A/46/PV.6 General Assembly

The Assembly will first hear an address by the President of the Lebanese Republic. Mr Elias Hra ui President ; into the General Assembly Ball.

On behalf of the General Assembly I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Lebanese Republic, Mr. Elias Araoui - who represents the unified Lebanon - and to invite him to address the Assembly. President (interpretation from Arabic): Lebanon comes to the United Nations this year, having overcome severe crises and devastating wars. This it has done thanks to the faithfulness of the Lebanese, their attachment to the country and their unity of will; to the support of sister Arab countries and other friendly nations: and to the United Rations, which has consistently supported Lebanon's right to Sovereignty, independence and peace. Way I take LLl,. -----L-.-IL-- a.^ ^^e.s......* ..,- e, -_-.. - iu.Lil "~~"*".A---+ iv ii -$'"-"Gcs 2". s:r, zr pcllr sizii___ tr: -3 e-e: q.- the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-sixth session. You represent the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, with which we have profound ties of friendship and fraternity. Lebanon has always appreciated and continues to appreciate the Kingdom's contribution to the process by which we are extricating ourselves from war, under the leadership of King Fahd bin Abdulasiz. I wish to pay-tribute to your predecessor - the President of the General Assembly at its forty-fifth seaaion - and to express to the Secretary-General my deep appreciation of his genuine interest in Lebanon and of the distinguished role that the Unitea Nations, under his leadership, baa played in forging internat3oaal cooperation. Uhilo welconin9 the now Ststor thst have rocontly joined the United natiom, I wirh to affirm today that Lebanon ham broken out of the vicious circle of wer that wae impored upon it, has begun to regain confidence in itself and to ro-merge on the world steno and play a unique role. Our Govornrnent’s conrnitment to the letter and spirit of “The Notions1 Conciliation Document” har enabled our central Government, in only a fer months, to re-•stablisb the authority of the Stat. and to remove the barriers that repsrated oae area from another. The country has regained its unity and our citirens havm rallied around the State. The militias have been diasolved and their guns havm fallen silent. The State has eliminated the basic causes of the war and, thorofora, of the existence of the militias that arose because of them. The State has now collected the weapons of the militias and outlawed the possession of weapons other than by legitimate authority. The Lobaners Army and the internal security forcea have been deployed in the capital and in the outlying areas. They have also been deployed in our steadfast South, side by side with the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIIIL), with a view to extending the authority of the State there. We owe UNI?IL a great debt for the many sacrifices it has made in the performance of its noble mission. We have reactivated State institutions and begun the process of restructuring them in the light of our urgent needs. We have revived national political life along democratic lines and affirmed our respect for all beliefs in the context of law and the national good. We have implemented political reforms and amended the Constitution accordingly. The Constitution has become more compatible with the principles of freedom, justice and equitable power-sharing. The world today ir moving rapidly towsrdr cooprration and coordination among Stater. New blocs are emerging: lhrope 1992, the Organisation of American States, the Gulf Cooperation Council and the Union of the Arab Maghreb, are all examples of that trend. And the Lobaneae, by nature open to other8 and anxious to cooperate, have recently ratified a Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination with Syria on the bamir of mutual respect for the independence and sovereignty of each of the two Stator. In this contort, Lebanon must express its gratitude for the great 8acrificms that President Hafir al-Ascrad haa made in helping urn realire national reconciliation and regain the authority of the State. Theme are some of the achievements which brought LObaDOD from despair to hope, from anarchy to order, and from fragmentation to unity. This transformation has been due largely to the character of our people. We are a peace-loving people that aspires after dOVOlOpmODt. Wo are inclined by nature to conciliation in the context of democratic principles and roapect for fUDdamOnta1 freedoms. We have reinstated the State in LebaDOD and the country now enjoy8 security and stability. But we still have much to do to eliminate the effects of the crises that engulfed our land, including the hostage crisis. That crisis arome because of the prevalence of anarchy and the forced neutralization of Lebanese legitimate authority in large areas of the country for many years. Lebanon was among the first to condemn this phenomenon because it is in direct contradiction with our customs and traditions and with the basic principles of law and human rights. Indeed, Lebanon itself became a hostage to that alien phenomenon and its international repercussions. The Lebanese Government is dete-.minud t3 cooperate with all t-0 put an end to this t-J crisis. And the Govotnmont proved its detorminstion when recently it foiled the plane of thoeo who l tend to loco from the frooirrg of hoetagoe and prisonore and the return to normalcy. The Government of Lebanon ham implemented most of the provisions of "The Wationsl Conciliation Document" on which the Lebaneem agreed in Teif, with the l upport of the League of Arab States, the l ietor Arab States, the member0 of the Arab Tripartite Comittee, friendly nations, the international conununity and, in particular, thm permanent members of the Security Council. But the work is not OWL'. One of the provieione that are yet to be implemented is the provision relating to the extension of the authority of the State to South Lebanon through our own forces in accordance with Security Council resolution 425 (197R). This resolution upheld Lebanon’s rights in the face of the Israeli occupation of vast parts of our South and Western Biqa’. Under resolution 425 (1976) the Security Council established UIIfIL to ensure the imediate withdrawal of Israeli forces from our intarnationally recognieed borders and to ensure the return of the authority of the Lebanese State over that area. It is natural, therefore, that we ask for the implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1976) and insist on the separation of the problem of South Lebanon from the overail Middle East problem. We support all efforts to which our sister Arab States agree and are ready to facilitate all international endeavours aimed at a just, comprehensive and permanent peace in the Middle East. We want our rights. Our people in the South suffer under the yoke of Israeli occupation and are continuously exposed to aggression, which threatens their lives, their property and their fundamental human rights. We have paid enough for the w&z of others. Lebanon is the uation of coexistence, and peace for Lebenon means peace for all. Al?. peoples have a sacred right to their land and out land is particularly sacred due to the deumgtaphic composition of out people. Lebanon’s pluralistic and demographic zttucturer which is its pride and claim to internrational attention, is deeply rooted in the very soil of Lebanon and does not permit of either partition ot ftagzentation of the north from the south ot the east from tbe vest. The peace process that has been launched will not be complete unless Israel withdraws fully and unconditionally from my country. Lebanon shall remain colnoitted to realizing complete independence and undiminished sovereignty. How is it acceptable that the Organization implement Security Council resolutions on the Middle East against a State vhich has challenged them, and yet not implement the resolution on Lebanon, which has never been the '-r.saees.w -x.:-L ha- --rL: -..- a a.- L,-..a. a.L..& ..,.--.-* 1-z-- E-- yJ i ==----- -. 2;;11Zzt fa~zc1. cm-"- --i -------e- -" -m"ww . ..&a.. rc..r-r--r.. b"b years and persisted in occupying with its army a part of Lebanon which is very dear to us? (President Uraoui) A positive response by tbe United Nations to Lebanon's request would constitute fulfilment of the Qrganisation's commitments to my country and enhance the credibility of lecurity Council decisions, especially 8s the United Nations had requested Lebanon, in 1989, to pursue steadfastly the implementation of the Taif Agreement which clearly provides for the implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978). Lebanon, a founding Member of the United Nations, and a participant in the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Iiuman Bights, believes in international legitimacy and is intent on working within its principles and conventions. The dangerous situation in the Middle East continues to threaten international peace and security. Thi Palestinians who reside in their own land are exposed to persecution and arrest. While massive Jewish inrmigration to Israel heightens existing fears, Israel in every way delays the resolution of the Palestinian problem and the exercise by the Palestinians of the right lilL_ ?I, ! _L --..- t __,_ L t\i je;E-ae~~crrr"Lu~~;Oi. ~O.OOI Y .iii.iuhBllj~YL iCLU"csi to yiiisi-yah.62 -cff;;ta --c., .-_. -Isee ----- the chance they deserve, despite courageous Arab openness, shows that it is wrong to assume that a permanent, just and comprehensive peace could be established on the basis of oppression and persecution. My country, which has suffered greatly from the Arab-Israeli conflict in general, and from the Palestinian-Israeli conflict in particular, has a special stake in the search for a comprehensive, stable and just settlement in the Middle East. The Lebanese model, founded on diversity, dialogue and openness, provides useful lessons for constructive coexistence in the region. Now that security has been re-established and confidence in Lebanon has been restored, our emigrants are gradually returning home and sharing in (President Hraoui) reconstruction. 'We also look forward to the support of sister Arab States and friendly nations for our reconstruction plans. Peace cannot be fulPy realised apart from a developmental process aimed at guaranteeing social equity ana human dignity. The long war in Lebanon has destroyed our vital resources and adversely affected our economy and infrastructures. The State budget is under the burden of heavy debts. For the past 15 years, several major sources of our national income - such as services and tourism - have suffered heavily. In addition, regional crises, the latost of which was the Gulf War, have had detrimental effects on Lebanon. The Lebanese Government, therefore, faces many challenges in many sectors. It is determined, however, to restore normalcy. This determination stems from our confidence in the viability of Lebanon's free enterprise system, our mainstay in our drive to rebuild the country. We also rely on the constructive role of Lebanese businessmen abroad, the cooperation of the TJm_i+_pfi prtjnn_a; an_? of nther.in+e.tnationa~ arganizatinnn side by njde with our own efforts. We are in the process of drawing the initial plans for the reconstruction of the whole of Lebanon begiMing with the capital, Beirut, ma we are also working on returning all displaced Lebanese to their homes, properties and villages. Beirut, the cultural and commercial centre of the Middle East# solicits Arab and international investments throughout Lebanon. Lebanon has received aid from some Arab States and from some organisations, but what it really needs is the creation of an internat-olal fund for the reconstruction of Lebanon with the participation in that fund of the united Nations, of international organisations and of the industrialised nations. (president Hrmu6) of, for 15 peers, the uorld sC.,od by and watched Lebanon undergo one crisis after another, it is not right that the uorld should ROW stand by and merely watch Lebanon face alone the challenge sf revival and recc .truction. Lebanon's determination to end the state of war and to deal with the consequeauces that arose thereftcm testify to its ability to re-emergs! and to regenerate itself. Wherever the Lebanese people have settled - be it in the hesisas, Europe, Africa, the Gulf or Australia - they have contributed to development. Those very Lebanese deserve your participation in the development and reconstruction of their own country. Moreover, Me international community has never failed to provide assistance to any war-ravaged country. Are sot solidarity with such countries and participation in their development at the very basis of the founding of tbe United Nations and in the forefront of its objectives? Lebanon looks forward to tbe emergense of a new politica.. era on the eve B of the twenty-first cantory, as era of cooperation in furtbcri=g the progress of humanity, of brotherhood, of respect for the rights of others and of freedom, security and prosperity. A peaceful Lebanon has a unique cultural. mission in its region and in the world. Peace in Lebanon is also in the interest of its sister Arab States and of world peace. Lebanon's commitment to freedom, Pease and development is such that it will never give up tbe struggle for their realisation. To attain a prosperous future for the region I tir) need to cooperate in the context of a new political order whose features are gradually taking shape as a consequence of brave Arab decisions. The new political order will be founded on the qualities of understanding, pluralism and tolerance in our t-1 culture, and on the malination by all concerned that the future of the Middle East should be baaed on atability, freedom and human dignity. The recent aqreementa betwon the United States and the Soviet Union on strategic arms limitations constitute a first step towards the liberation of humanity from the bane of nuclear terror. We hope that this process will continue to include chemical sod bacteriological weapon8 and to render tha Middle East an area free of weapons of mass destruction. My country also supports efforts to resolve regional conflicts throughouL the world through open and constructive dialogue. Those efforts have been successful in a number of areaa. They also enjoy wide international support and enhance the growing role of the United Nations in restoring peace and normalcy in hitherto intractable conflicts. Lebanon affirms itr readiness to participate in the 199Oa in furthering cooperation among the nation6 of the world in all field8 and endeavours. In spite of 15 years of the daily threat of death, my country did not die. On the contrary, it has emerged with a new determination to exist and to prosper. Lebanon atands out aa an example of tho will to survive. With its message of forgiveno and conciliation, it reaffirm8 that it is a source of pride both for itself and for the world at large, that ita very name, Lsbancn, ity is not synonymous with violence and atrife, but with construction, creativ and open and peaceful interaction with the world. s (interpretation from Arabic): As deapair ebbs and hopet re-emerges, as chaos comea to an end and order is re-established and as harmony is achieved in Lebanon, I wish, on behalf of the General Assembly, to thank the President of the Lebanese Republic for the atatetnent he has just made. Hraoui,t of t-8* mc. wea escortad from ADDRRGS BY MR. ROB TAR WOO, PRRSIDRRT OP TXE RXPUPLIC OP KOREA y&m (interpretation from Atsbic); The Assembly will now hear an addrerr by the Promideal of the Republic of Korea, His Excellency m-u- (interpretation from Arabic): On behalf of the Gensx~aP irssembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the Praabdnat of the Republic of Korea, His Excellency Mr. Roh Tae Woo, and to irvite hbm to address the Assembly. s (spoke in Korean: English terc furnished by the deleqation): Three years ago I had the pleasure of describing to the Assenhiy, from this very rostrum, some of the refreshing and heart-warming scete/s of the Seoul Olympic games. Athletes from around the world gave u8 an inspirirq viBiou of global hBrmony, transcending the divisions of race, rsligion arxl ideology. Eaon thsreafter, revolutionary changes Bwept lcro18 the world. As we :ooR around UB today iwd take stock of thoas ChangOB, we may truly recognize the progress made towards the Olympic ideal of “one peaceful world”. Today I am proud to stand here once more, this time as President ot a State Member of the United Jati0n.B. To me, this represents a significant expression of the new tide of hiotory. It was 43 years acjo that the Republic of Korea first applied formally to become a Member of the United Nations. Those who consider the decadev of patience we have hod to ererc’se will perhaps understand the enthusiasm diBpl3yed by the Korean .peopie on this 0cca:ion. To thore rho rupported end l ncouragrd our admission to this body and to thorn. who acted and 8poko on our behalf duriti! ail the year8 when we had no rest in this A8rombly I offer the heartfelt gratitude of the 43 million Korean people. (PrrridrntPoh) Today thr, cold-war 8yetem, which had prevented our entry into the United NstionlJ, har become a relic of the part. From the rorkere of the Solidarity Movement in Gdaark, who rsi8ed the banner of reform in Poland, to the courageour Government in Budlrpest; from those freedom-inspired crowds who filled Prague’e Vaclavske Plaxa, to those former ISast Germans who tcre down the Berlin Wall! they not only freed themsolver, but opened the road towardr genuine world peace. In removing the phyrical wall8 which denied them liberty, they alro brought down the barrier8 which had divided mankind into hostile camps, inevitably resulting in confrontation and rivalry. It was unquestionably the Soviet reforms that touched off these grest changes. But the changes were else inspired by the achievement8 of those nation8 which attained prosperity on the strength of freedom and individual valuea. I share a deep sense of satisfaction over this outcome with those who have aspired to a truly harmonious world, and I pay a tribute to those whose courage made real what had been considered impossible in the past. Sir, I offer my congratulations on your election as President of the forty-sixth session of the General Assembly, and express my confidence that this session under your leadership will produce fruitful and rewarding achievements. I regard it no less significant that, along with the Republic of Korea, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea has also become a Member of this Organiration. As our North Korean brothers join us in the journey towards peace and unification, I extend hearty congratulations to them on their entry into the Organixation. The Republic of Korea har long purruod parallol membership of both Koress in the United Nation8 in the belief that it ir the most reallrtic approach to the attainment of peace and unification on the Korean poninruls. Continuation of rsstoful confrontation and of the refusal to recopnise each other could only prolong the painful tragedy of national division. ?or thir reason, the entry of both South Koros and North Korea into tho United Uationr mark6 an important turning-point in inter-Korean relatlonr 8ince the divirion of our land in 1945. As rerponsible momberr of the international community, the two Korea6 are now both bound by the United Nation8 Charter to carry out the dutioa incumbent on all Membera for the maintenance of world paaco. Now that the reprossntativea of South Korea and North Korea have taken their rests together in this hall of paace, wm are convinced that a new chapter of reconciliation and cooperation will open on the Korean Peninsula. The Korean people may live under separate syatams, but we have never forgotten that we are one nation. Imperfect as it may be, the separate membership of the two Koreaa in the United Nation6 is an important interim step on the road to national unification. It has taken more than 40 years for UI to move the short distance from the seat of an observer to that of a Member. It took the two Germany8 17 years to combine their United Nations seats. I sincerely hope that it will not take as long for the two Korean aeats to become one. In this hall of peace, the two Korean will open a new avenue of dialogue and cooperation that will lead to our national unity. The cold--war system that brought on the tragedy of territorial division in Korea has itself collapsed. Now we will seek to achieve national (e-) unification, pON2Ofully, without the umo of military form, iadepandeatly, on the bssls of self-determination, and dwmocraticslly, in sccordancm with the free will of the Koretm people. I oarnomtly hope that 811 the Members of the United Rationm will encourage and support Korean effort8 to join the progress of mankind towardr a more peaceful world by achimvinq national unity. The world im undergoing epoch-making changer. Symtemm that oppressed freedom and hwnan dignity are being dimmantlod and the traqediem rtemninq from dogmatic ideologies are coming to aa and everywhere. Around the world nations are ceekinq to chart their own dsrtiaiom. What im truly momentour about this process is that history im being advanced not by thm forcer of bloody revolution but by the power of reason and free spirit. But the great change hae only just begun. This epic change brings enormoum opportunities and ia a source of hope for all mankind. Even 00, we must travel a long and tortuous road before we can successfully mould the current procesll into a new order of world peace. The recent Soviet political crisis is a clear demonstration of this fact. The entire world spent those three stressful days in a state of ahock and dismay. However, the courageous citizen9 of Moscow braved the crisis and placed flowers in the muzzles of tank guns. Indeed, their victory is the victory of all freedomand peace-loving people8 of the world. Once again the world has been reminded that indeed peace is indivisible, We have to recoqnize that any attempt at reform, however minor, is bound to require an element of sacrifice and pain. !n the cages of the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries, we know they are currently engaged in thorough-going reforms of their political, econonic and social foundations. An they move away from the system of strict control that pervaded every aspect of their lives for decades, the difficulties and coats of creating new structures must be truly enormous. We all know that throughout the cold-war period, the nations of the world spent an exorbitant amount of resources on national security and military preparedness. Now the success of current reforms promises to bring benefits the world over in the form of peace, and we will enjoy this peace dividend for a long time to come. As the'benefits of peace are shared. it is only fair that the burdens and sacrifices should also be shared. Consequently, I call upon all the well-to-do nations to extend active support and assistance to the countries which used to have centrally planned economic systems, in their transition to democracy and free market economies. Owing to the imperatives of the cold war, the Korean people have bad to sustain enormous sacrifices throughout the post-war period. Accordingly we, perhaps more than any nation on earth, yearn for a world of peace. As a nation that rose only a generation ago from the ashes of war and as a recently democratized nation that is growing in prosperity, the Republic of Korea feels a special affinity with the emerging democracies and understands from experience the acute requirement that these nations are facing in common - namely, the achievement of democratic and economic development in tandem. Korea is neither a wealthy nor an advanced country. But we are prepared to extend support to the reform efforts not only in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, but in all parts of the vorld. and to offer them cooperation to the best of our ability. (President Rob) In my speech to the General Assembly at its forty-third session, I declared that a durable peace would arrive in our world the day we beat swords into ploughshares on tbe Korean peninsula. I said this because our own land was visited by untold trials and tribulations arising from the international imperatives of the twentieth century, and because the yoke was still upnpon us. However, the climate surrounding the Korean peninsula has undergone significant changes over tbe past years. Even before the onset of world-wide reform movements, we took the initiative of going beyond tbe limits of the cold war. Subsequently, we established diplomatic relations with the central and eastern European countries as well as with the Soviet Union. We also opened mutual exchanges and cooperative relations with neigbboring China. For the previous half century, Korea's relations with these countries had been officially severed, and in practice were often confrontational. However, with our new friendships and cooperation we sense the onrush of the uaves of contemporary history. Indeed. we have discovered the power of reconciliation. We are firmly convinced that the day of peace and unification is also coming to our land, in spite of territorial division and tbe ever-present military threat. With the entry of the two Koreas to the United Nations, we have embarked on a new phase of coexistence. Now, it is our task to build on this foundation a positive relationship, which will soon bring peace, stability and national unity. To this end, I propose that the two Korean Governments agree on, and specifically carry out, the following three measures. First, the two Koreas should replace the fragile armistice with a permanent peace structure. Even at this very moment, a total of 1.7 million heavily armed soldiers confront each other on the Korean Peninsula, concentrated along the 250-kilometre-long demilitarired xone. It might come am a rurpriro to some of you. but we have been living under thir unstable condition of neither peace nor war for the last four decades. In the light of theme precarious realities, I believe the two Koreas should conclude a peace agreement, thus renouncing the use of force against each other, and should proceed to normalise bilateral relations in all areaa. My second proposal is that, in order to reduce the threat of war on the Korean peninsula, the two rides rhould seek to bring about realistic arms reductions, beginning with measures deaigned to build mutual confidence. In order to remove military confrontation from the Korean peninsula, it is imperative that South and North Korea agree upon a number of military confidence-building measures, including the exchange of military information, the advance notification of field exercises and of troop movements, and the exchange of permanent observer teams to prevent surprise attacks. Above all, the development of nuclear weapons on the Korean peninsula will present a threat not only to the peace of North-East Asia but also to the peace of the whole world. Atomic energy must never be used for destructive military purposes; it must be used only for the peaceful purposes of promoting the well-being of all mankind. Since the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is a signatory to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, it should immediately abandon the development of nuclear weapons and submit, unconditionally, all its nuclear-related materials and facilities to international inspectioa. Once the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea abandons its development of nuclear weapons, and as confidence-building measures are implemented between Svuth and North Korea, I am prepared to take up discussions with North Korea not only on the reduction of conventional forcee but also on the nuclear irsues on the Korean peninmuXa. Finally, and on a more humanitarian plane, the two Korea@ should bring an end to the period of disassociation, and open a new era of frae exchange of prbductr, information and people. On our peninsula today, there era over 10 million Koreans who live separated from their families and loved ones aa a result of the territorial division in 1945. They are denied even the most basic humanitarian right of knowing whether or not their parents, brothers and sisters are 8till alive, let alone exchanging letters or telephone calls. I do not believe we can talk meaningfully about improving inter-Korean relations or about mutual confidence-building without first resolving this urgent humanitarian problem. Just as it is a universal practice among all civilired nations, so must the two Koreas open doom towards each other and guarantee free travel, cornmunicstion and trade. We must promote substantive relations by resolving, through dialogue and negotiations, issues of mutual interest, including inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation as well as political and military issues. Next month, for the first time since the two Korea8 became Members of this Organiration, the two Government delegations will meet for a fourth round of north-south high-level talks. I sincerely hope that the talks will produce an agreement on the basic principles governing inter-Korean relations. Recently, some limited exchanges between the two Koreas have taken place in such area8 as sports, culture and trade. Small aa they are, we value this progress. For our part, we will do our best to promote a relationship of consnon prosperity in which the two Koreas offer each other eanistance for mutual development. The Republic of Korea is prepared t.o actively pursue economic cooperation with the Democratic People’r Republic of Korea in all areas, including trade, tourism, joint exploration of underground reaourcea, and l atabliahment of joint-venture planta. Please bear in mind that the Korean people have been living as a single national cosmnunity for over 1300 yeara. Therefore, once exchanges and cooperation begin, conditiona for a political integration of the two parts of Korea will ripen very quickly, given our historical homogeneity. I do not boliove that the Korean peninrula should be left as the only land remaining divided by the cold war. At a time when all the divisive barriers are collapring, the unification of the Korean peuinrula murt be a matter of time and of the natural course of history. A unified Korea will be a land of freodoa and happinesr for all inhabitants, and will become a nation devoted to the promotion of world peace and the well-being of all mankind. The Korean people desire to sac peace prevail not only on the Korean peninsula but in all regions of dispute as well. I am gratified to note that there ar8 real signs of progress in peace-making efforts in many areaa of the world, including the Middle East, Cambodia, Angola, Western Sahara and Central knerica. I am highly encouraged to see the United Nations playing leading roles in these areas, and I wish to pay my respect5 to the Secretary-General, Javier Perez de Cusllar, for his devoted efforts. Along with efforts to prevent regional disputes and to remove their root causes, we should strengthen the enforcement of collective security measures. The recent war in the Gulf region confirmed that the United Nations is the only independent global body capable of asserting and giving force to the rule of law in today’s international community. Our faith that peace and justice will prevail throughout the world under a new international ordar was bol8tered when countries put arid. their differmwxr rpnd joined the United lIstion action in a coalition. Mmnberr of thir body will of cour80 recall that the Popubllc of Korea *a8 able to survive and prororvo it8 integrity thank8 to the vary firrt colloctivo recurity action on the part of tha Unit8d Iationr. UOY, as a Mombar, w will participate mofo actively in all United Nation8 endeavour8 toward8 the peaceful rettlemat of dirputerr a8 well a8 in the l nforcorwnt of intmrnrtional jurtice. Poaco can ba bulli only whoa a comaon conviction prevail8 that nation8 do not threaten each other and that we may in fact live in tranquillity. Wo 8hall never win faith in peace 80 long a8 we let our safety hinge on the might of formidable weapon8 that can roduco thir world to ash.8 in an inrtant. Confrontationa that brought about the balance of terror have now dirappeared. We welcome the l igning in July of the START treaty between the United States and the Soviet Union. We hope that it will accelerate arm8 control negotiations around the world. The Republic of Korea fully supports a complete elimination of all chrnical wespons and will readily join an international convention as aoon a8 it elnerge8. In this connection, I believe that the countries of North-East Asia should now take a fresh look at and approaches toward8 the questions of tension reduction and arm8 control in this region. It is said that peace is mora than the absence of war. To ensure real and lasting peace, we mu8t remove the underlying sources of conflict. Just as the world is passing beyond ideological divisiveness, we must remove all barriers of discrimination - race, colour, religion and national origin. I therefore welcome the positive efforts in South Africa to build a united, democratic and discrimination-free society. The Independent Cormnission on International Development Issue8 concluded in its final report that where poverty reigns there can be no peace. Because the Korean people have had similar experiences, we feel compassion towards the poverty-stricken countrio and have a deep understanding of tha problem8 they are facing at present: poverty, hunger, underdevelopment and foreign debt. Since the Republic of Korea made the transition from underdeveloped to newly industrialiring country within the span of one generation, we may have become a model for those developing countries, with the message that they, too, can succeed given time and national resolve. Thirty year8 ago, my country was a poor agrarian society with a per capita gross national product of under $100. Today, Korea has become d country with the thirteenth largest trade volume and fifteenth largest gross national product in the world. Xorea’s rapid development is due largely to the advantages of free market economics and the openness of democratic societies. The vart global urkot served as tho 8ealhd of dovelopwot for an industrious poop10 and innovative bu8ine8so8. The Korean people have cortinuod their effort6 towards further progress. )(lmy countries around the world, as wll aa the United Nations itself, provided assistsnco in the procoas of Korea's dovel;rpmemt and becslrw our partners for corunoa prosperity. Today, the Republic of Korea lies at the midway rtago b6treen the advanced and the developing countries. As such, we hope to repay the benefit6 we recoivod from sround thr world by playing an active role in solving the global North-South problon. In addition to sharing our expsrisnce and osportise with the dsveloping countries, we will seek to play the role of a bridge between the advanced and the developing world by promoting global sxchanges and cooperation and by facilitating the flow of commodities, capital and information. Ths advanced countries should actively exteod assistants to the dtveloping countries with a view to mitigating tho latter'6 difficulties. These msasures by themselves cannot fundamentally solve the North-South problem, and we therefore encourage the advanced countries to move forward with the horizontal specialisation of industries smong nstions by accelerating the readjustment of their domestic industrial structures. In addition, they should also refrain from monopolizing information and technology. In order to assist the economic growth ot the developing countries, global markets should be opened wider and the expansion of trade should be encouraged. Tendencies towards protectionism and mutually exclusive regional economic blocs should be discouraged. The international community should adopt a more positive posture towards the soliltion of these critical problems within the framework of the United Nations system. Also, we should jointly wet ruch now 8nd rotiour globs1 chsllonqer as drug trafficking, terrorism and l ovitoomental damage. A POW century i8 8lmo8L upon UI. The twsatioth century har aeon a great au&et of achiovomentr, certainly fat mote than in previou8 milleunis. At the mam Limo, however, th18 contuty ha8 al8o boon a period of unspeakable trials and ttibuletionr brought on by ware, confrontation8, inoquitier, and itt8tionality. With the twenty-firrt century neat at hand, the human race is l nb8tkinq on a POW eta of peace and rea8on. The irresistible wave8 of history today 8~0 there ptopollod by ftmetdom, democracy and rerpect for human dignity and individual values. A now eta i8 upon u8 in which mUtUa1 tespect prevails a~nong nation8 and Conflict8 8t. t.8olv.d by peaceful mean8. Revolutionary advancea in eciencs snd t8chnology, particularly in the fields of transportation, information and communication, have ttM8fotnred the world into a ylobal village in which human beings can putrue common prosperity a8 nei@bours. Since the dawn of history, the human race ha8 aspired to create a peaceful coumnunity on this turbulent planet. That aspiration is no longer a dteaa but a realistic goal. A8 partnet fOt peace and Common prosperity, all nation8 on Earth should now open their societies and broaden the avenues of oxchange and cooperation to build this peaceful community. As the pivotal Organisation for world p6ace, the United NatLana, I believe, is fully capable of fulfilling thi8 hi8tOtiC task by faithfully carrying out the letter and l&it Of tb8 Charter. A8 a full-fledged Member of this world body, the Republic of Korea now proudly join8 the world of nations in our common task of realiring the long-held dreams of all mankind. We may aak for help and understanding with out own problema, but we alacr care deeply for the welfare of other peoples. Wo renew our conaitmont to the United Wationr and w shall march forward hand ia hand rith all natiotm in the eawo of thir Orgaoiratioo. xoncoforth, the Popublic of Korea will play a losding role in building a world that will be a blmssiog to our postotity - (I world that vi11 be froor, safer and happier8 abovo 011, a world of peace. m (interpretatioa from Arabic): On behalf 01 the General Assotily, I wish to thank the Presideat of the Popublic of Korea for the statement ho baa ju8t made. of Dlic of Korea. was s . AGtRDA ITM 9 (m) GtWtRAL DEBATE s (interpretation from Arabic): I should like to remind representatives that, in accordance with the decision taken by the General Assembly at its 3rd plenary meeting, the list of speakers will be closed tornofrOW, 25 September, at 6 p.m. &jr,. VM_PCCILBBPJ16 (Netherlands): I havr the honour to speak on behalf of the European Comnunlty and itr Mombor Stator. Pirrt allow me to extend to you, Sir, my cordial conqratulationr on your election to the presidency of the General Arsembly. With your rirdon and experience, I am aura thlm Assembly vi11 be in good haadr. We ralute the admission to the United Nation8 of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania, former Cbmberr of the League of Hstionr. I should also like to oxtend a warm relcoma to South Korea and North Korea. May their admission mignsl a further improvement in their mutual relations for the benefit of the Korean people. Having listened to the impressive rtatement by the President of the Republic of Korea, we really feel that augurs well for the future of inter-Korean relations. We also cordially welcome the Uarshall Islanda and Wicroaosia to the United Nations family. Us live in spectacular timea in which the United Nations has a crucial role to play. The European Comunity and its Member States have taken joint pcmitionr and actions on many of the problem facing ub today. These positions can be found fully detailed in a memorandum which forms an integral part of my statement and is now being circulated in this room. This allows me to concentrate on a smaller nunrber of issues. 1 ’ The failure of the rpup d ota$, last month in the Soviet Union confirms that a new era in international political life has begun. The democratic revolution which had swept through central and eastern Europe in the last two year8 haa now also taken hold in the heartland of communism. The ground had been prepared by the perestroika and glasnost policies of President Gorbachev. But when reactionary forces tried to restore a dying and unjust order they met with brave and insurmountable resistance by numerous Soviet citiroar end their principled elected losderm. In the end, democracy won, both in form and In rpirit. Thin victory now ha8 to be coo8olidatod and made mafo by truly democratirlng Stat. structure8 and groator devolutioa of power in S0Vi.t 8OCiOty. In the wake of these devoloprnentr international relation8 iacrea8ingly become charsctori8ed by comnon value8 and CO-II rerponsibilitie8. Repre8eatative government breed8 respon8ible domertic government and r8rponsible international behaviour. Democratic government implie government that 18 aCCOUnt&blO, not just to a country’s own citirens, but al80 to it8 fellow nationr. Here we touch upon the heart of the United Nation8 Charter. Iraq i8 a ca8e which prove8 my point, albeit by contrast. It8 act8 of aqqre8sion abroad reflect the lack of legitimacy of its government at home. The way in which the Iraqi regime has been carelessly sacrificing the live8 of it8 citironr in external military adventure8 find8 a mi ror imaqo in Its brutal clampdown on the thirst for freedom among it8 own people. Repre88ive government breed8 irresponsible government. The United Nations rightly maintain8 it8 8trOng pressure on the Government Of Iraq to reVi it8 reckless policies. At the same time tho international comnunity has demonstrated, with Security Council resolutions 706 (1991) and 712 (19911, its willingness to take the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people into account. Non-compliance would only directly hurt the Iraqi people, and the Iraqi Government would be held fully responsible for this. Democracy and respect for fundamental freedoms being on the rise, not only in Eastern Europe but also elsewhere on the globe, the world is experiencing new possibilities for international cooperation, regional integration and a more just and lawful world order. In order to meet these ch*ll*agoa, l traagthoniag mnd roforniq the unit.4 Ilstioaa ato unoog tha taaka which prmaa thoraolvoa upon ua. ftowov* I:, in thoao hopeful and proniain9 time8 not all ia -11. Sovaral re9ionr and countfioa, includiap notably the newly l merpiay democtaciee, are grappling with l arioua inetabilitisa and even conflicta. Wo l incorely hope that the omrocipation of tbo ropublica anrl the awakening of national feolioga in the Soviet Union will l tren9then rather than woakon that country’@ poacoful proconr of democratic chaogo. MorPrhilo, in other parts of the world, although acme coof licta appear to be ou the vay toward8 l atiafactory resolution, othora are atill foatoring or are l voa only just beginning to aurfaco. Painful am they may bo for thoae directly involved, and dangerour aa they uy bo for regional security, these conflict8 alao tend to place a heavy burden upon the world aa 8 whole. The number of poop10 l ookio9 rofugo in other countries, for inatanco, is rapidly increaaiqj. Thia problem can only become more l erioua if, in conjunction with thoao conf 11 eta, economic condition8 continua to deteriorate. Willingly or unwillingly, tha world ia iacreaaiogly sffocted. In an ever more interdependent, and yet at the aame time fragwntiog, world, we need to ahouldor our comnon responaibilitioa. Let me turn f3rat to Europe. In thia old continent ve hope to have learned em leraona from our long hilatouy rrf bloody conf’icta and natfonaliatic atrife. In the European Community we intsnd co tare decfaivo atepa this year towards further ecommic an% po? itical uniL’ication. Apart froa direct economic benefits which the Cormunity member Statrs sborild be able to reap the deeper motive fs clearly political. We have takter to heart. what Jean knnet, one of the fotrndirig fathers of the European CPm-Juity. taught us: that we should not fight over national borders. but, rather, make them irrelevant through ewx-increasing economic and political cooperatioa a0 as to be able to remove them altogetker in the end. This political inspiration is a strong guzirantee that the guropean Community will not turn inward. Instead, both in the economic and the polities1 field we are determined to remain open-minded, ready to play a responsible role, both in BUPODQ, and in the world a8 a whole. Our recent initiatives on Yugoslavia are a reflection of this attitude. Since 1 September a Conference on YugorPlavia , with, in ite context, an hrbitvation Comi~~issis~, has been under way in The Hague under the aegis of the European Community. A cease-fire agreement is being monitored by European Community countries together with four other Staten participating in the Conference on Security and &operation in Europe (CSCls). The European C-unity and itr member Staler vi11 porrovore in their I mediation tffortr. Their aim Ia doing mo im not to preerrve artificially a unity that no longer exists nor to lmposs a dertiny upon the peoples of Yugoslsvia, uhich cnly they have the right to dacido upon. Rather, the Twelve hope to help avoid an uncontralled aud violent fragmentation rarulting from bitterno and hatred and from extreme nstionalirr and l thnocontrd5m, which in the part han brrsught 80 much shame. bloodshed and suffering to our continent asd to the world a5 a whole. Where in Yugomlovia new political structuror are called for, let them be negotiated and decided upon through peaceful dialogue. Let these talks be conducted with full respect both for the right to self-determination but also for legitimate concern5 for the full protection of minority rightn, which ia a prime duty of any respon5ible government. The Twelva w.ill not recognixe any change of borders established by force and call upon the world comnunity to adopt a aimlilar posizion. The Twelve will continue to insirt on full compliance with the principles of the Helsinki Final Act and the Chsrter of Paris for a tew Europe. Ox endeavours to find appropriate atitiwera to this’criais could be significantly reinforced by endorsement from the Security Cortncil ard the international conununity as a whole, t?ie :.x)re 50 since we feeL that a continuation of thfs crisis poses a th-eat to lntetrnatfiona! peace and security. The Co-unity and its mamber States have inatitutad an arms embargo against Yugoslavia until l elf-defence and protection of m!noritiea no longer serve ax an l xcuae for l xpanaiooiam and oppression. Given the continuous breachea of the cease.-f ire agreements, the Twolvo are of the opinion that a mandatory arma embargo by the Security Council under Chapter VII is needed to bring the violonce ta ~II end in this region. Xoro generally speaking, we feel that the authoritat!vo voice of the Security Council, exproaaing full rupport for the regional endeavours being undertaken, would certainly contribute to their positive outcome. We are convinced that the peaceful settlement of the Yugoslav question will have a positive bearing on potantial conflicts of a similar nature elaewhera. We thersforo call upon all leadera, parties and all people in Yugoslavia to atop the violence and to cooperate with us in ordor to make the Yugoslavia Conference, under European Cormnunity auspices and under the chairmanship of Lord Carrington, a art~~eaa for the sake of all in Yugoslavia and for peace and stability on our continent. In the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe [CSCE) the 38 European and North American member States have developed norms of State behaviour which, while based on the principle8 of the United Nations Charter, clearly go beyond them in scope and commitment. The Charter of Paris, concluded at the CSCE sunsnit meeting of November 1990, spells out the new democratic consensus in Europe, taking human rights as the key to the organioation of both political and aocio-economic life. Recent events in the Soviet Union ahow that these are not just solemn words on a piece of paper but a living reality for a growing number of people. Also, the European Community and ite member Btator acted upon the Parir Chartor when they condonaed the lioviot. putmch 8~ illegitiaato and ceme down on the ride of the democratic opporition. Strongthoning CSCE, in not only ite nornativo sepocte but alro itr mechanim for crimir nanagment, is high on the agenda of the Twelve. In thir way we hope to eerve regional recurity and well-being, complementary to our obligationa under the United llationr Chartor. Comma rerponribility in today’8 world re9uirer more than improvinp upon old atructurea, inrtitutionr and habit@. Wecesrary aa that may be, it would be insufficient if we did not also try to develop new raym of thinking. Allow me to share a few thought8 with you in thio respect. We need more responsible behaviour between States. Its first rule is the ban on the threat or use of force, as contained in Article 2 of the United Nationr Charter. This is certainly no superfluous rule. Broacher of it can leave no State indifferent, as wa8 fortunately exemplified by the international community’8 rerponse to the Gulf crisis. Yet, both national and international security require more than just refraining from aggression. Security is enhanced by the breaking down of barriers of distrust, by the promotion of trade, contacts and comnunication, by the ‘free flow of people, valuer and ideas - in brief, by opening up our societies. Security is further enhanced by taking the concerns of others to heart.* In the military field we have to show responsibility by engaging in processes of arms control, arms reduction and confidence-building. Regional arrangements must be supplemented by world-wide agreements, as is shown by the l Mr. Traxler (Italy), Vice-President, took the Chair. pressing need for a convention on bannfag chemical wesponr, for which the year 1992 really is the deadline. Bqually Lmportaatly, l rrting treation much as the 1972 CJnvention on biological and toxic waponr nurt be more l ffeckivoly implemented. The Review Conterencs convening at premont should lay a solid foundation for thir. Events io the Gulf region hava ouce again mada it unmirtakably clear that more rerponmibility ~II needed in armm tranrferr. The Europoen Council ham identified cmunon criteria on which national policiem on arme l rporta are based. In the perspective of political union, we hope for a further harmonisation of our national policies. Ar action on a more global l calo ir needed, we shall - together with othera, including Japan - submit a draft resolution in thin Assembly seeking the international reqirtration of arma transfers, with a view to promoting restraint by increasing tranrparency. Au for the important question of nuclear disarmament, wo welcome the recent conclusion of the START agreement on long-range strategic nuclear arms between the United States and the Soviet Union. It sets the stage for even further reduction8 in the field of nuclear weapons. The universality of the norm of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferstion of Nuclear Weapon8 and the effectiveness of its regime have been reconfirmed by the announced accessions to it of such key countries as France and China. We also welcome South Africa RB a new party. We note with satisfaction that the Soviet Union has given aseurancee thet it will institute safeguards against nuclear proliferation while restructuring the relations between its central Government and ths Union republic8. (l!L-YIP) In order to solve an increasing number of global problems or even threats to mankind wm have to a8mume greater responsibility, notably in the f9eIda of deveiopment and eav1ronment. Lack of economic development. leading to staggering poverty, ir not just a curse for the hundreds of millions of people who suffer from it. It is a moral shame, it constituter a burden on the whole world’s development and it is a potential threat to global stability. The situation of many African countries ir particularly worrying. Tha new United Rations agenda for Africa rightly focuses on debt relief, resource flows and better market access. At the same time, it make8 it clear that African Governments should fulfil their aide of the development contract by improving their own performance, liberaliring their economies, allowing for popular participation and political pluralism and giving due attention to all other aspects of good governance. Developing countries, including the poorest, need trade an well as aid, This is not the least important reason why the Uruguay Round of negotiations in the General Agro=mnt on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) must not fail. We must open the world foe expanding exchanges of goods and services and resist the protectionist temptation. This is without any doubt not alwayr easy, but with reasonable compromise8 from all sides we shall be able to succeed. The European Community will certainly do its bit. Its discussion about the reform of its co-n agricultural policy gives a clear indication of this. Economic growth which fails to take into account the ecological balance becomes self-defeating. Development must be sustainable. Environmental concerns should be fully integrated intcl the economic process. Next year’s United Nations Conference on Environment and Development presents a unique opportunity to make concrete progress ir. this field, both in tackling environmental problems which impede developewrnt and in addrerring global environmental issues such aa climate change and biological diversity. Much work remains to he done in the Preparatory Comittee of the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development if a meaningful bargain is to be struck ia Rio de Janeiro. With only one resrion remaining, there are many seemingly insurmountable obstaclea, especially relating to additional funding and technology transfer. In order ta maintain momentum and comitment, we need to give this process fresn impetus at the political level. In our joint statement to the Second Conmnittee we will go more deeply into this matter. Calamities in various parts of the world, both natural and man-made, continue to confront ua with loss of livea, devaatation and uprooting. While the international cormnunity makes some effort to help, it can certainly do better. In order to ensure proper coordination between United Nations institutions, donor and recipient countries and non-governmental organisations we need to strengthen the emergency response capacity of the United Nations. To this end the Community and its member States wish to cooperate with others in launching an initiative during this session of the Assembly calling among other things for the appointment of a high-level United Nations coordinator, the creation of an inter-agency coordination mechanism and the establishment of an emergency fund. In this context we look forward to the report of the Secretary-General on this matter. Another area which requires greatly enhanced responsibility concerns relations within States, particularly respect for human rights. Deapite progress, flagrant violatl jns persist in many countries, thereby not just endangering precious human dignity in itself, but also undermining chances for dovelopmeat and for internal and external peace. Tho days when countrio I could credibly claim that their hwan riqhtr record was a rtrictly internal affair are definitely over. The history of the United Rations has confirmed the lmqitinacy of the contrary view. The United Nationr World Conference on Hunan Riqhts, to bo held in Berlin in 1993, could greatly l nhaace international respect for human riqhtr by notably concentrating on iqrovinq the implementation of existing norm8 and standard8 and on extending the scope of mechanisms for reviewing compliance. We believe, for inrtanco. that the Special Rapporteur conatitutea a supervisory mechanisa which deserves application on a much wider scale. Wanwhile, the United Nations would also becom a more credible human rights propagator itself if it allocated more of its exi8tinq financial resource8 to that goal. The Twelve stress the need for changing budgetary priorities in order to alleviate the financial snd rtaffing difficulties in which the United Nations Centre for Human Rights finds itaelf. Given the close relationship between human rights and democracy the Conuxunity and its member States are also very much in favour of the United Nations exploring rays to promote democratic processes around the world. This could range from the monitoring of free elections to assistance in building democratic institutions. ADother field in which the United Nations could play an important role concerns the protection of minority rights. At a time when existing States are coming under pressure from demands for autonomy and self-deterniDatioD from SOgWDt8 of their populations, which thereby challenye the principle of territorial integrity from within, creative and innovative thinking is clearly in demand. ID order to prevent unilateralism and even the use of force from prevailing, the world needs to develop principles and mechsniama for the prolrotioa of no9otiat.d and pacoful l olutioam to thmao i~auoa which am rmtirfwtory to all concornod. We think tho United Iaticns ahould iatenaify thia diacuaaion. Naturally, human righta are primarily the raaponaibility of national 9ov~rwnta. Elut the world cannot ait. idly by when onm of tha Member Staten of the United Katioaa torroriaoa ita own ~eoplo. Eliatory l howa that much acta, apart from bein criminal, can l ndragor international peaca and l ocurity if nothipg ia don. about thorn. Pecontly wo havo witneaaod intervention by our world Organisation for the aako of protectin human rights. In the aftermath of the liborstion of Kuwait a number of countriea beloa9ia9 to the international coalition provided a l afe haven to Iraqi Kurds fleeing from repreaaion and attompta at genocide by their own Government. Thia action, which implemented tba relevant Security Council resolutions, ham meanwhile been followed up by the l tationin9 of a corpa of United Nations civil 9uard8, this time with the conaent of the Covotnment concerned. In a ragional coatezt we have also seen the posts-keeping operation by the Kconomic Conrnunity of West African States (SCHWAS) during the bloody civil war in Liberia. The60 interventions may not have been perfect - they could not pravont all 10~s of innocent life - but they wgre certainly ralutary conmlderlng the h&an suffering they were able to stop. It is to be hoped that in the futuro these developments will have a discouraging affect on Governments in comparable situationsr and if we want the world to become a rafer place, wo will need more than a ban on aggression. International law and order rhould bo founded equally on democracy and on respect for fundamental rightr and freedoms. Above all, thin is clearly a msjor challenge for the United Nationa. A common reaponeibility from which none of UI can hide concernlp the functioning of the United Nations. In recent years the world political climate has clearly improved for the United Nations, particularly in relation to its core function: the maintenance of international peace and security. Increasingly, the United Nations has risen to the occasion and played a crucial role in helping to resolve burning issues. We should capitalise on this fortunate development and try to strengthen the political functions of the Unitsd Nations. One of the opportunities resulting from the increased political efficacy of the Security Council and its ability to act in concert lies in the area of preventive diplomacy. We should not just wait until conflicts get out of hand and become actual threats to international peace and security. Why could the Security Council not formulate political statements aimed at defusing tensions in a particular situation at an early stage, rather as the Twelve have increasingly done in the context of our European political cooperation? Why should it not also dispatch fact-finding missions to troubled areas? In fact, the whole concept of peace-keeping - which has evolved rapidly in recent yoarr - could be given l aothor boost by l rplori~g tbo poraibi1iti.r in this diraction, too. In thir way Vnitod lationr iavolvewnt could help prevent conflxctr from actually broeking out or contain tbea at an early rtsge. Similarly, the iocroarod political relovaaco of the Security Council also point6 to new opportunitier for the Secretary-Gonarsl to msko fullor use of him competence under Article 99 of the Charter. The tocrotary-tinoral could boaofit from the changer in the international clinato by iaitisting at en early stag. dircuarionc within the Security Council on nattrra which, in his opinion, throaten the maintenance of international peace and recurity. In this way the Security Council could further improve itm decision-making ability. Strengthening the political functions of the United Nations should, however, 90 hand in hand with a continued and resolute rertructuring of the United Nationa ryrten in all its aspects. This ir rightly pointed out by the Secretary-General in his latest report on the Organisation. The Economic and Social Council should be revitalised: the resumed forty-fifth session produced encouraging signs of progress in this dirscticn. AlSO, the General Assembly needs to seriously rethink its own procedures and methods, in order to make itself more able to provide guidance to the international coeununity. Last but csrt.ainly not least, reform of the Secretariat seems essential if the United Nations is to acquire the capacity and flexibility to cope with present and future tasks. The incoming Secretary-General should be in a position to act upon broad outlines for increased operational efficiency that are widely supported in this Assembly. For the United Nations to be effective, restructuricg will, however, not be enough. A sound financial base is of the utmost importance. Unfortunately, (Ht.ypeP~a-- auaarl.aRpn ) not all Member Stator fulfil their financial obligationa. We therefore urge all Members to live up to their responsibility and psy their assessed contributions on time. In a number of regional conflicts we can discern certain rays 01 hope. Bringing about peace in the Middle East is now an urgent task. In particular this is true of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian question. The Twelve have from the outset supported the initiative of the United States to set in motion a process of parallel negotiations between Israel and its Arab neighbours and between Israel and the Palestinians. We welcome the untiring efforts of Secretary of State Baker and we urge all parties not to miss this historic opportunity to have a peace conference convened for next month. The European Community and its Member States will actively contribute to the success of this conference. As to their substance, these negotiations will have to be based on Security Council resolutions 212 (1967) and 338 (1973) and their implied principle of “land for peace”. Israel must be able to enjoy its right to live within 6ecure and recognised borders, Equal1 y, the Palestiniana’ right to self-determination must be given proper expression. The international community should do its utmost to encourage all parties concerned to negotiate in good faith and make compromises in order to bring a just, lasting and comprehensive peace to this tormented region. The negotiations would be greatly facilitated by regional security arrangements and confidence-building measures by the countries in the region. In this context, the Twelve would welcome the repeal of the resolution equating Zionism with racism, which wae referred to yesterday by President Bush in his statement to the Asser&ly. South Africa ir an eraa of conflict which glvrr reaeon for 8ome Opthidm. The roforn prom88 lad by Pro8idrnt m flerk he8 undeniably moved the country into a guslitatively new phase. Tha laps1 foundatlonr of apartheid have bean rmmovmd, notably by the repeal of tha Group Aroam Act, the Population Regfrtration Act and the Land Act8. That 18, however, not enough to sreatc d united, non-racial and democratic South Africa. It ir indispeneablo that nogotiatiow begin coon on a now COntItitUtiOCIal order with the broadort porriblo participation from all reqmentr of South African 8OCioty. All psrtios, and not lea8t the South Africsn Government, have to help to crest0 a ClimBtO conducive t3 tne 8~~~888 Of such UeqOtiatiOn8. The international conmnunity, which ir cotmnItted to the COmpietO dirmantling of Bpartheid, should monitor the80 deVelOpIIUDnt8 in an appropriate manner. In order to encourage con8tru,tive change it should be willing to gradually revoke restrictive mea8ure8 fis-h-vh South Africa to the degree that reform8 have been put into effect. As to Cambodia, the past jear has brought substantial progress t.owerds the achievement of a comprehensiv? political settlement. We welcome the delegation of the Csnbodian Supreme National Council, under the leadership of Prince Sihanouk. We rsjoice in the newly established cooperation between the Cambodian parties and call upon them to conclude without delay the peace process at the next resumed session of the Cambodian Conference on the basis of the plan of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council. The Twelve stress the importance of free elecLions as the csnterpiece of that plan, which wb8 unanimously approved by the Security Council and the Gsneral Assembly at its forty-fifth session. I also reaffirm our williaqn~os to contribute to thm recoartructfon rrrd development or Cambodia upoa the l cbievowmt of a political settlement. Let. w coccludo by elapresring our heartfelt l pprec\ation to t.ho Secretary-General for hir untiring efforta to further the cnume of Jntornatlonal peace and jurticn. With tha l nd of his period QP tenure in thih high office in riyht, it ruat be qrstifying for him to l oo EOW forn;Ay inttactnblo conflict8 oUgtn9 toward8 rerolutioa. Many could be meotionedt Cyprus, El Sslvrdcr, the Worntarn SaJ!ara and otherr. Ott kwhalf of ths Twelve of tho European Cornunity, I pay tribute to davier Peres do Cuoller, whore high moral l tature, diplomati c rkillr ertd political leaderrhip have 9liided the Orqeniratka thrimgh 10 difficult yerrra. Wo alao owe it to him that th6 Unltod lationr ham come to plsy a crucjal role on the world stoner 81) the foundiog fsthern forersw when the Orgaoia~rioo was coacaived 46 ‘~&&ta ago. We wirh hfir well and wo asluto him a8 an eminent partiraa of poser. &,.~AII~@ (union of loviet Socielirt Ropublicr) (inlerpretatinn frfJm Ruse Ian) I Mlnqling with the other people taking pnrt in thir Qenersl Assembly debate rood lf.okiac ‘,Ato their facem nskoa one slncrrt physically awere c,Jf r.b.> fnct that, todcly, the ropromentstivoe of tho Soviet Union, which ie trannforming Ii.rclf into a union of rovoroign Stator, are viowod - and rightly so 01: wvoyr of 43 new nation. It ir a nation on thm threshold of an catirely now OXO in its centuries-old political, philosophical, intornationel, loyal cand day-to-day history. We hwt yuo’s, experienced a purifying rtora - the defeat of a crirrissl coup, and everythiug that took place in connection with the recent Congress of Teo~~le’s Deputies. Today I extend the wordr of deep gratitude to all thore wile assccioted themselves with our resistance to the coup. Those days in August have convinced us finally of one thing - that the quest for freedom has become the main thrust in our own development and in the development of the s:.t ire world comnun’ty. Only a society that givss full protection to indi\llduai freedoms and rights can be prosperous and dynamic. The longing t>r freedom and democracy has nlwaya been present in the minds rend hearts of our people. It has survived despite decades of despotism and law) esansss, and the years of Perestrsika brought it to life with renewed vigour and translated it into concrete deeds. The courage of unarmed people stero.,ing the advance of political monsters who opposed the new thinking proved that the peoples of our country will no longer bow the knee to diktat. In estmnce, the defeat of a coup aimed at restoring totalitarian rule led to a revolution that changed the face of the nation, sweeping away the lnat remaininy pillars of a bankrupt regime. The failure of C.he coup wan also a world-wide victory for the forces of 9cKJd. Together, ue managed to avert the threat of a return to the cold war. to remove t&z cbstacles to progress towards a new state of interaction and partnarship, tow-r& democracy and a new era of peace-making. # T%e p&itical dcv5lopments of the first bald of this year created the majar prcrequisl:>a for this change. There Bave been oreakthrtiuyhs in two central areas sf disarmament - conventitmal arms ia Europe. and ttratsgic nuclear arms. Armaments are being reduced, although only recently it was held tiat aa brms build-up was precisely what guarantees national security. As President Bxrsh pointed out in his address to the General Assembly yeaterdsy. this proves that reiations between the Union of Sovi& Socialist BapDblics and the United States, betwee% East and West, are no longer relations between adversaries. Such drastic cuts are possible only between partners who have recognised that they have shared, rather than conflicting, security interests. A dezisive step towards the end of the cold war has been taken in an area that is most resistant to new trends - the economy. 3% London ImBting between *he Soviet President and the G-7 leaders and subsequent contacts between the Seven and the leaders of our Unicq aad its republics se;: the stage for overcoming the econcmic division of the world and rhstrring its integrity, its economic interdepeadence and itr market and financial fabric. Iraq's aggression againsr Kuwait put the nascent global unity to a serious test. Tk,e world cozxnuoity's concerted efforts to resist the aggressor, including the efforts of the five permanent members of the Secpzity Councilr w*re truly unprecedented. The coneesaaua that emrged in the United Nations around the central idea that breaches of the peace are inadmissibie remained intact even after the crisis io the Gulf was over. Indeed, this consensus led to practical steps to resolve other burning issues, including Lho formldablu rhtllongo of tho march for a Widdlo Baat aattlement, and the non-proliferatioo of uespnnr of mama dertruction and their delivery systems. Tc-bdsy , thare rcmadna hardly a sin910 reyional conflict where there is not a plirnn*r of iight at the end 07 the tunnel. Furope - unr:e t)-~ epicentre of two world war8 and an arma of c0e”rontatioo - is Lccomiag 17 laboratory for new form8 of interaction. In fact, the procemn of the Conference on Security and Cooporation in ISuropa already trsnsconds repional rrontierr. A new transcontinental community ia coming into be!n9 - a “brlt” of trust, cooperation and security that spans the coudriea of thr&o parts of the uorldr the entire northern hemisphere. Political dialcque is 93ttin9 under way in Asia and the Pacific, as *,ations and internatioaal asaociationa in that region join iu a search for mochanisI ,, for the dircb*3!on and collective solution of co1111)on problems. Latin America as a C’Vmmlnity of mutually tolerant and democratic nations is becoming a politipsl reality. On the African continent, negotiations are replacing hostilities and, at times, barbaric methods of force. This global change is inextricably linked with d in the Soviet Union. anfore the +v..ntr of August the progress of Pereatroiks inside the Tountry lagged far behind its international impact. Now that that gap has been closed, internal and external activities can proceed at a single and accelerating pace. The steadfastness of the President of the USSR, Mr. Gorbachev, the courage and initiative of Mr. Yeltsin, the Russian President, the vigorous popular movement and the overwhelming solidarity of the rest of the world enabled UE not only to defeat the coup but also to dismantle the braking mechanisms that h d hindered the country’s progress towards the rule of law and a civic society. To a certain ert.ent. the coup and ml1 the rirkm involved are precisely whet brought about a l tron9 ceatrifugal trend la our country am, between 22 Auqurt and 9 September. eight ropubljcm daclarrd thommolves independent from the union. That ir how they reacted to the threst posed by the putsch, the aim of which wal) the rertoratfon of a totalitarian moiety. The extraordinary Congremm of Pooplo’ Deputiom at tho beginning of September met the challenge of the tim, establinhing for a period of tranrition a mtructure whereby the republic8 - to umo the words of ?6@ President of Rusrlnn - would obtain a8 much rovereignty a8 they coald take. Wow that the element of coorrion i8 behind ua and the movereign republics are able to take l tock of the situation, there bar developed a ceotripetal trend, which im 9ainin9 momentun. Thfr im widowed by the intmosivo activity of tho Stmto Council, chslred by Prorldont. Wikhail 8. Qorbachov. and conpriairn~ Lb@ leadarm of the Republicm. The firrt docirion of thlm body warn the recognition of the indopondonco of the throm Baltic Stator. At th@ second l mmrion of the Council thm boric form of an l cononic union - rhich will be open for participation by any Republic, includinq the Baltic Statom, l hould tboy l o dorlro - were sddrorsed and endarmed. The 8tato Council im working on (Warnwarn to ovorcon the rather critical problorm - to may the loamt - of food and ndicsl rupplimm in the colia9 winter and l prin9 lronthr. The Inter-Republican Rconoric Coaitteo hem boon very active in thir regard. All-union qovmrnnnnt ageacios conltitutbd by tha Congrmmr continue to function in the four key ar8amt foreign policy, defence, law l aforcement and 8WUtity. Profound military roformr are taking place, themo will lead to a radical cut in rilitsry l xpenditurer, which for rany year8 have placed ruch a heavy burden on the budq8t of our State. The Ertrsordinary Congress of People’s Deputies, the State Council and tho PrO8idOnt of the USSR have thus answered the questions that had been causin9 world-wide concern. It can now be 8een that the answer8 ware conrtructive and rent a positive signal to the world co-unity. As a dynamic, although mtill fraqilo, balance emerge8 between the contra and thm Republics, w can so* that w are now on the right course - despite tbs deviations or rot-back8 that may occur - and we look with reoowmd expectations to the international community for all the aupyart it can land urn in making a rapid transition and taking a respected place in the fsnily of nations. By stating thir publicly I am fulfillla9 one of my important tarka at thlm rors.ioa of the Conrral Amrembly. rho new Un.‘m, et this decirivo rtsgo of itr formation, aoods the support of the world cosmwnity, but it is precinoly the world c-unity that has an intorast in the IIUCCOIII of our efforts. ein~e the prorpects for creating a etable, democratic and civilised world order on our planet, Earth - which may be the only one in the universe - depend on this. The President of the USSR and the leaders of all sovereign States and Soviet Republics are aware of their reqonsibilities under the Soviet Union’s existing international agreements and obligations. I should like to reaffirm that the union of rovereign States will be. the direct xuccesaor of all such comitments, including those we have asswned a8 a nuclear Power. Our country’r nuclear weapons remain under effective centralired control. “blew challenger” is a favourite subject of political scientists. Not so long a90 this term came to denote such things a8 international terrorism, international drug and arm8 trafficking, acquired inxnunodeficieecy xyu4rome (AXDS), degradation of the environment, and the problems of human prychological adaptation to new parameters of progresri. The depth aud danger of theme new risks have forced the world conwnunity - and did so even back in the days of the cold war - to begin formulating adequate responses to these transnationsl challenges. And although the bulk of the work still lies ahead, negotiating mechanisms are already emerging and international legal instruments are being put into place. However, let us admit, both to ourselves and to the whole of mankind, that virtually none of us wa8 prepared to face the risks of the new, historic period. Cleansing storms have thundered over the expanses of eastern and central Buropa, bringing with them all the promime that freedom holds out, bringlag back the sense of dlgaity, self-esteem and faith in man’e lofty mireion on Earth. hod it ir not freedom’s fault if the flames of rthnic strife have sutlder ly engulfed the world like the outbreak of a long-forgotten disease. Age-old and seemingly subdued instincts have come alive - instinct8 which have no place in the new environment. And all this is accompanied b, the threat of economic chaos, flaring social contradictions, refugees and disease. Burope, which had seemed the least vulnerable of all the continents, has suddenly shown its susceptibility to the virus of nationalism. After the division of Burope had been overcome without confrontation or instability and Germany had been peacefully and democratically reunited, Yugoslavia faced a crisis and is now on the brink of civil war. Wby this unpreparedness for new risks? We were too busy eliminating the deformations of the cold-war era to formulate in good time a positive agenda that would meet national aspirations. Regrettably, the energy released as a result of Kant-West reconciliation has not only served constructive purposes but also fueled a resurgence of national egotism. Nationalism is becoming the main breeding ground for terrorism. The mortar attack on Downing Street, the villanous assassination of Rajiv Ghandi. the bloodshed which is still going on in Nagorny Karabakh, and elsewhere, are convincing evidence of that. There is a danger that the ideological division of the world may be replaced by attempts to divide and antagonize countries, peoples and nations on national, ethnic or religious qrounds. The result may be the nineteenth (tlkLmwLU66B) century KOVi8itad, albeit it with significant new foaturea, ouch as global interdependence and weapon8 of ma88 de8tructioD. The problem 18 hou to make the growing national relf-awarones8 verve the cause of proyrerr, freedom and the pro8perity of peopler to keep national identity rlogans from becoming vehicle8 of separatist policies leading away from the mainstream of world integratfon to abrurd autarchy in either economic or cultural life. Whenever national l 9oti8m spills over State borders. as was the case with Iraq’s aggression apainst Kuwait, the international community must remain true to it8 polition Of principle and take the neceesary 8tOp8, including enforcement mea8ufe8, in keeping with the United Nation8 Charter. Of course, military force - or using it in appropriate mea8ure - should be the last resort. Using it even to maintain international law and order necessarily means a set-back for the nev thinking, a reversal of the trend towards establishing a new type of international relations. Today, the international community and the United Nation8 have sufficient capabilities to curb an aggressor. whoever he may be, and to restore justice without the use of military force - or using it in appropriate mea8ure and on a collective basis. There is also a certain degree of understanding with regard to ethnic conflicts of 8 purely dome8tic nature. The golden rule in this respect is to do no harm. Problems arise also in the gray zone between internal jurisdiction and international responsibility. Basically, it is a question of the further development of the sovereignty principle in international law, as applied to the new realities and rinks and to the need for universal interaction between St.ates. Conronmum numt be achieved on a mot of baric rulom, ctitoria and principlor for international rocponmo by the world conrrunity to emergency 8ituation8, a kind of code of romponmiblo conduct for Btatom, in an ora of an intorrmlated and integral world. Such a conmenmu~ rhould combine the principle0 of sovereignty, self-determination and non-interference in thm internal affairr of State8 with the noed for States to fulfil their obligationm under the United Nations Charter and other international legal instruments, and for the United Rations to pursue its goals in all the spheres prercribed by itr Charter. The principal objective here ir to harmoninational, regional snfl global interosta. to assert a ring10 unlvorral mcale of democratic values prov.iding for freedom of choice, a variety of forms of social development, economic and political plurolism and the supremacy of international law rind human rights. The problem of individual freadom in all its dimensions is becomlnq central in world politico today. Providing for all basic human right.8 hao become an imperative both of national development and international relations. The gravest challenges arise in the world economy. Imbalances and deformations are the inevitable companions of economic progress. On the one hand, the end of the cold war has put an and to bloc rivalry in dealing with the third world. Against the background of interdependence, development cearrea to be a one-dimensional notion and aaaumea a universal character. This is the key to a balanced world economy and to providing a aolid baais for resolving global isoues. On the other hand, there am growing fears that the new East-West relationship wil i leave many developing nations on the periphery of the world economy. At the same time, the third world ie becoming increasingly polariaed. Economic 8ucce88 in a number of countries ia accompanied by worsening criaea, poverty and hunger in the poorest nations. To prevent accumulated contradictions from exploding is a priority task. Moving away from ideologically motivated assistance should not mean forgetting those who simply cannot survive without outside help. The same applies to the factors which haxiper progress towards environmental security. Chernobyl became a world-wide disaster. Yet, it. is also a symbol of international solidarity in a struggle for survival and the triumph of humanirn in rolatious between States. The United Nations Chernobyl Pledging Conference, which warn held here recently, .remonstrated this once again. One of the lessons to be learned from Chernobyl and other environmental catastrophes is that there can be no effective way of avoiding disaster without overcoming the inertia of old industrial practicer. The objective is to readjust the whole structure of the world economy to make it environmentally safe. This can only be achieved through concerted efforts. New international relations should be universal. Within generally recognised norms of civilired behaviour, sll nations, regardless of their ideological or political preferences and dislikes, should maintain normal and proper relations. Lingering hostility, let alone the lack of elementary dialogue between a number of States, objectively generates tension within the very fabric of international relations. The USSR is paying its last diplomatic debts inherited from the cold war. We have normalised our relations with the Republic of Korea and launched a comprehensive process of restoring normal relations with Israel. The new world realities of today require inatitutionalired security and cooperation structures, the modernisation of existing mechanisms and the creation of new ones where necessary. At the same time, we should not hesitate to abandon certain previously established structures which are inherently incapable of evolution. The Co-ordinating Committee for East-West Trade Policy (COCOM) is at the top of that list. The activities of newly established as well as restructured international organizations should be integrated in order to add stability to the pillars of comprehensive security. The ganoral outliner of thir procear wore dofined by the intornstional connun1ty in a rerolutlon adoptad at the forty-fourth l errion of the Geaoral Asrwnbly on onhancinp international poaco, l ocurity and international cooporation In all itr aspects in accordance with the Chartor of the United Nation8. It was at that time - two year8 ago - that conceptual agrseirunt vaa renched to begin drafting the fundamantsl principlor of civilised international comnunfcation at the current l taga of history - l ometimem roforrod to a# the now world order. Memberr aay rocall that that rerolution ~86 the joint initlativo of the USSR and the United States. When I met Prosidont Bwh today, we reiterated the cormimnt of our two countrier to broader cooperation in rtrongthening the United Nation8 ar well a8 in all other areas. This conanitment rests an a new foundation in the Soviet-United States relationship - DO lonqer one of confrontation or even rivalry, but cooperation and friendship for the good of the world community as a whole. The philosophy of new international solidarity, which is finding itr ray into practice. signifies a de-ideologiration of the United Nations. In renewing our Organitation we should once ard for all leave behind us the leyscy of the ice age - like the obnoxious resolution equating Zionism with racism. A transition to partnership and collective action bears the promise of united Nations universality, both in terms of its membership and in terms of its area8 of activity. The process has already been set in motion. At this session of the General Assembiy new Members have joined the: ranks of the Organiration. These isclude States of differing size and population. our support. for their admimmion to the United Rations mirrors the overall Soviet foreign policy of developing relstionm with all States, including mmall and medium-sired Statas. It is wtth a special feeling that I wish to congratulate our colleqguem, the plenipotentiary representativem of new sovereign and independent States - the Latvian Republic, the Li t.huenian Republic and the Estonian Republic. I c~ee special symbolism in the fact that one of the first foreign policy steps of the caunkry which began its new political calendar recently var t.3 recoynize the full independence of thn Baltic Republics and provide immedichte support for their joining the United Nations nnd associating themselves ufth the Conference on Security and Co-operation in Europe (SSCE) process. That took place in Moscow at the beginning of the Conference on thti Human Dimension. At the present time the process of establishing diplomatic relations and exchanaing embassies between the 1JSSR and the Baltic Stntst bps stsrted. We are going to hold large-scale talks on vital issues affecting the destinies uf million8 of peoplb. Adapt.ing the entire United Nations system to the new realities of international life is an item on our agenda. Progress has already been achieved in such tidaytation and grept credit for this goes to the Secretary-General. Mr. Javjer Perez de Cuellar, who is a confident leader of thb Orgaaization at this juncture which is perhaps m9st decisive. We hope that the line he so strongly supports will be duly continued. There is a wealth of promising ideas on this subject. It would appear to make SL’~IS~ to aqree *~p’>n launching practical exploration of approaches to reforminy the United Natitins. We are open t.o <%ny fruitful ideas; we are also working r_)rl our ‘JWQ proposals. A concex ted and essenl i?: ;y collect.ive rejulatioo of international rolatioar in tbo aroam of recurity end dlrarmament crucisl for the dertiny of the world bar become a priority la the activities of the United Natlnnr and the world comuu!ty. Supremacy of law ir thr main point of referonce on the way to rhaplng a now mod.). of international l ocurity. A ryrtem of political and logal drterronce rhould be it8 cornarrtone - a l yrten baaed not on mutual deterrence but rather on confidence that mutual threat doem not exist and also on a high 1~01 of trurt and opennerr in the military and other sphoree. To achieve th5nV it is important to l rtablirh, with active United Nationx involvement. an atmorphero of gmneral averrion to aggrerrion throughout the world cosununity. Any act of aggrer8ion q umt, from the very atart, bo regarded a8 doomed, not only militarily but alro politically, economicsly and morally. An international boycott ir the first rtep to deter an8 warn the agqrersor. Next in line ir a joint elaboration and implementation of the concept of the next stage of dimarmament to absorb the experience gained and make the disarmament proceeser rtabla, comprehensive and universal. Priority tasks include making military potentials exclusively defence-oriented and working out the guidelinea States could follow while restructuring their armed forces in conformity with the doctrine of reasonable sufficiency. That now is taking place in the Soviet Union. The General Assembly could recoasnend initiating, as an intermediate stage, consultations to work on specific quantitative and qualitative parar,mtera for minimum nuclear deterrence in all its aspects. It is becoming an urgent. t-ask to conduct negotiations on the total elimination of t.actical IlJCledr W<3F"IlS in as short a time as possible. (Mr. Pankin, IJSSS) A reduction in the numbar of nuclear tests, with a view to phasing +-hem out altogotber as soon as possible, is one means of halting the nuclear arms race. A broad umvenrant in support of this idea has materialised in the political and scientific communities and smong the public in various countries of the world. The tims has come to establish a United Hations register of conventional arms sales .~d supplies and to identify jointly its technical parameters with a view to arriving at agreed principles of restraint in arms sales. The development of a long-term concept of the use of United Nations forces in accordance with the Charter of the Organization, including the refiner& of rapid response mechanisms for countering threats to international peace, legally codified procedures for drterring a potential aggressor and optimal strategies for defusing conflicts, would facilitate more comprehensive utiliration of United Nations capacities. Major tasks in this area include efforts to make United Nations peace-keeping operations more effective and institutionalised, broader use of the preventive capacities of the United Nations and efforts to find ways to correlate global and regional security 3tructu:es. There is proof that conflicts can indeed be settled through national reconciliation, a balance of interests and responsibility among all the parties involved and the expression of the will of the people in democratic free elections. I am particularly pleased to note the important role that is to be played by the United Nations in implementing the settlement in Cambodia as a truly unique instrument for maintaining international peace. Today a unique chance is at hand to set in motion the process of a Middle East setclement. It is essential to lock in the significant pIogress that has (Mr. Pankin, USSR) been made in solvXng the Afghan problem. This session must take action to support efforts in these areas. The ultimate beneficiary of the movement towards stable peace with maximum guarantees is the human being. The domestic policies of States and the practice of international communication should rest on uniform rules applied across the entire range of human rights as an inseparable set of equal categories of a political, civil, social, economic and cultural nature defining the status of the individual and his relations with the State and society. Substantive discussion of specific human rights issues and matters of compliance with international commitments in this area can no longer be dismissed under the artificial pretext of interference in internal affairs. By signing appropriate international instruments, every State, as it were, delegates a fraction of its sovereignty to the international community. The criterion is the primacy of human rights over the rights of nations and other bodies. At the Moscow meeting of the CSCE conference on the human dimension, we focused on the problem of strengthening not only the national, but also the international basis of guarantees for democracy, political pluralism, the supremacy of law and human rights. We might provide for far-reaching collective procedures that would ultimately include binding and mandatory elements. Non-governmental and human rights organisations should be actively encouraged to participate in their verification. In other words, after the Moscow conference, the concept of confidence-building measures, which has been put to work so successfully in the political and military fields since the conferences held in Madrid and Stockholm should, we firmly believe, become the cornerstone and driving force of the new turn to human rights within the all-European and the global context. Much ha8 been dono in the Unltod Rationr, but tboro are rtill grmator tank8 ahead, roflectiag the riahm and challooqom that face tha international community today. Our coon and Inmeparmble dortlnior largely, if not docirivaly, dopend on whether the United Nationr will be ablo to rucceod in renovating itself and become a truo nultilatoral guarantor of peace and s*curity. Today all of UB, politiciana and diplomat8 aliko, conrtantly find oursolvo8 with the word “apace” on our tongues. Wo apoak of a l inglo l conoric , logs]. and ecological rpaco. This has become an extremely up-to-date and farhionablm esprosrion. Yet, half a century ago, in the heyday of Stalin’8 tyranny, the great Rurrian poet, Borir Partornak, used it to describe an artirt’r calling: “We havs to live without vainglory Live in such a way that after all A love that space bestows upon UI Would let UE hear the future’s call.” The call of the future! The author of Pprtpr and the winner of the Nobel Prize heeded this call. Let UI also heed it.* & Dw (France) (interpretation from French): I should like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election aa President of the General Assembly. Apart from being a tribute to you personally, to your diplomatic talent and your sense of reason, your election honours the representative of a country whose prominent role and place in the Arab world and on the international steno are known to all. - * The President returned to the Chair. ( M.r. L -PuF.e.a, .Im!!CO 1 May I also swpross our gratitude to the Secretary-General, Hr. P6rer de Cuellar, whose ~ndetatigabls energy in the service of peace has given so many peoples grounds for hope, and which will have made its mark on our time. The Orgeniration is welcoming seven new Membera. This is a momentous event, one which is caune for celebration. Welcome to Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Their return to our midst redresses an injustice that had r~o equal and ,sffaces the criminal act cormnitted against these peoples. Welcome to the great Korean people, heir to an ancient and distinguished civilisation, who come to the Organisation through the separate admission of two States. We hope that they will thus find occasion for friendly dialogue, which will endbls them to recover the unity to which they aspire. Welcome to the Marshall Islands and to Micronesia. These two States will bring to the Organiratioo the benefits of the ancient wisdom of the Pacific Islands. The years 1989 and 1990 rang with the sounds of liberation - moments of historic happiness rarely encountered - and 1991 has seen the movement continue and amplify. History has suddenly accelerated. A real revolution has radically altered our points of reference and swept away old habits. A new world is emerging. It will be based, members can be sure, on freedom, solidarity, security and the rule of law. In the course of the past year, freedom has continued to gain ground. Let us rejoice, for freedom is the sun that shines on our peoples: freedom for Kuwait, which was reinstated to sovereignty and independence - admittedly at the price of the use of force - thanks to the new capacity of the United Nations to further the rule of lav: burgeoning freedom in South Africa, vhere tho barriorn of apartheid have at last been ilismbntlod - may Chin impetus not be slowedt arid hope of freedom and peace in Cambodia. SpasLing from bail rostrum in 1966, the Presidant of the ?rench R&public propoled &n international conference to help this martyred country ~egsiu unity and peace. It hae taken throw years for the roalitiee of the situation to prevsil, three yesre of patient ne9otiatione, throw yeare of pereistencor for the inevitability of discord eoeraed to inpin90 on the l li9hteet progreee. The convening of a conforonco on Cambodia will at last rot the seal on a peace sgreemeot. I should like to pay 8 tribute to Prince Iiihanouk, President of the I511pr.m. Net ional Council, rho is sittin in our midst at the head of the Cembodian delegation. We patience and souse of dialogue have once again revealed hi8 qualities aa 8 Bead of State capable of reuniting a people and reconciling it with itrOif. I should like to wish a happy future to the poop10 of Cambodia, rhor~ l ufforin9 I shared and whose aspiratione I hope to share. - ?roodon of choice offered to the peoplee of Weetern Sahsrs through a referendue organised by the United Rations in accordance with the wish of all the partioe concerood. - Hope in the Widdie East. After so many years of conflict and absence of understanding, the prospect of the convcaing of a peace conference provides the opportunity for a settlement baaed on law and justice, a comprehensive peace settlement, it should be recalled, which should therefore enshrine the rig~~t of all to live in peace ritbin aecure and recognieed borders, by giving the Palestinians a land and a state. Yes, freedom for the Palestinian people. - Freedom for Lebanon, which is dressing its wounds and putting an end to its etc? -0. Let it affirm its sovereignty over the whole of its national territory by the diaarmame nt of militia forces, the withdrawal of foreign troops and '_he implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978). Let it boldly address its task of reconstruction and quickly return to the path of democracy by holding free elec~zions. Those are Prance's wishes for Lebanon, which is so close to it in heart, in mind and in history. ( LltDumar. .1nmre 1 - ?reedom too for Morcow, whore democratic forcer have swept away factions which thought they could use violonce to inpome the return of an order that had been driven from the l cono but rona.inr prorent in our memorioa, an order that has been overturned and condemned. Let ua pay a tribute to those who threw up the barricader of freedom and confronted the threat 80 that the will of the people could prevail. He!1 to the defenders of the White House of woscow. In Kuwait, in the Soviet Union and in the Baltic countries, freedom is gaining ground everywhere and democracy is smiling on peoplea. The points marked with a cross on the map of oppression and tutelage are gradually fading, and as they fade the old world order, with its compromises and deadlocks, is disappearing. This transformation is taking place before our very eyes. Let us look directly at it. Hope is replacing threat, dialogue is being set in train beyond all expectations, and the world rings with the sound of statues being toppled. But new clouds are already appearing on the horiaon. Will we see those who are gaining their freedom and independence take the path of blind nationalism and make anachronistic territorial claims7 Will the clash of interests take the place of ideological confrontations7 Road8 and struggles of this kind lead nowhere, as experience and history have taught us. Dictatorship, poverty, %rodus and war are their end result. To avoid these dangers, we must devise formulas and solutions appropriate for our times. Let us begin by building new solidarities, and uae the opportunity to turn towards the future. (k4S.L.~~) With regard to building new solidarities, lot ~8 first rpoak of Europe. It is experioocinq on it8 own aoil the world’s lart groat phara of decoloairation. 1 wirh to etato hers that France will be at one with all peoples which choose to make their voice heard on the international rcene and which peacefully end democratically express their resolve to accede to independence . ror self-determination ia indivisible; and it csnnot be an object of bargaining. Let ue recall a few simple rule8 that may help these movements to mature in harmonyr First, every people that wants it has the right to self-determination and sovereignty. Secondly, this presupposes a clear definition of the rights of minori ties; we should think about the role the United Nationa could play in this respect. Thirdly, it is essential to enrrure respect fat international treaties, and hence recognition of borders. Pourthly. border8 may be changed only through dialogue or, failing that, through arbitration. La8tly, good neighbourly relation8 can be governed by freely accepted agreements. mat Prance has proposed for Yugoslavia holds true in a general way for everyone. Let us spare ourselves a return to empire8 and opportunistic alliances in the twenty-first Century. Let us note our regional complemeatarities, derive advantage from them add give them a context. Is this, after all, not the purpose of the Conwnunity construction in Europe so well described just a moment ago by my colleague Mr. Van Den Broek? khy have we spent 40 years building a European Community - first of sir, then of nine, and now of 12? Because u@ were convinced that peace, prosperity and our identlty would be established in a lasting manner only through the sharing cnr.-, of our national rovoreigntier. Th08o who had doubt8 murt now bow to the evidence. The European Cornunity ha8 become a benchmark for some and for others a source of admiration. The Buropean Cmunity owe8 it t0 itseif t0 continue to astonish the world by purruing its intepration, planned far the end of 1991. Strengthened by a Germany at lart reunited, the Buropesn Economic CorrsWnity will continue it8 proqrerr toward8 Unity. The new democr8cie8 of central and eartern Eurov have under8tood this necessity of union and cooperation and have turned 8agerly and hopefully to the Cossnunity. Within tho Twelve, Yrance in turn UndOr8tand8 this request. this expectation, uhich it hopes will be an8wOrOd a8 80011 a8 poarrible by preparations for these countries’ a&ni88ion to the European Bcooomic Colmnunity. This will of course take time. That ir all the more fea8on tc get down to the task right away. But are we to do nothing during this period, leaving these democracies, which are so clore to us, uncertain a8 to their future7 Of course not. Europe need8 a new pact right now. Aware of the danger that still threatens it, can our continent - our ancient continent - rally to preserve the gains of the parrt few years and 90 forward’l This is the essence of the confederation lrrance has prOpO8ed. Our aim is to 90 beyond the logic of aid, which out of necessity has been the reason for most actions so far, in order to arrive at a real political, economic and Social couanunity on the ContineDt, in the spirit. of the founding fathers of a free Europe in the inmediate post-war period. (Mr, ..PW.bb, PCbDC9) It would be a paradox if just 88 thlr Europe -. which will become more and more confederal - warr taking shape, a parable? but contrary movement t.owards clismemberment and break-up were to prevail elsewhere. That. ifi why we hope that the republics of the USSR succeed in exercising their new responeibilities and organising their relations am they intend to do, and succeed in defining, at the international level, ae reason and the course of events dictate, the expression of their cotwnon interests and resolve. we hope they can do so with due respect for the principles and norms of security and stability accepted in Europe. Yugoslavia, which is beinq torn apart, represents the other example of a necessary transformation. May the legitimate aspirationa for freedom which are being expressed there take into consideration the interests of all. May the rights of minorities be preserved and the advantages of a space shared by 911 the peoples of Yugoslavia be maintaibed and guaranteed. That, it deems to me, is the road to peace and regained prosperity. But none of this will bo possible so long a8 the fighting oarsists. The conflagration is building and threatens ta-, spread. Time is running out. Yugoslavia is heading deeper into an impasse. France believes jt is incumbent on the llnited Nations to bring the parties to their senses by demanding compliance with tho cease-fire, by showing them the way t:, dialogue and tcl negotiation that has been mapped out with their consent by the European Community, by saying to all that peace has its requirements. theirs aud others’. France, which is the current President of the Security Council, will leave no stone unturned to achieve this end. Can I fail to rofor to the rolidarity botwon the #orth and the louth? lo. The plane im 0~0. Who can bolimvo in a future in whish lomm than one quartor of the world’m population l njoym the bonofitr of progromm while the remaining thrmo qurrtorm are mbandoned to dompaitl In the courmo of thm part fivm yoarm, Afrlca’m promm national product has grown lmmm quickly than itm population. Today’, 500 million Afr!cmnm will bo 1.5 billion in thm year 2025, whilm thm l ourcem of flnansinq are drying up. loet capital input foil in roe1 toram from 1966 to 1990. World Bank and International Monmtary ?und tranmform are surrontly negative, with African countrimr paying back far wre than they rmceive. Without wirhing to mound litm an oraclm, France ham conrirtsatly spoken of thim intolerable md inevitable trend in order to reek a greater offort of rolidaritv from the rich. My country 8en8em it ir being better heeded now, and I hope that im true. It welcome8 this especially a8 another danger ir threatening the developing sountriear the danger of a society exploding in response to excesrive demands. It is appropriate, certainly, t0 enlure that the 688i8tanCe to developirg Fountrio is well employed. That is the best way to generate official and privste re8ource8 and to pro-rote regional integration, which is still in its early stages. In this rta8peSt. that Treaty for the Constitution of the Common Market of the South - the MERCOSUP Treaty - riignsd in March 1991, which group8 Argentina, Braril, Uruguay and Paraguay in a cormnon market, is a good oxamp’: of what has te be done. It should not remain un isolated instance. I am thinking iL particular of Africa, where plans to set up a large common agr,cultural market should be pursued. The f rant zone. with its single currency, offers a favorahle terrain for such a market. Iranca, e:one or rlth itr Buropoaa Economic Conmuaity psrtaerm, intends to l upport thome offortr. It .foem not intend to rendor than umm!erm by impcming requlrementm that qo beyond what Is roamonable. Lamt ly, one cancot spar& vf molidarity without menticuing the l nvironnmnt. The iaternatlonal comuaity ha8 already held debates on aud carried out rrmcarch into thir important rubject. It ham launched mignif icant concrete proqramr. Frenco wrlcomes. far eaamplo, the nucce(~s of the initiattvo on Che dociaton to protect Antarctics, which it tack in 1969 together with Australia, mubmequently jo:uod by Italy and Belgium. The Madrid protocol, which will be migned on 4 Octobsr 1991, declarou Emtarctica to be a “natural romerve dovoted to peace and science”. This reupondm to the wfdhes of all those who desire to safeguard our common heritage, our planet. It should inspire other act4.00s. 7 belie-~!, that everything I have maid 2s of a conservative nature. Yet the exacarbation oi risks and the emergence of new daoyere require ua to think tn a nen scale and give free rein to vuf ambiticin. Thus, WC warmly welcome the United Nations Conferecce on Environmeut and Development, which is to be held at Rio de Janeiro in 1992 (lo.3 to which France is lending its assistaacq and support. That Conference will be preceded by the meeting in Paiis at the end of the year, called by the President of the Wench RSiJtiliC, which will be attended by all the non-governmental orgaoizations cooceraed. The sffortc to Combat deaertificatioa, to preserve and harness the remvurcem of the great for-sts and to protect the ozone layer, biological diversity and the sens and the oceans: ;ne8e are subject8 of prseminent interest LO all mankjnd. (iiC.A-DS) It. would bm polntlomm to l peak of the future of mankind without roforring to mowah dty. rho l ad of tfio cold war providar an l Bceptiona1 opportunity. l o let urn moimo it by purmuing di8arn8mmnt world wide. Ia that mphoro my co;lntry’8 policy im coarimtmnt with a numbor of principlom that I would like to l cumurate bristly. The mm1 important agromnwnt on conventional l mm reduction in Europa wa8 signed at tha Parim r-it in 1990. It8 ratification can wait uo longer. ?rance ir connitted to thir and hop.8 that all the rignatorier will proceed to ratification, thU8 making it poa8ible to move 00 to a new phamo in theso negotiationr. France duly welcomed the 8igning in UoscOW Of the 8trategiC arm8 reduction Treaty - the START Treaty. The reduction of the 8trategic armenal8 of the United Stat.8 and the USSR, which will take rovoral yoarm, rhould be followed by new COlWitMnt8 now. Iranco will join in the nogotiationm once those arrenals have been reduced to a 1~01 warranting our participation, under the term8 set forth in this very Hall by the Preridont of the French Republic in 1985. For European8, the existence and availability of nuclear armament8 raise specific problem8 which have emerged with the change8 in the Soviet Union. ?rance ha8 asked that the four Power8 concerned meet a8 early a8 possible to examine the80 problem8 together. On a more general note, France ia in favour of global di8armament. In June 1991 it made public it8 plan enCOmpa88fng all aspects of security. It announced its decision to adhere to the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty. My country will submit the instrument8 of accession before the year's end. (Ms.) Xready# we are takixq steps to exercise complete control over exports reZated to nuclear energy. France is in favour of flnaliring at am early date the coaveatio5 oa the final elimination of chemical weapons. It Jkopss that the convention will be siqned next year. The treaty banning chemical weapons should be accompanied by appropriate meaus for mmitoring compliance, without which its effectiveness will be compromised. For while treatl88 prepare the way for recurity, it ir confldancm that creates it. Th8re i8 no real confidonco without control. Tb8 l xupla of fraq 8hows this only too well. Strict compliance with accorda and monitoring are the keystoner of disarmament, and it i8, in my view, for the United Uationa to promat* accssslon to these treaties, to monitor their implementation and irq080 penalties, where necessary, when agreem8nt8 are violated. Let ua, therefore, give the United Nation8 the mean8 to carry out thi8 tark. My concluding comment8 will concern 8tr8ngthoning the rOl8 of the United Nations. How can this be accomplished? Our Organiration, which ir the universal expression of our solidarity, ha8 dono 110ro in the80 part years than reflect our concerns. It has done more than it had dona in part decades. With the backing of its Secretary-General and the daterminod rupport of the five permanent members of the Security Council, the United Nations has been a driving force. It has affirmed the law on nwnerou8 occasions and enforced compliance where necessary. The United Nations parseverance on behalf of human rights prompted South Africa to move towards abolishing apartheid. The offorts to belp restore democracy in Haiti, the part played in the peace process in El Salvador, the Secretary-General's peace plan of 21 May for Afghanistan are all initiatives that have marked for history the growing role of the United Nations. But it is undoubtedly in regard to the Gulf crisis that the progress has been the most spectacular. The maiz pint was to stop aggression and to lay the often innovative foundations for order through law. The United Ratlonm could not remain parrive in the face of the tragedy which threatened the vmry l rirtenca of the Kurdirh people. lor the first time, through a Security Council rerolutioa, the United Nation0 sffirm~d that the sufferings of a population justified inmediate intervention. My country is proud to have propored the adoption of rerolutlon 666 (1991). Yet, 84 momberm are aware, none of this could be taken for granted. Today the foundationr of a new legal order, a new humanitarian order, have been laid. Why not adopt a code of conduct affirming the right to humanitarian arrristance every time the integrity 8 id rurvival of a people ia threatened7 However, we murt not lose sight of the fact that the progrees that has bean made ir not sufficient to offset the retversals where these exist. If tomorrow, in the conflict between Irrael and the Arab countries, the United Nation8 were to give up its effort6 to require compliance with the principles which have earned it its success, it would quickly lose in credibility what it haa earned in prestige. The Organisation is too much a v now to tolerate disrespect. At a time when France holda the presidency of the Security Council, it is pleased and proud to contribute to the adoption of two important resolutions, which I hope will be adopted, on Yugoslavia and Cambodia. More than ever before, the values which underlie the principles of our Organiration are a benchmark. New States have joined UI and others will follow. National minorities are claiming the right to preserve what constitutes their identity and cohesion. What are they doing7 They look to the United Nations. Individuals are thirsting for justice. Whut do they do? They invoke the United Nations moral jurirdictlon. Never have democracy and human rights - the former thought by some to have been superseded and the latter considered by others the product of an impoverished mind - conatitutsd such important guideliner for a world urgently reeking peace and prosperity. Let UII therefore prepare, clearly and with enthusiasm, for the great rendesvour of 1993: the World Conference on Human Rightr, which will also be the rsndervous of democracy victorious. It is there that. half a century after the cataclysm that shook the world, and the long night that deprived too many peoples oi the light of freedom, our generation will finally be able to say: We have been worthy of mankind.