvements in energy efficiency and energy conservation make sense economically as well as environmentally. But these alone will not be enough. The Uti ted N:l t ions may even need to consider the possibility that, within the limitations of present technology, if development is to be susta inable, it must be ra Honed - in other words, that humanity has reached the point in history where sustainable developnent is only possible if "rights to pollute" are allocated according to agreed criteria. New Zealand would be the first to acknowledge that this proposition is a frightening one, and it is all the more frightening because of its potential impacts on ~~e aspirations of the d~veloping world for economic and social development. New Zealand understands that we cannot solve global environmental problem:; unless we can work simultaneously and in a co-ordinated fash ion to e::adica te poverty. Sustainable developnent, in its true sense, will require action: to relieve debt burdens J to 1iberal ize mu! tila teral trade) and to pronnte flows 0 f development assistance without extra conditions. The burdens of improving the global env ironment must be shared by us all, and they must be shared fa irly. Tha t means that some who are already at higher stages of development will have to carry the greatest part of the burden. So clearly we are facing an immensely complex negotiating task. It involves balancing a wide range of technical, scientific and political judgements and meshing them with international economic, trade and aid policies. This is a task which requires the most delicate and co-ordinated oversight. Almost by definition it is beyond the mandate of any existing institution. (Mr. Palmer, New Z'"a land) That brings me to my second major point - institutional reform. We are conscious that a number of proposals have been canvassed in recent times fo~ institutional reform. They range from a new form of Security Council to an ad hoc institution wit.1l limited scope and a limited mandate. We ar.e also oonscicus that existing machinery, the United Na tions Environment Programme (UNEP), the Inter-Governmental Panel on Clin.ate Change (IOCC), the International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN), and others, must be given the room and support necessary to achieve their functions while we are discussing the insti tutional reforms of the fu ture • We accept that reform will have to be evolutionary. But a United Nations declaration on the environment may be needed, and in our view we need a vision that is clear and cogent, because if by 1992 existing insti tutions are not,. coping adequately, the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development will need to address squarely the Key issue of institutional reform. I have no doubt the issue will not go away. It will have to be faced. In New Zealand's judqement, the traditional response of international law, developing international legal standards in small incremental steps, each of which must subsequently be ratified by all countries, is no longer appropriate to deal with the hiqhly complex environmental problems of the fu ture. The time has come for something more innovative, for a oonceptual leap forward in institutional terT!G. And we see the need for the establishment of a new organ in the United Nations system - perhaps it could be called the "Environmental Protection Council". The United Nations already has a Security Council. We also have an EConomic and Social Council and a Trusteeship Council. We have two chapters of the Ooi ted Na tions Char ter on the settlement of dispu tes and the maintenance of ~ace. We have a chapter laying down the rules anrl principles with (Mr. Palmer, New Zealand) respect to Non-Self-Governing Territories. I have no doubt that if the Charter were being drawn up today, there would be widespread support for including among the organs of the United Nations a body empowered to take binding decisions on global environmental issues. In our view, nothing less than an institution with this status will command the necessary respect and authority to achieve what is required. Perhaps the most effectiv~ way to achieve this would be through the inclusion in the United Nations Charter of a new chapter dealing with the environment. Another option would be a major declaration of principle adopted by the Uniteo Nations. But we do not envisage any new body replacing UNEP. Far from it. UNEP brings together vital scientific and technical expertise. It has demonstrated both skill and ability in constructing and implementing programmes to analyse global issues and to support operational activities at the regional level. This is a vital function. Not only must it continue, but UNEP's role of developing scientific, technical and policy advice must be enhanced. UNEP may need to be built in as an integral part of the new structure. The missing institutional link, however, is the equivalent of a legislature. We would envisage the new environmental protectioo council becoming the point in the United Nations system which links the streams of economic and environmental advice. It would perform the function that currently falls between the cracks in the manda tes of all the existing organizations. It would have responsibility for taking co-ordinated decls ions on susta inable policies for global environmental protection. It would be empowered to take binding decis ions. And if decis ions are to be binding, the meJ'll)er ship of the Council may need to be very wide - perhaps including all Member 5 of the United Nations. But the key thing is that it should have power to act - not just to talk. The time is coming for a bold new step in developing the structures of the United Nations. We must show that the United Nations is' r~ady to meet new challenges and meet them by changing itself to cope with the needs of humanity in the course of the next century. In 1945, the present Charter was born out of the conviction that the horrors of the Second World War mlSt never be repeated. The environmental challenge which we n04 face may be every bit as devastating for humanity. Let us hope that we have learned from the past and that it will prove poss ible to put in place effective institutions n04, rather than repeat the sad experience of the League of Nations, a well-meaning but inadequate institution. If we wait for the afterrrath of an ecological disaster, it may be too late. May I conclude with a quotation from one of my predecessors, Prime Minister Peter Fraser, who in his statement at San Francisco, on 1 May 1945, at the adoption of the present Charter, had this to say: "The fa Uure of the League of Nations, one of the noblest conceptions in the history of man!< ind, was a moral fa ilure on the part of the individual members, and was not due to any fundamental defect of the machinery of the L~!Jue. [It] fa iled because its. members would not perform \\tIat they undertook to perform. It failed because of the recession that took place in public morality... It failed because the rule of expediency replaced that of moral pr inciples. "I would therefore stress that unless in the future we have the moral recti tude a'ld determina tioo. to stand by our engagements a'ld our principles, then ••• this new organization will avail us nothing, the sufferings and the sacrifices our people have endured will avail us nothing, a'ld the countless lives of those who have died in this struggle for security and freedom will have been sacrificed in vain." These words are a solemn reminder to us all that jn the end it is not only a question of insti tutions, of conventions and protocols. It is, in the final analysis, the scourge of pollution, like the scourge of war, that can Cl"ld will destroy us unless we are willing to put principle above expediency. gtrong medicine is called for for a sick planet. We have no choice. And if we take no action, we will have no fu ture. The PRES !DENT: On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of New Zealand for the important sta tement he has jlSt made. Mr. Geoffrey Palmer, Prime Minister of New Zealand, was escorted from the rostrum. Mr. WlJERATNE (Sr i Ianka) (spoke in Sinhala~ Engl ish text furnished by the delegation): As Minister of Foreign Affairs of sri Lanka, I appear before the Assembly for the first time to speak 00 behalf of my country. I am very happy to address these few words to the Assembly. (continued in Engl ish) Mr. President, on behalf of the Q)vernment and people of Sr i lanka, I wish to e):tend to Mr. Joseph Garba our warmest good wishes cnd congratulations on his ,~lection as President of the forty-fourth session of the United Nations General Assembly. sri Lanka has close and cordial rela tions wl th Niger ia, not only at the bilateral level but also in the forums of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and t.he Commonweal th, in wh~ch we have closely co-opera ted. I should also like to express our appreciation for the manner in which his predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo, the Foreign Minister for Argentina, presided over the forty-third session. (Mr. Wi jeratne, Sri tank a) May I take this opportuni ty to convey to Antlassador Garba the greetings and good wishes of His EXcellency Mr. Ranasinghe Premadasa, the President of Sri Lanka, and the people of Sr i Lanka and, through him, to all the representa tives assembled here today. We I ive in a time of change, a time of uncer ta inty, as well as a time of promise and hope. Each of us, the powerful and the weak al ike, must respond to the challenge of change. As individual independent States we must provide, in our domestic context, the equali ty of opportuni ty, the freedom and the support essential for our citizens to fulfil their aspirations. As a global community, we need to respond collectively to the challenge of rapidly evolving international developnents and conduct our pol itical and economic relations \'1ith each other to ensure the benefi t of the entire world community. The nexus between day-to-day occurrences in our own nations and broader global developments is dralM tically brought into focus at the General Assenbly each year. ~re each representative brings before this parliament of nations the hopes and expectations that notivate his people as well as the fears and frustrations that bligh t their secur ity and well-being. It is evident in these presenta tions that what most of us are unable to achieve through our individual and separa te endeavours we need to approach as joint ventures in international co-operation. Our na tional options are often circumscribed by factors that 1ie beyond our national boundaries. That is equally true of political and economic matters. Developing countries like my own are affected by the nomentous transforlMtions taking place at the present time in international economic relations. Science and technology are revolutionizing traditional patterns of industrial activity and production. Centrally planned economic systems are being radically restr.uctured, with decision-making being decentrali~ed and economic freedom being encouraged. A process of integration or globalization transcending national f.rontiers is fundamentally transforming financial and other markets. Integration of some key sectors of the wor Id economy has len to a di ffus ion of economic power and the emergence of new centres ·.,f influence. 1992 wi 11 usher a new economic force into operation. As part of the relaxation of political tensions, co-operation between systems previously thought to be irreconciliable is further enhancing the process of integration. World economic output in 1988 expanded more than had been expected. Interna tional trr.!de aTld investments grew vigorously. The number of developing countries with growth rates in excess of 5 per cent increased as well, but for most developing countries whose economies have felt the ripples of these trends the economic environment has remained unfavourable, even hostile. Growth ra tes have stagna ted or registered a decline. Prices for the products of developing countries have fluctuated to their detriment. While our products have indeed been competitive, many have nevertheless sustained losses in overall returns, having to contend with forbidding obstacles of quotas, tariff and non-tari f f barriers and other restrictions which limi t access to markets. One can argue about the rules of the General Agreement on Tariffs ann Trade (GATT) and commitments undertaken in the Uruguay Round aimed at an equitable global system of trade exchanges. The telling reality is, however, that the percentage share of the developing countries in international trade eXchanges has deteriorated from about 25 per cent at th~ beginning of the 19805 to below 20 per cent last year. Trade is a vital life-line for developing countries. At the summi t conference of the non-~ligned countr ies in Belgrade, whidl I attended, the leaders of o'"er 100 Sta tes emph as ized the vital need for the interests of the developing countries to be adequately reflected in sectors of special importance to them, such as textiles and clothing, agricultural products, tropical products and natural-resource-based products. (Mr. Wi jeratne, Sri Lan1<a) It is essential tha t sustained efforts be exerted, including those wi thin the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), to stabilize commodity prices at an adequately remunerative level. Reasonable coml'!Odity prices and fair market access for developing countries' tradp. would be more welcome than infusions of aid. l'Ilat is requ ired is steady, predi ctable export earn ings for developing countr ies which they could deploy to combat poverty and want. Sri Lanka has ini tiated innOl1a tive methods for the aUevia tion of poverty by seeking to tap the latent productive energies and rich creativity of the very segments of our population that are most adversely affected. These segments of our population have for too long been considered dependent. The Janasaviya movement - as it is called - has been set in !lOtion to encourage about a million poor families to participate in the national productive endeavour, which could eventually involve even their entry into the export sector as well. One of the main factors in society that makes poverty especially intractable is homp.lessness. Shanties, slums and other sub-human dwell ings: they are the lot of countless millions of people in the developing world today. It is his deep awareness that investment in hous ing necessarily means disinvestment in poverty that led my Presid'i:!nt, His Excellency Mr. Ranasinghe Premadasa, then Prime Min ister, to propose to the General Assembly at its th irty-fi fth seas ion tha t an international year be designated to advance the cause of shelter for the homeless in the world. The interna tiona1 communi ty responded to his call, and 1981 became the International Year of Shelter for the Homeless. As part of our own response to the challenge of alleviating poverty in Sri Lanka, we havp. taken many strides forward in our housing programmes. A programme for constructing 100,000 houses was canp1eted. It was followed by a programme of building 1 million houses. We are now engaged in developing and (Mc. Wijeratne, Sr i I.anka) implementing a programme of building an additional 1.5 million houses. We shall continue to build on th~se programmes. We shall constantly raise our targets. As the country that proposed international action for ending the scourge of homelessness, we are oommitted to achieving the United Nations target of shelter for all by the year 2000 ahead of that year. A further initiative being considered by Sri Lanka concerns the development of the i."esources of the oceans. Despi te the ri ch promise of the Uni ted N3 t ions Convention on the Law of the Sea, many developing countries have still been unable to reap its full potential owing to insufficient awar:eness and the lack of national capabilities in the ocean sector. My delegation hopes to present an initiative at the sess ion th is year wi th the objective of launching an endeavour at the global level aimed at the realization of the benefi ts of ocean development. Sr i Lanka looks forward to the suggestions and support of other members. In an adverse economic climate, developing countr ies faced wi th the poli tical and social imperative of providing for the well-being of their people have slipped into the deeper and more deadly snare of debt. The external debt of developing countries is now over Sl,320 billion. Such astronomically high debts and debt service ratios have exhausted the economies of many developing countries. The situation has indeed deteriorated to such an extent that the net outflow of resources from the developing world to the developed economies exceeds the mUch-vaunted aid transfusions. At the level of the aggregate of the capitalimporting developing countries, 1989 will mark the seventh consecutive year of such negative transfers. Sri Lanka, relatively better placed, nevertheless has a rising debt service ratio of 28.7 per cent. This negates what advances have been made in promoting ~~~~rt earnings. It restricts resources for investment, holds back the maintenance and development of infrastructure and inhibits long-term improvements in the economy. Developing countries have also negotiated assistance and support from the major multilateral financial institutions for agreed economic programmes of a remedial or development-oriented nature. Such support, which has undoubtedly brought relief, has not always been ava ilable wi thout a heavy price tag to be paid in pol itical and social cur rency. Assistance and support has been forthcoming only on the basis of pr ior assent to certa in policy prescriptions to be faithfully follOlled by the recipient State. The formula is familiar: restructuring of sectors of the economy~ submissioo to realistic exchange rates - that is, effective devaluation; liberalization of import regulations; budget austerities compelling reduction or removal of consumer subsidies and other welfare benefits which have cushioned the poor; rationalization of the State sector and perhaps privatization. Stringent conditionality has been an inevitable element in assistance from mul tilateral insti tutior.:-. Compl iance often entails the imposition of unbearable economic and social burdens on the people and the real prospect, consequently, of political agitation, unrest and ~ven violence. Non-compliance, on the other hand, can possibly mean an in terruption, or even a cutoff, in support from the institutions concerned. It could also involve a diminution in the country's image of "aid-worthiness", with attendant consequences in its bilateral relations with donor countries. Here too, the nexus between political realities and economic exigencies becomes acutely evident. The multilateral institutions would do a major service it t~ey took fuller account of the political and social fallout that awaits a country Whose burden of conditionality weighs heaviest on its people. Sri Ianka, with a population of 17 million projected for 1990, won its independence 41 years ago. Its population then stood at 7 million. The decisive l<:Mer ing of the infant mortality rate from 140 per thousand before independence to 39 per thousand in the period 1980-1985 and the rise in life expectancy from 42 years before independence to over 70 years now are indices of the progress made by independent Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka's immunization programmes among children, supported by the United Nations Children's FUnd, will achieve t.."leir tar-gets well before the stipulated date of December 1990. An advanced system of welfare facilities has been available to the population. These include free education, free medical services and subsidized food essentials and transport. A partial scaling-down of some of these facilities, partly brought about by the external environment I have described, a revolution of rising expectations and a complex of other political and social factors have led to frustration and unrest, parti~Jlarly among our politically articulate youth, Who account for about 44 per cent of (Mr. Wijeratne, Sri Lank. a) Sri Lanka's population. Such frustrations have fuelled strong radical views. This has in turn led to a tragic state of violence in our society. A political dialogue to whidl all par ties have been invi ted is now in progress to reconcile di fferences in approach to our current problems and to effect a speedy return to normalcy in the island. This situation needs to be differentiated from the developments which painfully forced Sri Lanka into world headlines in the early 1980s. Coupled wi th ethnic considera tions, a dangerous si tua tion had at isen in the northern portions of the isl~nd. Violent militant groups within an ethnic minority, the Tamils, sought recourse to terrorism and violence to achieve their ends. It had readled a point in 1987 when, to deal with aspects of the problem which lay beyond our shores, Sri Lanka signed the Indo-Sri Lanka Treaty of July 1987. A measure of stability was felt in the immediate aftermath of the Tr£.aty, \'men the militant groups agreed to eschew violence cnd commence peaceful negotia tions to redress their gr ievances. This per iod was all too short-lived. Despi te the presence of peace-keeping forces sent to Sri Lanka in the con text of the Treaty, a period of senseless violence and brutality recommenced in which civil ians suffered a terrible toll. An appeal was addressed to all militant groups by the President of Sri Lanka that they enter the mainstream of the peaceful denocra tic process. The Libera tion Tigers of '!'ami.l Eelam have responded posi.tively, and the Sri tankan Government is now in the process of pursuing negotiations with its representatives. The Sri Lankan Government has studied with interest the initiative of the Government of the Republic of Maldives in proposing that some medlanism should be devised within the United Nations to support the independence of small States in the event their security is threatened. The threat to small States my be an external one) more usually, it comes in the form of involvement or intervention in (Mr. Wijeratne, Sri Lanka) the internal affairs of small States. As developing countries, most of us face problems of national integration and consolidation. Ensuring social cohesion and harmony is another of our challenges. These problems we must face and resolve by the evolution of our own national life. Elcternal inputs dangerously inflame issues. Indeed, what served to aggravate the violence and insecurity of life in the north and east of Sr i Ianka in recent years was the external support received by dissident groups. It militarized their campaign. It converted an essentially domestic conflict into one with international ramifications. It added new dimens ions to the agony of the peoples of the reg ion. The non-aligned summit conference in Belgrade considered the question of international terrorism in all its forms. Heads of State at the summit noted that terrorism ~ndangered the very territorial integrity and security of States. They called upon all States to fulfil their obligations under international law~ obligations to refrain from organizing, instigating, assisting or participating in terrorist acts in other States, or acquiescing in activities within their territories which encourage the perpetration of such acts. An insidioL1s link exists between international terrorism, drug trafficking and the illegal arms trade. ColOmbia's very survival as a State has been jeopardized by the evil plague of drugs. We applaud the efforts made by the President and Government of Colombia in combating this curse. The community of nations must, on a continuing basis, attack the unholy trinity of terrorism, drug trafficking and the illegal arms trade. The Belgrade summit of non-aligned States supported in principle the convening of a United Nations conference which would, i.nter alia, define terrorism to distinguish it from the legitimate struggle of peoples for national liberation - a struggle which resolutely continues in Palestine and South Africa. (Mr. Wi jeratne, Sr i Lanka) As v iolence and insecurity con tinue in the reg ion of the Middle East, support is universal for the convening of the International Conference on the Middle East under the auspices of the United Nations. The question of Palestine remains at the crux of the prevailing unrest in the Middle East. A comprehensive settlement is not possible without the restoration of the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people and the withdrawal of Israel from occupied Palestinian and Arab territories. Only then could arrangements be guaranteed for the security of all States in the region within secure and internationally recognized boundaries. In southern Africa, the hated system of apartheid perpetrates its vicious acts of violence and repression against the majority black people of South Africa. The racist regime con tinues to destabilize its independent African neighbours. Apartheid cannot be reformed. Only decisive action by the international conununity, not excluding the imposition of mcndatory sanctions, can bring do~ the evil em fi ce of aEar the id. In Namibia, after facing several obstacles, we are able to welcome the commencement of steps this year for the i!t\plementa tion of the United Na tions plan for Namibian independence. Sri Lanka looks forward very much to receiving intbpendent Namib ia as a full Member of the Organiza tion in the very near future. Nearer home, in SOuth~est Asia, we welcome the withdrawal of foreign forces fran Afghanistan. We note wi th concern, however, that peace has not been completely restored to that country. The free exercise of the right to self-determination by all the Afghan people and .the return, in conditions of safety and honour, of Afghan refugees are indispensable to any comprehensive political settlement of the problem. (Mr. \iijeratne, Sri Ianka) In South-East Asia, we believe that conflict and tension can be eased ooly on the basis of the withdrawal of foreign forces and the exercise of the right of the people of Cambodia freely to determine their destiny without outside pressure. The continued presence of foreign occupation forces in the Republic of cyprus obstructs the achievement of a lasting soluticn to all aspects of the question. Sri Lanka strongly supports the independence, territorial integrity and non-aligned status of Cyprus. We encourage the Secretary-General to continue his mission of good offices, and we appeal to all parties involved to co~perate with him in a cons tructive spir it. I have touched briefly on a number of issues which have been on the Assembly's agenda for several years. Despi te the many obstacles which continue to hinder their solution, there is much that offers hope and promise. In a broad sense, the new co-opera tive rela tionshi p between the (hi too Sta tes and the Soviet Union has eased tensions, particularly in EUrope. We non-aligned States have had the opportunity to assess these developments at the summit conference held in Yugoslavia. In the field of disarmament, the prospect of progress is more than illusory. The Treaty on the Elimina tion of In termediate-Range ald Shorter-Range Miss iles - the INF Treaty - is an important step in a long journey which has just begun. The threat of nuclear annihilation has not been eliminated, and we are following with interest the negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union on reductions in their strategic offensive nuclear arsenals. It is essential that the process be widened to include other nuclear-weapon States as well and eventually lead to the complete elimina tion of t.'lese weapons of extinction. An immedia te and comprehensive ban on nuclear testing meanwhile remains one of the highest priorities of disarmament, and Sri r.anka is one of over 40 States which have taken action to oonvene an amendment conference to oonvert the 1963 partial test-ban (Mr. Wijeratne, Sri Ianka) Treaty into one that is comprehensive. That would also help to enhance the credibility of the nuclear-non-proliferation regime on the eve of the Review Conference. As a member of the Conference on Disarmament, Sri Ianka firmly maintains that this single multilateral negotiating forum should not delay the commencement of substantive negotiations on all issues relating to nuclear disarmament and on the prevention of the arms race in outer space. We urge the Conference to conclude its work on a comprehensive and global oonvention banning the development, production, stockpiling and use of chemical weapons and on their destruction. Sri Lanka welcomes the initiative announced by the United States President, Mr. George Bush, to destroy all chemical weapons within a decade. Soviet Foreign Minister Etluard Shevardnadze has the same desire to be rid of these barbaric weapons. That augurs well for all humanity. Finally, let me br iefly refer to the Declaration of the Indian OCean as a Zone of Peace. The General Assembly has by a consensus decision called for the convening of the conference on the Indian Ocean in 1990 in Colombo, Sri Lankai to fulfil the objectives contained in the Declaration and considered by the littoral and hinterland States at their meeting in 1979. The Heads of State of the non-aligned countries at their ninth summit conference, in Belgrade, called for the full and active participation in the Confp.rence by the permanent members of the Security Council and the major maritime users of the Ocean, whose co-operation is essential for the success of the Conference. We urge all States concerned to finalize preparatory work for the Conference to ensure its convenin9 in 1990. The agenda for this forty-fourth session covers a wide and varied diversity of ite~~, including those of an economic, political, cultural and humanitarian character. Yet thereis an intr insic relationship between most of these items which makes difficult their consideration in complete isolation. A recurrent theme (Mr. Wijeratne, Sri Lanka) in our debate has been that many of our concerns require co-ordinated, global approaches that transcend national frontiers. Fbr example, the d1 ildren of the world are the hope and the future of the world. The concept: of a world summit for children, endorsed by a number of world leaders, including my President, calls for global commitment and universal support. The possibili ties and options open to an individual State for unilateral action are being increasingly circumscribed. All this emphasizes human interdependence. Despite disparities in size and power, we are, all bound, therefore, to share a single planet and its resources. This requires that affairs among nations be so ordered as to ensure at least our very survival, not to speak of our development and progress. The cynical pursuit of myopic national interests through the inequitable deployment of political, military or economic muscle will negate our shared goals. Interdependence must therefore be a catalyst for co-operation on the principle of the sovereign equality of States on which our Organization is based. Mr. BON~ (Gabon) (interpretation from French): The sessions of the General Assembly of our Organization offer Government officials such as ourselves the solemn opportunity both to give the views of our respective oountr ies on the status of the world and to take a look at prospects for its future. I myself am particularly honoured to address the Assent>ly for the first time on behalf of my country, Gabon. I should like first of all to discharge the pleasant duty of conveying to President Joseph Garba, the Permanent Representative of Nigeria to the united Nations, on behalf of His Elccellency El Hadj Qnar Bongo, the President of Gabon, and on my own behalf, the warmest fraternal congratulations of the Gabonese people on his brilliant election to the presidency of the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly. The confidence t."lus demonstrated shows the esteem he enjoys among us, and is a tribute to his outstanding qualities as a man well versed in international affairs and his commitment to the Special Committee against Apartheid, which he chairs. The President may rest assured that in this body the Gabonese delegation will be guided by its firm determination to make a sincere contr ibution to the success of our work. It is ITrf delegation's oonviction that under the presidency of Joseph Garba the deliberations of the Assembly will proceed in the spirit of the principles and purposes of the Charter of our Organization for the achievement of a just and equitable world. We should also like to congratulate the members of the Bureau, who are working with the President to ensure the success of our deliberations. We take pleasure in availing oursel<les of this opportunity to thank Mr. Garba's predecessor, Mr. Dante Caputo of Argentina, and his Bureau for the invaluable work they did during the forty-third session. (Mr. Bongo, Gabon) To the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, my country would like to pay a well-deserved tr ibute for the self-sacr ifice, talent and complete dedication he has shown in carrying out his difficult tasks. By way of illustration I would mention his recent visit to southern Africa, as well as his participation in both the twenty-fifth summit of the Organization of African Unity and the ninth summit of the Non-Aligned Mbvement. With the experience it has a(XJuired from the various trials, tribulations and upheavals that have taken place since its creation, our Organization is more than ever aware of its place and its responsibilities with regard to the destiny of mankind. Each of us must beoome aware of the need for all Merrbers to take part in world decis ions in this body, for wi thout a doubt the Uni ted N:i tions rema ins, the centre for the harmonizing of the actions of nations in the attainment of common ends. The signing of the American-Soviet agreement of 8 December 1987 on the dismantling of internediate-range nuclear missiles; the conclusions of the Belgrade summit last September, and the determination then restated by the non-aligned countries to work towards the building of a better world J the very recent American and Soviet proposals for the elimination of chemical weapons} the tireless activities of the United Nations in these spheres - all have given rise to a climate of detente and confidence truly propitious for the peaceful settlement of regional conflicts. The same appl ies to Afghanistan, and Gabon hopes that, follow ing the Geneva agreements, as well as the withdrawal of foreign troo1?S, an international and nat:onal consensus might emerge to enable the Afghan people to express its legitimate aspirations and devote its resources to the cebuilding of its country without external interference of any kind. CMr. Bongo, Gabon) As regards Cambodia, we take pleasure in noting wi th interest the role played by the A'3EAN countries at the Jakarta meetings, and the first peace initiative of France, which has led to the creation of three so-called monitoring, safeguard and refugee committees, as well as to the establishment of an ad hoc committee. The miss ion of inqu iry of the Secretary-General in Cambodia, as well as the establishment of mach inery for international monitor ing, are not only a useful tool but also and above all a prerequ isi te for a return to peace in that coun try. Concerning the Korean peninsula, my country has always worked for peaceful unification in a framework of sincere joint efforts that take into account the will of the Korean people as a whole, a necessary prerequisite for the genuine representation of that country in our Organization. Tak ing advantage of the overall cl imate of detente, the parties to the Iran-Iraq conflict have agreed to negotiate in Geneva on the basis of security Council resolution 598 (1987). We can only welcome this, while exhorting the two parties to commit themselves to doing their utmost to help the secretary-General in the full implementation of that resolution. That is how they can ShCM their true will ingness to achieve peace. As r.egards the Middle East cr is is, my country has always held the view that its settlement requ ires the total and uncondi tional wi thdrawal of Israel from the Arab occupied territories, de jure recognition of the PLO as the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, and free exercise by the latter of its right to self-determination, and its right to have its own State with internationally recognized borders. Gabon, then, fully subscribes to the idea of an international peace conference on the Middle East under the aegis of the United Nations, with the participation of all the parties concerned, including the Palestine Liberation Organization. (Mr. Bongo, Gabon) I commend here the excellent relations Palestine has had with my country, which were manifested in the opening in 1986, in Libreville, of Palestinian diplomatic representation. We cannot talk about the situation in the Middle East without dealing with the painful problem of Lebanon because above and beyond the ordeal suffered by its people for more than 15 years, it is Lebanon's survival, that should concern us today. Gabon, therefore welcomes the resumption of the work of the Tripartite committee of the Arab League on Lebanon, which should form part of overall broad-based diplomatic action, and supports its efforts to find a lasting solution to this real human tragedy. As regards the situation in Central America, Gabon hails the oonclusion of the Esquipulas II and Tela agreements, which pave the way for the return of peace to that region. It also welcomes the secur ity Council's firm support for these agreements, which should facilitate the achievement of the objectives set forth in the plan. I could not conclude this part of my statement without touching on the conflicts that beset our dear continent of Africa. As regards the Chad-Libya border dispute, the Heads of State and Government, at the twenty-fifth summit of the Organization of African tmity (OAU), renewed the mandate of the Ad Hoc Committee, which has been chaired by my country since 1977. I take pleasl~re in emphasiz ing in this connection that the recent conclus ion in Algiers of the framework agreement on the settlement of the Chad-Libya border dispute is the logical culmination of the various ini tia tives of the Ad Hoc COlllllittee and its Chairman. At the twenty-fourth sUllUIIit of the OlW His Excellency El Hadj Omar Bongo proposed that pride of place be given, as a necessary prerequisite for peace, to the establishment of a clinate of confidence between the two countries and the dynamics of dialogue, bringing the two parties together, which would be very significant. The Angolan issue, also, was dealt with by Heads of State of the African subregion, including the President of Gabos'1, and they reaffirmed their support for the plan for pp"lce and reconciliation in Angola formulated in the Gbaaolite declara tions. (Mr. Bongo, Gabon) (Mr. Bongo, Gabon) In international terms, Gabon would like to express its sa tisfactiQl to those countries that have provided military observers and international officials, and to the United Nations for all its technical assistance for the verification mission in Angola. As regards Namibia, my country welcomes the implementation of the United Nations plan for the independence of that territory. Furthermore, we express full appreciation to the Secretary-General for his efforts within the framework of Security Council resolutions 629 (1989) and 632 (1989) and urge the South African authorities to oo-operate with the United Nations Transition Assistance Group in their implementation. Finally, we are grateful to the Secur ity Council for its vigilance, shown recently in resolution 640 (1989), whereby it requires that all parties concerned, especially South Afr ica, comply, among other things, with the provisions of resolution 435 (1978). The process of Namibia's accession to international sovereignty - long overdue - is today irreversible. The desperate manoeuvres at intimidation of the civilian population and the attacks against the leaders of the South West Africa People's Organization - all plots hatched by a minority of proponents with a backward-looking, anachronistic vision of history - cannot stop or delay its implementation. The situation in Namibia is .10t the only source of tension in southgrn Africa. Apar theid, which has become a crime against humanity, is also a considerable source of tension. That is why, now more than ever before, and taking into account current poli tical developments - the results of the sustained action of forces for change within South Afr iea and of external pressure - Gabon demands that the state of emergency be ended and 'that all poli tical prisoners, including in particular Nelson Mandela, be released. EUrthermore, \'le ask those who still (Mr. Bongo, Gabon) support that regi~ to face the facts and to help in the total eradication of that shameful system. I could not conclude my statement on the political situation in Africa without referring to the burn ing ques tion of the Comor iill island of M:lyotte. Gabon reaffirms its sol idar ity with the fraternal people of Comoros and =eiterates its determinatioo to cootinue its efforts to have the Comorian island of M:lyotte returned to its homeland. I come no.ol to international economic issues, which various parties have met to discuss. Among other issues, I want to mentioo the Interim Committee of the International Monetary Fund, which met in Washington on 31 March 1989 and at which Gabon presided, and the last summit of the seven most industrialized countries held quite recently in Paris. If we have seen a slight improvement in 1988 and 1989, as oompared with previous years, we are bound to note that the developing countries have not really benefited from it. The trend of negative net transfers from our countries to t.he industrialized world and the international financial institutions, the deterioration in the terms of trade, the increase in international interest ratE!S and a reduction in the gross domestic product of our various countries are the best illustra.tion of this. As regards the delicate problem of debt, which in 1988, according to the estilMtes of the World Bank, had reached the outrageous sum of Sl,245 billioo for all the developing countries taken together, including S 230 billion for Afr ican countries alone, it is well kno\\1'l that the current cost of servicing this, by absorbing a growing proportion of export and budgetary income, is undermining adjustment efforts and is a major obstacle to the development prospects of our countries. It. spite of the rescheduling agreed to by creditors, our countries have not yet been able to achieve an overall improvement in the financial balance. (Mr. Bongo, Gabon) The African countries in particular, wi th the assistance of interna tional fir.ancial institutions, have even set up programmes of structural adjustment in order to cope wi th the ir s er ious in debtedness. ThQ Gabonase GovernlOOnt, for its part, has, since 1986, established an adjustment programme with the objective, on one hand, of reImdying the Imdium-term imbalances, both internal and external, and, on the other hand, of reducing the vulnerability of our countries to fluctuations in the price of oil. We must admit that these efforts have not yielded all the desired resultso Therefore, taking into account the reasons for these distortions, the African countries have advocated, within the framework of the Organization of African thity (OAU), collective steps wi th a view to tailoring structural adjustment programmes to the specific characteristics of the countries concernedo This approach is in accordance wi th the general guidelines suggested in the African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programmes for Socio-economic aacovery and Transformation (AAF-SAP), submitted last July at the fiftieth session of the Council of Ministers of the OAU, which adopted it, and by the Eli:ecutive Secretary of the Economic Commission for Africa. Gabon requests that the General Assemb ly, in turn, adopt the AAF-SAP and hopes that the Deve10pnent Commi ttee of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, as well as the Group of 24, will do likewiseo Furthermore, my country notes with interest the hnerican initiative - the so-called Brady Plan - and the announcement, by President Fran90is Mitterrand in Dakar, of the intention to write off the public debt of 35 African countrieso Even though Gab<m and other Imdium-incoIm countries have not benefited from this last measure, these are initiatives that we hope will lead to additional resources, and they are a real cause for satisfaction. In any case, they demonstrate the emergence of solidarity between North and South. Gabon, for its part, hopes that (Mr. Bongo, Gabon) provisions to reduce the volume of trade debt and alleviate the cost of servicing it will be adopted. In this spir it, my country urges the credi tor conununity to be impartial by establishing greater equity in the treatment of debt. I should like to take this opportunity to salute the Canadian Government for its recent ini tia tive in wri ting off the debt of medium-income African countries. By and large, the economies of the developing countr ies will not show real growth so long as the prices of raw materials are not at a level that takes into account the movement in those ef manufactured goods and the sluggishness of internation&l markets. The international detente which we all agree should be emphasized and the development efforts agreed on for my country are aimed at achieving a better life for mankind in a sound environment. As regards the environment, the per Us of the modern world - such as industrial pollution of the air, the warming trend in the planet, the greenhouse effect, the depletion of the ozone layer, and the dumping and storing of waste of all types, to name only a few - call for world-wide attention. In the face of what might seem to be a brake on progress, my country has adopted measures that should alleviate the repercussions on its people. I am thinking particularly of the establishment, in the Ministry of the Environment and the Protection of Nature, of a national anti-pollutioo centre and the establishment of a policy on the recycling and treatment of waste produced by our country and programmes to improve and preserve living resources through the reafforeC'lU! tion of specific areas. It is in this spirit that, in international terms, my country welcomes the recent decision of the World Bank to include the idea of protection of the environment in the development projects that it finances. We also support the convening, in 1992, of a United Nations conference on the environment atd (Mr. Bongo, Gabon) development, described as a development which will help to meet the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to satisfy their needs. Over and above the fears caused by degradation or deterioration of the envirooment scourges such as the problem of drugs are no less serious in undermining our societies. Although confined, so far, to certain regions, the spectre of this calamity haunts the rest of the world. That si tua tion led my country to convene, in June 1989 its first national seminar on the drug problem, and the recommendations to be aCbpted will inclu& the setting up of an interministerial commi ttee to combat drugs, the developnent of a toxicology laboratory in Libreville for regional use, and the introduction of legislation on the use of, and trafficking in, narcotic drugs, adapted to the requirements of the penal code and the public-h ea1 th code. (Mr. Bongo, Gabon) These recommenda tions, \"lhich are similar to those enuncia ted by the President of the United States, and to those contained in the Secretary-General's plan, will we hope, help to stamp out this scourge of our times. Among all the ills that afflict our world today, AIDS is the most mind-boggling_ Its lightening-like progression, as well as the devastation it wreaks, are staggering. Our countries, whose health infrastructures still have to be improved upon, are particularly conc~rned over this threat and we are following with the greatest of interest the efforts made by researchers the world over to find a cure. Gabon, thanks to its facilities for advanced roodical research at the international centre in Franceville, recently organized a symposium on AIDS. We are firmly determined to continue, through this machinery, to make our contribution to the campaign against this terrible illness, and hope to see an intensification and diversi fica tion of exchanges wi th similar facHi ties in the rest of the worla. The developing countries, committed as we are, along with international financial institutions, to programmes of structural adjustment, cannot overlooK the effects of those programmes en the poorest strata of our society, especially the risk of social upheaval, whidl is bound to threaten interna tional peace and detente. Thus, after the Bamako Initiative, the proposals made by the United Nations Children's Fund for "adjustment wi th a human face" - the only way our countr ies can hope to begin developing - were welcomed by us. While efforts made in recent years for international detente are worthy of praise, it seems nevertheless necessary to call the attention of our Assembly to the fact that its gradual establishment has not yet led to significant dlanqes in international relations. (Mr. Bongo, Gabon) Our times demand that detente not be thought of as immobili ty, or as a breathing spell for the great Pooers. 'Ib the oontrary, by its underlying dynamism detente should serve the cause of world peace. Our common destiny requires that we work towards th is together in order to achieve one of the major objectives of our Organiza tion, to "save succeeding generations from the scourge of war". More than ever it is time to act with determination in order to achieve this end. Our Organization has so many commitments to meet, that only this prospect will allow for the adlievement of the ideal of peace, which is the basis of all of Gabon's policies. Peace, justice and harmony in Africa and in the rest of the world; that is the message that my count'::y wished, through IM, from this lofty rostrum, to addres!'3 to th is AssenDly • Mr. AL-NUAIMI (United Arab Emirates) (interpretation from Arabic); It gives me great pleasure to extend to you, Sir, on behal f of the Uni ted Arab Emirates, my warmest congratulations en your election to the presidency of the United Nations General Assembly at its forty-fourth session. This election reflects the deep appreciation of the international oommunity for the constructive role played by your country, Nigeria, in Africa as well as in respect of other international issues. It is also a token of esteem for yo:.'r diplomatic experience. I am pleased to extend sincere thanks to your predecessor, the former Foreign Minister of Argentina, for his ~rformance as President of the last session. I also seize this opportunity to reiterate the Government's confidence in the Secretary-General, and our appreciation for his efforts in resolving international problems and conflicts. (Mr. Al-Nua imi, Un ited Arab E)nira tes) September the first marked the fi ftieth ann iversary of the outbreak of the Second W:>rld \lhr - a war that devastated the structures and resources of many countries and took a toll of millions of dead or wounded. This was the incentive that moved the founding fathers who framed the United Nations Charter to create the mechanisms of the Organization and a code of international behaviour that would, if adhered to and respected, prevent the outbreak of armed conflicts and wars. Indeed, the tklited Nations Charter prohibits the r~sort to war and the use of force, except in the caSe of self~efence. The founding fathers envisioned the creation of a new international order baserl on peace and security, and the achievement of the goal of universal equality and justice. The era of the Un ited Na Hons has been character lzed by an absence of war Id wars) hence humanity has been saved from the scourge of global destruction. However, this has not prevented the eruption of numerous wars and confl icts in the third world. tet us bear in mind that so-called regional conflicts are but extensions of international conflicts. Therefore, the resolution of those oriqinal conflicts can be achieved on.ly within the context of a positive international climate. That is why the present detente between the two super-Powers has been welcomed by all peoples of the world; it has had a posi tive e Hect on reg iona1 disputes and conflicts. We sincerely hope that no regional oonflict will be excluded from that process under the pressure of certain circumstances. (Mr. Al-Nuaimi, United Arab anira tes) In this context, we cannot but welcome the recent agreements between the United States and the Soviet Union. It is our firm belief that the agreements will reinforce the process of detente and enhance our fai th that mank ind nay be spared the threat of weapons of mass destruction. International principles and fundamental concepts, ~specially the right to self-determination, should nClt suffer as a result of those developments and the new positive international climate that augurs well for mutual understanding betw~~n the peoples of the world. The enthusiasm surrounding detente should not make us over look the fundamental r igh ts of peoples that are still struggl ing for national political and economic independence. There are also peoples combating racial discrimination, as in South Africa, and peoples that are victims of foreign military occupation, as in Palestine. International peace and understanding cannot be sustained if they promote the interests of certain parties at the expense of other!'» otherwise, we shall be planting the seeds of tension for future generations. If history is any gu ide, we may look to the fu ture with t.~e hope that the present policy of detente will lead to durable entente. The attainment of such a goal will transform current attitudes and values, with progress, stability and prosperity becoming the arenas of conpeti tion, and economic and social development beooming a universal right and an established fact ev~rywhere. We also hope that this understanding will make us confront the new dangerous problems, such as the those of pollution and narcotic drug abuse, which threaten all nations, big and small, and all individuals, rich and poor. We meet here every year to discuss our problems and concerns. QlIr pr ior i ties may differ, depending on our geographic locations, economic interests and political or religious persuasions. Despite those differences, we all aspire to build a world free from threats, persecution and injustice, a world in which we apprp.ciate (Mr. Al-Nua imi, Un i ted Arab Dnira tes) each other's hopes and feel each other IS pain. Against this background, we should like to share with representatives the concerns of the region to which we belong. Our reg ioo coo fr 00ts old problems, su ch as tha t of Pales tine ald those that have ensued from it, making the Middle East a region of permanent tension. Our region also faces ne'1 problems, such as the Iran-Iraq war and its effects. More than a year has elapsed since the ceasefire between Iran and Iraq began. The United Arab Emirates was in the forefroot of the countries that welcomed that important developnent. We considered the ceasefire to be the first step towards the settlement of all ootstMding problems between the two countries Md towards finding a just and peaceful settlement enshrining the legi timate rights of the two countr ies. The stalemate in the negotiations - in other words, the current no peace, no war situation - does not serve the interests of either country. We all have a strong interest in the restoratior of peace to the area. Therefore, we hope that a new round of direct negotiations will begin soon. While we appreciate the role Md efforts of the Secretary-General, it is inculTbent upon us to urge the two parties to overcome existing obstacles in order to move the peace process towards the desired goal. The problem of Palestine is perhaps unique in modern political history. Several wars and numerous poli tical attempts ald ini tia tives have fa iled to achieve a conclusive settlement and to restore peace to that part of the world. li"l r.eviewing the evolution of the problem, we find it shocking to note the enormous amount of resources and energies wasted in the efforts that have been made to resolve it, yet the issue, in essence, is clear. The problem lies in an attempt to depr ive a people of its land and to stamp out its national identi ty. Every day Israel comes up with new excuses and pretexts, whose purpose is tx> prevent the (Mr. Al-Nua imi, Un i ted Arab Emirates) Palestinian people from exercising self-determination and to deprive the region of peace and stability. The Palestinian people, represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization, responded constructively and with a high degree of responsibility to the new international climate, as is evidenced by the peace initiative offered by the Pales tine Na tional Council at its meeting in Algiers in November 1988. By continuously entertaining the dream of Greater Israel and implementing the racist Zionist theory, Israel is persistently perpetua ting its psychological canplex and its ideology by lopsided logic. This is manifested in the election plan suggested for the West Bank and Gaza by the Prine Minister of Israel, which included the following conditions~ that elections should not lead to negotiations with the Piilestine Liberation Organization, the withdrawal of the Israeli occupation forces from the occupied territories or the exercise of the right to self~etermination hy the Palestinians. TI1e Israeli Prime Minister also insisted that the elections be held under the guns of the Israeli occupa tion forces. One might therefore ask~ elections for whom, and what is the purpose behind them? The only logical answer is that the Israeli Government's proposal is nothing but a propaga'lda ploy, on the one hand, to improve Israel's image in democratic western societies, and, on the other, to relieve Israel of the pressures of the intifadah as well as international pressures. Throughout its long years of struggle the Palestinian people has made great sacrificesJ it has made greater sacrifices in order to pronote peace efforts. It would be a big mistake to assume, on the basis of recent developments, that the Palestinian people will ever surrender its land or its national identity on the altar of an unjust political settlement. (Mr. Al-Nua irot, Un ited Arab ~irates) Events clearly show that the Palestinian people is determined to continue its resistance and defend its land through its valiant intifadah, which will have canpleted its second year by the end of the current session. The Palestinians will continue their .str uggle, despite the brutal oppression of the Israel i military machine and its inhuman practices, and despi te the fact that innocent children and young men and women are martyred every day on their national soil. We believe that no settlement plan will prove viable unless it takes into consideration the right of the Palestinian people to exercise national self-determination and to establish its own incependent State in Palestine. We also believe that the nature of the problem and the circumstances surrounding it make its settlement impossible outside the international context in which t.'1e problem initially originated) hence the need for an international peace conference in which all the parties should participate, including the Palestine Liberation Organization and the five permanent metltlers of the 8ecur ity Council. All attempts that do not follow that approadl and have that goal are dooned to failure. Another problem that still persists in our region is the er isi8 situation in Lebanon. We welcome the results reached by the Tripartite High Arab Committee and the acceptance by the Lebanese parties of the COImli ttee 's plan of action. We still believe that a final settlement: of the Leba..,ese civil war can ul tima tel.y be achieved through understanding and dialogue between the Lebanese themselves on the basis of brotherhood, tolerance and a sincere desire to resolve all outstanding problems, without involving foreign elements in this domestic affair. (Mr. A!-Nuaimi, United Arab Emira tes) We appeal to all foreign Powers. that have influence in Lebanon to refrain from adding difficulties to the Lebanese problem and to stop their intervention in Lebanon's internal affairs. We appeal also to the international community to help Lebanon at this critical stage to regain its full independence and restore i.ts full sovereignty over its terri tory through the implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978), calling on Israel to withdraw its forces from south Lebanon and stop its intervention in internal Lebanese affa irs. ~ofuile we look forward to the day when Namibia joins us a free and in<.~ependent State and is able to exercise its role as a member of this international body after several decades of bitter struggle against the occupation by the racist regime of South Africa, we are increasingly worried about the future of the black majority in South Africa. The record indicates that the racist minority regime in SOuth Africa is not yet ready to give up its policy of !.partheid and oppression against t."te black majority. We hope that international pressure against the minority regime will not be relaxed. All efforts must be focused en the eradication of racism, as it has become irrefutably demonstrated that it cannot be reformed and that dealing with it can only reinforce its atrocious ideology. The situations in Afghanistan, Q{prus and Rampuchea still require further endeavours ailied at reachih-j a final settlement in a manner that reflects the wishes of the peoples of those countries and the principles of the Chart~r. Despite relative improvement resulting from efforts undertaken to settle them, these problems still represent areas of tension. We welcome the endeavours of the Presidents of Central America to bring to an end a decade of turbulence and strife in that region. The participation of the Secretary-General in these attempts will be a guarantee of their success. (Mt. Al-Nua imi, Un Hed Arab enirates) Wi th respect to disarmamen';, important steps have been taken over the past two years, especially the agreements concluded between the two major military alliances. These agreements were the result of the detente between the two super-Powers. Of course, the road that lies ahead is still long. Quantitative reductions must be acccmpanied by qualitative reductions. Military tests and research must also tome to a halt since they entail the waste.,f so many resources. We end.orse the idea of transferring funds saved as a result of disarmament to development programmes, especially in the third world. While signi ficant progress has been made in the poli tical sphere, developments in the field of international economic co-operation may give rise to pessimism. Following the stock market er ash of 1987, world economic condi tions have improved with increased trade and total output, contrary to expectations. However, world economic expansion has been asymmetrical. While the developed and the industrialized countries registered higher economic growth rates, the economies of I.atin America and Africa have deteriorated, with declining growth rates. Consequently the per capi ta income gap between the rich and the poor countr ies con tinues to grow. The single most formidable issue confronting the world community, as we embark on the next decade, is the resolution of the indebtedness of the least developed countries. The developing countries have been so encumbered by their debt obligations that interest payments alone to the creditors since the mid-l980s have far outstripped the total value of aid received by the developing nations. In 1988 those countries paid out $50 billion, in interest alone, more than they received in aid. This situation has further undermined the efforts of the developing countries to pursue economic growth rate policies. Debts and interests, in simple terms of figures, underscore the imperative for debt reduction, and in this connection we (Mr. Al-Nua imi, Un i ted Arab Emira tes) welcome the Brady plan as a posi tive development. However, the soIl) tioo to the debt problem will be contingent on the degree of co-operation ar" 1 shared efforts of the debtors, creditors, commercial banks, national Governments and international insti tutions. The instability in the internati<Jnal financial system should be cause for concern to the policy makers. Persiste,'lt trade d:!ficits in the key industri~lized countr ies and the inconsistency in their adjustment pol icies have pu t an enormous strain on the international financial sysi:em. The reverberations felt throughout the world financial markets in the aftermclth of the crash in the United States of America is testimony to that fact. The continued volatility in exchange rates and interest rates has eroded the confidence of investors and, consequently, led to a deter iora tioo in the world economy. We believe that the existing international system is not adequately equipped to cope with these strains and efforts at restructuring international economic relations on the basis of justice, equality and mutual interests must therefore con tinue. To this end the special sess ion of the General Assembl:r devoted to international eoonomic co-operation, which is to take place in the spr ing of 1990, provides an excellent opportunity for members to review the North-South dialogue and to seek agreement on pr inciples that should gu ide their co-operation in the years to come. Th is would lay the founda tioo for the a<bption, la ter in 1990, of an international developnent strategy that would be the basis for realistic and genuine agreement on the comniitments of all na tions to tackle the huge problems of poverty, development and the environment that beset our planet. The general debate will conclude in a few days. MMy statements were IlBde and more will follow. Most of them expressed confidence in the future and reflected (Mr. Al.-Nua Imi, Un i ted Arab anirates) the hopes of some and the suffer Ing of others. l'Ilat is most important is that we preserve the achievements of international oo-operation. indeed, our cnerriding objective should be the preservation of this international Organization, whiCl'l br ings us together. It is also important that by the time we meet next' we should find that suff~ring has been transformed into hope and hopes into realities. First and foremost, this requires confidence, confidence in our abilities as human beings and confidence in each other as States. 8i9 projects always start with small steps. let us march together on the road towards a world in which love, co-operation, security and properity reign supreme. The PRE5 IDENT: I shall now call on those representatives who wish to speak in exercise of the right of reply. May I remind memers that, in acoordance with General Assembly decision 34/401, statements in exercise of t.lote right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention, and to five minutes for the second, and should be made by delegations from their seats. I call on the representat.ive of Yugoslavia. !'tr. PEJIC (Yugoslavia): In his statement this morning, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Albania made a number of false, even absurd, allegations in attacks on Yugoslavia. Although these allegations as such do not deserve an answer~ we ~ill reply to his statement because it clearly showed that the real policy of Alban la has not changed towards my country md towards the world. CMr. Pejic, Yugoslavia} It is a policy of flagrant interference in the internal affairs of nJgoslavia, a policy of instigation of citizens of Yugoslavia of Albanian nationality towards separa tism and of indoctr ina tion wi th na tionalistic ambi tions for the crea tion of Greater Albania. This policy is obviously aimed agcdnst the territorial integrity and sovereignty of YUgoslavia. The absurb obsession of the Albanian leadership with chauvinistic aspirations towards the establishment of a Greater Albania, contrary to all norms of international law and present pesi tive trends in Europe expressed through the process of the Conference on security and Co~peration in Europe (a;CE}, is the root cause of activities of separatist groups which were behind the recent violent nationalistic demonstrations and disturbances in the nJgoslav socialist autonomous province of Kosovo. Var iollS so-called Marxist-Leninist groups inspired from Albania were formed to promote this goal. These are the real problems that burden our relations with Albania and in the Balkans. The question is: What moral right to lecture on human rights has the representa tive of a country known by mass viola tions of these rights and brutal repression of those who think differently - a oountry that for years has refused to accede to the appropr ia te interna tional legal instruments a.,d to accept any co~peration with the COl1ltlission on Human Rights and other international forums in this field? At a time of strengthening of democratic processes in the world and of common endeavour to br ing about a world of freedcrn, Alban ia continues to extol and glori fy Stalinism and feels good about itself as the only atheist country in the world, the country that has closed down churches and mosques, prohibited religious rights and freedoms and abolishedGbd by official decree. Albania continues to reject the realities of the world. That was evident also in its statement today to the General Assembly, which was dissonant with the overwhelming positive assessments of international developments. It is therefore (Mr. Pejic, Yugoslavia) not difficult to understand why a country that cannot realistically see treJids in international affairs can even less assess oonstructively and objectively the developments in its own region and the need for co-opera tion and good-neighbourliness. I submit that Albania would better serve the cause C'f its CMn people and its O\tlll international prestige if it ensured its citizens at least a fraction of the civil rights and freedoms that, together with other Yugoslav peoples, are enjoyed by Alban ians in Yugoslavia. The real posi tion of Alban ians in Yugoslavia can be illustrated by the fact that that they are proportionally represented in all prov incial organs and equi tably, 00 the bas is of parity, in the organs and bodies of the Republic of Serbia and the Yugos lav Federation. Alban ians are also equi tably represented in the armed forces, foreign service, and in other major institutions of the Yugoslav system. Menbers of the Albanian nationality have held some of the most responsible posts in the Yugoslav leadership, among them that of President of the Assembly of Yugoslavia, President of the Presidency of Yugoslavia, which is the President of 1\1gos1avia - md President of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia. It is in Yugoslavia that Alban ians have seen their full cuI tural and national flowering and affirmation. SUffice it to say that the thiversity of Pristina, with almost 50,000 students, is a unique institution in the world that teaches in the language of a na tiooal minod ty. Another iHus tra tion of the rights en joyed by Albanians in ~sovo is the existence of the Academy of Sciences, radio and televisioo programmes, and libraries wi th predominantly Alban ian books, many of which are either unavailable or forbidden to the Albanians in Albania. The fact is that Yugoslav republics and the province of Vojvodina grant more than SI million per day for the developnent of Kosov, where out of 1.7 million people, 80 per cent are Albanians. (Mr. Pejic, Yugoslavia) The position of Albanians in Yugoslavia has been and remains an exclusivelY internal question and responsibility of Yugoslavia. In the international legal sense, Yugoslavia, as a party to almost all the international conventions and agreements in this field - which is certainly not the case with Albania - has undertaken to respect basic human rights and fundamental freedoms. Not only has Yugoslavia abided by these rights and standards; in their implementation, it has gone llUch further by ensur ing for Albanians in Yugoslav ia constitutionally equitable participation in the political, economic and cultural life of the country as well. 'Ib shed some light on the state of affairs in this field, let me recall that, prior to the Second World War, about 100,000 members of Yugoslav national minorities lived in Albania} today, owing to the assimilation policy of the Albanian authorities, the official Albanian data themselves register less than 5,000. The existence of and respect for the rights of national minorities within its territory, and of Yugoslav minorities in the neighbouring countries, has been regarded by Yugoslavia as a bridge of better mutual understanding and rapprochement. Unfortunately, Yugoslavia's experience with Albania in this regard is very disappointing, since Albania has never stopped inte:fering in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia, even though the Albanians in Yugoslavia themselves have rejected over and over again the patronizing concern and protection offered them frem Albania as a cover for different designs. In addition to what I have said, the statement of the representative of Albania contains other falsehoods. He has intentionally exaggerated the number of Albanians living in Yugoslavia to 3 million, which means that he increased :' ~ by almost 50 per cent. This is also a manifestation of Albcnia's nationalistic aspirations. His statement also contained the monstrous allegation that hundreds (Mr. Pejic. Yugoslavia} of thousands of Albanians were killed and imprisoned last spring in Rosovo. Yugoslavia. however, has officially informed the international oommunity of the measures against illegal and terrorist actions directed against constitutional order and its territorial integrity. Yugoslavia has called for co-operation. both bilateral and mUltilateral. among the Balkan countri,.!s based on I\lltual respect and interest. It initiated the first Ministerial Meeting of all Balkan oountries in Belgrade in 1988. However. Albania has continued its organized political campaigns which often escalate into overt support for and assistance to certain separatist groups, aimed at promoting Albanian territorial aspirations to certain parts of iUgoslavia and at creating the so-ealled Greater Albania. This morning's statement of the representative of Albania is further evidence of Albania '5 persistent interference in the internal affairs of my country. It is a soyereign right of every oountry to take the necessary measures to protect its constitutional order, integrity and sovereignty. iUgoslavia has done it. and will continue to do so, ensuring at the same time all rights to all peoples, nationalities and national minorities living in its territory. The PRa; IDENT: I now call on the representa tive of Haiti. Mr. SAINT-PHIIRO (Haiti) (interpretation fran French): In exercising the right of reply, the delegation of the Republic of Haiti wishes categorically to state how dismayed it is at therem~rks made by the spokesman of the Saint Kitts and Nevis delega tion with respect to the current social and political situation in Hai ti. My delegation regrets that the delegation of Saint Kitts and Nevis, despite its apparent interest, is not aware of the information provided through the international media and the press with respect to the electoral process in Haiti. (~r. Saint-Phard, Haiti) In order that no one should be uninformed, in future, my delegation will be happy to read out the most important dates in a timetable published on 24 september 1989 and disseminated inter alia in Le r.tonde and The New York Times. IIThese are the highlights of the timetable for the electoral process; first, in October 1989, implementation of the structures of the permanent electoral board - an autonomous body - the national, regional and local levels; secondly, from January to March 1990, census and registration on the electoral rol1sl thirdly, in April 1990, election to local administrative councils, in three phases; fourthly, in July 1990, first round of municipal and legislative electionsl on 17 October 1990, first round of presidential elections; on 11 November 1990, second round of presidential elections ll • (Mr. sa int Phard, Hatti) I hope members will forgive me for quoting saint Paul, who said "I cease not, dearly beloved, repeating the same things, for your profi t". In the same vein, I recall the exhorta tion of the octogenarian sa in t John to his flock: "My little children, let us not love in word, neither in tongue, but in deed and in truth It" (The Holy Bible, I John, 3l18) It is clear that Haiti will have fine elections that will please both its true friends and those who hold it in cO'\tenpt. But it is less certa in that those who presumably have a genuine interest will be inclined to proclaim here with equal ardour the acute and obll iously more urgen t social and economic needs tha t hold the Government and the people of Haiti hostage in their harsh grip. Ill-informed, unjustified cookie-cutter criticism cannot cause -..y distress in my country, which has a legit~.!'llate right to the respectful suppc ~t of other countries 0'\ this Earth. The prescription of a well-thought-out package of special economic and technic.:tl assistance for my country - as repeatet'tly recognized by the General AsseJrbly - is still valid. :4y delegation will grant no other dele9ation the privilege of castinq the first stooe in its directicm. Lonq after the time of DestOJches, we note the wisdom and timeliness of his observation that criticism i~ easy, but art is di fficult. Mc. KAPLLANI (Albania} l We might: have hoped the Yugoslav representative would deal candidly and realistically with the causes eand consequences of the grave sltu~tion the Albanian population in Kosovo and other pacts of Yuqoslavia is forced to Endure, and would outline ways to overcoltV! it. Illt he chose instead to distort reality, and went even further by fabricatinq slanders and accusations ~qainst Alban ia and the Alban ians. (~. RapIlm" i, Alban ia) I would not be show ing respect for the Assembly - nor would it serve the debate in general or this issue in particular - if I were to go into details about lolhat the Yugoslav representa tive said, first of all beC5use it was un true and was intended to divert the Assembly's attention from the real situation in Kbsovo and \\Igoslavia. Furthermore, what the Yugoslav represeutative said did not contribute in any way to redressing the conditions in Kosovo and Yugoslavia. It did not offer an alternative that would bring the country out of the grave overall crisis that affl lets it. In the general debate the head of the Alban ian delegation reiterated the just and consistent stand of the Pe'pIe 's Socialist Republic of Albania, lIihich has oondemned the tragic events that took place in Kosovo in spring this year and the use of v iolel1lce and the imposi tion of martial law against a peaceful popula tion demanding freedom and democratic r i9hts equal to those of all the other nationali ties of the Yugoslav Federation. It is nei ther new nor unkno\fJn that the People's Socialist Republic of Alban ia and the Alban ian people have at all times stood against violence and terror wherever they occur, whether in SOUth Africa, Namibia, the occupied Arab territories, Central America or elsewhere. They have always sided with and supported unreservedly the nations of the World, whenever they have been SUbjected to oppression. Therefore, it is beyond any doubt that we should not close our eyes and pretend nothing is happen ing when our brothers of the same blood in Kosovo and YUgoslavia are beinq discriminated against, oppressed, persecuted and even killed for the sole reason that they hav~ demanded basic denocra tic r19hts and freedoms; when they are beinq deprived of their autonomy) when a population of almost 3 111ill ion, wh i ch has lived for cen t udes on its own ances trallMd and is now shar ing 'its dP.s tiny wi.th the other peoples of Yugoslav ia, is ooetced into accepting the denial of its national identity. (Mr. Kapllan i, Alban ia) We lis tened to the \'\Jgoslav representa tive describe the si tua tion in Kosovo as a unique case of the only ethnic minority in the world that enjoys all freedomsq including the right to hold the presidency of the Federation. 9Jt however selective and bolfbastic the l=hraseology, it cannot conceal the reality of the situation in Kosovo, which gives the lie to ""'hat the \\1gos1av representative said. True enough, Kosovo is. un ique in that, for instance, its per capi ta income is one third that of Serbia; in that unenploymen~ in the province is the highest in Yugoslavia, reaching over 35 per cent of the working--age population; in that illiteracy tops Federal figures; and in that Kosovo is rightly referred to as Yugoslavia's underdeveloped south. It is surprising that the lUbanian population in Yugoslavia is no longer re fer red to as a na tionali ty but as an ethnic minodty, even though it is known world-wide that it constitutes the third largest population group in the multinational Yugoslav Federation, after the Serbs and the Cr01tions. That is proof enough of the real esteem in wh ich they are held and of the place they are given in the \'\Jgoslav Federation. Hence the need for major propaganda on the Albanian minority's right to occupy the office of the Federal presidency. It is no convincing argument that the Albanians enjoy all political, economic, cultural and other freedoms. The fact of the matter is, moreover, that the argument has always been capi talized upon and used as an ethnographic declara tion on the facade of the Federation, d~si~ned to hide the all-round discrimination against Albanians and their status as second-class citizens in \\1goslavia. (Mr. Kapllanif- Albania) The Yugoslav representative tried to make us believe that the constituticnal amendments recently forced on ROsovo have not had any negative effect on the denocratic rights and freedoms of the Albanian people in Kosovo. If we are to believe him, they have on the contrary made the Albanians a privileged nationality in Yugoslavia. That remark is ridiculous, to say the least. If we are to beli~ve what the Yugoslav representative said, how can he explain that the immediate effect of those amendments is that Albanian officials holding var iOl1s posts and responsibilities are being removed daily in their tens and hundreds and being replaced by Serbs? According to Yugoslav sources, the number of students enrolled at P::"tiHna University has now decreased by 45 per cent, whereas the number of pupils of Serbian nationality entering secondary schools has increased by 240 per cent. Over 300 Albanian intellectuals have been subjected to isola tion and all t.~e consequences it entails. That infamous institution used in the Yugoslavia of today against the Albanians reminds one of the Dark Ages in Europe artd the notor ious phenomenon of the desaparecidos. It is worth recalling that the League of Yugoslav Writers and Artists has described as "inhuman and anti-dem::>cratic" all the measures taken against the Albanian students and intellectuals. Let us remind the Yugoslav representative that since the adoption of these amendments, which he calls "democratic changes", Kosovo and the Albanians have been witnessing pogrolTS such as EJrope has not seen in a long time, and had almost forgotten. Suffice it to mention that according to Yugoslav sources 500,000 Albanians have been forced to rp through the filter of the police and judicial organs in YUgoslavia. That is happening not in South Af~ica but in the middle of our old continent of Europe at the end of the twentieth century. (Mr. Kapllani, Alban ia) The Yugoslav representative boasted thclt Yugoslavia has signed various important international documents. Yet the world judges a country's behaviour not by what it says, but by what it does. Deeds speak louder th an words. It is all the worse for Yugoslavia, which has signtad so many international oocuments, including the Helsinki Act, to be acting contrar~· to the letter and spirit of those documents. The Yugoslav representative would have done better to speak of the real situation in Kosovo and Yugoslavia, since this audience undoubtedly would very nuch like to listen to an explanation or hear a hopeful word about how the situation is going to be reversed. But regrettably he chose to attack, in self-~fence, by suddenly "discovering" the violation of human rights and religious beliefs and discrimination against the Slav minority in Albania. The aim of this propaganda tirade, Which resembles a storm in a teacup, is slanderous and malicious. But it is also poor and ill-eillculated from the technical point of view, for the si tua tion in Rbsoyo and Yugoslavia is not mended by accusing and maligning another countryu in this case Albania, or by distracting the attention of public opinion from the Yugoslav ll:eality, bitter as it is. (Mr. Kap11ani, Albania) Worse still, the slanders and accusations on the alleged violation of the rights of the Slav minority in Albania which Yugoslavia has not hesitated to level against other neighbouring countries as we~:f are not only not in accordance with reality, but are also far from the constructive spirit, realism and wisdom so much needed. The accusation regarding alleged Albanian interference in Yugoslavia's internal affa irs is a worn-out and thoroughly exhausted argument which is completely groundless and can convince neither the world nor Yugoslav public opinion itself. Albania has publicly and unequivocally stated that it has no territorial claims on Yugoslavia, that it does not advocate border rectifications, and that it stands for the stability of the YUgoslav Federation. It is clear to us that in one way or another the destabilization of Yugoslavia would unfavourably affect Albania. History has shown that whatever has befallen either country has not spared the other. lbt infrequently we have been obliged to face the storms of history together. It is therefore clear that the so-called interference of Alban ia in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia is being used to stop Albania from speaking out, to make us remain silent while Albanians are being oppressed and persecuted, even run over by tanks, in the midst of aJrope. Thus the accusation of so-called interference in Yugoslavia's internal affairs is designed as camouflage of ~sovo's grave situation, which has aroused the deep concern, not only of the Alban ian people, but of the entire world, including the sound YUgoslav public opinion, which sees and has called the current YUgoslav Constitution "the hloodiest Constitution ::f F,urope", the Constitution of tanks. This gives cause for deep and genuine concern, and the truth is that such concern and preoccupation have been expressed by international public opinion, various mass press and information media, governmental and par 1iamentar 18n organs, numerous (Mr. Kapllani, Albania) international institutions and renowned political personalities. Our stand towards the events in Rbsovo in Yugoslavia is clear. History, facts and reality cannot be changed ei ther by violence or by propaganda.

I am sorry to interrupt the speaker, but the lO-minute period is over, may I therefore ask him to be kind enough to conclude his statement. Mr. KAPLLANI (Albania) ~ Yes, I will do so. As YUgoslavia's next door neighbour, we wish to maintain good-neighbourly relations with them. However, if the YUgoslav side shows irresistible zeal in presenting whi te as black and vice versa, we Shall not hesi ta te to call th ings by their proper name, the more so when ours are good intentions. The motives we proceed from are democratic and humane, the redressing of the unfavourable status of the Albanians in 1(050\1'0 and Yugoslavia, stabilization of the situation in Yugoslavia itself and a genuine improvement in the relations between our two countries.

I call on the representative of Yugoslavia, who wishes to speak a second time in exercise of the right of reply. Mr. PEJIC (Yugoslavia): It must be clear to everybody in this Hall that this is a second, even worse, interference in the internal affairs of ID,goslavia now presented by the representative of Albania, compared to what his Foreign Minister said this morning. I think it is clear now that Alban ia claims the right to interfere directly, flagrantly, to attack the constitutional arrangements of \'Ugoslavia, to try to incite certain nationalistic groups in Kosovo against the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Yugoslavia. I think this is a euphor.ic attack on a neighbouring country, euphoric interference in our constitutional order and arrangements, really calling for change. It is an unheard of demand here. This is what really burdens Yugoslav-Albanian relations. The representative of Albania is inspiring separatist (Mr. Pejic, Yugoslavia) forces, which are in the minority among the Albanians in Kosovo, to continue their action against the oonstitutional order of my country. That is what Yugoslavia will never accept, and the Albanian leadership must understand that. The representative of Albania spoke of the economic situation in Kosovo. I should like to say that of course Kosovo and many other southern parts of Yugslavia, we admit, are underdeveloped. It is historically underdeveloped, but I claim that the people of Albanian origin in Kosovo have a nuch higher standar.d of 1 iving than those in Alban ia. What is really the problem and what bothers the Albanians is the constitutional changes in YUgoslavia that have take."l place recently, in which all the Yugoslav republics. including the Republic of S'erbia, have become equal in their jurisdiction over their territory_ That is what has happened with the changes. But of course, those changes ha'"e also set a limit on the activities of certain separa Hst forces in Kosovo which were inspired by the Alban iCl'l chauvin ist circles in Tirana. That is why they are crying out against the YUgoslav cons ti tu tional changes. Nothing has happened. The representative of Albania anticipated what I am going to say, that really the rights of those of Albanian nationality - ald I am saying "nationality", not "minority" - in RoSOlTO have not been limited in any way. iihat was established by this autonomous position of Kosovo, what was established by those constitutional changes recently, was that serbia, as a republic of which Kosovo is a part, an autonomous province, has the right to stop certain interference from outs iOO and to stop pressure aga inst the serbs and ftbntenegrans to leave their homela'\d, to leave their fireside, under pressure f~cm the separatist forces and move to serbia, so that Kosovo would become ethnically clear for the designs that originate in Tirana as part of the "Greater Albania". (Mr. Peji c, Yugos lav ia) Concerning this "Greater Albania", I will cite only a few things. Albania cannot be unaware that maps of "Greater Albania" are being circulated, showing large portions of Yugoslavia included in them, but Albania has never distanced itself from them, although it claims to have no territorial aspirations. In his speech at the Eighth Congress of the Albanian Workers Party, the late Enver Hoxha said that Alban ians in YUgoslilvia had been "wrested away from their mother country". In accordance with that political line, the celebration of the seventy-fi fth anniversary of Albania's independence in Noveuber. 1987 took place in a nationalistic frenzy of lamentation over "crippled" Albania, the glorification of struggle for the defence of the territorial tntegrity of the oountry and "!iberation of Kosovo and other regions". What is this, if not aggressive claims aga inst the ter r i torial integr ity of Yugos la"ia? This is the essence of the problem. One wonders how Yugoslavia can expect to have good relations and co-operation with a neighbour who has pretensions to its territories and actively works to de~tabilize it. Yugoslavia has always tried to assure Albania of their good relations. We ha'le made sacri fices eVen when they were attack ing us some years ago. We have made sacrifices: we have used a piece of our territory to build a hydro-electric dam un the Alhanian side. We have built a railway, connecting Tioograd to Albanian t~rrih~ry in order to enable Albania to have a connection with the rest of the country. All of this has praYed, I am sorry to say, to be wrong because there are these I\ttack~:\, attacks 39ainst the territor ial integrity of Yugoslavia. That is how AlbMia responds to our proffered hand. of friendship and ooaoperation.

I now call on the representative of Albania, who wishes to speak .'1 second ti~ in exercise of the right of reply. Mr. KAPLLANI (Albania): I consider it inappropriate to. speak at length on the second statement made by the representative of \'\Jgoslavia in exercise of the right of reply and to take the time of the Assembly at this late hour, because the representa tive of Yugoslav ia actually said nothing new and useful to be listened to and appreciated by my delegation and the Assembly. It is evident that having no argument to defend an unjust cause which cannot be defended, and going further in the irrational course of discussion, he wove another spider 's web of non~xistent and absurd slanders and accusations which the Albanian delegation refutes and considers unworthy of being dealt with. For cer ta in, members of the Assembly have noticed the fact that the representative of Yugoslavia, within a short interval of time, from his first right of reply to the second, demonstra ted an inconceivable esca1a tion of slander against Albania. This shows a total deviation from the road of reason and cool logic and from the conduct of a constructive and civilized debate. The problem the Alban ian delega tion raised in the general debate in the Assembly is a big and signi ficant one. It has to do wi t:h the sta te of affa irs and the destiny of the third largest segment of the population in Yugoslavia. It is associa ted wi th the rights and deoocra tic freedoms of na tions and peoples and wi th their political, economic and cultural emancipation, which are becoming important tendencies in our time, whereas the representa tive of \'\Jgoslav ia chose to ignore this issue and indulge in vulgarities and non-existent things, judging that by so doing he would pass unscathed in the Assembly and continue with a hitherto dead-end fX)licy. The meeting rose at 7.45 p.m.