A/49/PV.7 General Assembly

The Assembly will first hear an address by the President of the Republic of Latvia.

On behalf of the General Assembly I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Republic of Latvia, His Excellency Mr. Guntis Ulmanis, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Ulmanis (spoke in Latvian; English text furnished by the delegation): Allow me to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth session and to wish you every success in leading this august body. May this session be constructive and productive for you and all delegations. New geopolitical, economic and technological realities have appeared at the close of the twentieth century. The destructive cold war has come to an end and its symbol - the Berlin Wall - has collapsed. The insuppressible long-held yearnings of many peoples for freedom and independence led in the end to the disintegration of even the seemingly indestructible Soviet empire, clearly reaffirming the lasting strength and integrity of the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations - peace, equality and justice. That is why this Organization has always played and will continue to play a role in furthering the progress of nations, as evidenced by its vast undertakings in the maintenance of international peace and security, as well as its efforts to increase the well-being of society and every individual. Two years ago, the Secretary-General in his report "An Agenda for Peace", comprehensively analysed aspects related to the maintenance of peace and security. This report led to a broad debate on concepts such as preventive diplomacy, peace-keeping, peacemaking and post-conflict peace-building. Preventive diplomacy by the United Nations and other organizations undoubtedly furthered the resolution of a very difficult issue for Latvia and all of Europe - the withdrawal of foreign military forces from the territories of the Baltic States. With satisfaction I should like to report to the General Assembly that, on the whole, General Assembly consensus resolutions 47/21 of 25 November 1992 and 48/18 of 15 November 1993, entitled "Complete withdrawal of foreign military forces from the territories of the Baltic States", have been implemented. The last Russian military units departed Latvia and Estonia at the end of August. Thus, the Second World War has ended for the Baltic States. Our bilateral negotiations with the Russian Federation, which lasted for more than two years, culminated with the signing on 30 April 1994 of agreements the ratification of which has been included in the agenda of the Parliament of Latvia. We believe that this approach may be useful as an example for the resolution of other global issues and we are prepared to share our experience with others. The United Nations and the CSCE will continue to have an important role in the implementation of the agreements. According to the bilateral agreement between Latvia and Russia on the Skrunda radar facility, any attempt to settle disputes or differences of opinion connected with the agreement by means of military threats or by the use of armed force shall be considered a threat to international peace and security and shall be brought before the United Nations Security Council. For its part, representatives of the CSCE will observe the implementation of the agreements and the fulfilment of the respective parties’ obligations. However, we have yet to exhaust the opportunities for preventive diplomacy in the Baltic region. Baltic regional security continues to be a pressing issue. On his visit to Latvia last summer, Mr. William Clinton, President of the United States of America, stressed that the sovereign and independent Baltic States must not be part of any sphere of influence. It must be noted that President Clinton played a vital role in disentangling problems which had developed during negotiations with the Russian Federation on the withdrawal of its troops from Estonia and Latvia. I should like to remind the international community that the Russian radar facility will remain in Skrunda for five and a half years, and nuclear reactors will remain in Paldiski, Estonia. Heavy Russian military transit takes place through Lithuania to Kaliningrad, where a high military concentration is maintained. On the whole, these are risk factors which potentially threaten the Baltic States and, in fact, the entire Baltic Sea region. In many respects, Baltic security is a guarantee for peace and stability in Europe. The Baltic States are already considering the possible solutions to this important question, and I hope that the Member States will devote their full attention and interest to these ends. A significant dialogue between our two countries has concluded with the completion of Russian troop withdrawal from Latvia. Thanks to the support of many countries and In 1995, Europe and the world will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the Allied victory over nazism. Latvians, too, fought against Hitler’s occupying forces in the belief that an Allied victory would be followed by the restoration of Latvian independence. However, whilst many nations breathed freely again after the end of the Nazi occupation, the Baltic States were engulfed for the second time by the totalitarian Soviet empire. As other nations celebrated the defeat of nazism, Latvia was subjected to the deportation of hundreds of thousands of innocent persons and the systematic destruction of the Latvian State and national identity. Latvia and its people are the victims of both regimes - nazism and communism. Justice would prevail if the new democratic Russia, which played a decisive role in the destruction of the "Evil Empire", were to engage with Latvia in the appraisal of the actions taken by the Soviet Union against Latvia in 1940. The signing of truthful bilateral documents would preclude any petty psychological feelings of revenge and would provide amends to the victims of the totalitarian regime in both countries. These "truth" documents would foster even greater harmony between the various nationalities in Latvia and, we believe, lift some of Russia’s unenviable inherited burden. Such cases already exist. The documents signed by the Presidents of Russia and several Central and Eastern European States have marked an end to the legacy of the past, which had also been a burden to Russian society. We believe that it is impossible to fully comprehend the consequences of the Soviet occupation without an objective analysis of the events of 1939 and 1940. These consequences have been and continue to be felt in Latvia in the areas of political, economic and social development. No other country lost nearly 40 per cent of its native population during the Second World War; in no other post-war European country has the native population become a minority in seven of its largest cities, including the capital; and no other country has experienced population transfers and mass deportations on such a I should like to draw the Assembly’s attention to the necessity for regional cooperation. History has repeatedly shown that geographically and historically close States have forged the deepest relations, thereby enriching and furthering mutual development. Following the restoration of independence, the Baltic Parliamentary Assembly was formed, and this month work was begun by the Baltic Council of Ministers, which coordinates our policies in foreign affairs, trade, legislation and other matters. In other words, a balanced and active Baltic union has been created. At the same time, an evolutionary process towards an expanded European Union with a dynamic Nordic-Baltic dimension is taking place. The model for regional cooperation in Northern Europe aspired to by Latvia is "three plus five" - three Baltic States and five Nordic States. Recognizing the important role played by the United Nations in international peace-keeping, Latvia, together with its neighbours, Estonia and Lithuania, has established the Baltic Battalion, which in the future may participate in the peace-keeping operations of the Security Council. The Nordic States, the United Kingdom and the United States have greatly contributed to the establishment of the Baltic Battalion. We believe that the three Baltic States will thereby further the aims shared by the Member States of the largest and most influential of international bodies - the United Nations. During the cold war the Baltic Sea was a boundary. Nowadays the Baltic Sea unites rather than divides States. Five years ago the "Baltic Way" - a human chain reaching from Tallinn through Riga to Vilnius - symbolized the shared road towards independence and democracy. Today this road has also regained its historical and economic significance in our region. At the turn of the century the Baltic Way will already be an established part of the global information highway. I wish to reaffirm that Latvia will do its utmost to foster peaceful cooperation and the spirit of understanding, mutual trust and tolerance on the shores of the Baltic Sea. We believe that the United Nations and each Member State should recognize the need not only for a coalition for democracy, but also for a fight against organized crime and the trafficking of nuclear materials and narcotics. Without effective solutions to these problems, the security of each inhabitant of our planet and the development of every country and society are endangered. I invite the United Nations to consider organizing a high-level meeting for the solving of those problems. Many components of the United Nations system, primarily the Development Programme, are concerned with the promotion of economic progress. Therefore, within the framework of the aims of the proposed Agenda for Development, one of the challenges is to simplify, renew and integrate the United Nations system. Latvia is among those countries whose economic, governmental and social structures are undergoing a period of transition. Effective United Nations assistance to these countries would speed this process, allowing them to become donor countries sooner. The concept of development is very broad. It includes social and economic progress; justice and democracy, as the foundation of society; and the protection of human rights and the environment. Even if the threat of global nuclear war has subsided, the prospect of environmental catastrophe remains. I therefore restate Latvia’s proposal, first made at the 1992 Rio de Janeiro Earth Summit, to host in Latvia before the end of this century a world summit at which participating States would commit themselves to diverting all resources gained from disarmament towards long-term development, especially for the protection of the environment and reversal of ecological damage caused by military activity. Latvia attaches great importance to international conferences organized by the United Nations. As a member of the Bureau of the Preparatory Committee, Latvia has become actively involved in the preparation for the World Social Summit. Furthermore, Latvia is one of the few States whose head of delegation is also a Vice- President of the Conference. Each global conference is an opportunity for every participating State to review and compare the sum of its experience. The issue of implementing the adopted resolutions at both the national and international levels is yet to be fully addressed. I would like to inform the Assembly of the extent of Latvia’s adherence to the recommendations adopted at the World Conference on Human Rights. In its Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action the Conference invited States to establish and strengthen national institutions for the protection of human rights. The Conference recommended that each State consider the desirability of drawing up a national action plan identifying steps whereby that State would improve the promotion and protection of human rights. Latvia demonstrated its commitment to United Nations principles and its readiness to implement the recommendations of the Conference by establishing in March 1994 the post of State Minister for Human Rights, as well as forming a Government Working Group on the Protection of the Rights of Individuals, allocating the necessary resources towards these ends. We believe that the United Nations should devote a greater percentage of its regular budget to the promotion and protection of human rights. In response to a request by the Working Group, a high-level international mission organized by the United Nations Development Programme visited Latvia in July this year. The mission, which included representatives of several international organizations, including CSCE and the Council of Europe, consulted Latvia on the development of a national programme for the protection and promotion of human rights. At Latvia’s invitation, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights will visit Latvia in October this year. I am proud that Latvia is one of the first countries to have demonstrated an awareness of its responsibility by establishing a national programme for the protection and promotion of human rights. Latvia is prepared to discuss We support the proposal made to the General Assembly by Mr. Boris Yeltsin, President of the Russian Federation, that the principles of the Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National, Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities be embodied in the legislation of all Member States. At the World Conference on Human Rights Latvia called for the establishment of standards and implementation mechanisms for the rights of minorities and foreigners. Those activities in the sphere of human rights are grounded in history. Prior to the Second World War, as a member of the League of Nations, Latvia fostered harmonious inter-ethnic relations. We are now trying to renew and cultivate this great tradition. Immediately after the restoration of its independence Latvia declared its accession to all the principal international human rights instruments. As I have already mentioned, a major effort is being made in the establishment of a national programme for the promotion and protection of the human rights of the individual in order that every individual be guaranteed equal rights and an equal opportunity to defend these rights. I believe that the concept of equal opportunity not only characterizes the fundamental rights of the individual, but is also a prerequisite for development. Latvia has always been open to cooperation with the United Nations, the CSCE and other international organizations. Latvia reaffirmed this when it passed its Citizenship Law. In promulgating this legislation, it followed the recommendations of the CSCE and the Council of Europe, and the passing of the law has been evaluated positively by these organizations. The need for rationalizing and revitalizing the work of the United Nations is becoming ever more apparent. Latvia is actively participating in the search for optimal solutions. Latvia supports the enlargement of the Security Council, perceiving this as a fair opportunity for small nations to increase their role in important international decision-making. Latvia also supports the improvement of cooperation and coordination between the United Nations and other international organizations, including the CSCE, the European Union and the Council of Europe. We also welcome and support the action taken by the Secretary-General to introduce a new, effective system Latvia supports especially the initiative to reform the calculation of United Nations assessments, based strictly on the principle of "capacity to pay". This would be a step towards improving the dire financial situation of the Organization and would pave the way for a fair solution to the issue of the assessments of Latvia and many other States. Although the inescapable difficulties associated with a transition period can still be felt in our economy and social sector, Latvia is endeavouring to fulfil its international obligations and commitments. However, contrary to standard United Nations practice, the current assessment of Latvia has been calculated without taking into account its actual capacity to pay. Instead, the data of a non-existent country - the former Soviet Union - has been used to determine Latvia’s assessment. Latvia has consistently and unwaveringly stated that it was forcibly incorporated into the former Soviet Union and therefore is not, and cannot ever be, its successor, with all the rights and obligations that this would entail. This was also stated in a letter to the Secretary-General in 1992. Latvia expects that the General Assembly will address this issue in the course of this session on the basis of the principle of sovereign equality. We consider that the same importance should be accorded to the United Nations principle of universality. Next year, the world will celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. Latvia, too, has begun preparations for this great anniversary. We hope that the Riga Dom Boys Choir will sing at the celebration concert to be held here in New York. This would be deeply symbolic, since future generations will shape the fate of nations. In many ways their fate will be decided by the heritage we leave to our children. We must do our utmost to draw closer to the age when nations will not fight against nations, but all will join forces in the battle against darkness. This sentiment, which has been drawn deep from the well of our national wisdom, seems to embody the essence of the United Nations now and in the future.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations the President of the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, His Excellency Mr. Alija Izetbegovic´, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Izetbegovic´: Allow me, at the outset, to commend Mr. Samuel Insanally for the able manner in which he conducted the work of the forty-eighth session of the General Assembly. I would also like to congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of this, the forty-ninth session. I wish you success in pursuing this very important task. I thank you for giving me this opportunity to speak on behalf of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina at this distinguished gathering. I come from Bosnia and Herzegovina, a far-away country that has currently been the subject of many discussions. Unfortunately, I have to begin my statement by repeating facts that, for most of you, may be or should be well known. At the time - some three years ago - when Yugoslavia experienced its dissolution, we were doing our best to carry out the separation in a peaceful fashion and without any violence. For reasons already known, our initiatives did not bear fruit. The aggression has continued to this day with more or, at times, less intensity, and without any prospect of its coming to an end in the near future. The war that was forced upon Bosnia and Herzegovina and its peoples - and that has now entered its thirty-first month - is one of the bloodiest wars in the history of mankind. At the very beginning, it was not a war but rather an attack by a well-armed and equipped army, the former Yugoslav army, against defenceless citizens. The results of this uneven struggle are as follows: 70 per cent of our country came under occupation in the first months of the war; more than 200,000 civilians have been killed; over 1 million - or one fourth - of our inhabitants have been expelled from their homes; hundreds of cities and villages have been destroyed and burned. This cannot be described as a classic example of warfare between two armies. This has been a war of an army against civilians, followed by genocide and, to date, unprecedented destruction of cultural and religious objects. The world has not responded in an appropriate manner to such barbarity. Whether it was because of the brutality of the attack, or because it was morally and psychologically unprepared, or perhaps because of its entanglement in its conflicting interests, the world seemed confused and hesitant. When the news and pictures of new concentration camps in the heart of Europe came out, the public was astonished or shocked, but for the most part those responsible kept silent. Tens of thousands have perished in those camps and many thousands have disappeared without a trace. The more brutal an attack, the more hesitant the world became. The free world neither defended nor But then it encountered a new absurdity. It found its hands tied. In short, before the war broke out against Bosnia and Herzegovina the United Nations imposed a notorious resolution that banned any import of weapons into the territory of former Yugoslavia. Everything changed: the war began, the aggressor and the victim were clearly discernable, but the arms embargo has remained in place as if nothing had happened in the interim. Justice was turned into injustice because the aggressor had weapons - weapons that had been stockpiled over the course of 40 years - while the victim was unarmed and its hands were kept tied. The resolution on the arms embargo became its own contradiction. By maintaining the imbalance in weaponry, it has prolonged the war and turned the peace negotiations into diktat by the better-armed aggressor. We said to the world, "You do not have to come to defend us, but do at least untie our hands and allow us to defend ourselves. While they kill our children, rape our women and destroy all our relics, do recognize our right to self-defence." So far, however, the arms embargo has remained in place. With only guns and rifles in their hands, our defenders have faced artillery and tanks. We have lost many people, and reports indicate that more than 90 per cent of them have been killed by grenades and artillery shells. Our cities and villages have been left at the mercy of the powerful military technology in the hands of the murderers. In the capital city of Sarajevo alone, more than 10,000 people have been killed and more than 50,000 wounded. Not a single family is without casualties, either killed or wounded. To all this, the world has sent us one message: negotiate. In the belief that the only right path was to continue to defend our land and that in this just struggle the peace-loving and freedom-loving peoples of the world would support us, we refused for a very long time to negotiate with war criminals. Finally, faced with the unbearable plight of our people and the world’s indifference, without any choice we accepted negotiations. It turned out that the aggressor had only been using negotiations as a way to bargain for time and to cover up its continuation of the aggression. The next bloody round in the war ensued, to be followed by another round of negotiations that resulted, on 5 July 1994, in a peace plan drawn up by the Contact Group consisting of five great Powers: the United States of America, the United Kingdom, France, Germany and the Russian Federation. Again, we chose peace and the attackers, once again, opted for a continuation of the war. We accepted the unjust peace offer in order to halt the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina. We did so in the hope that the injustice of the peace plan could still be corrected in the years of peace. Knowing the Bosnian soul, we believed - and we still believe - that peace can save - but that war will destroy - all that we call Bosnia. What we call "Bosnia" is not merely a small piece of land in the Balkans. For many of us, Bosnia and Herzegovina is not only a homeland: it is an idea; it is a belief that peoples of different religions, different nationalities and different cultural traditions can live together. Were this dream to be forever buried, were this idea of tolerance among the peoples of the area to be irretrievably lost, the guilt would lie not only with those who have been relentlessly killing Bosnia with their mortars for over 30 months now but also with many of the powerful elsewhere in the world who could have helped yet have chosen to do otherwise. Two days ago, I left Sarajevo. I did not leave by plane because the airport was closed. I had to take land routes through woods that are constantly exposed to fire and where many people are killed daily. For days there is no electricity, water and gas in the city. The capital is completely blocked and is virtually dying. Yesterday, after I had arrived at United Nations Headquarters, I received a letter from Srebrenica, a small town on the river Drina. The letter was supposed to be a report, but it was also a cry from a real human hell. I could not find the strength to read it a second time. Over three months ago "ethnic cleansing" was reignited, and there is now a new wave. Thousands of civilians whose only fault is that they are not Serbs have been expelled from their homes in Banja Luka, Bijeljina, Janja and other towns under the control of Karadzic’s army. Once again, nothing has been done. The world seems to have grown gradually accustomed to unpunished violations For a very long time I rejected - indeed, I still reject - any so-called conspiracy theory, the theory that all that has happened to Bosnia has happened because its majority nation is Muslim and there are dark powers that consciously impel the Serbs towards the extermination of Bosnian Muslims. Those who support this theory have their arguments, and I believe they have been heard here before. They maintain that overt aggression, followed by genocide, concentration camps and other forms of the darkest fascism, is at work in Bosnia and Herzegovina and that the world must be blind not to see it. Is the world blind? Does it consciously condone all these evils? It cannot be blind, and there is thus only the other alternative. This is the argument that has gained an increasing number of supporters. It will not be a good thing if the world’s billion Muslims come to accept it. The latest events surrounding the plan of the Contact Group have given the supporters of the so-called conspiracy theory an additional argument, namely, that Bosnia and Herzegovina has been offered a proposal backed by five major Powers and, therefore, by the majority of the international community, and it has been clearly stated that the side that rejected the plan would be punished while the side that accepted it would be protected. Yet the opposite has happened. The Serbs rejected the plan, and they have been rewarded by the suspension of sanctions. We have accepted the plan, and we have been punished by a complete blockade of Sarajevo. Both processes have occurred simultaneously, in parallel. Today, the highest civilian and military United Nations authorities are warning us: If you demand and succeed in achieving the lifting of the arms embargo, the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR) will pull out of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and so on. I have certainly not undertaken this long and arduous journey from Bosnia to America solely to convey facts that may be known to the majority of those here. We in Bosnia believe that, despite the hardships, good and justice cannot be defeated. We do not abandon our faith In this conviction, and despite all our disappointments and frustrations, I have come to speak here before the Assembly and to present some of our proposals. From the General Assembly and the Security Council, we are asking the following: first, that all resolutions on Bosnia and Herzegovina adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly be implemented; secondly, that measures be taken effectively to monitor the border between Serbia and Montenegro, on the one side, and Bosnia and Herzegovina, on the other, so that any transport of troops, weapons and military equipment across that border may be prevented or detected in timely fashion; thirdly, that should this transport occur, the decision on the suspension of some of the sanctions against Serbia and Montenegro - Security Council resolution 943 (1994) - be immediately revoked and that tightened sanction measures be imposed in accordance with the plan of the Contact Group of July 1994; fourthly, that there be no further easing of the sanctions towards Serbia and Montenegro until they recognize Bosnia and Herzegovina and Croatia within internationally recognized borders; fifthly, that a resolution be adopted, without delay, to strengthen the protection and mandate the extension of the safe areas provided for in Security Council resolutions 824 (1993) and 836 (1993), and in accordance with provisions of Article 6 of the Contact Group plan; and, sixthly, that decisions be taken to ensure an immediate end to the strangulation of Sarajevo and to prevent a recurrence of such a situation. The last-mentioned of these measures should envisage, as an integral element, the opening of the city along the north communication route - road and highway - through the creation of a demilitarized belt 2.5 kilometres wide on both sides of the thoroughfares. In this demilitarized belt, only United Nations troops and police might remain. The potential use of force against the strangulation of Sarajevo is envisaged under Article 4 of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s decision of 9 February 1994. Provided that the above conditions were fulfilled, and on condition that UNPROFOR continued to carry out its mission, the Government of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina would be willing to accept a new, modified formula to deal with the problem of the arms embargo. Under this formula we would limit our demand for the lifting of the arms embargo to the adoption of a formal decision, and the application or consequences of that decision would be deferred for six months. In this case UNPROFOR troops could remain in Bosnia and I should like, in conclusion, to state our two commitments. First, our irrevocable objective is a democratic Bosnia and Herzegovina within internationally recognized borders, and with full ethnic, religious and political rights for all its citizens. In such a Bosnia and Herzegovina the Serbs will have all rights, up to the highest level of autonomy, but they cannot have a state within a state. Secondly, we consider that, like all other nations, we have an inalienable right to self-defence. Therefore, if our compromise proposal on the arms embargo is rejected for any reason, we shall ask our friends to secure the immediate, and even unilateral, lifting of the embargo. Unfortunately, I have to inform representatives that, just today, I learned that this compromise proposal is meeting resistance, and even rejection, from some Contact Group countries. Finally, I take this opportunity to express our sincere gratitude to all friends of Bosnia and Herzegovina who have supported its struggle for survival and freedom.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Presidency of the Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the important statement he has just made.

I call on the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Belgium, His Excellency Mr. Willy Claes.

It is with great pleasure that I join the previous speakers in congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of this Assembly. The great African country that you represent, Côte d’Ivoire, has always played an active and constructive role in our Organization. We are delighted to have you presiding over our proceedings. Five years ago the talk was of a new international order. The events that shook Eastern Europe at that time led us to believe that the old bipolar world had expired and that another order was bound to take its place. For some, the reaction to the aggression against Kuwait marked the beginning of this new phase. Reality did not live up to our hopes. Today we have come to understand that the equilibrium based on a bipolar world did not have a "natural successor" and that it is up to us to build a new one, little by little, through trial and error. Of course, a new equilibrium is emerging in several parts of the world. First, there is the highly symbolic case of the Middle East. Even if implementation of the Washington and Cairo agreements is proving as arduous as was expected, every new stage constitutes an important step towards lasting peace. The historic rapprochement between Israel and Jordan strengthens this prospect. The new South Africa, too, is facing immense challenges, but at the same time it has become a beacon of hope for the entire African continent. The strengthening of democracy and the progress made in regional integration in Latin America seem to us yet another meaningful evolution. A number of countries in this region have now found the way towards sustainable economic development. The same holds true for Asia, where, moreover, a readiness for dialogue now exists. The regional Forum launched by the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN), contacts on the Korean peninsula and, at another level, the dialogue between the two sides of the Formosa Strait all contribute towards a new climate of confidence. While preparing to welcome four new members, the European Union has signed cooperation agreements with the majority of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe that might ultimately lead to full membership. Simultaneously, new geostrategic ties are being forged with Russia. Belgium’s major concern remains the achievement of a more representative Council without diminishing its decision-making capacity. We prefer therefore to avoid ambitious projects that would give privileged status to several "regional Powers" according to imprecise criteria but would not reinforce the Council’s ability to shoulder its responsibilities. Why not, as a first step, adapt the Council’s membership on the basis of unanimously agreed criteria? The international community could, as a measure with immediate advantageous effect, grant an additional non-permanent seat to the regions that consider themselves to be underrepresented and confer permanent member status on those two economic Powers whose positive contribution to world affairs has long been recognized. These steps, however encouraging, do not by themselves constitute a new international agreement. Progress and the readiness for rapprochement are by no means universal: Central Africa and Bosnia and Herzegovina are cases in point. The situation in Rwanda is uppermost in our minds. The threat it represents of destabilization in Burundi and the neighbouring countries has become a constant cause for worry in recent months. However deep the hatred born of the recent or the distant past, reconciliation is the only alternative. We appeal to the leaders and prominent citizens of these countries to unite their efforts to broaden the base of political power and to stand firm against extremists. Only when these conditions are met can emergency aid make way for durable reconstruction. Naturally, my country will contribute to each stage of this renewal. The civil war in the former Yugoslavia has cast first Europe and then the entire world into profound disarray. Yet for more than three years now, we have been working relentlessly to put an end to this tragedy. The United Nations Protection Force has become one of the largest peace-keeping missions ever set up by our Organization. The United Nations and the European Union have worked together tirelessly to find a negotiated solution. The main Powers have now added their weight I have just touched upon two cases of civil war where racial hatred has led to particularly inhumane behaviour. More than ever, we must remain unyielding when human rights are systematically violated. We must aim to banish every regime that is based on practices of "ethnic cleansing". So that this lesson may never be forgotten, Belgium favours the establishment of an international penal jurisdiction and expresses the wish that the international community do whatever is necessary to render it operational as soon as possible. In the meantime, we believe that the Tribunal created to judge the war crimes perpetrated in the former Yugoslavia will stand as a valuable precedent, which we would like to see extended to the crimes committed in Rwanda as soon as possible. Along the same lines, my Government welcomes the appointment of a High Commissioner for Human Rights. The operational initiatives launched by Mr. Ayala Lasso - sending human rights monitors to Rwanda, for instance - have received early and concrete support from Belgium, among others. I am convinced that Mr. Ayala Lasso’s actions will strengthen the respect for human rights and promote a successful dialogue among political leaders and human rights activists in every part of the world. This dialogue will take into account the differing approaches inspired by various cultures and religions, but in my opinion, it would lose its meaning if it were to compromise on the one essential point: the respect owed to the physical and moral integrity of every human being. For Belgium, the crisis in Rwanda has marked the international agenda. In the wake of the genocide, death lashed out blindly at a population in exile, pushing back the limits of horror already reached in Bosnia and Somalia. My fellow citizens were deeply troubled by the ruin of so many efforts of development, the failure of so many attempts at reconciliation. The savage killing of 10 Belgian "blue helmets", who were among the 100 United Nations peace-keepers slain since the beginning of this year, highlights the unmistakable fragility of peace-keeping operations. I believe the best way to honour all those who lost their lives is by reflecting in particular upon the limits and possibilities of international action. First, the principle of "non-improvisation" implies two things. The first is that the Organization must at all times be able to mobilize the necessary means for a peace-keeping operation and to this end rely on the solidarity of all its members. This means that it is essential to reinforce the military peace-keeping capacity of the Organization. In the absence of a United Nations multilateral force that can be deployed quickly, generalized offers of stand-by troops and equipment and standardization of equipment and procedures are objectives we must pursue diligently. To this end I have sent the Secretary-General a list of possible Belgian contributions which could be made available for peace-keeping operations. The second implication is that, even though solidarity remains the basis for conceiving and implementing peace-keeping, this solidarity cannot be blind and automatic. Each specific operation must be the result of careful consideration. The launching of a new peace-keeping operation should only be envisaged and seriously considered when all other means of solving the crisis have been exhausted, including at the regional level. Chapter VI, as well as "An Agenda for Peace", offer a wide choice of instruments for solving a crisis through negotiation, arbitration, and so on. Those who forget that peace-keeping operations are not a panacea do the Organization a disservice and often unwittingly contribute to making situations worse rather than solving them. Once it has been decided by the Security Council, a peace-keeping operation becomes everybody’s business. All Member States must contribute according to their All States should cooperate actively with a view to the success of the operation by facilitating its movements, supplies, reinforcements and the prepositioning of reserve troops. All States should use their diplomatic influence to help the Secretary-General achieve the political objectives of an operation. And, finally, all States must adhere to their financial obligations with respect to an operation. Secondly, a peace-keeping operation must be based on the consent of the parties, appropriate flexibility and adequate information. Every operation must be based on consensus among the States legitimately involved. The conflicting parties themselves must agree to the deployment and aims of the operation, except in the case of an obvious humanitarian catastrophe. In this all-too-frequent case, the Security Council’s decision to act outside the framework of the traditional mandate and disregard the three usual conditions - in other words, agreement by the parties, the political process and a cease-fire - must be taken with great care. The Council must express this decision clearly in the mandate and accept all its consequences. An operation must at all times have the strength necessary to execute its mission safely. This rule is of utmost importance. It implies, to begin with, sufficient manpower and flexible rules of engagement to respond to the unexpected. It also implies adequate equipment to fulfil the mandate and to react to emergencies. The deployment of a military reserve in the vicinity has already proven its usefulness, for example, in Somalia. It is a precautionary measure we should envisage more often in the future. As a rule, a force subject to local provocation must always have the choice between evacuating or remaining in place, between retreat or riposte. But the use of force is not the first option to be considered in order to discourage resistance to a peace-keeping operation. Education and persuasion will do miracles among populations that are often ill-informed or even misguided about the objectives of a peace-keeping operation. Experience has shown that it is absolutely necessary to develop a coherent information strategy. Each peace-keeping operation should be provided with an information unit and a radio transmitter to broadcast its The third consideration is that the cohesion of the command and control structures and consultations on a regular basis with troop-contributing countries are conditions essential to the success of an operation. The military and political control of an operation must rest with the United Nations or with a duly mandated body. This principle has two consequences. Any attempt by the Commander of the Force or of a small contingent to report directly only to national authorities will reduce the cohesion of the multilateral operation. The flexibility required by a commander in the field to deal with the unexpected, however, is a different matter. When an action is undertaken by a regional or multilateral force it must be authorized by the Security Council. However, this authorization should not reduce the operational autonomy of the commanders of such an operation. Those who take the risk must be in control. Moreover, for each operation a consultation committee should be created in which troop contributors, the members of the Security Council and the Secretariat can meet at regular intervals. This committee will enable the contributors better to assist the Secretariat in managing the operation. It will also generate a real dialogue between contributors and the members of the Council, each time the latter prepare to take a decision which modifies the basic conditions of the operation. Contributors often have a better knowledge of the situation in the field and are best placed to judge whether a new task is feasible or acceptable. Without troop contributors the resolutions of the Council would remain ineffectual. As a fourth and last consideration, the security of the blue helmets is as much a concern of the contributing countries as of the Secretariat. The prosecution of those who attack the peace-keeping forces must be efficiently organized. The responsibility of a Government for its contingent does not stop with its dispatch to the field of operations. The contributing country has the right to watch over the It seems normal, therefore, that a troop contributor should be entitled to equip its contingent from the start with sufficient defensive armament. Later, when unexpected circumstances place the contingent in a situation of real danger, the Security Council and the Secretary-General must immediately adapt the mandate and, if necessary, the rules of engagement to that situation. It is a fundamental duty of the United Nations to organize the international prosecution of those who attack United Nations personnel. The impunity granted so far to the perpetrators of such crimes gives rise to an uneasy feeling and undermines the credibility of the United Nations in the eyes of world opinion. The authority of our Organization over those whom it is trying to reconcile is negatively affected by this, and the Governments that contribute troops are increasingly worried. In our opinion, it is essential to speed up the adoption of a convention on the security of United Nations personnel, as well as of the investigations and the effective prosecution of those who attack our personnel. I hope that these thoughts that I have shared with the Assembly will contribute to improving the procedures and reinforcing the means put into effect by our Organization to face up to the new situations that it needs to tackle. In fact, these changes deserve to be formalized when any revision of the Charter takes place. The functioning of the peace-keeping operations would be greatly improved by this. Alexis de Tocqueville wrote: "Amongst the laws that govern human societies, there is one that seems clearer and more precise than all others. If men are to remain civilized, or become so, the art of association must grow and improve at the same rate as the equality of their conditions". Though this "art of association" affects civil societies in the first place, it is also, and more than ever, a concern of our society of Governments. Launching peace-keeping operations is without doubt a most generous expression of this art of acting together. In the meantime, the fact that we have been able to multiply peace-keeping operations in difficult political,

I now call on the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Japan, Mr. Yohei Kono.

Allow me to begin my address by offering my congratulations to Mr. Amara Essy on the assumption of his new office. I should also like to express my respect for the excellent diplomatic skills demonstrated by his predecessor, Ambassador Insanally, during a period of momentous change. I am also pleased to convey my sincere congratulations to the Republic of South Africa, which, having renounced apartheid, was reinstated as a full Member of the United Nations at the previous session of the General Assembly. The United Nations is now expected to play a greater role than ever before. Recalling the blessings bestowed upon Japan by the international community at the time of its admission into this Organization, I intend to conduct a proactive foreign policy that will enable Japan to contribute, on a level commensurate with its political and economic status, to the future well-being of humankind. At the outset, I should like to discuss Japan’s basic philosophy regarding its international contributions. Japan is engaged in economic assistance and various other efforts in order to eradicate poverty and achieve economic development, as well as to prevent conflicts and remove destabilizing factors. Reflecting with remorse upon the Second World War, Japan has never wavered from its commitment to contribute to world peace and prosperity. Japan does not, nor will it, resort to the use of force, prohibited by its Constitution. Japan will remain resolutely a nation of peace. Neither possessing nuclear arms nor exporting weapons, Japan continues to be actively engaged in disarmament and non-proliferation efforts. In accordance with what I have just stated, Japan has dispatched members of its Self-Defence Forces, as well as civilian personnel, to several countries, including Cambodia and Mozambique, in response to requests by the United Nations. Japan intends to continue to cooperate actively in such United Nations peace-keeping operations. Today, the first area on which the United Nations should focus its efforts is the maintenance of international peace and security; the second is the resolution of economic and social problems. And if it is to carry out these two very important tasks effectively, it must undertake a third: the promotion of United Nations reform. I should like on this occasion to outline my views as to the kind of contributions Japan wishes to make in these areas. In the maintenance of international peace and security, which is the first area of concern to the United Nations, Japan places great emphasis on disarmament and non-proliferation, diplomatic efforts for the resolution of conflicts, and peace-keeping operations. As the only country to have suffered a nuclear attack, and adhering firmly to its three non-nuclear principles, Japan strives to achieve the ultimate goal of eliminating all nuclear weapons. Toward this end, it urges all nuclear-weapon States to redouble their efforts to reduce their nuclear arsenals. Further, Japan supports the indefinite extension of the nuclear non-proliferation Treaty, and calls on all States that have not yet acceded to the Treaty to do so at the earliest opportunity. At the same time, I would urge, in particular, all nuclear-weapon States to engage more actively in the negotiations on a comprehensive test-ban treaty and to strive to bring them to an early and successful conclusion. I wish to propose that, once the negotiations on the treaty are concluded, a ceremony for its signing by Heads of State or Government be held in Japan, for example in the city of Hiroshima, and that it be made a new starting-point for the elimination of nuclear weapons once and for all. In this connection, Japan strongly calls upon North Korea to engage seriously in efforts to resolve the issue of its development of nuclear weapons through international dialogue, including its talks with the United States. The unfettered transfer and excessive accumulation of conventional weapons is another destabilizing factor in many regions of the world today. In the civil wars we have witnessed in certain regions of Africa and elsewhere, for example, it has resulted in the escalation of combat and in enormous loss of life. It is my belief that the international In this regard, the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms, designed to improve the transparency of arms transfers, has grown increasingly important as an effective measure for building confidence at the global level. More than 80 countries participate in the Register at present, and we strongly hope that many more will join. Japan will work together with other Member States to amplify and strengthen the Register by, for example, also including arms stockpiles in it. The prevention and settlement of regional conflicts requires a comprehensive approach which combines diplomatic efforts, United Nations peace-keeping operations, humanitarian aid, assistance for building social institutions, and aid for peace-building, such as rehabilitation and reconstruction assistance. Convinced of the importance of taking measures before conflicts become intractable, I am a strong advocate of the vigorous promotion of preventive diplomacy. From this viewpoint, I believe we should, in cooperation with the countries concerned, actively consider extending assistance for the stabilization of social and political conditions in regions or countries where there are elements of instability. United Nations peace-keeping operations have proved successful in Cambodia and many other regions, and they are expected to play an increasingly important role. Further improvement of the effectiveness of peace-keeping operations will require closer examination of, inter alia, their mandates, duration, scale of activities and cost, as well as full consideration of the safety of personnel. Strengthening the financial base of United Nations peace-keeping operations is an urgent task. It is necessary, in particular, that Member States that are in arrears pay their assessed contributions. It is also imperative that ways be sought to put peace-keeping operations on a sounder financial basis. Japan, for its part, will enhance its support for democratization with a view to helping peace take root after the fighting has ceased. It places particular importance on assisting efforts to hold free and fair elections. Responding to the unspeakably tragic situation of the Rwandan refugees, Japan has provided both financial assistance and material support through the United With regard to the conflict in the former Yugoslavia, Japan continues to support the efforts of the international community to restore peace. It calls upon all the disputing parties concerned to accept the peace plan for Bosnia and Herzegovina devised by the Contact Group and to cooperate with the activities of the United Nations there. The second task of the United Nations is the solution of problems in economic and social areas, including those regarding development, the environment and human rights. With the changing international circumstances, the issue of development is now re-emerging as a global concern; a new strategy for development is thus called for. It is from this viewpoint that Japan has been advocating a development strategy that entails a comprehensive approach, combining assistance, trade, investment, and the transfer of technology, as well as a differentiated approach, tailored to the needs of developing countries according to their respective stages of development. The International Conference on African Development, held in Tokyo last year, proved to be a worthwhile forum for the discussion of how such a development strategy might be realized. In an effort to build upon the results of that Conference, an Asia-Africa seminar will be convened in Indonesia this December. In today’s world, South-South cooperation, where more advanced developing countries share their experience and technology with other developing countries, is of increasing significance. Japan intends to suggest concrete plans for the promotion of South-South cooperation around the globe. Moreover, as the world’s largest donor country, Japan continues its efforts to expand its official development assistance. In extending such assistance, it gives full consideration to such factors as trends in the recipient country’s military expenditures and in its development and production of weapons of mass destruction, as well as its It is my hope that meaningful discussions of an Agenda for Development will take place at the current session of the General Assembly and that the points I have just mentioned will be taken into account. At this time of increasing global interdependence, all humankind is confronted with new challenges, such as environmental and population problems, which can be overcome only through close cooperative efforts between industrialized and developing countries. Japan, for its part, is actively engaged in environmental- protection efforts. For example, it is working to strengthen the international framework for such efforts, to transfer relevant technologies to developing countries, and to expand and strengthen its official development assistance in environmental areas. With regard to population and AIDS, in February of this year Japan launched its Global Issues Initiative, under which it is greatly expanding assistance to developing countries to address these problems. At the International Conference on Population and Development, recently convened in Cairo, I stressed the importance of finding a solution to issues relating to population. Japan is profoundly aware that human-resources development and the further advancement of the status of women, achieved through international cooperation, have important implications for social stability. We therefore eagerly anticipate the successful outcome of the World Summit for Social Development and the Fourth World Conference on Women, which will be convened next year. By the same token, Japan actively participates in the Women-in-Development programmes and other social- development activities administered by the various United Nations agencies. Economic development and human rights may be likened to the front and rear wheels of a vehicle: they must work in tandem to advance the development of democratic societies. In order to encourage respect for human rights as universal values and to improve effectively the human rights situation in every country, it is important to make continuous efforts to establish legal systems and to raise awareness of human rights, in addition to promoting political, economic and social stability. Toward this end, Japan will cooperate in every way possible to assist the work of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. As the United Nations seeks to strengthen its activities through reform, the restructuring of the Security Council is of particular importance. Today the activities of the Security Council span a wide range of issues relating to world peace and stability. While the membership of the United Nations has grown from 51 countries in 1945 to 184 countries at the present time, the composition of the Council, which was intended to reflect the world situation as it existed when the United Nations was established, has remained virtually unchanged. In the interim, we have witnessed the emergence of countries that are capable of shouldering greater international responsibilities. It is therefore necessary to restructure and strengthen the Security Council, while ensuring its efficiency, so that it may reflect world realities. In keeping with Japan’s basic philosophy regarding international contributions, which I outlined earlier, I wish to state that Japan is prepared, with the endorsement of many countries, to discharge its responsibilities as a permanent member of the Security Council. It is my hope that United Nations Member States will accelerate the deliberations on this subject during the current session and that an agreement will be reached on a reform plan in time for the commemorative fiftieth session of the General Assembly next year. The Security Council is not the only organ requiring reform. The General Assembly, in which 184 States participate, also needs to be reinvigorated, and it must coordinate its activities more closely with those of other United Nations agencies. Recently, efforts have begun to fine-tune United Nations activities in economic and social fields, such as development, the environment and human rights, and to establish clear priorities among them. In addressing these issues, which have profound implications for the future of humankind, it is necessary to continue to work towards the functional and organizational strengthening of the Economic and Social Council. The Trusteeship Council, by contrast, has completed its historic mission, and it is my view that it would be appropriate, in the context of the reform of the United Nations as a whole, to consider its abolishment. Building on the creation of the Office of Internal Oversight Services at the last session of The passage of a half century since the signing of the United Nations Charter has rendered the so-called "former enemy clauses" meaningless. Japan continues to seek their deletion from the text of the Charter. I have focused my remarks today on the three challenges facing the United Nations: the maintenance of international peace and security, the resolution of economic and social issues and the need for the reform of the Organization. If the United Nations pursues reform to meet the changing needs of the times and supports and expands cooperation among its Member States, I have every confidence that it will enhance its legitimacy as a universal organization and develop a capacity to respond to new challenges even more effectively. In closing, I would like to call upon all Member States to cooperate to ensure that this will be remembered as the historic session of the General Assembly that ushered in a new era for the United Nations.

The next speaker is the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal, His Excellency Mr. José Manuel Durão Barroso.

It is with pleasure that I warmly congratulate Mr. Amara Essy on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its forty-ninth session. In his election I see a recognition of the role that Côte d’Ivoire, a friendly African country, has played on the international scene as well as an appreciation of his personal qualities and experience. A word of recognition is also in order for the outgoing President, Ambassador Samuel Insanally, for his dedicated and positive service during the last session of the Assembly. To the Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, I renew my homage for the secure and committed manner in which he is carrying out his mission. As he already knows, Portugal can be counted on in the pursuit of the objectives of peace and development and in the consolidation of a substantial reform of the United Nations system. The end of the bipolar era has created, somewhat perversely, greater unpredictability and uncertainty in the system of collective security, which has most visibly led to a rebirth of extreme nationalism and new focuses of conflict. In this perspective, I would like to underline the importance we attach to cooperation between the United Nations and regional organizations and mechanisms. Such cooperation implements the concept of complementary actions and allows for more agile solutions adapted to concrete circumstances. The road to stability and the progressive development of a new concept of security also passes through the stimulation of political institutions capable of guaranteeing respect for universally recognized values. Similarly, greater international control of the use of force will require not only the best and most adequate means but also a constantly renewed political legitimacy in order to wield them. In my view, this legitimacy is tied to the goal of building an international society based on ideals which promote peace, democracy and human rights. We must also keep in mind the socio-economic dimension of the issues that threaten international stability and security. More than ever, we need an integrated approach within which the preventive dimension is given priority, both in its purely political and diplomatic aspect and in its development-aid aspect. In this context, we underline the importance of the committed participation of all nations in an Agenda for Development, as the Secretary-General has invited us to do. Today more than ever, the portentous words of the Pope ring true: "Development is the new name of peace." In this regard, we need to rethink, not only the role of development aid, but also the very concept of development. It should become more comprehensive, including respect for democratic values and human rights as well as social and economic issues and other issues related to the preservation of the environment, demographics, the prevention of endemic diseases and the fight against the traffic in drugs. In this context, I welcome the signing in Marrakesh of the Uruguay Round agreements and the forthcoming start-up of the World Trade Organization, which will allow for freer trade, with the simultaneous strengthening of rules and disciplines. As a member of the European Union, Portugal firmly defends the enlargement of the Union and the strengthening of ties with other countries of Central and Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean basin. For the entire continent, the European Union is undoubtedly an immense consolidating force of democratic ideals, stability, prosperity and respect for human rights. Other organizations, such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), the Western European Union (WEU) and the Council of Europe contribute equally to the same ideals. If the democratization of Eastern Europe has created the possibility of future adhesions to the European Union, it has also led to a new relationship as regards security on the continent. We understand the desire already expressed by many countries of Central and Eastern Europe to join the defence and security organizations, and we are ready to consider, in due time, a gradual and balanced enlargement of NATO to include those States that share with us the same democratic values and respect for human rights and the rule of law. The question of the enlargement of NATO to the east cannot, however, overshadow the essential transatlantic dimension which must remain the cornerstone of European security. On the other hand, any increase in the membership of NATO must not create new divisions in Europe. Therefore, Portugal affirms that all the possibilities of the Partnership for Peace, a mechanism aimed at uniting countries of the Eurasian region in activities of military cooperation, must be pursued. While referring to security, I should like to welcome and support the initiative announced here yesterday by President Clinton to reach an agreement on reducing the proliferation of anti-personnel mines. Such an initiative could not be more timely and, for our part, I can announce here that Portugal is in the process of preparing legislation to outlaw the commercialization of those weapons and their production. In the context of Europe, I cannot avoid referring to the situation in the former Yugoslavia and, in particular, to the terrible conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Despite all the efforts applied towards bringing an end to that situation, war goes on with its tragic fare of death, destruction and suffering. The international community has demonstrated that it possesses a common interest in the search for a political solution to the conflict. We must, however, recognize that this progress is insufficient and that, without real political will shown by all parties directly involved, a stable and long-lasting solution will never be found. Portugal has actively participated in the efforts of the international community with both men and matériel, and will continue to remain on the ground for as long as it is useful and necessary. We are, in fact, reinforcing the Portuguese contingent in the area within the activities of the Western European Union (WEU). Sub-Saharan Africa, to which my country is linked by particularly strong cultural and historical ties, continues to be the region of the planet with the most worrying levels of development. Portugal has defended the idea that the international community should grant Africa first priority, commensurate with the unparalleled magnitude of the problems that need to be overcome. But firstly, Africans themselves must prove that underdevelopment is not inevitable. And the greatest contribution that they can make in this direction is a determined commitment to search for peaceful solutions to both existing and potential conflicts, and a continued deepening of the process of political and social democratization on the continent, as well as the adoption of indispensable economic reforms. In Mozambique also there are signs that the hopes of its people with regard to the peace process will not be disappointed. The completion of the cantonment and demobilization processes, the formation, despite some delays, of the new armed forces and the peaceful manner in which the electoral campaign has been conducted are all crucial achievements to be recognized, and foretell the coming elections of 27 and 28 October 1994 as being a crucial moment for the future of Mozambique. We appeal to the main Mozambican political forces to find the forms of dialogue and understanding conducive to guaranteeing a true national reconciliation with full respect for democratic principles. Portugal was an observer at the negotiations and is represented in all the commissions created by the peace accord, playing a major role in the formation of the new army, as well as participating significantly in the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ). Portugal will remain committed to following this process closely in the context of the accords and we consider it important that the international community support Mozambique not only during this particular phase but also in what we hope will be the following stage of national reconstruction and reconciliation. In southern Africa, one of the longest, and surely deadliest, conflicts the world has ever known rages on. Angola continues to be the stage for a war that has already claimed hundreds of thousands of innocent victims. Portugal, as a member of the troika of observer countries, will continue to do all it can in actively supporting the United Nations mediation in the person of The international community cannot and must not forget the origins of the current conflict, which frustrated the hopes of the Angolan people created after the Bicesse accords and the elections of September 1992. Beyond attributing blame, it is now more important not to give up the efforts to bring this terrible conflict to an end. The Lusaka negotiations, which seek to promote - within the context of respect for the peace accords and relevant resolutions of the Security Council - a genuine reconciliation in Angola, have reached a crucial stage. The complete acceptance by the Angolan Government and UNITA of the set of proposals of the mediation on national reconciliation constitutes an important step. UNAVEM II must be given the necessary means to complete its mission. For this to happen, appropriate forces must be placed on the ground immediately following the initialling of the accords and the correct dimensions of that peace-keeping operation must be defined. In any case, peace will not be possible unless there is a genuine will on the part of the Angolans themselves. I appeal here to the Angolan Government and UNITA to do all in their power so that this opportunity is not lost. I also appeal to the international community to redouble its commitment and support. Despite the continuation of the conflict in Angola, the historical changes under way in southern Africa offer possibilities which must be consolidated and developed. Portugal has from the very beginning supported the project for a dialogue between the European Union and that region of Africa, an idea that has just been expressed in the recent Berlin Conference between the European Union and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). As was stated in the Berlin Declaration, the aim of this dialogue is, inter alia, the promotion and development of trade, investment and cooperation, in order to stimulate a balanced development of that region which may, in turn, provide an engine for progress in the rest of the continent. The dramatic situation in Rwanda shows how important the role of the Organization of African Unity is in the prevention of similar situations, namely through the I cannot end this reference to Africa without welcoming the way in which the first democratic and free elections were held in Guinea-Bissau and expressing satisfaction at the peaceful and orderly climate that has characterized the campaign for the elections in Sao Tome and Principe, to be held in a few days. One of the current priorities of our foreign policy is the convergence of efforts with those countries which share with us the Portuguese language. With them we are building a community which I am sure will come to represent a new and exemplary political reality. We are also seeking to deepen the political dialogue and cooperation between Europe and Latin America. That cooperation is institutionalized in its own mechanisms, among which I single out the dialogue between the European Union and the Rio Group as well as the Ibero-American Summits. These in turn have allowed open and profound discussions of political questions of common interest to countries united by close historical and cultural ties and by shared sensitivities. This is what happened, once again, at the Summit in Cartagena, Colombia. I am glad to be able to acknowledge here the clear evolution towards democracy and respect for human rights that has occurred in all of Latin America and the Caribbean. That very positive evolution contrasts even more strongly with such shocking situations as that of Haiti, a country where conditions are being created for the re-establishment of democratic constitutional order following the intervention of a multinational force authorized by the United Nations Security Council. Portugal continues to devote special attention to the evolution of the situation in North Africa. To that end, we have advocated a rapprochement with the countries of that area in accordance with the Lisbon Declaration of the European Council, which, I recall, defined a new concept for a political, economic, social and cultural relationship between the European Union and the Maghreb. Following the Corfu meeting of the European Council, In fact, it is important that the countries of both sides of the Mediterranean deepen their dialogue so that we can avoid the spread of an idea which we reject - that of conflict between civilizations. On the contrary, we should value the concept that countries with different political ideas and whose populations espouse diverse religions are able to establish ties of trust and true cooperation. It is my opinion that we have today well-founded reasons to believe that a comprehensive peace in the Middle East will be a reality in the not-too-distant future. The accords already signed between Israel and the Palestinians on the one hand and Israel and Jordan on the other testify to their determination in seeking a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. The achievements already made will certainly serve as a catalyst for new initiatives. From this perspective, the decisions and resolutions of the United Nations should reflect the positive developments already registered. It is also necessary that the international community, and in particular the countries of the region, support the efforts under way. We hope that progress in the peace process, in both its bilateral and multilateral aspects, foreshadows the capacity to generate a new era of stability and development in that part of the world. Universalism has always marked the ideas and behaviour of the Portuguese. In Asia Portugal has centuries-old ties with a number of countries which we wish to maintain and develop. It is with great admiration that we look upon the development of some areas of that continent. We are certain that the countries of that region will have ever-increasing importance in the determination of the fate of our planet. Portugal attaches the greatest importance to respect for human rights, so much so that this respect can be considered to be a major pillar of its foreign policy. Our action has as a fixed reference point the results of the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights, which rejected any regression or reduction of the established norms. We support the work of the High Commissioner and the Centre for Human Rights, both of which should be granted the We defend with particular commitment the principle of universality when applied to respect for human rights and their indivisibility, and we oppose any attempt to subordinate their strict observance to other objectives. On this issue, we cannot and must not yield. We believe that democracy, respect for human rights and development are mutually reinforcing. We attach the greatest importance to the international conferences to be held in 1995: the World Summit for Social Development and the World Conference on Women. We consider promising the positive results recently achieved in Cairo by the International Conference on Population and Development, which we welcome. In the context of human rights, among which this Organization has always included with special distinction the right to self-determination, I feel duty-bound to touch upon a question to which the international community has been giving growing attention. I am referring to the Non-Self-Governing Territory of East Timor. I reaffirm before this Assembly that Portugal has no specific objective concerning the question of East Timor beyond the defence of the rights of its people and the conclusion of the process of decolonizing the Territory in accordance with international law and with full respect for the legitimate rights of the Timorese people. For this reason, we remain committed to talks that, under the auspices of the Secretary-General, are being held with the Indonesian Government with the aim of finding a just, comprehensive and internationally acceptable solution. Undoubtedly, progress has been slow and we have not advanced on the substance of the matter. But, as a reading of the progress report of the Secretary-General reveals - and I must express here a word of appreciation to him - some steps have been taken, not only through the so-called confidence-building measures, but also with the involvement of the Timorese themselves in the search for a solution to a problem in which they are the principal interested party. East Timor has recently ceased to be an almost forgotten Territory. We sincerely hope that the growing attention that has been granted it will contribute decisively to an improvement in the concrete situation of its people and to the adoption of a more coherent attitude On 16 November the Convention on the Law of the Sea will come into force, culminating a long and important process which will open new and determinant channels of action and cooperation. The importance of this area will clearly justify the General Assembly’s adopting by consensus the draft resolution of the Economic and Social Council on the proclamation of 1998 as the international year of the oceans. We are confident that its proclamation will contribute in an effective manner to a wider debate and a greater enlightenment of world public opinion on the importance of the problems which we face in this area, thus enabling the adoption of solutions that will permit their resolution at a global level. Portugal actively participates in this debate, seeking with the holding of Lisbon Expo/98 - the last great exposition of the twentieth century, the subject-matter of which is directly related to this area - to provide an important instrument for the achievement of the goals we have set. In conclusion, I should like to reflect upon the institutional reforms that are so necessary for adapting the Organization to the new international context, its challenges and the greater possibilities of global cooperation. These reforms, which we believe to be essential and urgent, should be carried out with transparency and on a consensual basis. They must be realistic and be aimed at increasing efficiency. Although we are still at a preliminary stage, we consider it useful to state here the aim of our thinking on this matter. First of all, we believe that it is necessary to reinforce the efficiency and responsibility of the Security Council. We maintain that a third category of members should not be created beyond those of permanent and non-permanent members. A pragmatic and reasonable solution to ensure greater representation on the Council would be to increase the number of non-permanent members by one for each region. We are also of the opinion that the number of permanent members should be increased, but such an increase should not be achieved at the expense of the number of non-permanent members.We encourage regional agreements which, through increased rotation, will permit greater representation on the Council. It is crucial that permanent members of the Council should have the ability and the political will to assume fully the responsibilities that come with that status as regards the maintenance of international peace and security. Portugal is a candidate for a seat on the Security Council for the biennium which begins in 1997. Our candidature reflects a position of profound commitment to the main objectives of the United Nations as set out in the Charter. It reflects also our desire to contribute fully to the maintenance of international peace and security. Thus, Portugal reaffirms its commitment with regard to the objectives of the United Nations, which my country has supported with increasing responsibility as an active participant in the different areas of the Organization and, particularly, in the United Nations peace-keeping operations. We are approaching the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations Charter. Portugal will seek to emphasize this commemoration and to ensure that its significance is understood by the public at large and, in particular, by young people. In this celebration, we wish to contribute to renewing our ideals and sparking people’s conscience in order to promote increased participation in the objectives established by the Charter of the United Nations. In short, this means the creation of a greater sensitivity to the irreplaceable role of the United Nations in the resolution of the major issues faced by humanity at the turn of the century.

The international community is meeting once again, assembling the great diversity of the nations which are its members, to consider the state of the world and to chart the paths of progress for the 12 months that lie ahead. We give thanks to God for having inspired the delegations here present in their choice of His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the sisterly and friendly Republic of Côte d’Ivoire, as President of the Assembly at this session. His election is both an honour to him personally and a tribute to his country inasmuch as the world recognizes and acknowledges the great dedication of Côte d’Ivoire to everything affecting peace and understanding among people. It does so thanks to the vision of the late President Houphouët-Boigny, which continues to be carried on by his illustrious successor, President Henri Konan Bédié. The personal joy and pride which I feel concerning him as our friend and brother is shared by my entire delegation as well as in Senegal which, since time immemorial, has had numerous ties of friendship and cooperation with Côte d’Ivoire. Hence, the acknowledgement of his merits by the international community was received and hailed in Senegal with the same intensity as in Côte d’Ivoire. The President can count on the support of the delegation of Senegal to contribute to the success of his mission. The warmth of the congratulations we extend to him today is equalled by the pride which we feel at seeing him preside over the forty- ninth session of the General Assembly. We pay a tribute to his predecessor, the Permanent Representative of Guyana, Ambassador Insanally, for the skill and authority with which he guided the work of the Assembly at its forty-eighth session. I should like also to repeat our gratitude to our Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, for the energy and dedication which he continues to devote to his outstanding mission at the head of our Organization, a mission which he is carrying out with the same efficiency in an ever more difficult global context. Finally, allow me to thank delegations for the unanimous decision to elect the Permanent Representative of Senegal to the United Nations, Mr. Kéba Birane Cissé, If there are years which the history of the world cannot ignore, the twelve-month period that has just elapsed is doubtless among them. It has been extremely rich in events of great political significance characterized by the positive developments of the situation in South Africa which saw the end of apartheid and which, only a few months ago, saw the advent of a democratic Power. It was also a period marked by the political and psychological upheavals that have taken place in Arab- Israeli relations. In this context, we are gratified to see South Africa now occupying its rightful place in the family of nations. The truth always wins in the end. It is in the name of that inevitable reality - which is the token of the ultimate objective of just causes - that the chronic problem of the Middle East - at the heart of which is the question of Palestine - has, since the Declaration of Principles of 13 September 1993 in Washington, seen developments marked by the continued collapse of important panels of that psychological wall that has so long divided Arabs and Israelis. Thus, in the region which was the cradle of the sublime spiritual messages of the religions of the Book, such developments now justify hope - the hope of finally seeing the creation of a space for lasting coexistence between Israelis and Palestinians, between Israel and the Arab countries, with genuine respect for the inalienable rights of the peoples and States of the entire region. They justify the hope of seeing the establishment, between those States and peoples, of cooperation at all possible levels, to manage, together, their vital support systems. It is only fitting that in mentioning those hopes we pay a tribute to all those involved in this positive development whose efforts have made possible the opening of this new window of opportunity on the conflict in the Middle East, especially the Palestinian and Israeli leaders who, thanks to their political courage and sense of history, finally agreed to set out on this path towards a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. We also wish wholeheartedly to extend these congratulations and expressions of encouragement to the Israeli Prime Minister, His Excellency Mr. Yitzak Rabin, and to his Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mr. Shimon Peres, for their sustained efforts to achieve a settlement of the Middle East crisis. Such efforts must be pursued, stepped up and encouraged. However, the past year, although marked by such positive and historic events, was not free from reasons for concern and even, at times, despair. Indeed, despite our constantly renewed efforts, a number of conflicts persist and are even sometimes becoming mired down in scenes of horror we had hoped never against to witness. From Angola to Bosnia and Herzegovina, from Liberia to Somalia, and recently in Rwanda, we have received the echoes and images and witnessed the piercing horror of persistent crisis situations that leave us no choice other than to continue doggedly to strive for dialogue and concerted action to find lasting solutions based on equity, based on justice, based on law and based on the unshakeable will to live finally in peace in a community made up of human beings. In the conflict situations on the African continent, today, more than ever before, machinery for the prevention, management and settlement of African conflicts must be implemented through respect for the various peace agreements that have been signed among factions that are, sadly, continuing to kill each other; our continent of Africa must be committed once and for all to the only battle worth the candle, namely, the battle for democratic development and the advancement of human rights. The Organization of African Unity (OAU) has dedicated itself to this task, and it has done so persistently and courageously. Today, it needs the support of the whole of the international community. In connection with the problems in Somalia and Rwanda, I should like to recall certain specific facts concerning the position that my country, Senegal, has taken on these questions of such concern to everyone. In Somalia, the peace so long sought by the international community can obviously come about only through an overall political settlement that would deal with all aspects of that fratricidal conflict. Moreover, because he understood this at a very early stage, His Excellency President Abdou Diouf - then the Chairman of the OAU, and also in his capacity of President of the Sixth Summit Meeting of the Organization of the Islamic Conference - speaking from this rostrum in 1992, put forward the idea of convening an international conference devoted to Somalia. The General Assembly at that time responded to the appeal by the Senegalese Head of State by adopting a resolution to that effect that is still highly relevant. Given the persistence of the problem of Somalia, which today seems more than ever likely to take another tragic turn, it would appear that the time has come to re-examine that initiative. In Rwanda, a human tragedy on a virtually unprecedented scale took place following the events of last April. In this connection, I should like to note that our country has been actively involved in the search for a solution to this conflict since 1992. Indeed, President Abdou Diouf, then the Chairman of the OAU, presided over the lengthy negotiations that culminated in the Arusha Agreements. In addition, officers from the Senegalese national army were part of the Group of Neutral Military Observers of the OAU entrusted with supervising the cease-fire, a group that was as we know replaced in 1993, with the signature of the Arusha Agreements, by the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), in which Senegal has participated and continues to participate. Thus, it was quite natural that on 22 June of this year, faced with the inadmissible continuing massacre of civilians, the Security Council adopted resolution 929 (1994), which established a multinational force for With regard to Bosnia and Herzegovina, need we recall that this is a United Nations Member State to whose territorial integrity and sovereignty the international community is committed. This places full responsibility on the community of nations, gathered together here, to settle the conflict after identifying the aggressor. However, it is as though the Bosnian Serbs had been actually authorized to defy with impunity and in an ongoing fashion the expressed will of the international community. The attacks against the personnel of the United Nations Protection Force (UNPROFOR), the repeated violations of security zones, the rejection of the latest peace plan proposed by the Contact Group of five Western countries, are all part of a pattern of confrontation with which the international community must finally deal, firmly and with determination. In this connection, we believe that the adoption on 23 September 1994 of Security Council resolution 943 (1994), which suspended the economic sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), is not only premature but untimely, given the deterioration in the situation. It is our opinion, one shared by the majority of States here present, that the sanctions should be, if not strengthened, at least maintained until favourable conditions have been created - that is, the establishment of an effective system of international monitoring of the border between Serbia and Montenegro, on the one hand, and the territories occupied by the Bosnian Serbs, on the other; the lifting of the siege of Sarajevo; the sincere commitment by the Bosnian Serbs to cooperate in reaching a comprehensive political settlement of the crisis; the lifting, where the Bosnian Government is concerned, of the arms embargo imposed by Security Council resolution 713 (1991) in order to restore to Bosnia and Herzegovina the means for its self- defence as set forth in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. It is also important that the international community dedicate itself to the reconstruction of Bosnia and Herzegovina, a country that is today being battered and devastated by blatant aggression. In our view, those measures represent the minimum we should expect from the international community in order to give credibility to the peace process being pursued in The economic problems today are of such a magnitude that a new concept of world security has been generated. Today, indeed, the feeling of insecurity emanates more often from the vicissitudes of daily life than from any fear of global cataclysm. That is the conclusion reached in this year’s report by the United Nations Development Programme on human development. Job security, health security and environmental security are the forms that the global problem of security takes today. This development naturally raises the question of the definition of a new "social pact", which must give further priority to human solidarity - solidarity among the communities of men - and it demonstrates the great importance that Senegal attaches to the Summit on social development that is to be held in Copenhagen next March. On that occasion we shall have to restructure our thinking about development, and it will be necessary to highlight better the human aspect of development based on greater international solidarity. It was in this spirit that, here on 30 September 1992, Senegal’s Head of State proposed to the international community the conclusion of a general agreement on solidarity - a gentlemen’s agreement on solidarity. It is a positive thing that this proposal has been largely taken on board in the United Nations Secretary-General’s outline, Agenda for Development, which is designed to promote a genuine culture of development that will take into account all aspects of the human condition. For the same reasons Senegal welcomes warmly the reforms of United Nations bodies that are under way - in particular, those bodies that are responsible for questions of economic and social development. We favour the formula "Trade, not aid", which has often been used to indicate that global trade is the genuine driving force for economic progress - more so than aid for development. It is beneficial that, along these lines, on 15 April last, in Marrakesh in the Kingdom of Morocco, the representatives of 126 countries signed the agreement that created the World Trade Organization (WTO). If it is to do so, its practical application will have to involve integration of the specific needs and specific problems of the group of developing countries - such as greater justice in the definition and application of new machinery designed to govern international trade; regional economic integration; immigration policies; professional training; job creation; and the transfer of technologies to meet the needs and aspirations of the countries of the South. In this regard, I must mention an event of great importance: the adoption, in Paris on 18 June 1994, of the International Convention to Combat Desertification in Those Countries Experiencing Serious Drought and/or Desertification, Particularly in Africa. Many of us here represent those countries. This is the outcome, in terms of action, of one of the major recommendations to emerge from the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development. As an initiator of the Convention, our continent - Africa - cannot but welcome the conclusion of this multilateral legal instrument, which recognizes the existence of such a worrying environmental problem. It is desirable that there should be available to this Convention, as to others of the same type, sufficient financial resources to enable it to halt and reverse the process of desertification, which is a real scourge for the African continent. The changes of considerable scope that have taken place on the world stage over the past few years confront the United Nations with new challenges and new missions. For example, how can the Organization deal with identity claims, domestic difficulties and civil wars while respecting the principle of the sovereignty of States, which is the cornerstone of the San Francisco Charter? In what way can it - must it - react when individuals and groups perpetrate all types of serious violations of fundamental human rights, as happens in the case of the The establishment of an international Tribunal to deal with war crimes in the former Yugoslavia; the plan to set up an international criminal court; the deliberation, begun last year, on reform of the Security Council and on better implementation of Chapter VIII of the Charter - these all demonstrate that the United Nations has committed itself firmly to that course. As regards the Security Council in particular, the reform that is envisaged should be carried out with concern simultaneously for efficiency in the functioning of this body and for real representativeness in keeping with the new realities of the world. The changes that have taken place in the world during the last few years have as their essence the fundamental aspiration of peoples to freedom, justice and development in a spirit of human solidarity. If it is to last, the wind of democratization that they have created at the national level requires parallel action at the international level. Indeed, we must all ensure the equal participation of all States in the establishment of new norms that can give international life a more solid foundation and provide better security for all. Such security can be founded only on shared confidence in the principles that govern our collective contribution to a better future for the world - to the salvation of mankind. Therefore, on the eve of the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of our Organization, let us, hand in hand in a spirit of friendship and solidarity, behave in such a way that the new era will shine with the radiance of justice, peace and solidarity so that we may bequeath to future generations a world of peace, justice and friendship.

I now call on the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade of New Zealand, His Excellency Mr. Donald Charles McKinnon.

I should like, first, to congratulate Mr. Amara Essy of Côte d’Ivoire on his well-deserved election as President of the General The general debate is our chance, as Members of the United Nations, to undertake together an annual review of the Organization’s work - its successes and its failures - and to identify collectively the issues we want to focus on. With the fiftieth anniversary next year, there is a pressing need to do so. That will be the occasion to chart our new priorities for the twenty-first century. Our responses to some of today’s challenges and tragedies have ranged from excellent but often under-reported to woefully inadequate and, consequently, defiantly reported. The peoples of the world want to believe in the United Nations and what it should achieve. If, however, within some parts of the Organization we are bereft of purpose and intentions this golden anniversary threatens to be less joyous and more muted than many of us anticipated. New Zealand has a strong vested interest in the United Nations success, as do most small States. The New Zealand people have always believed in the United Nations, in a collective approach to the resolution of global and regional problems. This has been demonstrated by strong support for the United Nations by successive Governments. From our experience of - and I do not hesitate to say this - a turbulent two years on the Security Council and as a committed founder Member of the Organization, I would like to take this opportunity to offer some observations about the problems we see as players in the collective decision-making process. When New Zealand took part in the founding of the United Nations we and many others saw our primary purpose as providing for a system of collective security. Until very recently that was little more than a vision. With the end of the confrontation between two super-Power blocs, the goal of "the organized common peace", of which President Woodrow Wilson spoke so eloquently three generations ago, presents itself. We must not let it slip from our grasp this time. It will, however, take real effort and real determination. Collective security, or working together, is the cornerstone of the security of small States. Today they are For the same reasons, our defence personnel can be found engaged in peace-support operations in Africa, the Middle East, Asia and most recently Haiti. And there are New Zealand nurses, firefighters and aid workers spread around the globe in support. Against this backdrop, however, New Zealanders are puzzled at times by the way in which the United Nations carries out some of its important tasks. In Bosnia, despite the employment of what is by any standards a large, well- armed and well-trained force, people see on their television screens nightly the frustration of the United Nations Protection Force by small groups of irregulars, a single policeman or even small groups of non-combatants. In Haiti they witnessed a boat full of Blue Berets turned away by a small group of pistol-toting thugs unconvincingly called "attachés". And what can one say about the appalling tragedy in Rwanda? How can so much hatred have been unleashed so viciously, killing hundreds of thousands? What we watched with horror on our television screens was destruction on a scale we thought only megaton bombs were capable of. The systematic slaughter of men, women and children simply because of their ethnic origin leaves us all outraged. There are no easy answers. But the first key to unlocking the possibilities for a genuine collective security must be the proper application of the United Nations Charter. We have to decide at exactly what point the United Nations should get involved in the peacemaking operation. Do we recognize a problem, and, if we do, is the preventive diplomacy that we so firmly believe in occurring? In my view, we have to follow the intention of the Charter. First, at the outset of a crisis, or even the signs of a crisis, we have to make more serious efforts through that preventive diplomacy to resolve problems and conflicts by negotiation. Efforts must be made at an early However, on some occasions, in these days of modern media technology, we face the dilemma caused by the divergence between what the public perceives as happening and what is the reality. Extensive media coverage puts pressure on for immediate response. In the case of Rwanda, that was appropriate. In other circumstances, the media oversimplify and ignore the fact that conditions on the ground are chaotic and United Nations resources are over-stretched. A second area where the Charter could be more carefully applied is when disputes are first placed before the Council. I believe it should give affected States an adequate hearing before addressing the problem behind closed doors. Our experience on the Security Council suggests the investment in openness that would be achieved by developing a practice of collectively hearing directly from the parties involved would be worthwhile, even if it were done only informally. In the same vein, the Charter specifically contemplates the involvement, without vote, of troop-contributing countries in significant decisions. New Zealand has pressed this issue for some time, but so far with limited success. The time is coming, in fact, when the General Assembly will have to address the question if the Security Council does not respond adequately to the concerns that have been raised. Under the Charter, much is expected of the Council’s permanent members. There is no doubt that they can and do contribute greatly to the work of the United Nations. Leadership and sacrifices by the large Powers were, for example, instrumental in successfully challenging aggression against the small State of Kuwait three-and-a- half years ago. I emphasize again, however, the importance of the collective nature of decision-making in the Security Council. Making distinctions between the views of the "P5" and the rest is not really healthy. The Council is a team of 15. It must work together, and by that I mean giving full weight to the views of all its members. The strength of the Security Council is enhanced each year by the vigorous enthusiasm brought by new members on 1 January, testing what may have become an accepted second-best. However, the Security Council will be judged on its effectiveness. Successes, hopefully, will outweigh failures, but we all have an obligation to improve the success rate. I am an enthusiastic supporter of improving our success rate, but much of that will come down to the way in which issues are managed. And it is that question of the management of issues that I wish to address. In our experience, the key is to use management tools based on proven modern public- and private-sector experience. This is very valuable. What are these tools? And how do we apply them to the conduct of peace- keeping operations? I would suggest that there are six critical elements: first, a sustainable financial system; secondly, a transparent political accountability; thirdly, clear objectives that incorporate regular reviews; fourthly, a clear, unambiguous command and control structure; fifthly, a credible legal regime that guarantees the security of United Nations personnel; and, sixthly, the availability of resources so that objectives can be met quickly and efficiently. Let me go back to that first point, a sustainable financial system. There is no doubt that the Organization is facing a financial crisis that cannot be ignored. We have had serious problems with reserves and we have significant debt to contributing countries. The largest contributor has indicated that it will unilaterally reduce its share of funding from October next year. The situation is not sustainable. It requires urgent action. Why do we have this crisis? There are some simple answers. Some members cannot pay; others will not pay; and some are arguing the legitimacy of their assessment. The General Assembly, this body, must confront this issue. The United Nations must stop extending credit to non-payers. There is enough evidence emerging to suggest that there may be serious inequities in the present system. We do not want a hollow celebration on the fiftieth anniversary with a cash crisis hanging over the Organization. We must make a commitment to resolve this crisis before the conclusion of the forty-ninth session. The next point is the need for political accountability. There is in my view a parallel priority to develop and improve the Organization’s capacity for undertaking its collective security responsibilities. To do that we need to put in place more transparent procedures throughout the Organization. The management of peace-keeping operations is allocated to the Secretariat. This is necessary and appropriate in the same way any Government delegates responsibility for a complex operation to its public service. However, and I speak as a politician and as a Minister responsible for the management and oversight of Government departments, the days are long gone when a public service mandarin could run a department or major operation without detailed political oversight. This is not a promotion of micro-management, nor am I implying any criticism of the Secretariat staff. But as any politician holding executive office in today’s democracies knows, the classic recipe for a failed project is for those who are politically accountable to lose track of implementation or to lose the game plan. We saw that all too clearly in the past year in Somalia. Ironically, the Security Council had, in resolution 814 (1993), already foreseen the need in the case of the United Nations Operation in Somalia (UNOSOM II) for a detailed political accountability and provided for a committee to follow the operation closely. But the committee was never established. New Zealand has proposed in the Security Council that a committee or an ad hoc working group should be established to fill this gap and enhance the accountability of the Organization to its politically responsible representatives. I certainly remain hopeful that progress can be made in this area. The third point I draw to the attention of members is the need for clear objectives with regular reviews. Clearer mission objectives must be developed and kept under review. I am delighted that some progress has in fact been First, there is a great deal of mythology about and very little sound analysis of the circumstances in which force should be used by United Nations operations. Many believe this is governed by the use or non-use of the words "Chapter VII". This could well be a false conclusion. The rules of engagement rather than abstract reference to the Charter are much more likely to determine actual behaviour in the field. I am not alone in believing that there is a need to develop greater commonality in military doctrine for United Nations peace-keeping operations. This is especially relevant when so many peace-keeping contributors are regularly placed side by side in the field. It is, however, particularly urgent in the face of new-style operations of the intra-country type where the use of force by factions, not necessarily Governments, is the challenge for this body to overcome. It is clear that common principles are necessary to guide peace-keepers on the appropriate use of force when they take part in operations in pursuit of an agreed United Nations strategic objective. As for the review, while there are plenty of mid-term reviews there is, as yet, no systematic process of review at the end of an operation. The budget of every peace-keeping operation should include provision, as a principal line item, for the preparation of a comprehensive review of the operation’s achievements relative to the mandate set. Such reviews should be separate from the financial performance review and should address the substance of the operation and seek to identify all relevant lessons for the conduct of future operations. I address now the question of command and control. There is a weakness in the command and control structures and they do need attention. It is true the personnel of national defence forces which contribute forces to the United Nations legally remain in their country’s national service. But as I see it, parallel to the allocation of responsibility to the United Nations Force Commander must be a recognition that the national command structure will not seek to direct their forces in operational matters. If the national command authority has serious difficulties, then the appropriate course of action in all cases - except an emergency - is for the issue I come to the question of the safety of peace-keeping personnel. A major requirement for effective collective security is that countries contributing troops and civilian personnel should have confidence that their personnel in the field will have the best possible support to ensure their safety and security. That is an issue which, as many members know, New Zealand has pursued relentlessly during its time on the Council. It bears on the level of equipment with which the forces are outfitted and there is plenty of room for improvement. In addition, the legal regime under which peace- keeping operations are conducted needs to reflect the extraordinary personal risk which United Nations personnel are undertaking on behalf of us all in carrying out collective security operations. It is right that such personnel should be differentiated from soldiers in an armed conflict and that there should be a higher standard of legal responsibility for anybody who attacks them. I urge all members of the Assembly to support New Zealand’s initiative on this issue currently in the Sixth Committee, that the necessary flexibility be shown on outstanding issues and that we make a really determined effort to complete work on the draft convention this year. The question of resources is always before us. In my sixth point I would say that a critical tool for effective collective security is a strategy for resource availability. The situation we all saw recently in Rwanda is a classic case. Human resources were available but they lacked training and they lacked equipment. But there is also the need for a capacity in all peace-keeping operations for a forceful response in self-defence. There are important lessons to be learned from the troop losses in Rwanda last April and again I draw attention to the linkage between mandates, rules of engagement, doctrine and planning. The United Nations will have to go beyond the current work being done on stand-by forces to address this problem. We believe that there is a case for redirecting a substantial portion of bilateral military assistance into forms of training that would better assist defence forces with the requirements of peace-keeping operations. There is also a role for the United Nations maintaining the physical equivalent of the peace-keeping reserve fund that it is supposed to have on the financial side now. A I have spoken about the factors that need to be taken into account in managing peace-keeping operations. I now wish to address the terms of their engagements. The United Nations should not be expected to take responsibility for a situation of up to 30 years because the parties to a conflict are unable or unwilling to summon up the necessary political will to reach a settlement. There comes a point when the parties must take their fate in their own hands rather than the Council avoiding the hard decisions just by rolling over the mandates. At the same time, a range of different considerations should prevail when the United Nations reaches the end of a successful peace-keeping process. The United Nations cannot simply walk away when a perceived end point - such as an election - has been achieved, because there may still be outstanding issues that need the ongoing support of the operation, such as humanitarian operations or local capability-building programmes to help provide the required sound administration. The United Nations deserves congratulations on its achievements in Cambodia, for example, but the future there is still not certain, and the United Nations must maintain its responsibilities. Rehabilitation in that country must continue. Another example of a situation in which peacemaking and peace-building have to be seen as a coherent whole is in the area of demining. This is a critically important humanitarian function. New Zealand’s military forces have had a lot of experience in helping the United Nations with demining in Afghanistan, Cambodia and, most recently, Mozambique. The Security Council Mission that visited Mozambique about two months ago reported its dismay at the delays and at the state of the programme generally. At the request of the United Nations, New Zealand stepped in early in August and began the rescue effort for the programme. The wheel should not have had to be reinvented. It is a concern that lessons learned from earlier operations such as Afghanistan and Cambodia do not appear to be retained. Having seen firsthand the New Zealand certainly looks forward to working with other delegations to improve performance in this area, and I would certainly add that my Government was most interested in the comments President Clinton made here yesterday about the proposal for the elimination of the world’s 85 million anti-personnel land-mines. This is an urgent task. No one who has seen firsthand the human cost of mines can offer anything less than full cooperation to this end. Finally, when we look ahead to what would really enhance proper use of the collective security powers, we have to conclude that reform of the Security Council is a major task waiting to be fulfilled. Many of the things I have discussed today require reforms by the Security Council, or at least in conjunction with it. But I cannot escape the conclusion that even if all of these were accomplished, the political legitimacy of the Security Council could still erode over a period of time. Ultimately it could lose the credibility vital to the role it carries out. Collective security requires the Council to be genuinely representative of the entire United Nations membership. We have, of course, as many others have done, followed the debate on Security Council reform in the Open-ended Working Group set up last year. We hear the case made for additional permanent members. We also hear overwhelming support for expanding the number of non-permanent members of the Council. There are shades of difference on the numbers for the total membership, but consensus does seem to be emerging around five or six new members. We consider that a limited expansion of the number of members, paying regard to an equitable geographical participation, is still a priority for the health of the Organization. It is time to do what is achievable and what benefits most Members. Given the need for 122 ratifications, we are aware that even a simple expansion, hopefully adopted next year, will take several years to come into force. It would not be unrealistic, therefore, for the year 2000 to see the first meeting of the expanded Council. There is no worth in being critical of some aspects of the United Nations without believing, as I do, that the problems can be cured. We, all 184 of us, are its doctors, and we need to act quickly. We need to apportion our costs fairly and systematically. We need to share peace- keeping tasks, peace-keeping funding and peace-keeping supplies. We need to accept the democratic decisions of I therefore leave with the Assembly New Zealand’s assurance of a renewed commitment to this unique and essential body and of our willingness to work in that spirit to ensure the continued relevance of the United Nations for the next half-century.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, His Excellency Mr. Mohamed Salem Ould Lekhal.

First of all, I should like to extend to you, Sir, on behalf of my delegation, my warmest congratulations on your well-deserved election to the presidency of the forty-ninth session of the General Assembly. We are convinced that your outstanding skills and your vast experience will guarantee the success of this session. Your country, the sister republic of Côte d’Ivoire, has always played an effective and moderating role in the search for peace in Africa and throughout the world. I should like also to express my most sincere congratulations to your predecessor, Ambassador Samuel Insanally of Guyana, for the competence and skill with which he led the work of the previous session. I should like also to express, on behalf of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, our admiration of and support for the unremitting efforts of Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Secretary-General of the United Nations, aimed at enabling our Organization to achieve its goals. Our current session takes place at a time when the international community is faced with numerous challenges. These include a constant deterioration in the terms of trade, the growing disparity between rich and poor countries, and an increase in hotbeds of tension. In addition, many people in the poor countries are being crushed under a debt burden that is constantly getting heavier, with, as a consequence, gloomy prospects for the socio-economic development of the peoples of those countries. Instead of the hoped-for prosperity, what we are witnessing today are bloody conflicts which are ravaging The international economic situation continues to be cause for concern for a large number of developing countries that feel the negative impacts of structural adjustment programmes, which focus on macroeconomic equilibriums and display a marked degree of such indifference to the social cost of such adjustments. It should be emphasized that of the 55 countries which have implemented those programmes during the 1980-1989 period, only 7 have been able to improve their economic situation. During that same decade, a downward trend in per capita income was noted in 29 countries, while in 13 other countries there has been a real deterioration of social conditions. These crisis elements have been compounded by stagnation and the reduction in public development assistance, despite the fact that the .7 per cent objective was supposed to contribute to the creation of better conditions. It is regrettable to note that the deterioration in the economic situation is of such a nature that it may well have a negative effect on the implementation of international conventions and programmes, notably those which relate to the environment, the programme of action for children, and the programme of action for the advancement and protection of human rights. Furthermore such deterioration will have an adverse effect on the chances for the success of other ongoing negotiations which aim at finding solutions to problems that threaten the prosperity of humankind as a whole. As a matter of fact, the negative effects of the economic crisis are too numerous to enumerate and unfortunately, it is the most vulnerable sectors of society, such as women, children and the poor that bear the full brunt of the situation. If in our time unemployment and a high crime rate are widespread phenomena, countries with limited resources are apt to be more exposed to their effects than others. The need to devise a preventive approach which would make it possible to face up to these social ills is thus becoming all the more urgent. In this regard, we welcome the forthcoming World Summit for Social Development, in Copenhagen, and hope It has become quite clear that development is the real guarantor of world peace and that the miserable living conditions of the overwhelming majority of the inhabitants of our planet make it impossible to achieve peace and stability in our world. Thus we place a great deal of hope in the Secretary- General’s proposed Agenda for Development. Such a document would deserve our appreciation and should obtain widespread support in order for it to become a true tool in promoting economic and social development everywhere. The fragility of the world economic situation should not obscure the successes achieved in several areas of international relations. In this context, we welcome the success of the Secretary-General’s consultations which aimed at resolving the problems posed to certain countries by Chapter XI of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, whose coming into force as of 16 November 1994, will mark the beginning of a decisive phase in its evolution. Our country considers that the United Nations Conference on Straddling Fish Stocks and Highly Migratory Fish Stocks should lead to strict and global resolutions that would put an end to the plundering of fishing resources as well as to the anarchy that currently prevails in the seas. The Islamic Republic of Mauritania has, along with countries threatened by the phenomenon of desertification, made major efforts to conclude a world convention to fight drought and desertification, especially in Africa. While we welcome the positive outcome of those negotiations, we do express the hope that the convention will be the start of positive action on the part of the international community in favour of those countries which have suffered the most. All the results achieved thanks to the efforts of the United Nations highlight the focal and vital role with which our Organization is entrusted and attest to its universality. We should always bear in mind the fact that all conflicts and all the resultant peace-keeping operations, which mobilize such vast financial resources, have as their main cause the deterioration of the economic and social conditions of the countries concerned. A rapid overview of our globe and the areas of tension is enough to prove that underdevelopment and the problems it causes only fuel such tensions. Advances in the area of democracy and human rights are, to be sure, the most important achievements the international community has seen in recent times. While we commend the progress achieved in these two areas, we must not lose sight of the fact that democracy cannot be confined to the national frameworks of individual States, but should embrace also international relations among nations. This is the reason why we support efforts to expand representation within the Security Council by increasing its membership. We hope that such reform will take place in line with the tenets of democratic transparency. Whatever the final formula adopted for the new configuration of the Security Council might be, we believe it will be necessary to respect the principle of the co- equality of Member States, and the fact that, according to Article 24 of the Charter, the Security Council acts on behalf of those Member States, and must, therefore, reflect the views and aspirations of the international community in its entirety. The democratic process which was launched in 1986 in the Islamic Republic of Mauritania through the establishment of democratic institutions and the organization of presidential and parliamentary elections in 1992, has been consolidated further with the organization of elections for municipal councils and for one third of the senate seats. Those elections, which have elicited extensive participation on the part of voters, have been covered extensively by the independent national press, following Thus the Mauritanian people are daily consolidating the foundations of their young democracy, which in the words of the President of the Republic, His Excellency Mr. Maaouya Ould Sid’Ahmed Taya, is the mainspring "of all sovereignty and legality". It is in this democratic environment that the Mauritanian people are waging a determined struggle against various aspects of economic and social underdevelopment. We should highlight the important gains made by our country through the implementation, in 1984, of a series of economic reforms, as well as the political stability, freedom, justice and equality now enjoyed by all Mauritanian citizens. We should also voice the pride of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania at being one of the few developing countries where there have been no political prisoners, and where freedom of the press, a multi-party system, and freedom of trade unions have become realities similar to those which States that value the rule of law, such as the countries with longstanding democratic traditions, pride themselves on. The quest for peace will continue to be our main concern so that we may rise to the challenges of the end of this century. The end of the cold war has opened up new vistas for the emergence of a better world where justice and peace may prevail. Yet the increasing number of hotbeds of tension which require the organization of peace-keeping operations leads us to believe that a new style of diplomacy is becoming a must if we are to prevent the recurrence of human tragedies similar to those which were witnessed in the past or those which we now experience and are unable to stop or to resolve. Our country hopes that the recent developments which have been taking place in the Middle East will constitute the beginnings of a solution to the tragedy of the Palestinian people and that, at last, they will be able to exercise their legitimate right to establish an independent State. We believe that the Declaration of Principles of 13 September 1993, giving autonomy to Gaza - which was followed up by the Cairo agreement of 4 May 1994 and most recently, on 25 July 1994, the meeting between His Majesty King Hussein of Jordan and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin - will usher in a The United Nations should continue to support peace efforts in the Middle East until such time as a final settlement of the problems still pending in the region is reached. In this connection, we hope the commitment undertaken by donors at their meeting on 1 October 1993 will be translated into concrete action that would revitalize the economy of Palestine and help solve its economic and social problems. In that sensitive region, the after-effects of the Gulf war continue to make themselves felt. The Islamic Republic of Mauritania, which has always affirmed its unswerving support for international legality, has made clear its total rejection of any violation of fraternal Kuwait’s independence or territorial integrity or of the rights of its citizens, just as it stands against anything that might undermine Iraq’s unity or territorial integrity. The time has come to put an end to the suffering of the Iraqi people. In the same sensitive region, my country wishes to renew its unflagging and total support for the recovery by the fraternal State of the United Arab Emirates of its legitimate rights over the islands of Lesser Tumb, Greater Tumb and Abu Moussa. With regard to the Arab Maghreb, we still hope the United Nations will be able to eliminate the obstacles which continue to impede the resolution to the Sahara problem. My country will spare no effort in helping the Organization in the implementation of resolutions relevant to this issue. Our determination stems from our desire to reach a just and lasting solution and to strengthen the process of building a united Arab Maghreb. We also hope the embargo imposed on the Libyan people will be lifted. We are aware that the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya has shown tangible proof of its readiness to cooperate with the United Nations and other groups and that the embargo is affecting the interests of all other peoples in the Maghreb. With regard to Africa, I should like to express my country’s satisfaction with the peace-keeping operations approved by the United Nations with the aim of putting an end to the bloody confrontations in parts of that continent. The Rwandan tragedy, marked by the death of half a Unfortunately, Rwanda is not the only place in Africa where an armed conflict is causing fratricidal strife. In Somalia, Liberia and Angola, civil wars continues to rage, despite the tireless efforts of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity to restore peace and concord in place of hatred and war between brothers. We hope the citizens of those countries will heed the voice of reason and will agree to safeguard their interests and the right of their peoples to enjoy peace and security. This objective can be achieved only through responsible and constructive dialogue. Experience has shown that the language of arms cannot lead to valid solutions. In Mozambique we are following with special interest the various steps expected to lead to the holding of elections on the 27th and 28th of October 1994. We hope those elections will embody the spirit of the peace agreement concluded in October 1992 and that they will be conducted under proper conditions of peace and concord. The human tragedies that have beset the African continent should not blind us to the positive events that have taken place, such as the triumph of democracy in South Africa under the presidency of Nelson Mandela and the settlement of the conflict between Libya and Chad. We welcome the representatives of South Africa. Their presence here among us, representing as it does the culmination of a decades-long struggle by all African peoples, is a source of pride and happiness. On the European continent, which appears to all as the most fertile ground for democracy and respect for human rights, the outright aggression by the Serbs against the Muslims in Bosnia and Herzegovina is a clear affront to the human conscience. The efforts of the international In 1995 we will be celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of our Organization. That commemoration should make it possible for us to take stock of the progress made over half a century and to devise better plans and programmes to deal with future problems. Two other events of major importance will take place in the same year and will have to do with the search for solutions to major problems which are still pending: the World Summit for Social Development and the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing. We hope the results of those two meetings will coalesce with the outcome of the negotiations which aim at reforming the Security Council so that the Organization will be equipped with the necessary structures that would enable it to deal with the challenges of the twenty-first century. Today more than ever, the peoples of the world are making the United Nations the repository of all their hopes, and the Organization must ensure the maintenance of peace and promote cooperation for development at one and the same time. By so doing our Organization would crystallize humanity’s aspirations to a world of peace and stability and would then become a true crucible where all nations joined their efforts to bring forth an era of freedom, democracy and respect for human rights.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Lebanon, His Excellency Mr. Fares Boueiz.

We are gathered here today, in a new session of the General Assembly, in a new year in the life of the United Nations, one that will take us to the end of the first half century of its existence, which we shall celebrate next year. Half a century will have passed since the birth of a great dream, a dream that humanity envisaged as an endeavor for peace, reconciliation, solidarity, rapprochement, and dialogue amongst peoples of different Through this great dream, humanity wanted to create an arbiter, a referee on right, justice, and peace, and a forum in which it could discuss its problems and seek arbitration; in which it could find a way to defend rights when rights are denied, to defend itself when injustice prevails, and a champion that would stand by its side when it is threatened. Through this dream, mankind sought to put an end to wars and armed conflicts, to protect the sovereignty of nations, and to guarantee respect for their independence and free choice. Thus, the United Nations came into existence. The United Nations was born; and along with it, a great project emerged - one that was expected to contribute to the solution of the world’s crises. Alongside the Organization, its political, security, social, economic, and cultural organs were set up. The peoples of the world expected a lot from those organs, and treated them accordingly, with a deference commensurate with their standing. The will of this prestigious world body, which represents the position, the decision, and the will of the world’s peoples, is more comprehensive than the will of any individual State, no matter how great and powerful it may be. The peoples of the world looked up to it and accorded it the respect normally granted to the defenders of right and justice. Right and justice supersede political interests, no matter how strong they may be. How far away are we today from this dream, from this great endeavour, from all those intentions, slogans, ambitions, aspirations, ideals and prospects? Where is peace in the world, when battlefronts are widespread? What have we done about the resolution of conflicts while conflicts escalate? What about the elimination of violence which is still on the ascendance? How far away are we today from protecting what is right; from upholding the sovereignty of nations which is still undermined; from respecting human rights and the rights of peoples and States which are still being trampled? What have we done about the resolutions adopted by this very Organization, in this very General Assembly I beg your indulgence for daring to voice these questionings. I beg your indulgence, because they are voiced by a State which is not privileged to be a member of the club of powerful nations which dare to question the United Nations. I beg your indulgence, because those who need the United Nations are not the powerful and the influential. The United Nations was not created for them. It was created for the oppressed, for the unjustly treated, for those who are not powerful by any means. The small size of States and the humble size of their populations have never been the true yardstick by which their role and contribution should be measured. Many nations have had a history larger than their geography, a role larger than their size, and a contribution far greater than the potential of others. Lebanon is one of those States. We have existed for thousands of years, ever since humanity first organized itself into entities. We have had our political, cultural, economic, legal, and humanistic structures ever since. Side by side with its Phoenician civilization, Lebanon embraced Pharaonic, Mesopotamian, Persian, Greek, Roman, Arab, and Western civilizations. Our foremost contribution was to give mankind its first alphabet. We have also enriched it with our legal, intellectual, cultural, economic, scientific, educational and humanistic contributions. We were present when the United Nations was born. We were also present when the International Court of Justice issued its first opinion, and we contributed to its making. We volunteered to work in all the United Nations organs and programmes at all levels. We shouldered our share of responsibility by hosting some of them, and by offering them the best of our men and intellectuals. While attempts have been made through the years to obliterate the distinctive identities of peoples living under certain regimes - as in the case of the Soviet Union during the Stalin era - those identities have resurfaced, as have the problems which resulted from the attempt at their suppression. If Lebanon were an almost unique case in the past, given the pluralistic features of its society, it is no longer so today. The Lebanese experience has become commonplace, as we have come to witness through the now commonplace demographic movement of populations and the lowering of geopolitical barriers. While our formula has been tested, many countries are still in the experimental stage. With the demise of the theory of nationalism, there is need for a new system, one that allows for the coexistence of different cultures and identities under the roof of one homeland, as dictated by modern economic, technological, and practical challenges and needs. Lebanon, its land and its people have had to suffer the ravages of regional and international conflicts, the vagaries of hurricanes of international ideological differences and their complications. But, as ever in our history, we have been able to prove that we have the ability to rise to the challenges that face us and that our formula for coexistence is much stronger than some people may have believed, merely because it is the only feasible and practicable one. When Lebanon was able to overcome the wars waged by others on its soil, armed with the will of its people and the support of its brethren and friends; when Lebanon enhanced its internal security and stability, reactivated its national dialogue and tore down the barriers between its various factions and forces; and when Lebanon started to rebuild its institutions, rehabilitate its infrastructures and embark upon its political and economic endeavours, it proved once again that its But Lebanon’s full sovereignty over all its territories and its total independence will remain compromised so long as major parts of its soil are not under its control and so long as the State remains unable to extend its full sovereignty over all its national soil through its own legitimate national forces. So long as Israel occupies Lebanon’s territories, despite repeated United Nations resolutions and the will of the international community; so long as Lebanese citizens are still languishing in Israeli detention camps, ignored by the international community and out of the reach of the humanitarian organizations that are not allowed to visit them; so long as this continues, the wounds will not heal and the blood shall not be stanched. So long as that occupation continues over more than one eighth of our national territory; so long as Israeli raids continue to sow the land daily with bombs, mines and booby traps - killing mainly our innocent children; so long as these criminal acts continue against a heroic people that refuses to surrender, the cries of our women and children will continue to haunt the world along with our cries of anger, revolt and resistance. Until now, the occupation has failed to contain this anger, regardless of the means employed. Day after day, the death toll rises, ours and theirs. Blood flows in Southern Lebanon and in the Beka’a Valley. No technological invention, no matter how ingenious, and no technique of war have been able to undermine our people’s determination to regain its independence, freedom, sovereignty and peace. There are over 300 Lebanese men and women still languishing in Israeli prisons. Some have died; others have been disabled. In their prison cells, they hear about a theory called "human rights", one that tops the agendas of our meetings and forums. Theorists are preoccupied over the rights of flora, fauna and the environment while our prisoners wonder to which class they belong and under which category they are classified. So long as the international community addresses the world’s problems by using more than one standard; so long as Security Council resolutions remain unimplemented; and so long as Chapter VII of the Charter is applied selectively to troublemakers who lack any kind of protection, we We have waited so long for the international community to show some real interest. We have also waited impatiently for the implementation of Security Council resolution 425 (1978), only to see the Council refrain from condemning the aggression rather than enforce its resolutions. When it does condemn, the condemnation applies equally to the aggressor and the aggressed under the pretext of supporting the peace process. We were invited to the Madrid Peace Conference. We were optimistic about the invitation, the content and the sponsorship. The co-sponsors were super-Powers and the Conference was to be convened on the basis of a just, comprehensive and lasting peace, anchored in the principle of "land for peace" and on the basis of Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973) and 425 (1978) respectively. We accepted advice to join in that mechanism. By accepting the invitation, we accepted the content. We were expected to discuss mechanisms and schedules. Three years have passed since the convening of the Madrid Conference. Months followed upon each other’s heels in waiting, time and again, for parliamentary elections, for presidential elections, for the appropriate moment on the local level and for circumstances aimed at improving the position of one side while isolating or cornering the other side. Three years have passed, and our tour of world capitals is almost complete. From Madrid to Washington, to Paris, to Oslo and to Moscow. We are still discussing the basic principles which should have been settled the very first moment the Conference was convened. The principle of "land for peace" still awaits the definition of the land concept. The principle of withdrawal is still unclear, since in the way that it is proposed, it still means occupation under different forms. The principle of negotiating land for peace, which presupposes equality in the negotiating positions, is preempted by pressuring the Arab negotiator so that he is left with nothing to offer. Resistance must stop - so we are told - without any guarantee of withdrawal or liberation. The boycott must end, but no guarantees are given for the recovery of the usurped rights. We must enter the multilateral negotiations without knowing whether or not there will be peace and what the form and Yes, we the victims of aggression are required to give security guarantees to the aggressor. Those without weapons are required to reassure those who possess nuclear, chemical and bacteriological weapons. Yes, we entered the negotiations for peace - an honourable peace, not a guilty one; a balanced peace, not a lopsided one; a just peace, not an unjust one; a comprehensive peace, not a partial one; a genuine peace, not a festive one; an equitable peace, not a biased one; a natural peace, not an artificial one; a permanent peace, not a temporary one; a peace of the people, not of regimes; a peace that makes us proud, not ashamed; a peace of loyalty to, not betrayal of our martyrs. We want a peace that allows for the return of refugees, rather than consecrates their dispersion; a peace that satisfies the revolutionary, instead of provoking him; a peace from which we draw strength; a peace we can protect; a peace that will, once and for all, relieve the world of this burden, the burden of our region; a peace that will put an end to exporting anger; a peace of prosperity, development, and stability; a peace that will allow our widows to cease their mourning. The days when the problems of peoples were confined to their own countries are over. The days when geographic and political boundaries were a barrier between peoples are over. Our era is one of interdependence and of communication. It is an era of the lowering of all barriers. No country is too remote. No matter how far removed from the area of conflict, it will still be affected by that conflict and by the demographic problems that do not recognize boundaries or borders, unless such problems are stemmed at the source. We can always be subject to nuclear, chemical and bacteriological pollution, since there are no boundaries in the atmosphere. The environment can very well become contaminated, because the mountains cannot stop the wind from blowing, and nature cannot stop rivers from flowing. We will all be affected, whenever and wherever a disaster strikes. We are all concerned about the world’s security, its stability, prosperity, resources, needs, requirements, markets and citizens, wherever they may be. Let there be no more occupied territories, no more acts of aggression, no more prisoners languishing in the prisons. Let there be no more blood flowing through the land of the prophets. Let no more darkness prevail in the cradle of God’s religions. This region will not enjoy more favorable opportunities than those that exist today. Time will not be forever on the side of those who seek peace. Our region must produce visionaries, as it has always done, and not manipulators of peace. Our congratulations to you, Sir, on the assumption of the presidency of this session of the General Assembly cannot come from the heart in isolation of what we expect from the United Nations during your presidency. The efforts of the Secretary-General cannot be viewed or appreciated outside the scope of our view of the United Nations. May God guide you and illuminate your path in the service of world peace to which Lebanon is dedicated and for which it fights.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Chile, His Excellency Mr. Jose Miguel Insulza.

May I first congratulate you, Sir, on your election to preside over our work. I wish you every success in your presidency, and assure you that you may rely on the full cooperation of the delegation of Chile. I wish also to greet the Secretary-General and to assure him once again of our support in the performance of his difficult task. When he visited Chile a few days after the inauguration of President Eduardo Frei, the Secretary-General had an opportunity to appreciate our readiness to cooperate in the activities of the United Nations system, in the conviction that multilateral action was essential to the strengthening of international peace and security and to the improvement of the living conditions of men and women the world over. Nevertheless, five years after the end of the cold war we must acknowledge that the reality has fallen far short of our dreams. The last decade of this century is one of uncertainty and contradictions. Regrettably, along with the signs of hope there has been a re-emergence of many economic, political, ethnic, religious and cultural conflicts and a tendency towards fragmentation and differentiation, which pose new threats to the peace and new challenges for the international order. This process of transition has enhanced the role of the United Nations as the guarantor of world peace and security. It has compelled our Organization to assume new responsibilities, both in negotiations for conflict prevention and in operations for the maintenance or restoration of peace. Nevertheless, the immediate concern to maintain peace and security should not prevent us from recognizing and attacking the root causes of these conflicts. Poverty, inequality between individuals and between nations, environmental deterioration, unemployment and ignorance, over-population, disorganized migration, and discrimination against women and young people are today as important factors in creating conflict as is military proliferation or ideological confrontation - if not more so. Tackling these problems requires using the imagination, creativity and solidarity of the international community, as well as resources as large as or even larger than those being spent today on resolving conflicts that have already begun. The security of human beings must be an international priority along with widespread promotion of respect for human rights. In March of this year a new phase in the Chilean democratic process began with the installation of the Government of President Eduardo Frei. The continuity of this process has made it possible to strengthen the stability of democratic institutions and has increased respect for human rights in the country. Of course, we do not claim that our democracy is perfect; many aspects of it still require further attention, and with that in mind draft Our recent economic experience has been successful. Since the return of democracy we have had an average annual growth of more than 6.5 per cent with a very low unemployment rate and controlled inflation. On the basis of these facts the Government has formulated an ambitious modernization strategy focusing on three main areas: education and training, development of infrastructure, and modernization of the State. The reforms in education seek to respond to the need for effective and creative integration of young people into society, and to meet the challenge of competitiveness. The changes in the functioning of the State entail a special concern for ethics and probity in the exercise of power. Attainment of these priorities should enable us to raise our productivity and increase our capacity to compete in international markets in the context of a growing open economy. We are concerned at the difficulty the major countries are nevertheless experiencing in opening up their economies in sectors that are vital to the equitable functioning of world trade. We reject an international trade system based on protectionism by the powerful directed against those who are prepared to accept competition. Nevertheless, economic advances would lack meaning if they did not lead to a substantial improvement in the living conditions of the majority of Chileans. The Government recognizes this and has made the elimination of extreme poverty an essential priority of its programme. Without equity, growth would lose its raison d’être and stability would be threatened by the tensions arising out of the privations experienced by large sectors of the population. Economic growth and social justice constitute two terms of a single equation. Latin America and the Caribbean are our natural frame of reference and external action as a region that shares both political and security interests and major economic interests. The region has overcome the political, institutional and economic crisis which afflicted it in earlier decades. Most countries of the continent have recently held elections, or will do so in the coming months. The tranquillity, openness and participation that Along with this has come a major expansion of cooperation and regional integration. Integration initiatives and mechanisms of varying geographical coverage and thematic scope have multiplied. Chile has participated in these efforts, negotiating economic complementarity and free-trade agreements with the majority of the countries in the region. In the immediate future, Chile hopes to be able to make a new contribution to the creation of a broad Latin American economic area by achieving closer links with the Common Market of the Southern Cone and by signing complementarity agreements with Ecuador and Peru to add to those already concluded with Mexico, Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia and Colombia. We also view with enthusiasm the strengthening of our links with the Central American and Caribbean countries with which we have significantly expanded our political and economic relations and cooperation. We wish to promote a climate of peace, dialogue, solidarity and mutual trust among the countries of the region. We are sure that today this is more possible than before, given the presence in the region of more democratic regimes than it has ever had in its history. In this context, the Rio Group has become a significant regional political cooperation mechanism, and its activity has recently expanded to cover economic coordination aspects. The strengthening of the Rio Group, which emerged from our continent’s re-democratization and resurgence, is a key to Latin American’s ability to speak with a unified voice in the new international context. That is how our main partners in the world, with whom we meet periodically in discussion forums to which we are attaching increasing importance, perceive it. Our policy towards Latin America and the Caribbean is fully compatible with closer integration into world markets. Chile today is a country that is open to the world, dependent for 40 per cent of its gross national product on external transactions and seeking to strengthen its relations with the dynamic centres of growth and technological information. We define our policy as an open regionalism, one which seeks regional integration not in order to close its markets but in order to achieve greater integration into the world economy. Our attitude in this respect matches that of our main partners in Latin America. During the eight years for which the Uruguay Round lasted the countries of the region unilaterally reduced their tariffs by an average of more than 50 per cent and contributed by making significant concessions, despite the fact that not all the objectives they were seeking to negotiate were achieved. Accordingly, we now have the right to call for the results of the Round to be implemented and, once the World Trade Organization has been established, for progress to be made in discussion of the many problems the Round left pending, especially in relation to agriculture and services. Nevertheless, it is obvious that in the current phase of the world economy multilateralism is being accompanied by the negotiation of partial or regional economic agreements which are progressively extending over a large part of international trading activity. Hence our interest in the integration progress in North America, our search for sounder and more imaginative patterns of economic relations with the European Union, our imminent entry into the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation Council (APEC) and our constant readiness, shared with our region, to move ahead with economic cooperation with all regions of the world. Current international circumstances have led to progress in various areas which it is important to emphasize: the defeat of racism and apartheid, progress in disarmament, the solution of international conflicts, cooperation and détente - all issues which have led to the strengthening of the world Organization. Chile salutes the people and the Government of the new South Africa in the person of President Nelson Mandela and welcomes the success achieved by the United Nations and by the South African people themselves in building a democratic and just South Africa which respects the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We wish also to express our support for the peace and negotiation process under way in Angola and Let me also express our satisfaction at the progress made through the agreements between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, which are overcoming obstacles to the attainment of a lasting peace throughout the Middle East. On behalf of my country, I wish to reiterate our support for the negotiations under way between Israel and Jordan, as well as those between Israel and Lebanon and between Israel and Syria. In contrast to these positive steps, we view with great concern the tragedy in Rwanda, horrified at its magnitude and at the inability of the international community to contain it. Chile conducted a national campaign of solidarity with the children of Rwanda which met with an extremely good response in our country. The risk is that, if efforts are not made to eliminate the deep-lying causes of tragedies such as this, other similar sources of tension may arise in other countries, testing the capacity of our system to react. Likewise, we cannot fail to express our most profound concern at and most energetic rejection of the extremes to which the fratricidal struggle in the former Yugoslavia has been taken. We urge the warring parties to abandon the use of force as a means of solving their disputes and to submit them to the internationally recognized peaceful means of settlement. Chile is also profoundly concerned at the situation in Haiti resulting from the protracted usurpation of power and the non-implementation of the Governors Island agreements. The military occupation of a country is always a regrettable occurrence that we should all like to avoid. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize that in this instance such action was taken on the basis of a Security Council resolution and in response to repeated failure to comply with international commitments, failure for which the Haitian military alone are responsible. We reiterate in this Assembly our support for the measures taken by the United Nations and, in particular, our full acceptance of the resolution adopted by the Security Council. The Government of Chile will fulfil its commitments to participate in the reconstruction of Haiti, Chile has cooperated in peace-keeping operations, and it has recently expressed its readiness to expand that cooperation, in the profound conviction that improving the capacity of the United Nations system in these efforts is a priority task. The current bureaucratic mechanisms, which place a very heavy burden on the countries providing peace-keeping contingents, must be replaced by others that will make it possible to provide the United Nations with the best in human resources and equipment. It is essential to reach agreement on a statute for protection of United Nations personnel and to create an international fund to administer the financing of peace-keeping operations. The new impetus in international disarmament negotiations, particularly with respect to a nuclear-test-ban treaty, increases the need for a global, democratic and participatory approach in this area. There is an urgent need to increase the membership of the Conference on Disarmament - the only major multilateral negotiating forum on these topics - to make it sufficiently representative and enable it to respond appropriately to the new challenges. Chile considers that prohibiting the use of fissionable materials for hostile purposes and universalizing security guarantees for non-nuclear-weapon States would be positive steps in the direction of nuclear disarmament. Nevertheless, their success would depend on full acceptance of inspection and verification procedures. In step with progress in the substantive negotiations, a need is making itself felt to extend and expand safeguards and control regimes until they become universal, without thereby impeding the access of developing countries to sources of science and technology. The recent ratification of the Treaty of Tlatelolco by Chile, Argentina and Brazil, as well as Cuba’s decision to sign it, will enable Latin America to become a genuine nuclear-weapon-free zone. This, together with the manifest reduction in tension and armaments in the region, constitutes an effective contribution by our region to world peace. In this context, we have indicated our interest in becoming a member of the Security Council for the period beginning 1996. We have done so convinced that Chile can legitimately and adequately represent the We can and must make substantive progress in designing better systems for preventing conflicts or taking immediate action to restore peace. But, unless we simultaneously attack the enormous inequalities and privations that lie at the root of many conflicts we shall not significantly reduce international tensions. The origins of these tensions lie in the exclusion of major sectors of the world’s population from the benefits of the new order, an exclusion aggravated by population growth and by the characteristics of the new world economy, for when factors such as knowledge and technology come to outweigh others, such as the availability of raw materials or low-cost labour, the hopes of those who possess only an abundance of the latter are increasingly disappointed, thus widening and deepening the social gaps within and between countries. From a bitter past, Chile has learned the lesson of the close relationship that exists between peace, democracy, economic growth and social development. The central objective of a security policy is the security of individuals and of the communities in which they live. The accentuation of inequality or exclusion is not only ethically unacceptable, but also politically dangerous. No new international order will be stable or lasting if it is based on the exclusion of the majority of those who comprise it. We are convinced that the absence of democracy and the lack of economic growth centred on the human being are at the root of the international instability that characterizes our era. President Frei has spoken of a "diplomacy for development", referring in these terms to the necessity to adjust foreign policy to the objectives and needs of each country and to the link that must necessarily exist between our international action and our internal objective of growth with equity. We therefore attach the greatest importance to the Agenda for Development that is under discussion in the United Nations. This was the thinking behind the convening of the World Summit for Social Development, unanimously approved by the General Assembly. The analysis by Heads of State and Government in Copenhagen next March should lead us to a new policy to combat poverty, promote employment and accelerate social integration. In particular, we believe that the social Summit should adopt a common commitment to eradicate extreme poverty in the world through a concrete and efficient plan of action. What is decided there will be intimately linked to the conditions of The social Summit, together with the recent Conference on Population and Development, held in Cairo, the World Conference on Women, to be held in Beijing in 1995, and the Secretary-General’s proposed Agenda for Development, indicates the growing interest that this Organization is taking in social issues. Chile intends to comply with the agreements reached at the Rio de Janeiro Summit and to promote a new policy on environmental issues. In this context, its National Congress recently approved the Convention on Biological Diversity, and our ratification has just been deposited with the United Nations. In turn, we are convinced that environmental problems will remain unresolved, and may even become exacerbated, if the necessary resources are not available to deal with them through joint action by developed and developing countries. This is becoming increasingly apparent in some developing countries, where poverty is accelerating environmental deterioration as a result of the excessive and uncontrolled use of certain resources. The dual task of maintaining peace and at the same time creating conditions for the elimination of structural sources of conflict is an enormous challenge to this Organization. Nevertheless, we are convinced that if we do not take up the challenge we shall reach the beginning of the next millennium without having laid the real foundations for a new international order that will permit the peaceful coexistence of mankind. Taking up this challenge is not a task for the major Powers alone, although their involvement is essential; rather, it is a task for all nations capable of making a contribution - especially the medium-sized countries, which make up a large part of the international community. Chile is prepared to be a part of this effort, as are, we are sure, all the countries of Latin America. The central role of this Organization must be strengthened and supported in the crucial years that lie ahead, for this is the only way to ensure that the settlement of conflicts does not alter international legality, that arbitrary intervention is prevented and that the rights of the weakest are respected.

The next speaker is His Excellency Mr. Benjamin

At this forty-ninth session of the General Assembly of the United Nations, the African continent has every right to feel honoured in this great body. Through the brilliant election of its President, our Assembly has paid a tribute to the merits and the qualities of a great African diplomat. I would add that above and beyond the recognition so richly deserved by his country, Côte d’Ivoire, for its contribution to peace, we also find in his election a posthumous tribute to its founder, President Houphouët Boigny, that unforgettable monument of modern-day Africa. I would like to extend to our President the warmest congratulations of the Congolese delegation and to avail myself of this opportunity to pay a well- deserved tribute to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Samuel Insanally, Ambassador of Guyana, who served as President at the forty-eighth session with such great competence and skill. My congratulations go also to our Secretary-General, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who since becoming the leader of our Organization has endeavoured with such dedication to bring our Member States closer to the purposes and principles of the Charter. On behalf of the Congolese people, I would like to reiterate to this humble servant of mankind our most earnest encouragement as he discharges his lofty responsibilities. Many peace-keeping and goodwill missions of the United Nations are currently to be found on African soil. We welcome this necessary assistance, while we hope that the peoples concerned will do even better in fostering conditions for a return to peace. Finally, how can one not feel overcome with joy at the triumphant welcome given the return of the Republic of South Africa to the commonwealth of free nations? This return, which puts the finishing touches on the liberation of the African continent from colonialism and racism, is surely a source of legitimate satisfaction for the Members of the United Nations who devoted so much energy and so many resources in the battle of the South African people against apartheid. To the delegation of that country that embodies the hopes of an entire continent, I would like to extend a warm, fraternal welcome. At the beginning of this forty-ninth session the Assembly faces a complicated situation that combines real reasons for satisfaction with extremely worrisome issues. The abolition of apartheid in South Africa, which seemed impossible yesterday, is a reality today, as if to grant the wishes of the international community and to reward the strictures of the United Nations, a peaceful transition has given birth to a united, democratic and non- racist South Africa. A peaceful settlement to the question of the Aouzou strip has rid Central Africa of a fratricidal conflict. I hope the example of Libya and Chad will inspire other States as well. Firmly and resolutely, the dynamic of peace begun in the Middle East is growing stronger and is opening prospects for cooperation to peoples long ruined by war and yet fated by geography and history to live together. This is why, in hailing the significant progress achieved in this process, the Republic of the Congo hopes that we will see rapid progress in the Arab-Israeli negotiations with a view to the establishment of a thorough, just and lasting peace in the Middle East. But the hope offered by the progress that has been achieved remains frustrated by the persistence of local wars that continue their bloodshed in various parts of the world. Political differences and ethnic, racial or religious diversity, far from enriching society, have elicited intolerance, hatred, violence and, worst of all, the destruction of what is most precious to us all: human life. From Bosnia to Angola, the similarities are striking. Of these crises that conceal several basic questions, we see that a record number are in Africa: Angola, Somalia, Liberia, Rwanda ... The Republic of the Congo remains greatly concerned about the situation in its sister republic and neighbour Angola. We deplore the continuation of this fratricidal, murderous war, sustained by the intransigence and rigidity of UNITA. The Congolese Government With regard to Liberia, we hope that the recent signing in Ghana of the cease-fire agreement by the various protagonists will lead to better prospects for that country. The genocide we have seen in Rwanda, another sad chapter in the history of mankind, is only the most extreme and inhuman manifestation of the problems facing Africa today. Violence, poverty, famine, disease, refugees, spiralling population growth - such is the widespread image of contemporary Africa. This well-known, gloomy picture no doubt stems from a habitual pessimism rather than from a thorough study of reality. The increase in the inequality between the richest and the poorest countries has grown more complex with the emergence of worldwide markets, trade, communications - even, unfortunately, pollution. Africa, long relegated to the background, seems to have combined all the social pathologies that inexorably strike ever-growing and ever- poorer populations. In our underdeveloped countries, chronic indebtedness and the drop in the prices of our basic commodities, compounded by the pernicious reduction in public aid for development and investments that continue to ignore our legislation, however attractive and liberal it may be, are worsening the disappearance of sources of financing and development. Here growth is slow to appear, whereas early signs already herald the beginnings of expansion in the world economy. The unemployed population is increasing, and workers are under a constant uncertainty. As if to complete this picture, natural disasters - drought and desertification - compete with epidemics such as AIDS and malaria. Infections we thought to have eradicated are reappearing. In this context of a disastrous economy, a population explosion has eliminated any hope of redressing the imbalance between an almost zero economic growth rate Congo, for its part, has not escaped this common destiny. The socio-political crisis which has shaken my country to its very foundations and brought great grief to many Congolese families has to a large extent torn the social fabric and has completely ruined our economy. This crisis has at least had the merit of destroying many illusions. We had thought - or pretended to think - that it was enough simply to copy the old Western democracies and hold free elections under international supervision to ensure that democracy prospered, that it was unnecessary to take local realities into account. Surely the European Parliament learned a bitter lesson from its failure, because it said to the new democracies that peoples and Governments should find formulas which would enable them to create democratic, lawful institutions based on their own history and cultural identity. How can we claim that in two years’ time we have done away with the ills of 30 years of badly assimilated Marxist-Leninist culture, a culture which was fundamentally hostile to pluralistic democracy and fundamentally opposed to individual growth. And what should we say of the harmful effects of so many years of Marxist management of an economy that is today doomed because of that failure? Congo’s economy today is suffering from the disastrous consequences of ill-advised economic policies, which has given my country the honour of being placed among the most indebted countries in the world. In addition to this economic bankruptcy we find the waste, the ruin of our cultural and moral values, and a breakdown of the innate genius of our people. Insidious and pernicious, destitution and poverty have crept into the private lives of men and women, every day becoming more numerous, men and women who to survive must hide behind the ultimate bulwark of ethnicity, which has become a factor for segregation and division. Made idle and vulnerable, and subjected to chronic unemployment, our youth are now indulging in the illusion of drugs and the armed defence of dubious causes. The outbreaks of violence in the Congo are the most absurd manifestation of this. We must rely on our traditional values to revive our dedication to dialogue and peace and hence realize how vain such extreme behaviour is - indeed, nothing more than human folly. We have given new life to the democratic process; we have started all over again. This is a process redirected towards democratic transition, the first stage of power- sharing; it is the result of a policy of administrative decentralization, one of the foundations of the development programme of President Pascal Lissouba. Today leaders of the opposition are mayors of Brazzaville and Pointe-Noire - the main cities in the country - and are thereby making their contribution to the national recovery. Congo’s experience highlights the challenges facing the new democracies, in particular young African democracies, which in order to build one nation must emerge from the condition of multi-ethnic States and one- party or feudal systems and pass on to full democracy with its corollary, a market economy. In order to meet these challenges, Congo has opted for a programme of economic and social recovery that is already under way. The programme involves the relaunching of our country’s development. Our bitter experience has led us to conclude that we must give pride of place to the economy in order to safeguard the young and fragile Congolese democracy and give it a solid basis, especially taking into account the crucial needs of our peoples, our own values and geopolitical realities. To fulfil this objective, the programme involves in its initial phase a structural adjustment programme concluded with the Bretton Woods institutions, a programme we are determined to carry out successfully in spite of the enormous sacrifices this will entail for our people. This must be done because we are determined to stimulate development and to revive hope among our people. We are banking on relaunching progress, but Congo cannot succeed alone. Africa is our salvation. This initiative gives a good idea of the crucial importance of the establishment of the African Economic Community. But in order to succeed this endeavour requires human as well as financial resources. In this connection, the international community is called upon to give resolute help to our countries in their efforts to find competent men and women who can promote development by their know-how, in the appropriate institutions. Development and the effective use of human resources are a decisive factor for the socio-economic development of our African continent. That is why, guided by this requirement of development, the Congolese Government has established the Panafrican Institute of Management and Innovation to train people in the management of resources, including human resources. For the initiator of this project, His Excellency President Pascal Lissouba, development cannot be defined solely in terms of growth; it must also be defined in terms of the ability to master the art of management. The second requirement of this endeavour is to fund it. In this connection, we are not relying only on financial resources - that is, a massive influx of capital into our poor economies. The economies would still have to be able to digest such capital. Above and beyond the generation of financial flows to our countries, what Africa needs above all is the establishment of a financial instrument, whose machinery would be brought into harmony with the other, existing instruments of international cooperation. This financial instrument, with the support of all the African countries, would obtain appropriate support from the international community, especially the Bretton Woods institutions. Thus, the African Development Bank is in our view the best institution to deal with the financial aspect and, furthermore, to study a system for funding science and technology for development. Today more than ever The favourable developments in the world political situation have given rise to the hope that a new era of peace will give the United Nations the role that its founders intended it to play. Everything - or almost everything - would seem to augur well for a new world order: an outpouring of freedom and democracy; a revival of the universal awareness of human rights; and the pre-eminence of the United Nations in resolving issues linked to international peace, development and security. Unfortunately, the psychosis of nuclear apocalypse characteristic of the cold war has given way to a violent, deadly expression of freedom and of local wars in a large number of developing countries, especially in Africa. We have already stated that economic frustration is at the root of these events. Therefore, peace and security in our States and throughout the world require a solution to our people’s economic and social problems as well as the transformation of the world economic system with a view to establishing a more just order. It is only then that we can have a true idea of the Agenda for Development and of its capability of meeting the expectations and concerns of the developing countries. The vagaries of the Rwandan tragedy, especially at the time when the critical decision was taken by the Security Council to withdraw the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR), should awaken the conscience of people everywhere and make them pause and reflect. The joint efforts of the United Nations and of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) were crystal-clear. The continent- wide organization, through its conflict-prevention, -management and -resolution machinery, had committed itself to continuing these efforts. My country welcomes the return of United Nations peace-keeping forces to Rwanda after a departure that had left us with the bitter feeling that the decision was inappropriate. Congo, in spite of its internal difficulties, from the very outset had felt concerned over the Rwandan tragedy. In a manifestation of fraternal solidarity, my country has taken part in all the humanitarian and peace-keeping operations in Rwanda, ranging from the OAU observer mission, UNAMIR I and operation "Turquoise" to today’s UNAMIR II. This framework body for joint efforts for subregional peace and security, which my country will host in March and August 1995, will help, we are convinced, to prevent crises and conflicts and thereby lay the foundations for genuine peace and cooperation in Central Africa. In an international context where we still see certain conflicts, we must acknowledge once again the pre- eminent role of the Security Council, which safeguards international peace and security. The spectacular increase in the membership of the United Nations as well as the emergence of new political and economic forces the world over require an expansion of this body on the basis of equitable geographic representation. In so doing, we would only be abiding by the criterion of universality, which has always guided our Organization and which must be constantly adapted to newly emerging realities. Our destinies are bound to become increasingly intertwined, our horizons to broaden, and all this in a spirit of diversity, complementarity and solidarity without any will to power or domination. Increased developments in science and technology will result in a globalization of the challenges we must face.