A/45/PV.14 General Assembly

I declare open the ceremony for the presentation of the Declaration and Plan of Action adopted by world leaders at the World Summit for Children. I shall now call on the Prime Minister of Canada, Mr. Brian Mulroney, Co-President of the World Summit for Children. Mr. Brian MulronQy, Prime Minister of Canada, was escorted to the rostrum. Mr. MQLRONEY (Canada) (interpretation from French): On behalf of my Co-President, President Traore of Mali, I have the honour to submit a report on our deliberations this weekend. (continued in English) No one Guffers more from poverty than children, and neve~ has that sUfferinq been more evident to the people of the world. Every day, 365 days a year, 40,000 children around the world die entirely preventable deaths. Millions more qo hunqry or are denied education or are abused. Seventy-one world !eaders came to New York this weekend to do something about the sUffering that these numbers have come to represent. Yesterday's gathering of world leaders shed greater light on some of the world's darkest and most shameful secrets: child hunger and poverty, homelessness, disease, exploitation and illiteracy. We saw faces of joy as well as tears of pain in the video produced for the Summit. (spoke In French) We discussed issues never l,efore on a Summit agenda - childhood diseases, family planning, the responsibility of parents towards their children. No one who came to this Summit can be satisfied with the status quo. We all agreed that the problems confronting the world's children must be addressed urgently. The question is not simply that of poverty; many are neglected in affluent modern societies as well. We also found that the healthy development of children involves a number of aspects - economic, medical and technological. (continued in English) On a subject that lends itself so easily to generalizations, the goal of the Summit was to catalyse practical action by Governments, international organizations, non-governmental organizations and families - who will always have the major responsibility to provide a loving environment for the children of the world. The obj~ctive was to move the issue higher up OD ~he policy agendas of all participating countries. At the Conference, 71 world leaders, including leaders who will follow me to the rostrum - the President of Mexico, the President of the United States and others - endorsed a common Declaration and an important Plan of Action. (spoke in French) In the DeclaratiQn, they pl$dged to obey ten main principles cQvering all Qf the areas frQm immunization to clean water, tQuching upQn planned parenthood and the implementatiQn Qf the United NatiQns CQnvention on the Rights Qf the Child. (~inued in Engli~) With the cold war over and the United Nations functiQning in magnificent style, as its architects envisioned it would, with Germany uniting and the Soviet Union undergoing prQfQund reforms, it is clear that humanity is capable Qf profound change and new directions. The lessQD is that our past dQes not have t~ dictate our destiny, that new futures are pQssible if we set Qur minds tQ the task. The endQrsement of the DeclaratiQn and the Plan of ActiQn this weekend was an indispensable step tQ bringing all GQvernments to act. It WQuld be pr.emature tQ say that the Summit was a success. The true 'success Qf the Summit will be discernible Qnly in the years ahead, as nations implement their cQmmitments and invest strategically in their mQst valuable reSQurce, their children. I have already been in CQntact with the heads Qf the major multilateral financial institutions and their response has been mQst encouraging. Already, the work Qf the United NatiQns Development PrQgramme (UNDP), the World Bank and other regional banks is shifting to complement the effo~ts of national Governments. The World Bank's intention to increase its lending for primary care to 5 per cent of its total lending will mean half a billion dollars a year for primary education and basic health measures. This increase should make a most important contribution in improving the lives of children, particularly children in developing countries, who &0 urgently and desperately need the help not only of lending agencies but of every person in the Assembly today. By bringing the leaders of the world to a common determination to take up this challenge, the Summit (Mr. MulrQney. Canada) gives us all hope that child poverty and sUffering will not always be with us. The Summit, largely a creation of Jim Grant and his excellent staff at the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), has given the issue of children some important impetus. And now political will must keep the ball rolling. It is my privilege to join with my CO-President, President Tr8ore, in presenting the Confertince Declaration to the President of the General Assembly. On behalf of the 71 world leaders who have signed them, we sincerely commend these documents to all of you, to all countries, to the United Nations and to its constituent agencies and to communities everywhere. May I once again 'express the gratitude of all members, and that of the 71 leaders who participated, to tha Secretary-General and his remarkable staff for their contribution, to Jim Grant and all the people of UNICEF for having made it such a marvellous success. My thanks to all of you. ~he PRESIPENt: I thank the Prime Minister of Canada. It will give me great pleasure to accept the Declaration and the Plan of Action adopted by world leaders at the World Summit for Children. Mr, Vr1an Hulroney, Prime Minister of Capada. was escorted from the rostrum.

It is for me a source of deep satisfaction that my term as President of tha General Assembly coincides with the holding of the World Summit for Children. The gathering this weekend of 71 Beads of S~ate and Government to apply their wisdom, vision and political commitment to goals and strategies for the survival, protection and development of children ~roughout the world is a unique occasion. It signifies the determination to act in concert on behalf of the millions of SUffering children, not only out of a feeling of compassion but as an expression of political wl1l and regard for improving the human condition of children. (Mr, Nulroney, Canada) In asses~ments of the Organization's achievements, the adoption by the General Assembly on 20 November 1989 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which ~ame into force on 2 September, is generally recogniaed as a landmark event which embodies a comprehensive list of goals for the well-being of children. I am convinced that the adoption of the Declaration on the Survival, Protection and Development of Children, along with a very specific Plan of Action, by the participants in the World Summit for Children will accelerate the ratification and implementation of the Convention on the Rights of the Child. I should like to extend my warm congratulations tG th~ six initiating Governments of the World Summit which, with the support of UNICEF, organized the S~~it. I also wish to pay tribute to our Secretary-General, who provided the good offices of the United Nations in support of this historic initiative. The well-being of children was the theme of tho Summit. Let us seek to harmonize and renew our efforts so that we may hand on to th, "succeeding generations", to which our Charter appropriately refers, a world in whi~h starvation, disease, poverty and privation. are memories of the past and not the inheritance of the future. (the President) During the.e laat ..eks we bave ••en the sovereignty and independence of a State abus.d. SVery day we bave beard the ~nacin9 signs of an approaching war. Ke are caugbt up in a atrugg1e to ensure the obSerV811C9 of the rule of law in international relations and the nee4 to maintain peace. May we, through the authority wbich comes froll tbh, the moat representative of all organs of our Organisation, the Assembly of 160 nations, appeal to thoss who have the immediate responsibility in shaping the c~urse of events, and perhaps of history, that there is no loss of face for any State in adheriug to the Chart~r of our OrganizatIon, that there ie no loss of face in the search for a peaceful settlement of a diopute. Nothing 18 lost in pursuing that goal. We owe it to our children not to add to the thOUS&D~. who 4ie every ~a7 from avoi4abla cauaem, the thousands who may die and the many wbo vil1 suffer. ~~ owe it to our children and to world peaca. But it has to be a peace in freedom. This i8 our permanent plan of action as the collective responsibility of our Assembly. In this spirit, I am pleased to accept the Declaration OD the Survival, Protection and Development of Children and the Plan of Action. I declare clcs.d the cerereony on the presentation of the Declaration and Plan of Action adopted by the world leaders at the World Summit for Children. Wti have thus concluded our consideration of agenda item 151. ADDRESS BY MR. CARLOS SALINAS DZ GORTARI, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED MEXICAN STATES Tbe PRBSIDENTa The Assembly will now bear an address by the President of the United Mexican States. Mr. Cillo. SaligDs de Gortar!, Presidept pf the Unit,d Mexican States. wai eSCOLtg4 into the GOAlral Assembly Ball. The PRISIDIMTI On bebalf of tbe Gene~al Assembly# I bave tbe honour to welcome to the United Rations the President of the United Mexican States, ais Excellency Mr. Carlos Salinas de Gortari, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President SALIHAS de GOBTABI (interpretation from Spanisb): In addressing tbese vords to the General Assembly upon tbe inauguration of its forty-fifth session, I bring a message of friendship and cordiality from the Mexican people. Tbe report of tbe Secretary-General on the vork of the Orqanization for the past year tells of the nev vill and spirit of its Members, as well as the grave risks that still exist. I should like to underscore the praisevorthy efforts of Secretary-General Javier Per~z de Cuellar, vho has successfully used his talent for conciliation in resolving difficulties and in promoting a veritable rebirth of the United Nations. In Javier Perez de Cuellar, Mexico recognizes a conscientious emissary of peace. I should also like to congratulate Ambassador Guido de Marco, vho, as President of the General Assembly, vill undoubtedly guide the work of this historic session to the succesaful conclusion our present circum8t~nces require. We welcome the Principality of Liechtenstein as a Member of our Organi~ation. Mexico has always defended the principle of the universality of the Unitad Nations; consequently, ve bope that ve sh~ll soon be celebrating the ent~y of those States that still remain outside the syatem. This is, in a sense, the house of th~ nations, a house built to foster the secure. civilized coexistence of all peoples. Today the life of the United Nations is attuned to the pUlse of the world. I arrive here at a time of great readjustments and unaccustomed hopes. I come with the firm belief that peace and co-operation in the world ~re possible because they are indispensable. I come. moreover. with the experience of the changes occurring in my country. which stem fl~ our circuastanc.s and our dete~inatio~ but are closely bound up with the ..incls of world chug•• TOday we are experiencing an unexpected shift in history. It is a time of clash.s botweeD the past and the present, between trhat is global and what is local, between power and law. It is a time of imminent risks and also of opportunities that had DOt been expected in this century. Institutional structures, globa1 balances and our very heliefs have changed. Over and above beliefs, goography and level. of development, there is a new general awareness that economies must be restructured and political practices must be modified in keeping with the new context of interdependence am9ng nations. Today its most positive expression lies in a new attitUde and new language used in dealing with what were ODce believed to ba unalterable necessities. These final years of the century are marked not only by man's mastering of nature without ha~ing it but also by the lifting of hlls spirit. Historic opportunities for building a future which must be common to all bu~ which can also be more civilized Dnd prosperous are opening for our generation. This is not a time for complacency. Today, in the political sphere, we are vitnessing the ond of the cold war and we celebrate with great hope the active talks between the super-Powers. I recognize the courage and imagination thflir leadera have shown in escaping from the supposed inevitability that held the world trapped in folly and madness. For the United Nations, the new times have signalled the end ~f th~ Security Council's paralysis and the necessary strengthening of effective multilateral action. At the same time, ve see with distress that detente, and even co-operation, between POMers which follow different but convergent courses, d03S not guarantee the end of regional conflicta, nor encourage development in the countries of the South. Enormous amounts of resource8 formerly devoted to conf~ontation in Europe (President SaUnas do Gortad) have DO .illtary purpo.e t06ay. Wl11 they r...la .1red 1~ the routlne e.tab11.hed durl89 the Ira of cold-war Slntallty7 Ml11 tb. great Pover. be capable of redirecting th.ir coac~ra. aDd th.lr rl.ource. towards tha abaplDg of a world In Which lDternatl~Dal law 1. the only barrler to the rule of force? Recent events have abruptly reminded us how lllusory opttmls~ cmn be unle,. we correct major imbalance., tml••• 1nl bave the will to ablda by recoCJDlzed law. Let UI hope that the pre,ent day, wheD total wllr is being abandoned, does not prove also to be a time for tbe aggravation of inequalities between North and Southa~d for the ••calation of local conflicts. (Pr••idept SA11gl' At Gortlr!) The econOMic .phere i. dONinated by new trends that ore perNeating culture. throughout the vo~ld. The interdependenc. of economies has accentuated gl~bal fiplDcial and trade link.. Me ore witnes,ing an aggres.ive battle over quality. price au4 pro.pto••• iD tbe ezchange of gOOd8 8nd services. The imperative of competition i. redefiniog the terms of prOduction. social relation.. and even family life. Rever before haa there been such great potential for development. But. as has happened on a number of occaaioDs. there Ire also the lengthening shadows of unilateral actions. the danger of receasion ~n4 the devastating impact of outside event. OD the best efforts and the most heartfelt desires of the developing nations. The formation of economic blocs 1. shaping a new multipolar order. Those blocs could give a major impetus to 910bal economic activity if they vere to remain open to trade. with high levels of saviogs for foreign investment and lower . world-wide interest rates. That scenario would support the programmes of adjustment aod structural change of many countries. Such blocs ma~. however. look first and foremost to their own interests and raise new protectionist barrier5. thereby increasing ~a imbalaDces in the ioternational economy~ Much depeods on reachiog a favourable conclusion at the Uruguay Round. Faced with these facts and trends. the world today haa realized that a natioD cannot promote its independence by erecting walls or by iaolating itself e whether for reaSODS of fear or reaSODS of nostalgia. Insularity in today'S world is a very costly fantasy. To be late in enteriog global competition means delaying responses to social demands and PUttiD~ the viability of Dations at risk. But to weaken a people's awareness of its identity end throw into disarray its desire to govern its own affairs is even worse. Defending sove~eiguty in today'S world demands del!~e~at~ d!rec~ion of the internal changes that occur in a country if its people are not to suffer involuntarily the effects of wor-ld-vide change. Digitized by Dag Hammarskjöld Library (Pre,ident S,lip,. 4. Gprtarj) CbUCJI .ff.ct••veryouQ Me .b.~. the ioy of tb. Cemu peopl._ l!hlch will 800D l1v. iD a aUled cOUlltrf. ... adllh. the cJUipDt .ffort. of t.M 1••4.rs who bav. 4.-o11.b.4 the w.l1 of .1.UDder.taadlDg that divided ,..Ill.. and .plit • 81D9l. bi.tory Into two braache.. The ualflc.tloD of Ge~y_ the oth.r catioDC IDvolvtd In tb, autu.a r.volutloD of 19" aa4 the Dew 4.-ocrecl.. In Latin ~ric. r.pr.e.nt perb.p. the lIOat .,.C!t.cul.r chuag... But luuatda11atd Mt!on. too '1'. bastenlng to c.rry out chaDg.. that will 'Dabl, theM to f.t.1D th.lr coepetltive .4g8_ r.d~c. deficit.. .tr.a.1iae bur.aucract••• oxpand tb.lr polltiGal rlgbt. and fr••d~. and g.lD aec••• to DIM t.chDolog1... .0 COUDtry 1••0 .trGDI that It can rl.k to tb. world. If. ID Mexico r.cogDia. thia Dew .1tuaUoD In the world. Tb. prc.pact of popul.tloD growth &Dd tb. ..w CODt.xt of lnt.rn.tlo..! ca.petltl0. '1" tb. "ior ch.ll.DgeS th.t ~.ieo fae.s. Our popul.tio. DOW .~r. 12 .ill10.~ aDd over 1.5 million Mexican. are .dded .very y.ar. 81.torlc d.flcl••cl•• aDd grl.4189 pov.rty .x1st 814. by 81d. vlth • 110411'._ div.r•• 184 dnutUag .oclet,. It baa th.r.fore be.. .....ti.l to .asur. .u.t.1D~d aad .tabl. 'CODOMlc growth. At the same time. we al" ftdaptlzg our political practlc•• to provide e DOre sOUlld basl. for partlelpatloD 1. the world that 1. curr.atly taklag .hape. Mexicans will defia. tholr OVll 1'01. la tho latoraatioaal CO.t.Kt. For a.vercl y.ar. tb. Mexican ecoaomy ha. bo.a UD4ergoiag a proc.as of production apparatusQ Tbe cODslatoDcy of our ,~oDo.lc pr09r.... ba& producod v.ry .Dcouraqillg results. If. MexicDDS have l.arnt 1.8soas that W' CH a.ver forget. He co.sider it aD absolute priority to maintain strict f!.~al diaeiplin._ as the sbe of the public d.ficit a.h.es the _2:'91nS for .ction to stabiU.•• the eco~~ and carry out stru~tural rQfo~s. Mexico once had ono of the world's m03t clos~d .ccn~ie.; DOW it has one of the BOst open. Thi~ transition to stability aake. rap!4 trade liberaliaation ana effective dor3gUlatioD essential if we are to boost the efficiency of the production appftratus. bring domestic prices into lino with those of othe~ couatrles and stimulate t~chnologlcal change. Mexico too~ tho opportunity to negotiate a reduction in the servicing of its foreign debt. and this has made the country's prospects more ,ecure. We alLo privatised non-strategic enterprises - doi09 50 in st~ges - to mazlmiae public' revenue. and secure the Stat.'s ability to meet its pri~~ responsibilitioB. Mexico promotes foreign investnent by pe~ittiD9 acce.s to broader areas of the economy and by providing the essontial legal security. Today new fo~s of association between Government and exporters are mating it possible to penetrate and hold markets. In our circumstances this path has led to a stronger economy ana to a new, more productive and co-operative spirit in our society. The change, we have made have reached into all arca~ of our natlonel life. Mexico is undertating an in-depth reform of the State. Mexican. are chaDging their institutions and democratic practices, We heve a nore vigorous &Dd competitive political-party .yste.o Agreement between parties hes produced new electoral legislation. We have c~.at.d a better syatern to prot&ct human rights aDa to combat drug trafficking and prevent offend.ra from escap1nq punishment. Rights are ezercis~4 freely every day. B~t the MOst important measure has beea to channel a new social energy into the raising of living standar4G, mainly for those Mexlcau~ who have the least even though they are making the greatest efforts. (PftisideDt SoliDas de Gortari) Mexico ~eeke to participate actively in all the economic blocs and to establish agreements that will enable us to secure new markets ~d attract new investment. At thl::s very moment, my country is involved in talks with the United States on the signing of a free-t~ade agreement that will respond to the liberaliz&tion of our economy, facilitate access of our products to markats abroad, and settle any trade dispute~ between our countries in an objective manner. The inclusion of Canada in the agreement would result in the formation of the world's largest market. To the south, we are seekinq to strengthen economic relat.ioDs with the rest of Latin; America and to lay the foundations for freer trade. Our new links with Europe and with Japan and the other nations of the Pacific should serve to increase our exports and attract investment and technology. This effort also makes u~ a bridge between the two oceans. Mexico believes that the economic cohesion of blocs should Dot stem from a desire to protection against real competition. They are born of geography and eulture, and their members should interact through increased trade and a greater knowledge of each other. Mexico therefore seeks to renew the cultural world of Latin America. Although shaped by Western tradition, we know that we are different because of the other cultures that have gone into mouldi!19 the Latin American identity. Our aim is to remove the barriers that impede Dot only the movement of qoods and people but also the spread of the idea of achieving unity while maint.aining each country's sovereignty. The Americas astonished the world almost 500 years age with the qreatness of their native civilizations.. the wealth of their resources and the creativity of their peoples. Today in Latin America there is a reDewed spirit - a democratic and productive spirit, & spirit of justice and solidarity - that one day will again astoniSh the world. Mexico is committed to that future. (ExAsidep~ SAlinas de Gortori) The::e was" time" not 10n9 aqo" when the language that prevailed at thi.s Assembly was that of the crisis of multilaterali... All the vrongs of the world ~re recapitulat.d and" above all" stress was placed on th. deficiencies of th& mechanisms that existed and the weakne•••• of the international community in righting them. This attitude always I1IOt with a a.af ear froll .01lNt" angry reactions from others and impatience from everye".e. That wa. an effect of the cold var. Since the earliest days of t~e United Nation." aud for more than a century befor. that" Mezico con~i.tently .zpre••ed its Eupport for re.pect for the right of nations to .elf-dete~iDatioDand non-intervention from abroad" for the legal equality of States and the peacoful settlement of conflict••s principlos for civiliued co.xistence among national it ha. been a crusade in favour of international law. On occasion" our appeal. - the only recourse available to a peace-loving nation - went UIlDotic.d by tho.e who adh.red to power politics and rejected what ~ey considered the naive politic. of law. Today" we f.el that the change in the world is proving' u. right. In the name of international law and ita world-wide application" th. cold war ia disappearing and the community of nations i. re.ponding to the chall.nge of the ~raqi invasion of Kuwait. Tb. Security Council has condemn.d the us. of force, has taken measur.s to impose .anctions on the aggreasor and to dissuade him, and has indicat.d way. to make tho.e .anctions effective. Mexico haa ondor••d the r••olutions of the Security Council and ha. alr.ady adopted" within its own spher., the pertinent dec!.ion. for their implementation. We call for the immediate and unconditional withdrawal of the Iraqi troop. currently in Kuwait, th. imme4iQte r.lease of the hostages detained by arbitrary force, and full respect for the VlellDa conventions OD diplomatic and con.ular immuniti•• for individuals and pr.cinct.. If the force (Presidept SaliplD de Ggrtari) of human riqhtlS is the moat powerful idaa of the modern era, invasion ie the lIOet consummate fo~ of violating it. International diplomacy i. here faciDga new challenge. The world ha. changed, and Mexico has changed as ..,etl1; but the value of transformation lies in preserving gai~s which must not be relinquished. If reaSOD, tolerance, co-o~eration &ud a .ensa of iustice are rega1ned through change, then chuge "ill hav& cUrectioD and depth. Since its fOUDcUng, that has H@D the watchword of the Un!ted Nationlll the &biding rule of law as opposed to the arbitrary will of the powerful; negotiation and reconciliatioD of lnterests instead of the use of forc~; consultatioD~ concerted agreemant and co-operation ae ..ans of eettliD9 differences, of mitigating conflicts and baniahing war. The United Nations was AD act of legal and political creativity, of culture and eivili.atioD against irrationality ADd barbarism. Change has shown us that we CAD be responsible to ourselves, to past generations and to tho.e yet to come in a way the world has never yet known. We should Dot let this historic opportunity paas us by. Tbia is a representative forum or, to be more pr.ciae, it is the premier forum of wcu:ld public opinion. Today, the Oeneral Assembly CaD alao be the conduit of the new era of exchanges based OD the principle of sovereign equality and in keep!n9 with the norms of international lav. Thus, it is painful to rClcall how m&ny times in the paat adopted resolutioDS bave beeD iguored, end heartening today to nee the norms reepected. I come to this General Assembly persuaded that all Member States ~re committed to strengthening the proceas of recove~y of the United NatioDs which haD nou begun. There is a historic misslon to carry out, and today ware closer the ever before to accolllpl1shing It. Ne embark upon the decade of the 1990a beset by international uncertainties, but knowing that VG have it in ua to resolve them. The fundamental taaka of international law are those concerned with world stability" with the agen4as of war aDd peace" of development ADd social justice in the world. The far-reaching changes have given a global character to potential responsl' to these major threats to the d.aira for productive and peac.ful co.zistlnc.. Th. world-vide effort to ~1t.inat8 the origins of conflicts again finds its firmest ~.solv. in the ••tuUaluMtnt of law. To a large .at.nt" the danger represented by the reglonal conflicts that we are .apedoncinCj today ded..".s from the ams rac.. Coaaiblents In the fi.ld of a~s r.duction" particularly the reduction of nucl.ar and ch.mical weapons" and &gr.ements for reduciaq trafficking in armaments, are k~y issues for peace in the decade of the 1990s. Th.ro are IncouragiDg 8igns. The Treaty bot...n the United Stat.s and Che Sovi.t UnioD OD the Blt-ination of Their Intermediate-Iangft and Shortlr-Range Missll••" and the understandinq r.ached OD a 50 per cent reduction in their strategic long-ruge nuclear arsenals ar' Vlry p~,s1tive factors. Th,se have helped to create a fevourable atmosphere for the European negotiations on the r,duction of conventional arsenals" and havQ contributed favourably to an enhanced climate of detent.. a,spect for others, both within each lilation and bet..en Stat.s, le the political basis for lilegotiation and the underlying principle of international law. MI call on all nations in our hemisphere and throughout th~ world to subscribe to treaties such ae those of Tlatelolco and RarotoDga. Let ua reduc. the l.vels of conv.ntional weapons and military budgets, and may the savinga achieved thereby be directed towards development and not towards destruction. Th. G.arch for peace has led U8 to recogDizo concerted regional agreement as ODe of the BOst suitable vays of creating favourable conditions for negotiations. Central America, the pain-vracked iSthmuD of our continent, has beeD asealled by 81'1111d conflict and a drain1ng of Ita econolli•• for more than a aecacl.. With (President Salipa. d. Gortar!) respect for all concerned, Mexico has worked, first bilaterally, then mUltilaterally and subsequently through its present efforts within the Group of aio and under the San Jose Accard, to bring the conflict to an end and to initiate I stage in which there will be development. Achieving peace in the region depends, first of all, on the tenacious efforts of the countries in the 80nel the Bsquipulas agreements are among the best examples of the3e. The Central American GoverDm&Dta are on the road to reconciliation and peace. They de~lDd and deserve international support for their efforts. Just as resources were delivered to the warring parties during the time of conflict, they should now be provided to the Governments responsible for the development of the region. That is not occurring, and is alarming because the population dynamics and the age-old deficiencies of the reglon fiIOanthat there can be DO lasting peace unless it is based on economic improve!Mnt. Regional peace-seeking groups are irreplaceable. Efforts to solve the Cambodian conflict involve the resolute participation of the members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and other countries in the reglon. Progress in solving the problems of southern Africa have been based largely on the efforts of the front-line countries: the regional agreement is a gage of the processos leadinq towards peace. We expect the invaluable co-operation of the Arab League in finding a prompt solution to the problems in the Persian Gulfo Another war of global dimensions is being waged against drug trafficking and terroriSM, increasingly united in their criminal conspiracy against humanity. Here again, a Dew concept has been accepted that recogDizes the true international nature of the problem and eliminates any pretext for not actingv It is a chain of terror that includes production, distribution and consumption as different parts of one and the same threat. (Prosident SoliDas de Gortari) Simultaneous measures must be tlken to provide production options in places where drug crops are planted. to fight drug traffickers and to educate and rehabilitate those who consume drugs. The 1988 Vienna Convention against illicit traffic in narcotic drugs and the preparation of a world plan of action are highly encouraging efforts. We trust that the new structure of United Nations agencies will effectively assist in mUltilaterally approaching this s~ourqe. In Mexico's case. drug trafficking not only threatens the health of our young people but also undermines national security and the strength of our institutions. In the course of my administration. Mexico has lost more than 100 people in this war, has arremted over 20,000 drug traffickers and has prevented 7 billion doses of marijuana and 3 billion doses of cocaine and heroin from reaching the youth of the world by confiscating drugs with a street value of $120 billion. Such is the depth of Mexico's commitment to the war on drug trafficking. It must not be forgotten, however, that ~e rule of law prevails in its fight at all times. We cannot allow rights to be violated when we wage this war, much less permit the sovereignty of States to be violated for such a purpose. Unswerving determination and full and respectful collaboration are the civilized solution, as they are in all questions of war and peace. Lack of development and of social progress holds the same potential for disrupting global stability as have conflict and war. The bighest hopes for this new age of mUltip~larity, an age characterized by respect and co-operation, will mean little if the promotion of growth and productive employment to reduce pove~ty is nullified by protectionist barriers, negative terms of trade and the net transfer of the South's resources to the industrialized world. The grievous and widening gap between rich and poor countries is a source of concern to all. (~sident SaliDls de Gortar!) World-wid~ environmental deterioration and pollution j.opardla. 80cial d&velopment and undermiD& the productive end.avours of our nationa. !hi. prcblem~ whose origin and conse~ue~ce. estend across national frontier., demands a multilateral solution. Development and enviroam.ntal protection art compatibl. if all of U8 accept our responsihility for the flnviroDllOllt and if the n.c,••ery r••~uE'c.. ad technoloqie. are channelled to the devoloplnq countri.. to .nabl. them to offer their inhabitants option. that do not d.cpoll the 'ilvlroDMnt. Rona. of coexistence that did Dot include the developinq nations in the buildlnq of prosperity would ignore the international cOmMunity's r.a.on for esistence and waste the benefit. of peace. The 199Z world Coaf.r.nc. on Environment and Development ahouldbo a turninq-point in the fl~ commltD1nt of the community of Dations to alleviate the ba~ful elf.eta o~ .nviroDmental d.t.rloration. Neslco 1. doinq its part and i. ..ekinq to balanc. it. iDdu.triali~atloawith a healthy enVirODmlDt. Ke are protecting vbal••, dolphin. and a doS'D of tb. world' s remainil\9 14 speci•• of s.a turtl,. that lay th.ir egg. on our beaches. We are providinq more prot.ction for OUE' tropical forests aDd ar. actively participatinq in the world strategy for pr.v.ntiDCJ change. in tb. 910bal cliae.t•• W. s.ek more co-operation, especially financial an4 t~chDoloqlcal co-operation, in attackinq the problems of pollution ID M8xico City. This i. a .truggl. in bohalf of civili.atioD, tbo civilisation that vil1 cc.. aft.r u., which VI CaDDot abandon without rejectiDg our own natur•• In the midst of the immense chaos that the FreDeb ••volution caused iD Europe two centures a90~ in a world sudd.nly 18ft without pointa of reference and threatened by ne" form. of de.potiDlIlll' a philo.opher of that ItAP Md of all aq8a enthusiastically but cautiously 4istiuguisb.4 between univer.al law, the promi•• of everlasting peace among nations anel r.spect for the freedom of all. Today, wh.n the enel of the cold war is cbanging the world's g.opo1itics, when the people of Eastern Europe are onc. again finding the magnific.nce and the risks of freedom and when, at the same time, the dang.r of a war with unpr.cedent.d consequenc.s is emerging aDd n.w problems are gaining priority, we must return to the principles of that centuries-old p.rc.ption. Khat shoa1el the future of ~ur Organization be? Th. circumstances that favour the strengtheninq of the Unit.d Nations d.mand responsibility. The momentUM of these ti..s bears with ittb. risk of t.mpting us to act in haste, to create functions for the Unit.d Nations that go b.yond th. provisions of its Chart.r, functions th.t not all of ita Member States are willing to undertake. Let us, therofore, refl.ct on our pre••nt condition, so that we can .nvisag. a future that, while not free from problems, will have ,common rules for resolving th.m. "hat cannot b. put off is the implementation of the fundam.nta1 princip1.s set forth in the Charter of the United Nations, Which ar~ Mexico's principles as well. The int.rd.pend~nc. of the modern world and the conviction that there are global probl••s who.e solution can be attained only through international action have 1.d some to cast doubt on the validity of those princip1.s. That is an erroneous view: the most progr.ssiv. forms of internatione1 organization that have .merged in r.cent ti..s have had 8S their point of d.partur. the twin rights of territorial integrity and political sov.~.ignty. That is wh.re the u1timat. l.gitimacy of the Organisation r.side., and that is what off.rs the possibility of achi.ving 8gr....nt. a~d at constructive and .ff.ctive int.rnationa1 action. Stat•• are the ar.na of ••1f-d.termination, and only through r.sp.ct for them is int.rnationa1 det.~inatlon PG8sib1e. The clllallenge of our times is to l'ecoqnize that the trend towards 9lobalizatAon demands the effective application of international law to establish the rules fgoverning co-operative efforts in the face of problems that 6 by their very nature, are international. But this should never mean a weakening of the sovereignty of States on the pretext of a supposed world community of individuals. Let us not repeat the mistake of establishing a universal rationale aimed at wiping avay the history of peoples. It is possible for us to view the world as an entity only because we hold a point of view, our own, that of each nation. That is why our attachment to values, to history, to culture, which is the cement of societies, persists and indeed is growing stronger. Sovereiqnty and demncra~y are essential in a world of interdependence. Only thus will self-government serve to make commitments, forge links and be open to the community of nations. Only a real detente can lead to genuine changes. The lawful defence and promotioD of the sovereign interrelationship of nations does not conflict with the certainty of national identity but rather requires it. The scale of the world's great problems CaD no longer be used as a pretext for practising DOW forms of interventionism and hegemonism. To each citizen, each family and each society, forming part of a political community is something of decisive value. Only those that are sovereign agents respected by the international community caD be participants in international affairs.' In the words of Mexican internationalist Genaro Estrada: "Ho country ~lhould ask for something which Ue sovereiqnty of its own people gives it the right to receive." (Fremident SalipA§.dt Gortari) Uncertainty can cause fear, but it can also give rise to unexplored opportunities. MOre than ever before, the current situation offers unique conditions for constructivo encounters between nations. In order to take advantage of this, we must cast aside our fear of the unknown. The effective protection af nations requires giving free rein to their capabilities, not limiting them. It means interacting and reaching agreement, not responding unilaterally. It means having confidence in ourselves so that we may take an active part in shaping world history, which is one and the samo ~d beloD9s to all. Are we prepared to give politics and diplomacy a chanc~ to work, despite their limitations, their slow results, their unavoidabl~ but indispensable commitments? In this regard the universal democratic idea is the great legacy of these last years of the century. Fragile though it is, it is being built throughout the world in the face of waning but still dangerous resistance. The democratic idea reflects the complexity of present-day societies I agreement between different meD and women who wish to live as a productive community under democracy; ~espect for their dignity and for their basic rights; the sum of talents that are free and capable of facing global challenges. In a sense a new utopia, richer than any that preceded it, is emerging, born of a true confrontation between doctrinaire principles and historical facts. If the twentieth century vere to leave us only this legacy, it would be making its full contribution to mankind. For all nation~, however, there is still a long way to go, and the ideal is atill far from becominq a reality. World justice must become the heritage for the twenty-first century. Our passion for democracy mast ta~e into account the need to bring into beinq the conditions that make it possible to oxercise political and civil rights, enabling them to flourish and make men brothers in spirit. Beyond any doubt, the initial effort must be internal, national and cQntinuous. But it also calls for the participation of the international community, through its institutions, in support of the hardships suffered by entire peoples in their efforts to achieve more prosperous lives. International law will thus become all the more relevant, because the interrelationship of interests and the globalization of political values will necessarily lead to the joint solutions of common problems. The unquestionable link between development and peace makes it necessary to pursue dialogue and to act in accordance with the law. Mexico has maintained and will always maintain a firm commitment to a policy of principles. We believe in law as the foundation of a culture of respect among , nations. We believe in democracy as a measure of peoples' own will. We seek a more deeply rooted justice, both within our country and among nations. It cannot be otherwise, because it is our conviction, rooted in our history and our geography, that the international principles of Mexico and the United Nations do indeed constitute a framework for action that better promotes our interests. Law ultimately constitutes an objective barrier - although unfortunately not an insurmountable one - to the arbitrary exercise of power. The United Nations is the most nearly perfect form of political organization for the sovereign interrelationships of States. As the interdependence among States increases, so too will the need to move forward to more effective levels of organization. May the task of the United Nations for the twenty-first century be to establish democratic justice in the world. The most important events in history have always been the result of achieving something previously regarded as impossible. It would be futile to attempt to place limits on the progress of free men, but it would be even more {utile to try (President Salinas de Gortari) to place Coti~~~~ints OD the effects of the commitment to act with goodwill. Today in the United Nations we have a world Organization that qivOG full priority to respect for intergational law and the principles of its founding Charte~, an Organization that guarantees the search for solutions to the global problems of our time and that uphold~ the indis301uble link between peAce and development. In short, w~ have an Organization that promotes respect as one of the founding principles of democracy and of open, equitable co-operation to make internatiu~al justice a reality. This is the only way to find hope for the world. ihe PRESIDE~: On behalf of the General Assembly~ I thank the President of the United Mexican States for the statement he has just made. Mr. Carlos SolinDg 4e Gortari. Presidept of the United Mexican States. WIS escorted from the Geperal Assembly Bill. (President Salinas de Gortari)

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the United States of America. Mr. George Bush. President of the United States of America. was escorted into the ~eneral Assembly Hall.

On behalf of the General Assembly I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the United States of America, His Excellency Mr. George Bush, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President BUSH: It is really a great privilege to greet you today as we begin what marks a new and historic session of the General Assembly. My congratulations to the Honourable Guido de Marco on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly. On a personal note I want to say that, having witnessed the unprecedented unity and co-operation of the past two months, I have never been prouder to have' once served within your ranks and never been prouder that the United States is the host country for the United Nations. Forty-five years ago, while the fires of an epic war still raged across two oceans and two continents, a small group of men and women began a search for hope amid the ruins and they gathered in San Francisco, stepping back from the haze and horror to try to shape a new structure that might support an ancient dream. Intensely idealistic, and yet tempered by war, they sought to build a new kind of bridge, a bridge between nations, a bridge that might help carry humankind from its darkest hour to its brightest day. The founding of the United Nations embodied our deepest hopes for a peaceful world! And during the past year we have come closer than eve~ before to realizing those hopes. We have seen a century sundered by barbed threats and barbed wire give way to a new era of peace and competition and freedom. The revolution of 1989 s,~pt the world almost with a life of its own, carried by a new breeze of freedom thnt transformed the political climate from Contra1 Europe to Central ~~erica, and touched almost every corner of the globe. That breeze has been sustained by a now almost-universal recognition of a simple, fundamental truth: the human spirit cannot be locked up for ever. The truth is that people everywhere are motivated in much the same way and people everywhere want much the same thing: the chance to live a life of purpose, the chance to choose a life in which they and their children can learn and grow healthy, worship freely, and prosper through the work of tt.eir hands and their hearts and their minds. We ere not talking about the power of nations, but the power of individuals: the power to ChOOS86 the power to risk, the power to succeed. This is a new and different world. Not since 1945 have we seen the real po~sibility of using the United Nations as it was designed - as a centre for international collective security. The changes in the Soviet Union, have been critical to the emergence of a stronger United Nations. The United States-Soviet relationship is finally beyond containment and confrontation, and now we seek to fulfil the promise of mutually shared understanding. The long twilight struggle that for 45 years has divided Europe, our two nations and much of the world has come to an end. Much has changed over the last two years. The Soviet Union has ta~en many dramatic and important steps to participate fully in the community of nations, and when the Soviet UnioD agreed with so many of us here in the United Nations to condemn the aggression of Iraq, there could be no doubt that we had indeed put four decades of history behind us. We are hopeful that the machinery of the United Nations will no longer be frozen by the divisions that plagued us during the cold war; that at long last we can build new bridges and tear down old walls; that at long last we will be able to build a new world based on an event for which we have all hoped - an end to the cold war. Two days from now the world will be watching when the cold war is formally buried in Berlin. And in this time of testing a fundamental question must be asked - a question not for anyone nation, but for the United Nations. And the question is this: Can we work together in a new partnership of nations? Can the collective strength of the world community, expressed by the United Nations, unite to deter and defeat aggression? Because the cold war's battle of ideas is not the last epic battle of this century. Two months aqo~ in the waning weeks of one of history's most hopeful summers, the vast, still beauty of the peaceful Kuwaiti desert was fouled by the stench of diesel and the roar of steel tanks. Once again the sound of distant thunder echoed across a cloudless sky. And Once again the world awoke to face the guns of August. But this time the world was ready. The United Nations Security Council's resolute response to Iraq's unprovokQd aggression has been without precedent. Since the invasion on 2 August the Council has adopted eight major resolutions setting the terms for a solution to the crisis. The Iraqi regime has yet to face the facts. But as I said last month: The annexation of Kuwait will not be permitted to stand. This is not simply the view of the United States. It is the view of every Kuwaiti, the Arab League and the United Nations. Iraq's leaders should listen: it is Iraq against the world. Let me take this opportunity to make the policy of my Government clear. The United States supports the use of sanctions to compel Iraq's leaders to withdraw immediately and without condition from Kuwait. We also support the provision of medicine and food for humanitarian purposes, so long as distribution can be properly monitored. Our quarrel is not with the people of Iraq. We do not wish for them to suffer. The world's quarrel is with the dictator who ordered that invasion. Along with others, we have dispatched military forces to the region to enforce sanctions 6 to deter and if need be defend against further aggression. We seek no advantage for ourselves. Nor do we seek to maintain our military forces in Saudi Arabia for one day longer than is necessary. The United States forces were sent at the request of the Saudi Government. The American people - and this President - want every single American soldier brought home as soon as this mission is completed. Let me also emphasi;e that all of us here at the United NatioDs hope that military force vill never be used. We seek a peaceful outcome - a diplomatic outcome. And one I'IIQre thinq - in tha aftermath of Iraq'l!I unconditional departure from Kuwait, I truly believe there may be opportunities: for Iraq and Kuwait to settle their differences permanently; for the States of the Gulf themselves to build new arranqements for staoility; and for all the States and peoples of the reqion to settle the conflict that divides the Arabs from Israel. But the world's key task - now, first and always - must be to demonstrate that aggression will not be tolerated or rewarded. Throuqh the United Nations Security Council, Iraq has been judqe4 - fairly jUdged - by a jury of its peers, the very nations of the Earth. Today the r89ime stands isolated and out of step vith be times, separated from the civilized world Dot by space but by centuries. Iraq's unprovoked aqqression is a throw-back to another era, a dark ~elic from a dark time. It has plundered Kuwait; it has terrorized innocent civilians~ it has held even diplomats hostage. Iraq and its leaders must be held liabla for these crimes of abuse and destruction. But this outraqeous disreqard for basic human rights does not come 8S a total surprise. Thousands of Iraqis have been executed OD political and reliqious grounds, and even more through a genocidal, poison-qas war waged aqainst Iraq's own Kurdish villagers. Aa a world community, we must act - not only to deter the use of inhumane weapons like mustard and nerve gas, but to eliminate the weapons entirely. That is why ODe year ago I came to the General Assembly with Dew proposals to banish these terrible weapoDs from the face of the Earth. I promised that the United States would destroy over 98 per cent of its stockpile in the first eight years of a chemical weapons ban treaty, and 100 per cent - all of them - in 10 years, if all nations with chemical weapoDs capabilities signed the treaty. (President Bush) We have stood by those promises. In June the United States and the Soviet Union signed a landmark agreement to halt production and destroy the vast majority of our stockpiles. Today United States chemical weapons are being destroyed. But time is running out. This is not merely a bilateral concern. The Gulf crisis proves how important it is to act together - and to act now - to conclude an absolute, world-wide ban on these weapons. We must also redouble our efforts to stem the spread of nuclear weapons, biological weapons and the ballistic missiles that can rain d~struction upon distant peoples. The United Nations can help bring about a new day, a day when these kinds of terrible weapons and the terrible despots who would use them are both a thing of the past. It is in our hands to leave these dark machines behind, in the dark ages where they belong, and to press forward ~o cap a historic movement towards a new world order and a long era of peace. We have a vision of a new partnership of nations that transcends the cold war - a partnership based on con~ultation, co-operation and collective action, especially through international and regional organizations; a partnership united by principle and the rule of law, and supported by an equitable sharing of both cost and commitment; a partnership whose goals are to increase democracy, increase prosperity, increase the peace, ana reduce arms. And as we look to the future the calendar offers up a convenient milestone, a signpost by which to measure our progress as a community of nations. The year 2000 marks a turning-point, beginning not only the turn of the decade, not only the turn of the century, but also the turn of the millennium. And 10 years from now, as the fifty-fifth session of the General Assembly begins, you will again find many of us in this Hall, our hair a bit more gray, perhaps, and a little less spring in our walk. But you will not find us with any less hope or idealism, or any less (President Bush) confidence in the ultimate triumph of mankind. I see a wo~ld of open borders, open trade, aDd - most importantly - open minds; a world that celebrates the common heritage that belongs to all the worldos people, taking pride not just in hometown or homeland, but in humanity itaelf. I see a world touched by a spirit like that of the Olympics: based not on competition that is driven by fear, but sought out of joy and exhilaration and a true guest for excellence. I see a world where democracy continues to win new friends and convert old foes, and where the Americas, North, Central and South, can provide a model for the future of all humankind - the world's first completely democratic hemisphere. And I see a world building on the emerging new model of European unity; not just Europe, but the whole world - whole and free. This is precisely why the present aggression in the Gulf is a menace not only to one region's security but to the entire world's vision of our future. It threatens to turn the dream of a new international order into a grim nightmare of anarchy, in which the law of the jungle supplants the law of nations. That is why the United Nations reacted with such historic unity and resolve, And that is why this challenge is a test that we cannot afford to fail. I am confident that we will prevail. Success, too, will have lasting consequences - reinforcing civilized standards of international conduct, setting a new precedent in international co-operation, brightening the prospects for our vision of the future. There are 10 more years until the century is out - 10 more years to put the struggles of the twentieth century permanently behind us; 10 more years to help to launch a new partnership of nations. Throughout those 10 years - and beginning now - the United Nations has a new and vital role in buildinq towards that partnership. Last year's session of the General Assembly showed how we can make greater progress towards a more pragmatic and successful United Nations. And, for the first time, the Security Council is beginning to work as it was designed to work. Now is the time to set aside old and counter-productive debates, procedures, controversies and resolutions. It is time to replace polemic attacks with pragmatic action. (President Bush) We have shown that the United Nations can count on the collective strength of the international community. We have shown that the United Nations can rise to the challenge of aggression g just as its founders hoped it would. Now, in this time of testing, we must also show that the United Nations is the place to build international support and consensus for meeting the other challenges that we face. The world remains a dangerous place. Our security and well-beinqoften depend, in part, on events occurring far away. We need serious international co-o~erative efforts to make headway on threats to the environment, on terrorism, on management of the debt burden, OD the fight against the scourge of international drug trafficking, &Dd on refugees and peace-keeping efforts around the world. But the world also remains a hopeful place. Calls for democracy and human rights are being reborn everywhera. These calls are an expression of support for the values enshrined in the United Nations Charter. They encourage our hopes for a more stable, more peaceful, more prosperou~ world. Free elections are the foundation of democratic government, and can produce dramatic successes, as we have seen in Namibia and Nicaragua. The time has come to structure the role of the United Nations in such efforts more formally. So, today, I propose that the United Nations establish a special co-ordinator for electoral assistance, to be assisted by a United Nations electoral commission comprising distinguished experts from around the world. As with free elections, we believe that universal United Nations membership - membership for all States - is central to the future of the Organization and to the new part~ership that we have discussed. In support of this principle, and in conjunction with United Nations efforts to reduce regional tensions, the United States fUlly supports United Nations membership for the Republic of Korea. We do (President Bush) so without prejudice to the ultimate objective of reunification of the Korean Peninsula, and without opposition to simultaneous membership for the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Building on these and other initiatives, we must join together in a new compact - all of us - to bring the United Nations into the twenty-first century. I call today for a major, long-term effort to do this. We should build on the success, the admirable success, of our distinguished Secretary-General - my long-time friend and colleague, and yours - Javier Perez de Cuellar. We should strive to en.'ance t.~e effectiveness and efficiency of the United Nations. The United States is committed to playing its part - helping to maintain global security, promoting democracy and prosperity. My Administration is fully committed to supporting the United Nations, and to paying what we are obliged to pay by our commitment to the Charter. International peace and security - and international freedom and prosperity - require no less. The world must know and understand that from this hour, from this day, from this Hall, we step forth with a new sense of purpose, a new sense of possibilities. We are united, prepared to swim upstream, to march uphill, to tackle the tough challenges as they come - not only as the United Nations, but as the nations of the world united. Let it be said of the final decade of the twentieth century that this _8& a time when humankind came into its own, when we emerged from the grit and the smoke of the industrial age to bring about a revolution of the spirit and of the mind, und began a journey into a new day, a new age, and a new partnership of nations. The United Nations is now fulfilling its promise as the world's parliament of peace. I congratulate you, I support you, and I wish you Godspeed in the challenges ahead. %he PlISIPBNTs On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the United States of America for the impo~tant statement he has just made. Hr, Geor;e Bush. President of the Upited-Statos of America« WAS escorted from the General Assembly Ball.