A/44/PV.56 General Assembly

I call on the representative of Indonesia, who in the course of his statement will introduce draft resolution A/44/t.23. Mr. SUTRESNA (Indonesia): The extent of the human tragedy and suffering that has befallen Cambodia md its people over the last decades is difficult to describe in words. Firt caught in the cross-currents of a revolutionary war and upheaval in lnde-China, over which they had 11ttle say and even less control, the Cambodian people ~ad to endure the excesses of a singularly harsh and regressive regime. This, in turn, was followed by the armed intervention a1d military occupation of their country by Viet Nam, thus raising the agony and sUffering of the people to an unparalleled degree. Ever since this tragic situation was brought before the Organization the General Assembly has emphatically reaffirmed the inadmissibility of foreign intervention in the internal affairs of Cantlodia and upheld its people's dght to self-determinatial, while ~.,':)inti~ the way towards a peaceful solution of the conflict. But successive res{~lutions to this effect endorsed by an overwhelming majority of Member States have l':!llained unheeded. Consequently, Cambodia today remains a country whose people ar0 denied their inalienable right to detetmine their own future, under a Government of their choice. It is a country in which unceasing conflict has exacted a h(:lrrendous toll in human lives and destroyed its econony and other infrastructures. It is a country of unresolved tens ions and strife, thus posing a serious threat to the peace and stability of the region of South-East:. As ia as a whole. From the very beginning of the conflict Indonesia has based its stand not on animosi ty towards any Sta te or group of Statea but on in terna tionally recogn hed principles. The principle of the equality of States, the right to self-determination of peoples and peaceful coexistence are enshrined in the Charter and are held sacred by the Non-Aligned Movement. Foreign intervention in the internal affairs of another Statg, for any reason or lIloor any pretext, cannot be condoned. These immutable principles allow of no exceptions or casuistic (Mr. Sutresna, Indonesia) interpretations. Moreover, after IOOre than four decades of in&pencSence my Government is more than ever convinced that its priority attention Should continue to be directed towards ensuring reg ional peace and harmony in our reg ion, which in the past has been characterized by internecine conflict. Indonesia's policy, therefore, refleets the de termina tioo to see our reg ioo tr ansformed Into a zcne of peace, freedom and neutrality. Indeed, the peoples of South-East Asia share a strong interest In peace and stability, good neighbourliness and co-prosperity. It is with these considerations in mind that Indonesia has endeavoured to explore all possible avenues that could realistically and effectively lead to a viable solution of the Cambodian tragedy and would also contribute to stre~9thening the larger framework for peace and stability in South-East As la. My Government has always been particularly aware of the implications and dangers of a prolonged stalenate in resolving lilis issueJ hence, the undecstanding reached in Ho Chi Minh city in July 1907 between Indonesia, acting as interlocutor for the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), and Viet Narn Q\ the holding of an informal meeting between the political factions of the Cambodian people, to be joined at a la ter stage by other concerned cOllltries, gave us cause for measured hope. Subsequently, with the explicit encouragement of his colleagues in ASEAN, my Foreign Minister convened the Jakarta Informal Meetings, which provided a unique opportunity for direct dialogue in order to identify possible areas of common ground and the real obstacles in the search for a solu tion. It 13 to be recalled that the first Jakarta Informal Meeting, held in July 1988, achieved understanding and agreement on several basic apprcaches, foremost among which was that a solution should be sought through negotiations and dialogue and not through force of arms and military means. Of no less importance was the recognition that any settlement, to be durable, must be conceived within the broader framework of establishing the coodi tions necessary to restore tranquillity in the region. With these two overriding goals agreed upon, it was further acknowledged that the ultimate objective was the creation of an independent, sovereign, neutral and non-aligr.ed Canbodia on the basis of national reconciliation and self-determination. Bu ilding on this progress, the second Jakarta Informal Meeting, which was convened last February, broke new ground and resul ted in an extensive ald deta ilcd exchange of views involving both the internal and the external aspects or elements of a comprehensive solutim. Thus, the talks centred Q\ the IIOdali ties, including an international control mechanism and general elections, as well as the possibility of convening an international conference. In this way, the Meeting not only broadened the framework but also enlarged the scope of the discussions on a poli tical settlement. On all these issues, however, there was a wi de divergence of views as regards details and practical modalities that still needed further negotiation. It soon became apparent that there were certain aspects of an internal nature that impinged exclusively Q1 the Cambodian people and therefore should be addressed by the Canbodian parties themselves. In the inter-Canbodian talks subsequently held in Jakarta last May and in Paris last July, agreement was reached to participate in an international oonference to talk about an international control machinery cnd its terms of reference. It was indeed heartening that the talks moved a long ~'ay towards discussion of changes in the Const!tution and other basic issues that in the past were a bone of cootention between them. We realize that the Jakarta Informal Meetings and the inter-Cambodian talks are not. the only valid apprcaches to the settlement of the problem as other initiatives and parallel efforts are being undertaken by others. In this regard, we eKpress our appreciation to our Secretary-General and his Special Representative, as well as the members of the Ad Hoc Committee of the International Conference on Cambodia, in trying to devise a viable political solution of the problem. Likewise, Indonesia welconed the initiative of the Movement of the Non-Aligned countries bringing to bear its moral weight and trying to facilitate an acceptable settlement. Indonesia and MEAN remain fully supportive of Prince Sihanouk, who, with his pre-eminent stature as a genuine Cambodian patriot, continues to play a pivotal role and can heal the wounds of conflict and lead the process of national reconciliation. Although the political aspects are serious and compelling, the humanitarian dimensions of the Cambodian problem should remain of equal concern to us. The magnitude of the suffering of the Cambodian people, and especially the plight of the refugees along the Thai-Cambodian border, wi thin Cambodia and wi thin Tha iland , call for the continued attention and generous support of the international community. My delega tion joins others in expressing our sincere apprec ia tion to donor countries, the various United Nations agencies and the many voluntary humanitarian relief organizations which have been generous in providing emergency aid and assistance to the Cambodians in their ordeal. We all recognize the complex! ties of the Cambodian problem in many of its dimensions as well as in its regional and international ramifications. Indonesia and ASEAN have from the outset believed that a comprehensive solution of the problem, especially in its extraregional aspects, can be achieved only through an interna tional conference, ",tth the partictpation of the parties directly concerMd, the countries of the region, the major Powers and other interested States. With a view to building upon the framework and progress already achieved through thp. regional process of the Jakarta Informal Meeting, members of MEAN agreed to participate in the Conference on Cambodia, which was convened in Paris last summer (Mr. Sutresna, Indonesia) on the ini tiative of the Government of Fr ance and of which the co-Presidents were France and Indonesia. While those efforts to resolVe outstanding issues and achieve a comprehensive settlement encountered ser ious obstacles, nuch useful work was accomplished in elaborating the detailed aspects of various elements of a solution. It is noteworthy that the participants achieved a near consensus on the inclusion of all the four Cambodian factions during the transitional phase and on the role that the Uni ted Ra tions shou.ld play in peacekeeping. verifica Hon of foreign troop withdrawal and the organization of elections. (Mr. Sutresna, Indonesia) Further, the statement issued at the conclusion of the ':onferenoe gave a broad mandate to the two co-Presidents to lend their good offices and initiate consultations within six roonths to reconvene the Conference as appropr ia tee In this regard, Indonesia continues to contact the parties involved and the countries concerned to reinvigorate the ongoing process of dialogue. However, the Conference did not resolve crucial questions concerning the role of one of the Cambodian parties in an in terim Government and the auspices under which an international control mechanism would operate, as some of the participants did not engage in serious Chd purposeful negotia tions. Indeed, thinly veitp.d attempts were made to obfuscate the core issues of the problem by opting for a partial solution and the preservation of the status quo, which we all know will only perpetuate violence and bloodshed. From the very beginning of its efforts Indonesia has emphasized two lines of conducts first, to refrain from pointing a finger or adopting an accusatory attitude towards any of the parties directly involved. ald, secondly, to call upon them to eschew the military option and to forgo the temptation to project their respective military strength to influence the negotiations or dictate the terms of a settlement. More than any other State in the region, Viet Narn knows the costs and implications of continuing conflict and polarization in South-East ~~ia, which bring in their wake only heightened tensions and greater sacrifices. We view this prospect with deep concern as we believe that such a course would not be in the interests of any single country in our region. We call especially on Viet Nam, with which Indonesia has always had historical ties of friendship Md co-operation, to recognize in its own interests that there is no alternative to a comprehensive political settlement CIld active CI'ld constructive participation in the continuing efforts to arrive a.t mutually acceptable terms of settlement. My delegation expects the reconvened Conference to play a decisive role in determining the future status of Cambodia and in ensuring its independence, sovereignty and neutrality. ~ facilitate this processi we envisage the establishment of an international control mechanism to supervise the implementation of the agreements reached, including, inter alia, the IIDdalities of a cease-fire) non-interference, including the te[mination of external arms suppliesJ and the establishment of a Government of national reconciliatioo. This would require a commitment by the parties involved to marshal the necessary political will and demonstrate a spirit of compromise and accomllDdation in the higher interests of their nation, for to a very large degree it is the Cambodians themselves who can translate into actim their cherished hopes for a'ld aspirations to a new CIld dynamic era for Cambodia. It is in this overall context that t now introduce, on behalf of the 75 sponsors listed 1n document A/44/L.23 and four others, namely, the Bahamas, Guinea-Bissau, Nigeria and Zambia, the draft resolution an the situation in Kampuchea which is now before the Assembly. Neither its tone nor its intent can be regarded as being confrontational or condemnatory, as we in the Association of South-East As 1an Na tions (MEAN) cannot believe that the goal of a Cambodia at peace with itself and with its neighbours should give cause for contention. In fact, it is forward-look ing and reaUs tic. Specifically, the draft resolution addresses two important aspects. First, the fearful possibiU ty of a return to power by the clique which terrorized that hapless nation is of intense concern, espeoially to ASEAN. Prince Norodom Sihanouk, some of whose family menbers fell victim to the genocidal policy of the Khmer Rouge in the past, has none the less adopted a magnanimous attitude md called for its inclusion in a ,;uadripartite provisiCl1al Government until the people of Cambodia can exercise the ~lght to determine their own future. ~ allay (Mr. Sutresna, Indonesia) misgivings and suspicions concerning its future intentions, the Khmer Rouge, in a statement issued on 2 October 1989, committed itself to abiding by the verdict of the people, and this could be reinforced ~I iron~lad international guarantees. Given the necessary conditions and safeguards, we believe the Cambodian people will be able to decide in free and fair elections what they want to do with the Khmer Rouge. Hence, we endorse the call for the inclusion of all Cambodian parties in a broad-based tr ansi tlooal author:ity. Secondly, a major objective of ASEAN has been Viet Nam's withdrawal of its forces from Cambodia, which has nCM taken place. While it is a posi tive development, none the less it cannot be deemed final, since the claim of a total withdrawal lacks credibility in the absence of supervision and control by the United Nations. Any other position would be tantamount to accepting a fait accompli and, worse still, to ignoring the residual, albeit crucial, problems left in its wake. Only through an international control mechanism with unrestricted access to all parts of the country will it be possible to veri fy the absence ot foreign forces. Also, we cannot fail to note that the withdrawal did not take place within the framework and in coojunction with all the other key elements of a comprehensive settlement. Finally, the draft resolution reflects the international consensus that only the Uni ted Nations has the necessary status and expertise to oversee and admin is ter an effective, impartial and credible international control mechanism such as is neeci:!d in Cambodia. It is precisely those basic elements of a just and lasting settlement that constitute the essence of the draft resolution. By endorsing it Member States will contribute positively towards the peaceful resolution of the Cambodian conflict and (Mr. Sutresna, Indonesia) bolster the current ini tia tives ald efforts to proceed within a consistent framework towards our ultimate purpose, which is a comprehensive political settlement. Mr. TRINK XllAN IANG (Viet Narn) (interpretatiol'1 from French): This year, the General Assembly is again taking up the agenda item entitled "The sit.uation in Kampuchea". The delegation of Viet Nam takes part in this debate on the assumption that, in line with the general trend towards the political settlement of regional conflicts, the discussion should encourage the efforts being made and give an imputLS to the posi tive developments during the past year in contribu ting to the search for a oomprehensive political solution to the Canbodian problem that is acceptable to all parties concerned and will bring peace and stability to South-East Asia. The Cambodian question goes back to the extermination in the "killing fields" of 3 million Cambodians at the halds of the Pol Pot regime, known as Denocratic Kampuchea, durin9 its three-year genocidal rule between 1975 and 1978. At that time, the international community expressed its deep concern that if matters were left to take their own course, it was hardly possible that the Cambodian nation could survive more than a ffiM years. In those same years the Pol Pot regime unleashed armed attacks against all its neighbours - Tha ilald, Laos ald Viet Nam - the brmt of those attacks being borne by Viet Nam. In 1978 Viet Nam requested the assistance of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries and of the Security Council of the United Nations in trying to persuade Democratic Kampuchea to agree to talks with it to settle contentious isaues in their bilateral relations. But DeJlDcratic Kampuchea flatly refused all talks and continued it.~ crimes and armed hostilities. (Mr. Trinh Xuan tang f Viet Nam) There was a crescendo of world--wide indi9nation at the ger.ocide. Public opinion and many statesmen joined in recommending that troops of the third world should be Ufgently dispatched to overthrow Pol Pot's genocidal regine and save the Cambodian people, as had been done in the case of certain other brutal regimes. In 1979, Vietnamese volunteer troops were sent to Cambodia to fight alongside the Cambodian people against the genocidal clique, just as the armed forces of the allied nations had acted in self-defence and fought Hitlerite fascism in Europe. Three years later, as the rebirth of the Cambodian people was making progress, Viet Nam started withdrawing part of hs forces on a yearly ba."lis until they were totally withdrawn, by 26 Septeii'ber 1989. Now that Viet Nam has pulled out all its troops, the issue that remains to be addressed is heM to prevent the return of the genocidal Pol Pot regime to Cambodia. The Jakarta Informal Meetings, with the participation of the two oppOsing Cambodian forces and the two groups of States in South-East Asia, have reached consensus conclusions on the two inter1inked, key issues of a comprehensive solution to the Cambodian problem, namely, the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from Cambodia and the prevention of the return of the genocidal Pol Pot regime to Cambodia, the withdrawal of the VietnalOOse troops to be lirited with the cessation of all foreign interference and external arms supplies to all the Cambodian parties, and with preventing the Pol Pot clique from pursui~ their civil war and re-establishing their genocidal regime. The talks between Chairman Hun Sen and Prince Norodom Sihanouk have made a significant contribution to the settlement of the Cambodian problem. (Mr. Trinh Xuan tang, Viet Nam) The above-mentioned developments have paved the way for the convening of the Paris Conference on Cambodia. Despite some differences, related mainly to a power-sharing arrangement including the Khmer Rouge, the Paris Conference has identified important areas of agreement, laying the foundation fol' the early attainment of a comprehensive poll tical settlement to the Cambodian problelll.. A continued impulse should be given to these encouraging results. At the Paris Conference, the deleg8 tion of Viet Nam affirned its commitment to an overall political solution of the Cambodian issue that could bring about lasting peace and stubili ty to Cambodia and South-East As ia as a whole. However, in view .Jf the complexity of the CaJ'it)odian question, we hold that, while a Olmprehensive settlement cannot yet be achieved in the imrrediate future, the countries ald parties involved should get together to tackle first what can more readily be tackled, and thus proceed eventually towards a canprehensive solution. We believe this to be the most realistic and constructive approach. Following the Paris Conference, as announced in the 5 April 1989 joint declaration ~1 the State of Canbodia, the Lao People's Democratic Republic and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, the last Vietnamese contingents were withdtawn between 21 and 26 September last. That last stage of the total withdrawal was observed by government representa Uves of 17 cOll'ltries, including 11 non-aligned countries, by three foreign parliamentary delegations, including two from countries of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (AS2AN), by representatives of six international organizations and by more than 400 foreign journalists, mostly from the United States, Japan Cl\d Western Europe. Therefore, as of 27 SepteJlber 1989, not a single melTber of the Vietnamese armed forces remains in Cambodia, not one soldier, military adviser or any other military personnel in any form. That reality has been widely recognized and welcomed by international opinionJ recently, recognition of that fact has also been expressea by authoritative representatives from a number of countries, including countries which are not wont to lean towards Viet Nam or that do not even have diplomatic relations with it. Only a few people have delib~cately tried to distort the truth, sow doubts and mislead public opinion to serve their CMn disreputable designs. One such attempt ended in appalling failure, when 2S0 outraged correspondents and journalists travelled in vain to the Thai-Cambodian border to attend an abortive press conference that was supposed to present the five Vietnamese prisoners of war captured after Viet Nam's announced total withdrawal. After the total withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Cambodia, the genocidal Pol Pot clique and other opposing forces intensified their armed activities in an attempt to reverse the present political and military situation in Cambodia. The recrudescence of fighting along the Thai-Cambodian border is a source of widespread concern. There is fear that the fighting will continue unabated and intensify beyond control, and fear especially of the possible return of the Pol Pot regime. The need to put an end to the hostili ties has becorre an urgent imperative. In this connection, we welcome the proposal put forward on 23 Septenber last by the Prime Minister of Thailand, His Excellency Mr. Chatichai Choonhavan, regarding a cease-fire between the Cambodian parties and the convening of an informal meetir¥3 to discuss the establishment of an interna tional control and verification mechanism within the process towards the achievement of a comprehensive poll tical solution to the Cambodian question. We also welcome the joint sta tement of 23 Septemer 1989 of the Foreign Minister of the Soviet Union and the Secretary of State of the United States, which states: ~At this stage, they feel it is most important to make efforts to avert intensificatiQ\ of the civil war and the return of the Pol Pot regime to power. The aides declare their readiness to announce, together with other States, a moratorium on military assistance to all Cambodian factiona aa part of a comprehensive settlement". (A/44/578, p. 7) (Mr. Trinh Xuan Lang, Viet Nam) The total withdrawal of Vietnamese troops from ~mbOdia has resolved one of the two interlinked key issues of a comprehensive settlement. The remaining key issue is the need to prevent the Pol Pot clique from w89ing civil war and re-establishing its genocidal regime in Cambodia. However, some of those who had previously accepted the conclusions of the Jakarta Informal Meetings now want to absolve the genocidal Pol Pot clique of its crimes and to legitimize it both politically and militarily, regardless of the Cambodian people's wishes and of the international Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. They insist on including the perpetra tors of genocide in power-sharing by argu ing that only thus can these perpetrators be controlled. They consider that Pol Pot cnd his associates have changed and that to satisfy oneself of this, one should put them to the test. They demand that Democratic Kampuchea, which includes the Khmer Rouge - or, may one say, is dominated by the Khmer Rouge - be given three quarters of the power, when that entity does not control any part of Cambodia's terri tory. In fac.t, what they want amounts to a reversal of the real poll tical situation at present, to the eradication of the State of Cambodia, which controls the whole country. One cannot but wonder about such demands. !et us ask ourselves whether anyone is able to meni tor the way the Khmer Rouge adminis ters the Khmer re fugee camps along the Thai-Cambodian border. Jean~ Kirkpatrick, former Permanent Representative of the United States to the United Nations and kno~ to many people here, wrote in The Washington Post on 13 October 1989: "The Vietnamese army, which was the only important obstacle to the Khmer Rouge return to P')wer, has been removed. The Canbodian people are now confronted with re-establishment of the genocide that symbolized Pol Pot's rule. "The Khmer Rouge say they will behave differently should they return to power. They say they have revised their beliefs and goals and changed their leadership. But refugees report that in the border communi ties ccntrolled by the Khmer Rouge, they rule as they ruled in Cambodia - by terror - and that no matter who has the title, Pol Pot still has the power. IQ (The Washington Post, 13 October 1989, p. A19) The question of an interim authority during the transitional period between the total withdrawal of Vietnamese forces and the general elections falls within Cambodia's internal affairs and, as such, must be decided by the Cambodian people, free from interference by foreign countries or their imposi tion of anything whatever on that people. Nobody has the right to force the Cambodian people to share power with the perpetrators of genocide and to take the risk of testing coexistence with them. On the other hand, if the power struggle in Cambodia were merely to be left to the Cambodian parties to resolve among themselves while foreigl'\ countries continued to supply all the parties with military a id and to oppose each other over the question of Cambodia's internal affairs, that would be dangerous and might turn Cambodia's internal dispute into an international conflict. In our view the best option would be to encourage the Cambodian parties to sit down together and ~ettle their internal affairs While ensuring that the settlement would not be detrimental to any country and that any future Cambodian Government would pursue a policy of neutrality and friendly relations with all countries. That would be completely in keeping with the principle of respect for Cambodia's sovereignty, with the long-term peace and security interests of Cambodia as well as the other countries in the region, and with the agreements reached at the Jakarta Informal Meetings, the Paris Conference and the non-aligned summit meeting. (f.lr. Tdnh Xuan Lang, Viet Nam) In the quest for a fa ir and reasonable solution to the Cambodian ques tion the Non-Aligned Movement has, from the outset, taken a constructive approach, refraining from siding with one party against the other. It has left Cambodia's sea t vacant and adopted resol utions fostering dialogue between the CambOdian parties and the South-East Asian countries concerned, in order to find a solution to the Cawbodian issue and to restore peace, stability, friendship and co~peration to the region. The oraft resolutions on the situation in South-East Asia - including the Cambodian issue - based on consensus between Viet Nam and Laos, on the one hand, and the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) that are members of the Non-Aligned Movement, on the other, were readily adopted by the seventh, eighth and ninth non-aligned summit meetings. The Movement has also set up a non-aligned committee on Cambodia to support the initiatives taken by the countries in the region and the parties concerned. Regrettably, such an approach has not been espoused in this forum. A point needs to be spelled out here. We do not object to - we would even welcome - a United Nations role in a Cambodian settlement and in an international control In:!chanism in Cambodia, provided however that the Uni ted Na tions adopts a fair and impartial attitude towards the Cambodian issue. We have repeatedly expressed our deep appreciation of the personal efforts by the Secretary-General of the Organization and his able assistants to encourage dialogue aimed at reaching a political settlement of the Cambodian issue. At the Paris Conference, the State of Cambodia and Viet Nam approved from the very outset the Secretary-General's proposal to dispatch to Cambodia a United Nations fact-finding mission~ but the Khmer Rouge stubbornly opposed the proposal, relenting only after pressure had been exerted by a foreign country. CM!. Tdnh Xuan tang, Viet Ra.!!!) It cannot be said however that a fair attitude has been adopted at the United Nations on the Cambodian issue over the past 10 years. It is not by pure chance that this issue began to be, and will con tinu.e to be, settled in the framework of the Paris international Conference on Cambodia and not within the United Nations. This can be easily understood if we put ourselves in the position of the Canbodian people, who are at present living in Cambodian territory directly under the threatening shadow of t.'le genocidal Pol Pot forces. How can they be expected to accept a United Nations role and an international control mechanism under United Nations auspices when resolutions have been repeatedly acbpted here, which recognize the Pol Pot regime and consider the Cambodian people's genuine representatives - the very ones who are defending them against the threat of that sinister regime - to be illegitimate, and which only demand the withdrawal of Vietnamese troops, without providing for effective measures to prevent the return of Bal Pot's rule and the continued supply of foreign military aid to the Khmer Rouge. We are convinced that the United Nations will play a major role if it adopts resolutions in keeping with the positive developmants embodied in the Jakarta Informal Meetings, the talks between Chairman Hun Sen and Prince Sihanouk, the Paris international Conference on Cambodia, and the non-aligned summit meetings. In this respect I should like to make some comments on the draft resolution on Cambodia submitted by ASEAN at the current session of the General Assembly. We must point out first of all that this draft still clings to the old views and positions and still provides a shield for the genocidal Pol ~ot group. It does not reflect in any complete and substantive way the points of agreement and the post tive developments 00 the Cambodian issue res ut ting from the Jakarta Informal Meetings and the Hun Sen-Sihanouk talks. It in fact reveals the dual policy pursued by the ASEAN countries: at the Jakarta Informal Meetings and the Paris Conference they recognized the existence of the two opposing forces in Cambodia and of the two interlinked key issues ef a comprehensive political settlement on Cambodia) and yet in this forum they recognhe only DemJcratic Kampuchea and reject ~~e State of Cambodia outright. (Mr. Trinh Xuan tang, Viet Nam) They demand that Viet Nam withdraw its forces, hut oppose the exclusion of qenooida1 Pol Pot regime. It is clear that the ASEAN countries are tryinq to take advantage of the United Nations to modify the settlement of the Cambodian issue proposed at the Paris Conference to their advantage. The dual policy of the ASEAN countries and their draft resolution in no way promote a solution of the Cambodian problem or create favourable conditions for a United Nations role in this respect. On the contrary, they hamper the search for an appropriate solution and block the possibility of the United Nations in playing a worthwhile part in any solution. For all the reasons just stated, Viet Nam will vote against the ASEAN draft resolution. We appeal earnestly to othe~ countries to take a sensible attitude that will encourage continued efforts to reach a fair ~nd reasonable solution to the Cambodian Question and open the way for the United Nations to play its par-to In light of the positive developments on the Cambodian issue that have been taking place for more than a year, the time has come for the international community no lonqer to allow the United Nations to he taken advantage of for the purpose of exerting pressure on one side in the Cambodian crisis and interfering in the internal affairs of the Cambodian people. More than 10 years have elapsed, hut the horror of genocide committed by the Pol Pot reqime against the Cambodian people iR still vividly remembered by the world community. To this day the hrutal nature of the Khmer Rouge has not chanqed in any way. Pol Pot I'ltill holda the reins of power. Hia armed forces are being fUlly maintained and equipped, and poised to repeat their crime~. At the present time, as the Pol Pot forces intensify thp. civil war, the spectre of new "killinq fip.lds" is hecoming an increasingly obvious threat to the C~mbodian people • (Mr. Trinh Xuan Lang, Viet Narn) The States Members of the United Nations, esp~cially the permanent members of the Security Council and the countries that participated in the Paris Conference on Cambodia, are morally bound to ensure for the Cambodian people a solution whereby Pol Pot's genocidal regime will he definitively excluded. This a matter foe the sense of responsihility and the conscience of all Member States of this vast international Organi?ation. Mr. KAGAMI (Japan): For more than a decade the situation in Kampuchea has been a focus of discussion at this body. Unfortunately, a solution to the problem continue~ to elude us, economic deprivation and political instability continue to plague the Kampuchean people and precious lives are lost every day in sporadic fighting. Nevertheles~, thanks to the vigorous efforts which the countries concerned have heen making since early this year, some progress has been achieved and prospects for a solution now look brighter. Early this year the second Jakarta Informal Meeting was held. Although it was not able to resolve the iAsues, in spite of the efforts of the countries concerned, it prepared the way for the next stage of negotiations, that is, the Paris Conference on Cambodia. The month-long Paris Conference held this summer was truly a historic event in that the parties directly involved, together with other interested co~ntries, qathered to discuss and negotiate on all the issues concerned. While the Conference did not result in a comprehensive political settlement, there were a number of siqnificant development~. The dispatch of a fact-finding mission to Kampuchea at the Rugqestion of the Secretary-Genp.ral is particularly noteworthy. Also, under~tandinq of certain iSAues was clarifien, inclUding the identification of various guidelines on the reconstruction of Kampuchea and the repatriation of refugees and displaced persons after a comprehensive settlement is aChieved. (Mr. Kagami, Japan) Among recent events was the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces in September, which all of us watched with great interest. This may contribute to further progress in the peace proce$s. However, it is regrettable that the withdrawal was conducted without an effective and internationally recognized international control mechanism. In the light of these developments, we are now at a crucial stage. I believe that we are surely making progress towards a comprehensive political sPottlement. But, as in a marathon, the closer we come to our goal, the greater the hardships we have to overcome. But whatever difficulties lie ahead, my Government is determined to co-operate with the other countries concerned and to continue its steadfast efforts to contribute to the attainment of a comprehensive political settlement. It has always been the position of the Japanese Government that a comprehensive settlement can be achieved only on the basis of the following four elements: first, the complete withdrawal of Vietnamese forces, which must be verified by an effective and internationally recognized international control mechanism, and at the same time the prevention of a return to the inhuman policies of the Pal Pot regime; secondly, the establishment of an effective and internationally recognized international control mechanism and its introduction into Kampuchea; thirdly, the holding of free and fair elections enahling the Khmer pP.ople to exercise their right to self-determination, and, fourthly, the reptriation of the 300,000 displaced «hmer people who have taken refuge along the Thai-Kampuchean border, and the post-settlement reconstruction of Kampuchea. I would also emphaAi?e that any comprehensive sp.ttlement mUAt address the is~ue of the security of neighhouring countries aa well aA Kampuchean internal security. Thp importance of an effective international control mechanism can never be over-empha~ized. This mechanism should ensure the internal security of Kampuchea and prevent military conflict in Kampuchea by monitoring the cease-fire and the cessation of foreiqn assistance to the Khmer factions. Each of these measures may be expected to help prevent any return to the past inhuman policies of the Pol Pot regime, which must never be forgotten. In addition to these tasks, the international control mechanism will be called upon to supervise the holding of free and fair elections. Indeed, it will be charged with tremendous responsihilitip.s at every stage of the peace process. Therefor.e it is essential that the mechanism for international control be truly universal and fairJ possess a wide range of experience and expertis~f and have the support of and access to a broad range of human and financial resources. Accordingly, the international control mechanism must be established within the framework of the United Nations. Rere I would likp to rp.call the statement of our Foreign Minister, Mr. Nakayama, in the qeneral debate last September, in which he confirmed Japan i § intention seriously to consider providinq the necessary financial co-operation, personnel, and repatriation assistancp. to the refugees and displaced persons, and other support for the establiRhment of the international control mechanism. (Mr. Kagami, Japan) As for the aue~tion of a general election, a provisional political arrangement must be arrived at to ensure that it is properly prepared for and carried out. Inasmuch as the holding of a free and fair election is the sin91e most important condition for the attainment of peace in Kampuchea, there will be no comprehen~ive settlement unless such an arrangement is worked out. I hope most ardently that the four Khmer factions will make every effort towards that end. Lastly, I would like to reiterate that the issue of the 300,000 displaced Kampucheans along the Thai-Kampuchean border and the closely related issue of the post-settlement reconstruction of Kampuchea should be considered within the framework of a comprehensive politic~l settlement. The participants in the Paris Conference identified some basic principles regarding repatriation. One which is of particular importance is that repatriation efforts must respect the safety, security and dignity of the displaced Khmet' people. In this regard we share the concern the Secretary-General has expressed regarding the return of a number of Khmer people to their homeland without any prior arrangements or consultations having been undertaken. Also at the Conference Japan proposed that an international committee on the reconstruction of Cambodia he established to provide the international framework for Kampuchea's recovery once peace has been restored. I am pleased to note that this proposal was welcomed by the other participants in the Paris Conference. Japan is ready to join with the countries concerned to work out the dp.tails when the time is ripe for the establish,nent of the committee. In his report the Secret?ry-General discussed the financial problems hesetting the Kampuchean humanitarian assistance proqrammes. I would like to reaffit'm my Government'R intention to strengthen its co-operation with the proqrammes and to emphasize the need for all Member States to respond likewise to these problems. (Mr. Kagami, Japan) We must never forget our debt of gratitude to the selfless devotion of all those who are engaged in humanitarian refugee assistance activities. !n particular W~ pay a high tribute to Thailand for its courageous determination to ease the plight of the Khmer people within its horders. Before concluding my remarts today I shoul" like on bahalf of my Government to thank the President of the International Conference on Kampuchea, Dr. Alois Mock, the Chairman of the Ad Hoc Committee, Ambassador Absa Claude Oiallo of Senegal, and the other officers of the Ad Hoc Committee for their ~aluable contributions towards achieving a comprehensive settlement. We appreciate also the ~isdom and dedication which Secretary-General Petez de Cuellar and his Special Representative, Mr. Rafeeuddin Ahmed, and his staff have demonstrated in their efforts to advance the peace process. I should now like to call on all Member States to reinforce the progress that has been made so far by extending their support to the draft resolution (A/44/L.23) Japan is co-sponsoring with its neighbours in the Association of South-East Asian Nations. Mr. DAMM (Chile) (interpretation from Spanish): tast week the representative of an important world Power, referring to another agenda item, stated: "The outstanding feature of the current scene is the profound qualitative shift away from confrontation towards hl1ildin9 a new world, free from violence, inequality and oppression, with full respect for universal human valU~R. In this new political thinking, which is becomin9 firmly ~stablished in the world, ~ key role is played by the concept of freedom of social and political choice - a concept that will become a universal norm in \"tp.rnational )if~. tn turn, this means that the behaviour of Governments (Mr. Dal1Ull, Chile) m\lSt be brought into line with the reaU ties of our interdependent world, in international affairs and within their own countries, with regard to their own citizens Cl\d with respect for the human dignity. Moral outrage at violence is becoming a characteristic feature of civilization and is perceived as an urgent necessity." (A/44/PV.49, p. 31) ~ delegation supports and attaches great importance to the statement I have just quoted, and we consider it completely valid and applicable to our present consideration of the situation in Kampuchea. For many years now Chile has been expressing its concern about this subject, and it does so again today. We condenn the persistent violations cOl1Ullitted against the Kampuchean nation and repeat that the invasion cannot go on. Our Organization must not delay in finding a solution. We believe that circumstances are now very favourable. especially as the international community is witnessing with growing interest the advances made day after day in the world. where crises and situations that seened to be frozen in time are being resolved and where reason cnd dialogue are replacing force and oppression. Any backsliding in the conduct of nations which might in some way undermine the style of coexistence which is asserting itself, in Which moderation and understanding prevail over or replace the use or threat of use of force, warrants the concern cnd rejection of the entire international community. The principles of non-intervention and the non-use or threat of use of force are basic pillars of Chile's foreign policy. We know from experience how important but difficult it is to d~fend these principles, hence we firmly believe that Kampuchea mlSt enjoy its right to be .') free and sovereign state, where there is no place for policies and practices of the past that have been universally condemned. Against that background, our delegation associates itself with the demand made by the United Nations that all the occupying forces that are sUbjugating the valiant people of Kampuchea he withdrawn, under the supervision, control and verification of the United Nations. We support the urgent appeal for ~ comprehensive political solution to the problem of Kampuchea through the estahlishment of a prOVisional administering authority and the promotion of national reconciliation, under the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk. We welcome the progress achieved at the Paris Conference on Cambodia held in July and August this year, and hope that in the near future a comprehensive solution will be found in the spirit of our day. My delegation cannot conclude this statement without expressing its appreciation of the efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Perez de Cuellar, to resolve the problem. We would encourage him to continue those endeavours and wish him success in his appeal to the parties to work more energetically and zealously for the much-desired agreement. We also join in the special t'ibute he pays in his report to the dedicated workers of the United Nations and other international agencies and non-governmental organizations who have carried out the humanitarian assistance programmes in Kampuchea, as he says, so p.fficiently and successfully in ci:cumstances that are often difficult and hazardous. the podium to speak on the item "The situation in Kampuchea" not long after the international Conference held in Paris from 30 July to 30 August this year, testifies to the intricate nature of the Kampuchean problem. The inability of the Paris Conference to reach a comprehensive political spttlement has necessitated another debate on the item. Since it has been on the agenda of the General Assembly for the last 10 years, we could be forgiven for wanting to move rapidly to end the conflict and hail the emergence of a new Kampuchea that is independent, sovereign, neutral and non-aligned•. Given the prevailing climate of detente and the desire of all partiea concerned to end the conflict and find a lasting solution to the problem, Brunpi Darussalam was optimistic that at long last we would he embarking on a sincere effort by all concerned to negotiate for a comprehensive political settlement that would hring peace and stability to Kampuchea and the region as whole. We were further encouraged by the significant presence of the five permanent members of the Security Council, bringing their weight to bear on the parties concerned in the Kampuchean conflict. The Conference achieved progress only in drawing up a wide variety of elements necessary for the reaching of a comprehensive political settlement. Peace is still as elusive as ~efore, because the parties concerned obviously hardened their position on certain crucial issues and, as my Foreign Minister remarked in his address to the Assembly: "At the Paris Conference the parties concerned did not speak the language of reconciliation". (A/44/PV.9, page 68) Instead of achie~ing the long-awaited settlement, the parties to the conflict are now engaged in another bloody war, adding more misery to the life of the long-SUffering Kampuchean people. For that reason, my delegation had hoped that (~r. Jaya~ Brunei Darussalam) the recent Paris Conference would produce a comprehensive political solution that would not only end the conflict umong the parties but also allow them to share power under a Quadripartite interim authority. My delegation supports Prince Norodom Sihanouk's position that all pa~ties must he allowed to participate in the provisional Quadripartite qovernment while allowing the future government to he determined by the final outcome of the democratic process of a free and fair election unoer international supervision. No one but the Karnpucheans th~mselves haa the right to choose its future qovernment. We welcome any dialogue process that will hring about a comprehensive political solution to the Kampuchean problem. In this rega!d, we fully support the dialoque processes, such as the Jakarta Informal Meetings r which led the way to the achievement of several hasic understandings and approaches and identified some broad elements of a solution and the way those elements wer~ linked. We hope that this momentum can be maintained, with a view to. making further progress. We should not enqage in futile wishful thinking or in an exercise that will only exacerbate what is already a difficult and complex situation. We appeal for sincerity from all sidp.s in this matter. Brunei Darussalam remains convinced that the Kampuchean conflict can be resolved only through a comprehen~ive political settlement. That would entail the withdraw~l of Vietnamese troops under effective international control and supervision, which only the United Nations has the requirpd mechanism and expertise to provide. It is reqrettahle, however, that the announced Vietnamese withdrawal on 26 Septemher this year was not supervised internationally. We view it not only as reasonahle hut important that the United Nation~ should play a role in ~uperviRinq the withd~awal, because it was the Vietnamese troops' intervention in ai\d occupation of Kampuchea that hrought the issue t.o the United Nations in the first place. (Mr. Jaya, Brunei Daruaselam) That in no way ove~look~ the atrocities committed hy the genocidal Pol Pot regime, whose practices and po~icies were universally condemned, and rightly so. The international community has the right to ensure that the Pol Potist regime will not return to power. The position of the' Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) has been very clear on this, and fo~ that reason the phrase "the non-return to the universally condemned policies and practices of a recent pastil (A/44/L.23, para. 2) is u$ed in this year's draft fesolution, as it was in last year'so But we Should not focus on the past policies and practices of the Pol Pot regime alone. we should be clear that, however no~le Viet Nam claims its intervention in and occupation of Kampuchea to he, such actions undoubtedly violated the principleQ enshrined in the Charter of the Unit~d Nations. ASEAN has been steadfast thtoughout these years in upholding these principles and in calling for the withdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Kampuchea. We are gratified that international support for ASEAN's position and endeavouts has been steadily increasing and began to bear fruit with Viet Nam's announcement on 5 April this year of its intention to withdraw ita troops by September. I should like to draw the Assembly's attention to the ASEAN draft resolution (A/44/Lo23; now hefore it. Under the draft re~()ll!tion, the Assemhly vould deplore foreiqn armed intervention and occupation in Kampuchea aA the cause of continuing ho~tilitles in the country and, whilp. notinq the announced withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea. would empha~ize that the withdrawal had not haen vp.rified under United Nations supervl~ion and control. The Assembly would state that it remained convinced that, to bri~g about lasting peacp. in Soutta·East Asia and reduce the threat to international pp'ace and security, a compehenslve politlc31 aettlefteft' ot (Mr. Jaya, Brunei Darussalam) the Kampuchean prohlem, providinq for the creation of an interim admini~tering authority and the promotion of national reconciliation among all Kampucheans, under the leadership of Prince Norodom Sihanouk, must be found. There is no hesitancy about addinq in the draft resolution that the foregoing elements and the non-return to the unive~sally condemned policies and practices of a recent past, the restoration and preservation of the independence, sovereignty, t~rritorial integrity and neutral and non-aligned status of Kampuchea, the reaffirmation of the right of the Kampuchean people to determine their own destiny, and the commitment by,ll States to non-intervention in the internal affairs of Kampuchea, with effective guarantees, are the principal components of any just, lasting and comprehensive political settlement of the Kampuchean problem. ASEAN has presented a draft resolution which is balanced and constitutes the qenesis of a comprehensive political settlement that is fair and should be acceptable to all parties. The support of thp international community for tbe last 10 years has indeed advanced the prospect of peace. The outcome of tomorrow's vote will he pivotal in determining whether the international community wants to reward Viet Nam's actions in Kampuchea with a moral and political victory or to reject those actions that clearly violatp. the United Nations Charter. The majority of the m~mbers of this body, by votinq in favour of draft resolutions on this item in previous years, has positivp.ly supported efforts to end the conflict and bring justice to the Kampuchean people, and we urge them to cast the same positive vote this year. In concluding my remarks g r cannot overlook the important contrihution made by the Secretary-General, Mr. Javier Perez de Cuellar, and his Special Representative, Mr. Rafeeuddin Ahmed, in the search for a comprehensive political solution to the ·pro~lem. Their participation in the Paris Conference on CambOdia is testimony to their deep commitment to finding a lasting Aolution to the Kampuchean problem. We therefore call upon members of this body once again to support a draft resolution on this item so that we can bring peace to the Ksmpuchean people.* * Mr. Lohia (Papu8 New Guniea), Vice-President, took the Chair. (Mr. Jaya, Brunei Darussalam) Mr. Lt Luye (China) (interpretation from Chinese): Eleven years ago the Vietnamese authori ties launched en invasioo into Cambodia with 200,000 troops Cl'\d installed the puppet regime headed by Heng Samr~n, in an attempt to place that country under their prolonged occupation and realize their long-prerrerJitated design fora greater Indo-Chinese federation. That is the root cause of the Cambodian question. Under the leadership of Prince Sihanouk, the patriotic armed forces and people of Cambodia have waged a protracted struggle against foreign aggression and for national salvation. In the aggression by Viet Nam and the resistance against it lies the crux of the Cambodian question. In each and every 1-"U. of the past decade the United Nations General Assenbly has placed on its agenda for deliberation an item entitled "The situation in Kampuchea". It has adopted for 10 consecutive years resol utions calling for an end to Vietnamese aggression and its military occupation of Cambodia and the exercise of the right to self-determination by the Cambodian people, free from outside interference, in a comprehensive political settlement that will restore to Cambodia its independent, sovereign, neutral and non-aligned status. But the Vietnamese authorities have turned a deaf ear to the just calls of the international community and, what is more, described these United Nations resolutions as obstacles to the settlement of the Cambodian question. In so doing, Viet Nam has put itself in a position diametrically opposed to that of the overwhelming majority of United Nations Member States and denied the Cambodian question a settlement to this very day. During the 11 years of the Cambodian conflict the Cambodian people have been the biggest victim. Peace and stability in the South-East As ian reg ion have been seriously threatened. Even the Vietnamese people have paid a heavy price. The early removal of this reg ional hot-spot is called for by all the people in the (Mr. Li Luye, China) region and is desired by the overwhelming majority of countries and people all over the world. In recent years the international situation has changed, with confrontation and tension ~ing replaced gradually hy relaxation and dialogue. This has also created favourahle conditions for settlement of the Cambodian auestion. The Paris Conference, convened not long ago, was a major endeavour by the international community to spek a political settlpment of the Cambodian ouestion through negotiations. Regrettably, the Conference f.ailed to produce any aqreement becauae of Viet Nam's intransigence, it~ lack of regard for the just positions and proposals of most participants in the Conference, its refusal to aqree to an interna':ional control mechanism under United Nations auspices and its obstinate opposition to the establishment during the transitional period of a prOVisional Quadripartite coalition Government headed hy Prince Sihanouk. The Chinese Government, together with all other countries that uphold justice, is consistently committed to a comprehensive, just and reasonable settlement of the Cambodian Question. In many of its statements the Chinesr Government has set forth clearly its positions and proposals on a comprehensive political settlement of the auestion of Cambodia. These contain two basic aspects, or key elements. FirBt, Viet Nam must withdraw itR forces from Cambodia completely and thorouqhly. ~econdly, there ~hould he a Quadripartite coalition CyOvernment headed hy Prince Sihanouk. We maintain that these two elements, onp dealing with ~ndinq the aggression and the other with removjnq its conseauences. are inseparable and mu~t he settled simultaneously. We are of the View that Viet Nam's withdrawal of troops from Cambodia should he complete and thorouqh. It should neither leave behind personnel or weaponry in any manner, nor return to Cambodia under any excuse. China la in favour of the po~ition of most countries participatinq in the Paris Conference that the (Mr. Li IAJye, China) withdrawal of Vietnamese forces should be placed under international supervision, organized by the United Nations, and that this nust be made an integral part of the cOl1lprehens ive settlement. Viet Nam' s refusal t.I'lder various pretexts of a role for the United Nations in connection with international supervision only Sh04S that it has no sincere interest in the solution ~f the Cambodian question. Viet Nam is now bragging about its so-called withdrawal of troops. But it is difficult to ascertain authenticity of this since we all Icn04 that there was no strict and effective international supervision of the withdrawal. The Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea, headed by Prince Sihanouk, ha.t; presented many facts to show that the Vietnamese claims are, in reality, a sham. A number of Governments and some public opinion spokesmerl .lave already openly challenged the claim,,;. Obviously, the troop withdrawal unilaterally declared by Viet Nam and without international supervision and verification is not a valid part of a comprehensive settlement. What kind of interim organ of power should be installed in Cambodia during the tr ans! tional per 100 followir¥; the wi thdrawal of Vietnamese forces and pr ior to a general election? This is the other key element of the political settlement of the Cambodian question. On this question we have always stoorl for the establishment of a provisional quadripartite coalition Government headed by Prince Sihanouk, because Lids is the 11K)St practical Md effecti-l1e way of guaranteei.ng peace, avoiding civil war and achip.vinq national reconciliation in Cambodia. This is also the pt')sition held by 1lk)St countries partici!?ating in the Paris ·:onference. \ie prefer Prince Sihanouk to be ~~e head because he is a great patriot who enjoys high prestige both at ho~ Md abroad~ he is also the only Cambodian leader Sf.) far acceptable to all the parties in Cambodia. Only if the Prince leads the provisional quadripartite coalition Government can there be the necessary guarantee of maintaining a balance of power among the various factions and giving effect to (Mr. Li Luye, China) the right to self-determination of the Cambodian people on the basis of national reconciliation. We advocate a four-party coalition r~vernment hecause there exist in CambOdia four political forces and each has an armed force of its own. Any Attempt to let one party monopolize the power, or to exclude any party, could lead to a dan~erous situation of war and unrest. The Vietnamese authorities ~ave consistently rejected a coalition truly headed by Prince Sihanouk and insisted on excludinq a party within the resistance forces of Democratic Kampuchea. Their aim, in essence, IR to make the Henq SamrinlHong Sen reqime a dominating force in Cambodia. Even with 10 years of milit~ry occupation the Vietnamese authorities have not been able to wipe out the Cambodian reaistance forces. Now they are tryinq to achieve the Objective by usi~g the hands of others through a politic~l settlement. This fully shows that their !lo-called political settlement is nothinq hut an attempt to keep CambOdia under their de facto control and make it their vassal ~tate. This attempt not only has been rejected by the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea but also is unacceptable to the international community. Far from hringing genuine peace to Cambodia, this Vip.tnamese stand will only aqgravate the already turbulent situation of continuing war and unrest in thp country and pose an unending threat to peace in South-East Asia and st~hility in the world. (ME:. Li Luye, China) As a close neighbour of Cambodia, China is very concerned about tha future and fate of the Canbodian people. China is ready tt) join the rest of the international community in continuous efforts to seek a canprehensive, just and lasting solution to the Cambodian question, once and for all. China has always respected the right to national self-determination of the Cambodian people and wishes to reiterate here that, following the conclusion of a comprehensive agreement on the Cambodian ques tion Md the genuine and complete wi thdrawal of Vietnamese forces from Cambodia under the supervision of the United Nations, China is ready to undertake, together Wi~l other COuntries concerned, the necessary obligations and to join in an international guarantee of the independent, sovereign, neutral and non-aligned status of the futnre Cambodia. The Cambodian question is the creation of Viet Nam alone. The key to the political settlement of this question is in the Vietnamese pocket. Owing to the lack of sincerity on the part of the Vietnamese authorities to this day, there are still ser ious obstacles to the process of a comprehensive poli tied settlement of the Cambodian question. The CambOdian people are still suffering and they badly need the sympathy and support of the international community. The Chinese Government highly appreciates the valuable efforts made by the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (MEAN) on this question. We hope that the international oommunity and the Secretary-General will continue to follow the situation in Cambodia. We also hope that the current session of the General Assenbly will go on to adopt the draft resolution sponsored by MEAN and many other countries so as to promote an early canprehensive, just CJ'ld las ting settlement of the Cambodian question. Mr. FIBMMn~G (Sa iot tuda) , For the past 10 years the international community has stood by the members of the Association of South-East As ian Nations (MEAN) in their efforts to end the bloodshed in Kampuchea and find a just and (Mr. Flemming, Saint Lucia) durable solution that would restore in&pendence to Kampuchea CI'ld allow it to live at peace with itself and its neighbours. Kampuchea is geographically remote from the majority of the Members of the Uni tea Nations. Most of us have never visited Kampuchea. But the principle involved in the Kampuchean problem is one of the most fundamental in international law. It lies at the very heart of the Charter. It is the principle of self~etermination. Kampuchea's inalienable right to self-determination was violated by the military intervention of foreign forces and military occupation. Those foreign forces installed a client regime. That was totally unacceptable. It was a grievous violation of our Charter. Self-determination and respect for the Charter are the basis on which the majority of the Members of the United Nations, small and weak States, base their security. In this respect, the threat to Kampuchean security was a threat to the security of us all. If the fundamental norms of international law are violated with impunity, it diminishes the protection of international law for all of us. That is why an overwhelming majority of Members of the United Nations have ahlays voted for the ASEA.~ resolution en the Kampuchean question. There is an international consensus that the only durable and just solution to the Kampuchean problem must be a comprehensive poli tical settlement that deals with both the external and the internal aspects of the problem in an integral manner. The international community must not repeat the mistakes made in other regions of the world where the withdrawal of foreign troops without an internal settlement has allowed bloodshed to continue. In this respect we must not fail the Kampuchean people. (Mr. Flemming, Saint Lucia) A comprehensive settlement involves two elements, both of which need to be resolved. if Kamp.1chea's right to self-determination is to be restored. The first, of course, is the total and verified withdrawal of all foreign forces. This remaing a key element. In Saptember of this year the Vietnamese announced that they had wi thdrawn all troops from Kampuchea. This was the eighth announced withdrawal by Viet Nam in as many years. Like the others, it was not verified by any credible international agency and was not in the framework of a canprehensive political settlement. There is need for a credible international body to monitor and verifY Vietnamese wi thdrawal to ensure that all Vietnamese forces have indeed left. There is an international consensus that only the United Nations ha.q the necessary stature, authority and expertise to oversee and administer an effective, impartial and cre~.ble international control mechanism for Kampuchea. The effective contribut:ion to international peace and security of United Nations peace-keepinq forces was recently reco9ni~ed by the award of the 1988 Nobel Peace Prize. We also have an obligation to help the Kampuchean people to end the conflict in their country through an internal sett:lement. That conflict is the direct consequence of the Vietnamese intervention in Kampuchea. (Mr. Flemming, Saint Lucia) Thus, Viet Nam still has a moral and political obligation to undo the consequences of its intervention in Kampuchea through a oomprehensive political settlement that would allOil the Kampuchean people freely to exercise t.'leir right to self~etermination. So long as a regime that was installed by foreign intervention remains in Phnom Penh, fundamental principles of international law and the United Nations Charter itself will continue to be violated. l\n int.ernal settlement therefore must include, among other things, na tional reconciliation among all Kampuchean parties, under the leadership of His Royal Highness Prince Norodom Sihanouk and, of course, the exercise of the right to self-determination by the Kampuchean people through free, fair and deJ'lk)cratic elections. No Kampuchean party can be excluded from this process without risking the prolongation of the conflict. There is an international consensus that only Prince Sihanouk has the stature and moral authority to reconcile the Kampuchean people and indeed all the Kampuchean parties. He is, in our estimation, a great patriot who deserves the suPPOtt of the international cOl1ll'lunity. In the course of this year, there have been many important developments. The second Jakarta Informal M2eting, in February, and the international Conference on Cambodia held in Paris have moved the peace process forward. It has been the overwhelming support of the interna Honal community for the MEAN resolu tions on Kampuchea over the last 10 years that has been instrumental in moving developments to this point. Saint wcia believes that we are on the threshold of a comprehensive settlement. The continued support of the international community at the forty-fourth session of the General Assembly will be a key factor in achieving a genuine, comprehens.ive political solution that can relieve the long agony of the Kampucheans and bring a jmt and durable peace to that beleaguered country. saint Lucia will continue to support the MEAN resolution until that: just al,d durable peace is achieved in Kampuchea. we urge other countries to do so as well. we must not falter in our support for the Kampuchean peop"Le and, indeed, of MEAN at this crucial moment. Mr. II1Q(E (German Democratic Republic): The present perceptible improvement in the international climate and the progress achieved in finding political solutions to regional conflicts are interrelated. On the one hand, the positive tendencies in international relations, which were initiated mainly as a result of the new approach by the Soviet Union have tangibly influenced the peacefUl poll tical settlement of existing conflicts. On the other hald, progress in the solution of conflicts invigorates the encouraging trends in international rela tions and favours the turn from confronta Hen to co-opera tion ~d detente. The German Democratic Republic appreciates the progress made so far in the peacefUl settlement of reg ional disputes, whether in southern Africa, in the Persian Gulf or in Cent~al America. We are convinced that there is no sensible and well~founded alternative to such an approach, despite all the problems that continue to exist in these regions. My country's position is also valid for the settlement of the Cambodian question. The German Democratic Republic believes that remarkable headway has been made this year towards the solution of that question. This includes the results of the Jakarta Informal Meeting held last February, the international Conference on Cambodia held at Paris in August and, not least, the withdr~lal of Vietnamese troops that was concluded last September. With that wi thdrawal of troops the Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam has proved its goodwill and its constructive attitude towards the solution to the problems relating to Cambodia. (Mr. Hucke, German Democratic Republic) Shortly after the Vietnamese voluteers had le ft the cOl.lltry the armed opposition forces increased their attempts to solve the question of Cambodia in their favour ~ military means. That shows that they really are not willing to reach a political Sllution that takes account of the interests of the Pf;!ople of that country. What is needed is a comprehensive political solution of the problem, as the participants at both the second Jakarta Informal Meeting and the Paris Conference agreed. The Paris Conference confirmed that the withdrawal of foreign troops was the first prerequisite for such a solution. The discontinuance of any foreign military aid for the Cambodian factions nust also be considered as a necessary posi tive step in that direction. My country therefore welcomes the statement made by the Foreign Ministers of the Soviet Union and the United States in their Joint Declaration of 23 SeptelTber 1989 on their readiness: "to announce, together with other States, a moratorium on military assistance to all Cambodian factions as part of a ccmprehensive settlement". (A/44/578, annex, p.7) We hope that t~is readiness will be reflected everywhere and will be matched by relevant deeds. The second prerequisite, for a comprehensive solution is, in our view, guarantees that would prevent the Pol Pot group from getting power again. The participants in the Paris Conference were also agreed on that issue. This is only logical in the light of the atrocioU9 crimes committed by that regirm from 1975 to 1978 against the people of Cambodia. (Mr. Hucke, German Democratic Republic) The German Democratic Republic supports present efforts to ensure the earliest possibl~ resumption of the negotiation process. At the same time, my delegation holds the view that the internal aspects of the qUI;:' ton of Cambodia should be solved exclusively by the Canbodlan people themselves, without any interference fran outside. Pertinent constructive proposals made by the Cambodian Goveznment under Prime Minister Hun Sen have been put forward. t4h~t is important is a solution to the internal aspect of the question that would guar antee the Cambodian people the sovereign exercise of their right to self-determination with a view to choosing the political system CI'ld selecting the members of a parliament and a government in free, democratic and general elections. (Mr. Bucke, German De~cratic Republic) The Government of Cambodia pro90sed the establishJn9nt of a supreJn! council for national reconciliation which should consist of reprasentatives from the two sides - the State of Cambodia and Denccra tic Kampuchea. That council is to mon! tor the general elections to a national parliam~nt and government for that country. The German Democratic Jtepublic supports this initiative, as it is bound to further a comprehensive political solution of the question of Cambodia. In the view of my delegationp the United Nations could contribute to this end by adopting a constructive consensus-oriented resolution, reflecting the political rGalities in Cambodia. It is however regrettable that the draft resolution submitted by the sponsors in document A/44/L. 23 does not meet these expeeta tians. It does not a dequa tely reflect the progress that has been made in seeking a political solution this year, Sld it negates the reali ties that have emerged in Cambodia. Tharefore my delegation is unable to endorse it. In conclusion, let me express the conviction that a sensa of reason and realism on all sides will prevail also in the solution of the Cambodia question. The sooner this happens, the better for the Cambodian people themselves, but also for the other peoples in Indo-China that wish to live in peacep without being exposed to the threats of a smouldering conflict in their region. Mr. AL~UKHAnn (Oman) (interpreta tion from Arabic) I My delegation has been following with interest the statements made since the beginning of the current session. In all those ststements, there has been an intetnationally shared desire to settle all the unresolved problems and disputes. We feel that such a COlllllOh desire is the inevitable resUlt of the international community's concern, the 6itente which I\CM marks the relations of the super-Powers and the da~ing of a new eta Oft the international scene. fhe pcOblem of the Kampuchean people figures among the tragedies of the peoples that have been the vlcU",s of oppression, expulsion and forcible displacement at the hands of an external power that dominates a country and eBprivee its people of the most rudimentary rights enshrined in all divine laws. ~ lampuchean people still suffers displacement and privation. NOtwithstanding the ltlAfty Unltec5 Nations resolutions and the international will, that people's goals an~ ~atlQftal aspirations continue to be frustrated • .. feel that the role of the General Assembly should be decisi-.,e in reaching a • oenulne, com~ehensi",e solution that wouldPJt an end to the prolonged suffering of that people. fhe efforts of the Secretary-General and the repeated calls by the General fassembly for the withdrawal of foreign forces from Kampuchea since 1979 stemmed from the fact that the problem has been a destabilizing factor that continued to unt1ermine international peace and security. It has also given rise to grave humanitarian concern over the deteriorating conditions inside Kampuchea, the migration and displacement of hmdreds of thousands of Kampucheans, with the tesultant psychological dislocation and continued violation of their human rights. In(leed, the plight CI1d suffering of that people have been galling to the human cOlllllunity. The Government of the Sui tanate of Oman commends the efforts made by the t$sociation of South-East Asian Nations (l\SEAN) in search of an acceptable solution to the l2foblem, and especially lauds the role of Indonesia in the recent Jakarta 1IleeUftgs. We were also hopeful of concrete results at the International Conference lOft the qU$tion of Kampschea tec:ently convened in Paris. We had hoped that that (Mr. Al-Mukhaini, oman) Conference would mark the beginning of a new era for the Kampuchean people lI1d enable them to ring down the curtain ewer the past and begin to reconstruct their country under a Government of their ova choosing. Although the Paris Conference has not lived up to our expectations, it is essential not to forsake the process of dialogue in the search for a pali t1cal solution to the problem. We commend the roles of both France and Indonesia and their efforts to keep a dialogue going between the parties concerned. The Government of my country, the Sultanate of Qnanp has consistently co-sponsored all United Nations resolutions on the question of Kampuchea. The Sultanate supports all the efforts of peace-loving States to find an acceptable solution to the question. My country has associated itself with all those that have been calling for the withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea under the supervis ion of the Uni ted Hations, putting an end to all external JredcUing in any political settlement of the problem and the establishment under the leadership of Prince Sihanouk of a quadripartite· interim government that would stage a general election under international supervision. Such a government would be the real nucleus of an administration acceptable to the Kampuchean people that would ensure the safe return of the refugees, work for an internal settlement along the lines of natiooal reconciliation, build confidence between the parties to such a comprehensive political settlement and thus ensure peace, security and stability in South-East As ia. On behalf of my Government, my delegation supports the efforts of the Secretary-General lI'ld commends his continued interest in the current situation in Kamp.achea. The Sul tanate will continue to support those efforts throogh co-sponsoring draft resolutions Q'l the situatioo in Kampuchea, until the long-.awaited comprehensive and just settlement has been achieved• Mr. BATlOUK (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic) (interpretation from Russian): In the year that has elapsed since the last discussion on Cambodia at the United Nations General Assembly, some progress has been achieved towards a Cambodian settlement. At the Conference on Cambodia held in Paris in the summer of this year, under the chairmanship of France Chd Indonesia, agree~nt was reached on a broad number of issues, and the groundwork has thereby been established for a speedy, comprehensive political settlement J.n Cambodia. Furthermore, the Conference noted that there was then no possible way for a settlement, and in this connection it was deci ded to suspend the work of the Conference. Of course, a four-week period is not very long and the problems which have accumulated over 20 years of conflict in that country cannot be solved easily within a month. Nevertheless, the way has been found whereby we can reach a lasting comprehensive settlement. The Ukrainian SSR supports any form of dialogue that might be helpful. The General Assembly has been called upon to support and promote the positive outcome of the Paris Conference, with a view to establishing lasting peace and national harmny in Cambodia. (Mr. Batiouk, Ukrainian SSR) We should particularly emphasize that as a result of the implementation of the decision to withdraw the Vietnamese troops frorn Cambodia completely, a new situation obtains and the practical pte-conditions have been fulfilled for achievinq a peaceful solution to the Cambodian pcohlem. That being so, further consistent efforts on the part of the p~rticipants in the inter-Cambodian dialoque are of great significance for achievinq a process of national rp-conciliation in Cambodia. The way forward is shown, and is made smoother, by the specific points of agreement which emanated from the firAt and second Jakarta Informal Meetinqs and from the hilateral and multilateral intet-eamhodian mep-tings. We are convinced that there are no insuperable obstacles to achieving acceptable solutions if we are guided by the interests of the Cambodian people. In our quest for a lasting solution, no one is entitled to forget the millions of lives snuffed out by the genocidal regime. The final purpose of the international community is a comprehensive polit\C41 settlement of. the con~lict which would rid the Cambodian people of the deprivationa that qo hand in hand with ~xternal interference and the internal disputes they inflame. Solvinq the external aspects as a matter of urgency will help the pr.ogreSR of the negotiations qoing on within Cambodia, and in so doing will hring us nearer to achieving our final 90~1 of national conc~rd and a peaceful, constructive liip on Cambodian Ev..i]. AR was emphasized hy Hun Sen; Presi~ent of the Council of Ministers of Cambc)dia, the lack of progresR in thp. internal flituation hafl to do with the positions taken by the Khmer Rouqe, Which is trying to solve the problem by military means and seize power again in the country. One of the mo~t important thflk~ facing the int~rnational community i~ to pr~vent civil war and the restoration of the genocidal regime in Cambodia, to end foreign military assistAnce (Mr. Batiouk, Ukrainian SSR) to the oppoaing Khmer parties, and to quarantee Camhodie'R status as an independent, neutral And non-aligned StDte. By now the inte~national community has aCGuired some experience in settling regional conflicts. This experience shows that the United Nations could play ~ more effective role if this General ARBenbly 8e8sion adopted a con8ensu~ resolution on CambOdia which reflected the realities of our time. Hewever, this would be possible only if that General Assembly resolution stuck to the goal of strengtbening the positive movements in the inter-e._bodian dialogue and negotiation process and vas designed to enhance the input from the international community in eliminating thla focus of tension in SOuth-Bast A~ia. Although eolvlnq the problem depends, in the final analysts, on the parties to the conflict, the Uni~ 'd Nationa can nevertheless play the rnle of eataly~t. The United Nations i8 capable, through ita own actions, either of faeilitatinq and accelerating a settlement or, to the contrary, of thwarting it. Unfortunately, the aponsors of the draft renolutlon on this itp.. for some reaBOO prefer the latter choice. Their attemptc, 3t a ~ent ~hen international conditions have chanq@d, to introd~ce ~hat is essentially an nut-of-date ftolution that has sprung from the loins of a hygone conflict finds no support er understanding on our part. The new situation 1n and around C••bOdia rP.Ouirp.a a new and innovative approach, unburdened hy the weight nf paat atere~type.. The Ukrainian delegation Is In favour of getting rid of the elements of confrontation In theRe a_peets of the iSBue under discussien. We are convinced that a wofthy settlement of the CaMbodian Question will open up the way to turning South-East ARia into a r.one of peace, freedom and neutrality - ~nd all St~te. have an intereat in thato We call on the Ca_bodian parties to Make further, consistent efforts to prc.ot& national reconciliation, tolerance, reaUs1I\ and a <\Xlnstructive approach. We eall on tbe international COMBunlty to allow the Cambodian people Itsalf p through democratic choice, to d@termlne the future of an independent, neutral and non-aligned Cambodia, and to respect that choice in th& intereRts of peace and stahillty In CaMbodia and in the region of South-Eaat Asia aR a whole. (Mr. Betlouk, Ukrainian SSR)