A/52/PV.22 General Assembly

The first speaker this afternoon is the Minister of State, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Senegal and for Senegalese people living abroad, His Excellency Mr. Moustapha Niasse.

The General Assembly has unanimously chosen you, Mr. President, to guide the work of the fifty-second session. This decision is a tribute to your outstanding personal qualities as a diplomat and a statesman, and at the same time a tribute to your vast experience in international relations. It also shows how much the international community appreciates the role played by your country, Ukraine, in the management of the major issues that characterize the evolution of world affairs. My country is pleased to express to you its warmest congratulations and best wishes for success in the execution of this noble mission. I would like to pay tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia, for the competence and open-mindedness with which he guided the work of the fifty-first session of our General Assembly. We extend to him our deep gratitude. I would like to extend to the new Secretary-General of our Organization, Mr. Kofi Annan, my warmest congratulations. The election of Mr. Kofi Annan last 17 December was a tribute to the exceptional qualities of a man who has devoted his entire life to United Nations causes. I wish him every success in the important mission entrusted to him. I am convinced that he will do honour to our continent, Africa, and successfully lead our Organization into the next millennium. The world’s family of nations is once again meeting, as it does every year, to examine the current situation and, at the same time, to chart the course of progress for the 12 months to come. While making its contribution to this exercise in collective reflection, my country, Senegal, would like to associate itself with all of those who find hope for a better future for humankind in our Organization, because it is based on peace and solidarity. In fact, the United Nations remains an irreplaceable instrument for the promotion of peace, security and progress in the world, thanks to its universal character, to the international culture and ethics that it expresses and inspires and to its positive accomplishments. Two years ago, on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations, the international community stressed here, unanimously, the irreplaceable nature of the framework for reflection, discussion, synthesis and coordination of international life that the In this light, we have made it one of our highest priorities to improve the capacities and the ability of the Organization to better tackle the challenges of today’s world. We have done so while affirming that “In order to be able to respond effectively to the challenges of the future and the expectations of the United Nations held by peoples around the world, it is essential that the United Nations itself be reformed and modernized.” (Declaration on the Occasion of the Fiftieth Anniversary of the United Nations, resolution 50/6, para. 14) We are pleased to note today that this conviction has begun to be reflected in deeds. In fact, led by the dynamism of our Secretary-General, the United Nations has now embarked on a vast reform effort, unprecedented in the history of this institution. More specifically, on 16 July last Mr. Kofi Annan submitted to the General Assembly proposals for reforms that will make the United Nations the cornerstone of an international system better adapted to the realities of the twenty-first century. I would like to express all my gratitude to the Secretary-General and his collaborators for the commendable efforts and energy that they have applied to the development of proposals as bold as they are relevant. Senegal is now examining all these proposals in close coordination with its fellow members of the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Non- Aligned Movement. Senegal will do this while bearing in mind the political will expressed by all to undertake, within an appropriate time period, the necessary reforms, especially in the fields of development, maintenance of international peace and security, disarmament and promotion of human rights, so that the Organization can better respond to the demands of our day and to the aspirations of the peoples for which it was created. In this framework, the reform of the Security Council requires the special attention of all Member States and, at the same time, a common will to be faithful to the ideal of peace that was inscribed in the Charter in San Francisco in 1945. The Working Group charged with examining this question has made considerable progress, even though consensus has yet to be found on such fundamental issues as expansion, composition and use of the veto in the Security Council. Nonetheless, we can and must underscore, welcome and support the many constructive and often complementary proposals that have been submitted and that have visibly enriched the debates over the course of the past year. We now must stay on track and redouble our efforts in order to take advantage of the momentum thus established and to succeed ultimately in our objective of restructuring the Security Council while modernizing it, making it more democratic and giving it greater credibility and greater transparency — and thus greater legitimacy. Africa has a natural role to play in this reform, a role that must be recognized given Africa’s historical evolution and its destiny as a continent of the future in the community of nations. The reform of the United Nations system towards greater coherence and greater dynamism is important, but equally urgent is the need for the maintenance and promotion of peace in the world. It is true that significant progress has been made in this area in recent years. Thus, the United Nations has succeeded in substantially strengthening its capacity to plan, establish and conduct peacekeeping missions throughout the world. My country, Senegal, is pleased to have been able to contribute to this progress, through, inter alia, the posting of officers from its army to the Secretariat in New York so that the various aspects of peacekeeping operations could be better rationalized. Above all, we must also re-examine the orientation of United Nations missions in all cases in which peace in the world is threatened or breached. The international community must, in particular, be more realistic in the missions it confers upon the United Nations Blue Helmets. In this context, drawing lessons from operations such as that conducted in Bosnia and Herzegovina, we must recognize something quite clear: by the rules of engagement established for them, the United Nations forces are not yet legally equipped to restore peace in theatres of operation where peace has been broken. Therefore, it seems to us more appropriate to entrust such missions to the Members of the United Nations that agree to conduct them in the framework of coalitions placed under the moral authority, but not the command, of our Organization. We would thus avoid giving mandates to United Nations soldiers without in turn giving them the legal, human and material means that are essential to the accomplishment of their missions. This choice is all the more desirable since multifaceted conflicts continue to afflict many regions of the world, starting, unfortunately, with Africa, our own continent. There significant progress has been made this year on the road to restoring peace in a certain number of countries, in particular in Liberia, which — thanks to the determination of the countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the support of the international community — has just emerged from seven years of fratricidal conflict. But we must recognize that in the case of other crises, the path towards peace remains uncertain. This applies in particular to Sierra Leone, where the situation remains very disturbing in spite of the initiatives of the United Nations, of the OAU and most especially of ECOWAS to restore legitimacy in that country. In the Congo (Brazzaville), another of our brother countries, the world witnessed a sudden deterioration of the political situation in the military confrontation that began on 5 June 1997. Here again it must be recalled that the combined efforts of the United Nations and the OAU and Elsewhere on the continent, in Angola and in Somalia, internal conflicts continue to elude resolution. Faced with all the dangers posed by all these conflicts, Africans have established the OAU Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution in Africa. Nonetheless, it is clear that that pan-African organization does not alone possess the means to undertake the many and complex actions required by peacekeeping operations in Africa. Massive support from the international community is therefore particularly needed in this area. This is why I would like once again to commend the convening last 25 September, on the initiative of the President of the Security Council, of a special Council meeting at the ministerial level devoted to the preservation of peace, security and stability in Africa. We would also like to thank our colleague, Mrs. Madeleine Albright, Secretary of State of the United States. That meeting gave eloquent witness to the special importance that the international community attaches to African problems. However, I must emphasize that declarations of intent alone are not enough. We need concrete action. Hence, Senegal attaches great importance to the report that the Secretary-General is soon to submit to us and which is to contain specifically concrete recommendations on the causes of conflict in Africa, on the means of preventing them and, where need be, the means of resolving them in full agreement with our partners in the international community. In this context, we welcome the increasing assistance we are beginning to receive from certain major countries of the northern hemisphere in the framework of the strengthening of Africa’s capacity to maintain peace and react rapidly to crises. In this respect, we cannot but mention France, the United States of America and Canada, as well as other countries of the North. Along Also in the framework of these concerns for Africa, I should like to mention the ongoing conflict between the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya on the one hand and the United States of America and the United Kingdom on the other with respect to the Lockerbie tragedy. We feel that the time is ripe for the parties concerned finally to successfully resolve this matter through dialogue and negotiation because — and this must be stressed once again — the people of Libya are suffering greatly from the embargo to which that country is being subjected. We welcome the significant progress made in the framework of efforts to achieve a definitive peace in the Western Sahara under the auspices of the United Nations and under the guidance of Mr. James Baker, the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General. The situation in the Middle East continues to be of concern to peace-loving people. Recent developments in the occupied Palestinian territories, the expansion of existing Israeli settlements or the construction of new ones, delays in negotiations — these all have had, to our great regret, a negative impact on the peace process. We would mention also the clear-cut acts of violence perpetrated against defenceless civilians, such as the recent attacks in Jerusalem. All of these acts must be condemned unreservedly because they do enormous damage to the peace efforts. It is for all these reasons that we wish here to make a pressing appeal to the co-sponsors of the peace process and to the entire international community so that the most appropriate initiatives can be taken in order to salvage the peace process. For today, more than any other region of the world, the Middle East truly needs peace and security for its own development. This peace can be achieved only within a framework of mutual trust and the will to live together with respect for the rights and the dignity of all the peoples of the region. Global security also requires arms reduction and the elimination of certain categories of weapons. That is why, for more than 50 years now, the United Nations has attempted to create a world free of all weapons of mass destruction. In the pursuit of this objective, significant progress has already been made. One year ago, we From that point on, the international community was involved in negotiations for a treaty for the elimination of anti-personnel landmines. Senegal, which is a member of the Conference on Disarmament, continues to attach special importance to this question, whose settlement would represent a major step forward towards a world that would offer greater security for all. In this context, we hope to see the Ottawa process, in which we are participants, succeed, by the end of this year, in the signing of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on Their Destruction. Eradicating poverty throughout the world has been and remains one of the fundamental objectives of the United Nations. By proclaiming in the Charter their determination to establish better standards of living in conditions of broader freedom, the founding fathers wanted to make of the United Nations an instrument that would fight for the social progress of all humankind. But at the present time, planet Earth is threatened by global challenges that know no boundaries and that spare no peoples. The world’s problems — poverty, exclusion, terrorism, organized crime and drug-trafficking — have become globalized far earlier than the economy has. That is why, regardless of the way in which we approach the future, the problems that exist at century’s end cannot be resolved except through concerted and integrated action that can manage harmoniously all of the upheaval that is accompanying this changing period of history. It is in this context that Senegal welcomes the successful conclusion of negotiations on the elaboration of an Agenda for Development. The consensus achieved in that Agenda, which draws its substance from earlier commitments in the various plans of action of recent international conferences, gives evidence of our shared faith in the virtues of a new global partnership for development based on the imperative of interdependence and on mutual benefit. Thus the conceptual framework has been set and accepted by all, and it remains for us to move towards action through a mobilization of resources commensurate with the generous intentions formulated in the Agenda for Development. Along these lines, the settlement of the debt crisis, just remuneration for commodities, the lifting of trade In this context, the fight against poverty is of clear priority, because it is unacceptable, in this era of space technology and the Internet, that millions of men and women the world over, and especially in the southern hemisphere, still do not have the minimal conditions for a decent life. They lack water, electricity, medicine, food — in a word, they lack security and well-being. The aspirations of peoples to a better life is an eternal quest that we cannot neglect, as it is true that human beings must remain at the very beginning and end of development. In this quest for lasting solutions to the challenges of underdevelopment, my country took the initiative, at the thirty-third Summit of the OAU, held in Harare in June, to suggest two resolutions through which the Heads of State and Government of Africa unanimously renewed their support for the United Nations system in general and for the action taken by Africa in particular to raise the standard of living of African peoples. But this need for solidarity should not cause us to forget that any effort towards sustainable development is, above all, the national responsibility of States. It requires the definition and effective application of sound macroeconomic policies based on transparency, the rule of law, the practice of democracy, respect for human rights, social justice and the participation of all in the national development effort: in other words, it is based on what we today call good governance. As my country sees it, this choice, which must be supplemented by solidarity at the global level, is the most certain course towards the shared ideal assigned to us by the Charter of the United Nations. By enshrining in our Charter their attachment to respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, the founding fathers of the United Nations inspired millions of men and women to take what His Holiness Pope John Paul II called two years ago “the risk of freedom”. Their commendable struggle means that today, respect for these rights and these freedoms is universally considered to be an essential component of any undertaking whose goal is the progress and well-being of the individual. My country, Senegal, which attaches profound importance to the dignity and value of the human being, I would like, in this framework, to commend the appointment of Mrs. Mary Robinson to the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. We assure her of our support and wish her every success in her noble mission. The universal nature of the United Nations is a reality that must be consolidated and strengthened. In this context, we support without reservation the request of the Republic of China to join again the community of nations and be admitted to our Organization and its specialized agencies. Acceding to this request would be a significant contribution to the consolidation of the ideal of universality of the United Nations and do justice to the esteemed people of the Republic of China. Its economic and social development, commitment to democratic values and international behaviour have given irrefutable proof of its faith in the noble objectives of the United Nations Charter and of its capacity to assume the responsibilities of all Member States. When the Berlin wall crumbled in 1989, great hope was aroused in the citizens of the world. Hope was born of rapid movement towards a new international order which would bring with it peace and justice as well as solidarity and progress. In this new international order, the Republic of China has a place, a place recognized by international law and the demands of a rapidly developing world. In conclusion, I would like to say that the international community must do everything in its power to have hope triumph over the dangers menacing humankind. The human race’s God-given intelligence provides the possibilities and resources to achieve this end. We have no choice but to help the United Nations adapt to the new world and play its proper role as a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in the attainment of common ends. This is all the more essential since the great challenges to our future can only be met in a global framework of solidarity. The only solution — whether in the struggle against terrorism, drug- trafficking and organized crime; in the protection of our environment and our collective health; or in the promotion of security Together, we have already begun this effort, and my country urges the international community to continue it steadfastly. Senegal makes this appeal convinced that, with the intellectual and material resources available to humankind today, there is no challenge that cannot be met. All we need is the will. We can do it. We must do it. Let us do it together, as brothers and sisters belonging to one family.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iraq, His Excellency Mr. Mohammed Said Al- Sahaf.

It gives me great pleasure to congratulate you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-second session. I am confident that your extensive experience and extreme competence will positively contribute to the successful conduct of the proceedings of this session. I would like to assure you that the Iraqi delegation will do its best to cooperate with you and with your colleagues in discharging your responsibilities to bring the proceedings of this session to a successful conclusion. I would like also to pay tribute to your predecessor, Mr. Razali Ismail, for the incessant and sincere efforts which he made to crown the proceedings of the last session with success. He has earned our appreciation. The success of the United Nations in the exercise of its desired role depends primarily on the proper application of the principles and provisions of the Charter, because it is the only instrument that can achieve the goals for which this Organization was established: the endeavour to achieve an international community based on respect for the sovereignty, freedom and independence of peoples and their empowerment to achieve their goals of economic and social development. The reform of the United Nations structures and mechanisms in a proper way that ensures justice to all Member States and geographical groups will enable it to discharge its responsibilities in a manner consistent with the purposes, principles and provisions enshrined in the Charter. We believe that the reform process of the Organization should not be restricted to the management aspect, The United Nations should not be controlled by the rich, who are a small minority in the world. Among the basic purposes of the United Nations, according to the Charter, is the promotion of the economic and social advancement of all peoples. Based on that, we consider it necessary to avoid marginalizing developing countries and denying them the opportunities and potentialities for economic and scientific development. While we are talking about the reform of the Organization and its mechanisms and the review of its role, we should not overlook the basic realities of the evolution of the international community from a small group of States that are homogeneous in their concepts and interests to a community of a global nature, necessarily heterogeneous and varying in all its perceptions and interests. This objective reality makes it imperative for all of us to employ our common energies to review the charters and mechanisms that we have inherited to make them consistent with the objective reality of the international community in order to achieve the common and public good, not simply the interests of the minority. One example that comes to mind in this regard is the area of human rights. Finally, we must recognize the need for deliberation, consultation and extensive negotiation on what reform steps should be approved. A prerequisite for the success of any step in this common effort is the presence of a real consensus among States, not the voices speaking under pressure and threats to their respective interests. Iraq has carried out what was required of it under these resolutions. In the context of working with the Special Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) for the implementation of section C of resolution 687 (1991), on proscribed weapons, Iraq has carried out all the substantive obligations set out therein. Iraq has never tarried in doing everything possible to emphasize its keenness to deal even with the very minute details so that the Security Council could move to carry out its corresponding obligations towards Iraq by lifting the blockade. Our work in this regard is of special importance. We should pause to shed light upon it. The full implementation to date of the substantive obligations imposed on Iraq with regard to banned weapons is an established fact. Despite all the rumours, the truth is that Iraq no longer has any banned weapons, equipment, machinery or materials. The system of continuous observation established in Iraq by the Special Commission and the International Atomic Energy Agency is working effectively and has been since August 1994, covering all the territory of Iraq. When the new Chairman of the Special Commission, Ambassador Richard Butler, assumed his office, we welcomed his statements in which he affirmed that he would follow an objective, scientific and technical approach in dealing with what the Commission views as remaining issues, in accordance with the requirements clearly established by resolution 687 (1991). We affirmed our full readiness to cooperate with Ambassador Butler. We agreed with him, during his first visit to Baghdad last July, on an intensive common work programme, which we have actively carried out. In fact, substantial advances have been made in this common activity, and we look forward to the semi-annual report by the Special Commission, which we hope will be submitted to the Security Council in a few days. We hope it will equitably reflect the progress achieved and will open the door for the Security Council to start implementing paragraph 22 of resolution 687 (1991), which means the beginning of the lifting of the blockade on Iraq. The whole world has felt the magnitude of the wilful damage and destruction inflicted on Iraq by the continuation of the blockade, which is contrary to the purposes for which the United Nations was established, which purposes have been emphasized in its numerous conferences. International organizations, humanitarian missions and United Nations agencies have warned of the dangers besetting the people of Iraq as a result of the continued blockade, particularly the dangerous effects on women and children. The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), for instance, has confirmed in its latest study in March 1997 that 27.5 per cent of Iraqi children under five years of age suffer from chronic malnutrition and that the most threatened segment is children under two years old, due to malnutrition and the incidence of contagious diseases. Furthermore, the environment in Iraq has suffered extensive damage because of indiscriminate bombing by the United States and some of its allies, which was aimed at power stations, sewage systems and factories, which we have not been able to rebuild fully because of the blockade. Scientific studies and research carried out by foreign researchers and scientists have unequivocally confirmed that the United States used banned weapons and ammunition enriched with depleted uranium in its military operations against Iraq. This exposed vast tracts of Iraqi territory to contamination by deadly toxic materials. Numerous cases of hitherto unfamiliar illnesses have been recorded, such as congenital deformities of foetuses, bone deformities and many cases of leukaemia among children. We heard many allegations from the representatives of the United States and Britain before Iraq agreed to deal with the oil-for-food formula. The representatives of both countries shed crocodile tears and alleged that they were concerned about the suffering of the Iraqi people. They The oil-for-food-and-medicine formula is a temporary and modest formula that meets only a small fraction of Iraq’s needs. Nevertheless, this formula has encountered and continues to encounter many major obstacles and difficulties, which the United States and Britain in particular try to impose with a view to impeding the proper and effective implementation of the memorandum of understanding. The conduct of the representatives of these two countries in the Committee established pursuant to Security Council resolution 661 (1990) has led to an accumulation of contracts which were rejected or suspended on flimsy pretexts. This has caused a huge break in the smooth flow of the approval of such contracts and has thereby delayed the delivery and distribution of materials to the Iraqi people. To date, despite the fact that the implementation of the first period ended over three months ago, Iraq has received only 25 per cent of the medicine required and has not received any materials at all up to now relating to agriculture, education, water or sewage, or any spare parts for electricity-generating power stations. Now more than ever is the time for the United Nations to discharge its responsibility with regard to its obligations under the Charter, not only to the people of Iraq, but to the international community. The United Nations has a duty to carry out a professional and objective review of the provisions of the blockade imposed on Iraq in order to implement paragraph 22 of Security Council resolution 687 (1991) as a first step towards lifting the blockade completely. All the discussions that have taken place in the United Nations, in specialized working groups and committees, and in particular in the Special Committee on the Charter of the United Nations and on the Strengthening of the Role of the Organization, have stressed that sanctions should be an exceptional measure used by the United Nations in special circumstances and in accordance with the Charter. They have also stressed that such sanctions should not be based merely on political expediency, but rather should be firmly United Nations responsibility does not end there. The United Nations must put an end to all hostile practices against Iraq by the United States, which persists in its continuous attempts to interfere in Iraq’s internal affairs with a view to causing instability and insecurity and in carrying out operations to change its nationalist regime; such practices are considered criminal acts even under its own domestic law. Statements made by senior American officials confirm the hostile American policy towards Iraq. Members of the United Nations are not unaware of the article published in the Washington Post on 26 June 1997 or of the information contained in the ABC television programme aired on 26 June 1997. This information confirmed that the United States was involved in conspiracies against the nationalist regime in Iraq. This involvement is an official policy, approved by the American President, and more that $100 million has been appropriated for it. The Central Intelligence Agency has been charged with its implementation. Following that publicity, the policy was acknowledged by an official spokesman of the American State Department in a press briefing on 27 June. The United Nations resolutions on Iraq affirm that all States have an obligation to respect Iraq’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence. The United States is carrying out a policy of its own making, which runs counter to the provisions of the Charter and of the resolutions referred to. I hope that Members of the United Nations are not ignorant of the fact that among the means of achieving the declared objectives of this hostile policy towards Iraq is the imposition of no-fly zones in northern and southern Iraq. This is an illegal act that is contrary to Security Council resolutions. It is a unilateral military act by the Governments of the United States and Britain — a clear application of brute power politics against our country. We demand that the United Nations deplore and condemn unilateral policies based on the logic of brute force, opportunism, double standards and hegemony. We are eager to establish excellent relations with neighbouring countries. We have affirmed on more than one occasion the importance of dialogue in order to arrive at the best solutions to problems affecting relations between the countries of the region. Unfortunately, we have not received the required response from certain parties, largely because of interference by external Powers that have nothing to do with the reality of the interests of the States of the region. We note that, unfortunately, our neighbour, Turkey, is indulging in dangerous policies that run counter to the deep historical, religious and human relations between Iraq and Turkey. Turkey has repeatedly continued to violate our sovereignty, interfere in our internal affairs and invade our territory, on the basis of flimsy pretexts. We have discussed the situation with our neighbour, Turkey, on several occasions in the past. The most recent discussion was with the Under-Secretary of the Turkish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, which took place on 15 September 1997 in Baghdad. During those discussions we explained that the solution to the Kurdish problem inside Turkey could not be achieved by committing armed aggression against Iraq, or by interfering in its internal affairs, in collaboration with foreign Powers — the United States and Britain — but rather by fully observing the principle of mutual respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the two countries and by cooperation between their Governments to ensure security and stability on both sides of the international border. We have warned Turkey of the serious and negative consequences of its policies for relations between the two countries and for Turkey’s own interests. Many countries in and outside the region, and international organizations, foremost among them the League of Arab States, have condemned the new Turkish aggression against Iraq, which began on 22 September 1997. We strongly condemn this new military aggression, which is a flagrant violation of Iraq’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We demand that Turkey immediately withdraw its invading forces from our country and refrain from repeating such aggressive military We are also keen on establishing good-neighbourly relations with Iran, based on mutual respect for sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-interference in internal affairs. On 8 August 1997 President Saddam Hussain issued a call to the new Iranian Government to show its good intentions towards Iraq by carrying out its established obligations, foremost of which is the release of Iraqi prisoners of war and the return of the aircraft entrusted to it. He also affirmed that Iraq would reciprocate each step taken by Iran in this regard by taking two balanced steps: one corresponding to the Iranian step and another in line with our deep sense of humanitarian, regional and international responsibility to encourage the taking of successive, continual steps to ensure that regional security, mutual respect and balanced interests rest firmly on their proper foundation in such a way that benefits the peoples of the region. It is unfortunate that our neighbour, Iran, does not match our inclination and prefers to continue to exploit the conditions of the unjust blockade imposed against Iraq and to exploit the imposition of no-fly zones by the United States and Britain in northern and southern Iraq to enable it to violate Iraqi sovereignty, penetrate its airspace and commit one military aggression after another. The most recent of such acts was the bombing by eight Iranian military aircraft of positions inside Iraqi territory, in the governorates of Diala and El-Kut on 29 September 1997. Iran and another State are taking advantage of the illegal air embargo, imposed on northern and southern Iraq by the United States and its collaborators, to violate Iraq’s sovereignty, penetrate its airspace and commit continuous military aggression on its territory. The continuation of this illegal air embargo constitutes an ongoing threat to Iraq’s sovereignty and security, not only from America and Britain, but also from Iran and other States. This situation, in which acts of aggression are repeatedly committed, means that the explicit United Nations pledges in relevant Security Council resolutions to safeguard Iraq’s sovereignty and territorial integrity have become a mere dead letter. It is time that these Iraq is an ancient country with a history going back more than 7,000 years. The Iraqi people, who contributed immensely to human civilization, will remain in charge of their own affairs, independent in their choices and able to overcome these crises. As we stand at the threshold of the twenty-first century, we look forward to seeing the United Nations enabled to discharge its basic responsibilities to carry out the purposes embodied in the Charter.

The next speaker on my list is the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of Mozambique, His Excellency, Mr. Leonardo Santos Simão. I give him the floor.

On behalf of my Government and on my own behalf, allow me to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your unanimous election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty- second session. Your election to this office bears testimony to your commitment to the cause of international peace and security. I am sure that with your guidance and wide experience in international affairs, our work will record a successful outcome. You can rest assured of my delegation’s full support during your term of office. I would also like to put on record our appreciation of the manner in which your predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia, presided over the deliberations of the fifty-first session of the General Assembly. His performance and innovative ideas will indeed help us tackle the challenges before our Organization in the years to come. Let me pay a well-deserved tribute to the Secretary- General of the United Nations, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his leadership and the commitment to the ideals of international peace and security demonstrated in his first year of office. I wish him well and pledge our full support and cooperation as he discharges his responsibilities in our Organization in times of change. Within two days, Mozambique will celebrate five years of peace and stability. Looking back, albeit to see the challenges we have encountered, our nation has, without a doubt, made significant progress in its quest for the consolidation of peace and tranquillity, democracy and development, and we are determined further to pursue these goals. The implementation of the structural adjustment programme initiated in 1987 has indeed created an attractive environment for private investment, both domestic and foreign, which is gradually and steadily leading the country to economic and social progress. It is within this multidisciplinary and global action that economic reforms are taking place, with results that are already positive and tangible. Preliminary indications of the performance of the economy during the first half of 1997 estimate that growth in gross domestic product will reach about 7 per cent by the end of this year, a figure which is higher than that originally forecast. In speaking on this very important subject I would like to underscore the high importance we attach to the need for flexibility with respect to the implementation of initiatives for debt relief and sustainability. My Government is encouraged by recent indications from international financial institutions concerning the impending decision on the eligibility of Mozambique to the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative. I would hope that once such a decision is made the time- frame between the decision point and the completion point might be as short as possible so as to have the desired impact on the economy. Without far-reaching debt relief measures, it will be virtually impossible for the country to sustain the current growth and stabilization of the economy. We hope that as soon as possible all least developed countries may accede to the Initiative. In this regard, my Government welcomes the recent admission of Russia to both the Group of 8 and the Paris Club. It is our hope that those steps will enable that country to play a more active and constructive role in matters related to debt forgiveness and relief, particularly The rehabilitation of the economic and social fabrics, especially in the rural areas, is seriously hampered by the scourge of landmines. These horrible weapons have killed and continue to kill and wound hundreds of innocent citizens. With that in mind, at the fourth International Conference of Non-Governmental Organizations on Landmines, which met at Maputo in February of this year, my Government approved a resolution that prohibits, with immediate effect, the production, commercialization, utilization and non-authorized transportation of anti- personnel landmines in the territory of Mozambique. My Government has been participating fully in the negotiations within the framework of the Ottawa process. In this respect, we welcome the results achieved at the recently concluded Oslo Diplomatic Conference. We urge all countries to heed the call of the peoples of the world and to join the majority of nations in signing the international treaty on the total ban of anti-personnel landmines in December this year. We wish to launch a vigorous appeal to the international community to ensure that all the provisions of that treaty with respect to, inter alia, the destruction of stockpiled anti-personnel mines and those laid within minefields and in areas outside minefields, and with respect to international cooperation and assistance, are fully implemented. In this respect, I wish to highlight the importance my Government attaches to the question of assistance to victims of landmines before, during and following mine clearance, in order to ensure the early and safe return and resettlement of displaced persons with a view to ensuring a speedy resumption of economic activity, in particular in rural areas. I would like to express our deep gratitude to those countries and organizations that are providing generous assistance in demining activities, and invite others to join us in implementing our national demining programme. In August this year, the Government and civil society jointly launched a national campaign for the commemoration of the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which will take place on 10 December 1998. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, with which my country fully associates itself, represents the commitment by all peoples of the world to Within that framework, my Government follows with keen attention the progress being made in the Preparatory Committee on the Establishment of an International Criminal Court. The establishment of such a court, with the purpose of bringing to justice individuals accused of committing the most heinous crimes, is an important contribution to the promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms. The court must be entrusted with clear powers in order fully to discharge its mandate. In particular, its competence and jurisdiction should be clearly defined in conformity with its objectives and taking into account the principle of complementarity. In the African continent, we are participating in discussions for the establishment of an African court of human and peoples’ rights. It is our hope that the high- level meeting scheduled for next year at Addis Ababa will succeed in finding the needed consensus on all outstanding issues pertaining to the court. In the past 12 months, the issue of United Nations reforms has gained new impetus with new developments which have taken place quite recently. It is a fact that there is a broad consensus with regard to the need for such reforms. Nevertheless, in carrying them out it will be important to find ways and means that will ensure that the legitimate rights and aspirations of all Member States, and in particular the developing countries, are safeguarded. This is particularly relevant with respect to the proposals for the enlargement of the Security Council. Similarly, my Government has taken due note of and welcomes the reform package presented by the Secretary- General in his report entitled “Renewing the United Nations: A Programme for Reform”. The report, the most comprehensive and far-reaching ever produced in the annals of the Organization, addresses vital elements that require in-depth discussion by Member States. As a country striving to strengthen peace and security both within its borders and in the regional context, as well as in the world as a whole, Mozambique regards preventive diplomacy, peacekeeping and post- conflict peace-building as important elements that must be In the field of human rights, I welcome the proposed consolidation of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Centre for Human Rights into a single new Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. I commend the Secretary- General for this course of action, which is in line with the sentiments expressed by Member States not only in the General Assembly but also within the framework of the Commission on Human Rights. The merging of the two bodies will in fact eliminate the duplication of tasks and expenditures and streamline the work of the new, consolidated body. On behalf of my Government, I wish to take this opportunity to congratulate Mrs. Mary Robinson on her assumption of the post of High Commissioner for Human Rights. We pledge to her our full support, both within the context of the Commission on Human Rights, of which Mozambique is a member, and also within the context of promoting human rights and fundamental freedoms worldwide. With respect to financing our Organization, I fully agree with the Secretary-General that the current financial crisis facing us “is directly linked to the failure of ... Member States to discharge their ... obligations regarding prompt and full payment of assessed ... contributions”. [A/51/950, para. 82] We would really hope that the very same countries that so far have failed to fulfil their treaty obligations, will this time not only pay their dues but also assist the Secretary- General by contributing to the proposed Revolving Credit Fund. I equally commend the proposed establishment of a development account resulting from reductions in non- programme costs over the next few years. We regard the establishment of such an account as an important contribution in addressing the economic and social needs of developing countries on a more consistent and predictable basis. The creation of a Strategic Planing Unit, in our view, will further enhance the ability of the Secretary- General to act in accordance with the provisions of the Article 99 of the Charter. In the light of the new realities, it is our firm belief that the information gathered by this Unit will be brought to the attention not only of that body but also of the General Assembly, in accordance with the provisions of Articles 10 and 11 of the Charter. As for the proposed establishment of the “UN House” under a single United Nations flag, it is important to ensure that the identity and the vast individual and unique experience — as well as the expertise — accumulated by the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) are preserved. More significantly, the need for decentralization and flexibility in decision-making at the country level should be safeguarded and further enhanced so as to ensure that everyone benefits from the proposed consolidation. It is my Government’s hope that the new arrangement will result in a united, cooperative and coherent framework at the country level. The experience of coordination of all of the United Nations programmes and funds in Mozambique is positive and encouraging. We have taken due note of the proposal for the establishment of a ministerial-level commission to examine possible changes in the Charter with a view to preparing our Organization for the challenges of the next century. Given the complexity of the issues to be looked at, the commission should be established on the basis of geographic representation, after adequate consultations, and should be provided with clear and precise terms of reference in order to guarantee that its views are universal and as consensual as possible. It is our hope that the proposed reforms — those being implemented within the purview of the Secretary- General, as well as the ones under discussion in the Working Group — will result in greater focus of the United Nations in the economic and social spheres. Now that we have gathered consensus on an Agenda for Development, we need to ensure that appropriate steps are taken by a reformed, more efficient United Nations to realize our goals. These efforts will be further enhanced to a great extent by the recently established Indian Ocean Rim-Association for Regional Cooperation (IOR-ARC). The new organization assembles a variety of countries from Asia and Africa, plus Australia. Its fundamental principles include the facilitation and promotion of economic cooperation, bringing together representatives of government, business and academia. My Government follows with renewed interest the efforts towards the mitigation of conflicts throughout the world. We are conscious of the fact that economic and social development are possible only when we live in peace and political stability. Therefore, prevention, management and conflict resolution constitute a fundamental issue in our foreign policy. In this regard, I wish to associate myself with previous speakers in congratulating most sincerely the establishment of the Democratic Republic of the Congo following decades of uncertainty. We hope that the new authorities will play a positive role in our collective efforts for regional peace and stability, particularly in the Great Lakes region. The challenges facing the new Government are indeed immense and deserve assistance and support from the international community. Likewise, we commend the successful outcome of the electoral process in Liberia, which symbolizes the completion of the peace process in that country. We look forward to the reinvigoration of a united, peaceful and prosperous country which is ready to contribute to the effort towards the economic stabilization of the entire region. It is our hope that the international community will spare no efforts in assisting Liberia to overcome the tragedy that has fallen on it for so many years. We equally note with satisfaction the recent progress made for the settlement of the issue of Western Sahara, and we encourage the parties concerned to continue down this positive path. The peace process in Angola continues to face serious challenges as a result of the failure of UNITA to comply fully with the agreed commitments under the Lusaka Protocol. With the recent adoption of Security Council resolution 1130 (1997), it is now for this body to ensure that the provisions of all other relevant resolutions are fully complied with in order to bring the peace process back on track and to avoid the continued delays we have been witnessing over the three years of the implementation of the Lusaka Protocol. On the other hand, my Government remains concerned about the situation in the Congo. We support the initiative of the heads of State and Government of the region under the leadership of His Excellency President Bongo, and we call upon the parties to exercise maximum restraint in order not to jeopardize any further those efforts. All parties concerned must set aside their differences and work together for the attainment of a negotiated settlement to prevent further suffering of innocent civilians and destruction of property. Recent events in the Comoros islands underline the need for full respect of the independence and territorial integrity of all States, under any circumstances. We encourage permanent dialogue among all concerned parties so as to find a negotiated settlement of the dispute within the framework of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) peace initiatives. On behalf of my Government, I would like to express our solidarity to the people of East Timor. We do hope that the ongoing negotiations between Portugal and Indonesia under the auspices of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, and other initiatives, will finally lead to a successful outcome of this issue in accordance with the principles and purposes of the Charter. On the Middle East, my Government notes with concern the deterioration of the security situation in that We are also following with interest the developments concerning the conflict situations in the Persian Gulf region. In the highest interests of its peoples, we urge all the parties concerned to act together with a view to finding an internationally acceptable solution to all outstanding issues, in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter. At the dawn of the new millennium, we bear the responsibility of preparing the United Nations to save not only succeeding generations from the scourge of war but also to provide an Organization that will effectively and efficiently promote cooperation and development. We in Mozambique are prepared to work towards this goal.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs and Cooperation of Chad, His Excellency Mr. Mahamat Saleh Annadif.

In taking the floor for the first time before this Assembly, I feel legitimately proud to be the voice with which the people of Chad, its Government and its President, His Excellency Mr. Idriss Déby, convey a message of peace, hope and wishes for complete success in our work. I would like to join the eminent speakers who have preceded me in reiterating my delegation’s warm congratulations to the President on his illustrious election to preside over this session. That choice is both a tribute to his country, Ukraine — a country resolutely focused on the quest for global peace — and the culmination of his long career as a talented diplomat. He can be assured of the complete support of my country, Chad, in the discharge of his duties. I would also like to take this opportunity to express our gratitude to his predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail, Lastly, I would like to greet our Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, a son of Africa who has succeeded another great African, Mr. Boutros Boutros-Ghali. The election of Mr. Kofi Annan is the culmination of a brilliant career devoted to the service of the international community. It is an honour to his country, Ghana, and to all Africa. I should like to assure him of the firm support of the Republic of Chad in his efforts to bring about the necessary and indispensable reforms of our Organization so as to make it more capable of achieving the purposes and principles of the Charter in our rapidly changing world. The ideals of peace, liberty and development, which are pursued tirelessly by each and every nation represented here, are of special significance for my country and people. Indeed, drawing upon the lessons of its sad experiences, since 1 December 1990 Chad has made a firm commitment to the establishment of a state of law and the tireless quest for peace and national unity which are the essential foundations for its economic and social development. At previous sessions the delegation of Chad regularly referred to positive developments in our country. Today I have the honour and privilege of announcing that with the presidential election of 1996 and the legislative elections held at the beginning of this year, most of our republican and democratic institutions are in place. Projects are under way to hold local elections. All this is taking place in a climate of peace and national harmony. The ongoing quest for peace between Chadians, the necessary consolidation of the achievements of national unity and the willingness to involve everyone in public administration have compelled our President, Mr. Idriss Déby, to practise what we call consensual, participatory democracy. It follows that all political parties, including those of the opposition, are represented in all State structures. By the same token, a national mediator has recently been appointed. The fifty-second session of the General Assembly coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This is the proper place to reaffirm our loyalty to that instrument, which, despite its imperfections, is, in its own language, In Chad we are getting down to work, and significant progress has been registered. Thus, our independent press is one of the freest in Africa; human rights organizations are proliferating and carry out their activities unhindered; and organized civil society is fully playing its role. Despite these noteworthy advances, insidious campaigns have been sporadically unleashed against my country. For my Government the subject of human rights is not taboo. Thus, I should like once again to reiterate the invitation that Mr. Idriss Déby, President of the Republic, extended during his last visit to France to all countries and human rights organizations that are truly interested in the fate of the people of Chad: to come to Chad and freely look into the situation. With the return to social peace and political stability, my country is turning a new page in its history, one that should enable it to face the challenges of the twenty-first century. To do that, the Government of Chad has adopted a number of principles that, backed up by concrete actions, should make it possible to achieve vigorous and sustained economic growth. The objectives are the following: the continuation and consolidation of the process of democratizing political and social life; the increased participation of the citizens in political, economic and social life and in making decisions that concern them; the establishment of sound rules of government; the promotion of the private sector; the development of human resources; and the restoration and safeguarding of environmental equilibrium and of the ecosystem, with special attention being paid to environmental problems related to human activities. This entire development strategy will be presented and discussed at the round table on Chad to be held in Geneva in the months ahead. That meeting is necessary to reactivate and adapt the plan of orientation covering the period 1990- 2000. I take this opportunity to invite all countries and intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations to take part in that important conference on the future of Chad. I should now like to touch on a problem that is of crucial importance for my Government: the environment. Chad is a Sahelian country, afflicted, moreover, by drought The prospect of the exploitation of Chad’s oil resources has led to a systematic disinformation campaign alleging environmental degradation in the region concerned. I should like solemnly to state here that all necessary measures have been taken by the Government not only to preserve environmental balance but also to prevent any risk of accident that could jeopardize it. Another subject of grave concern indirectly connected with the environment is that of mines, an estimated 1 million of which infest a large portion of the national territory, thus precluding any development activities in that region. We would reiterate in this respect the appeal for assistance in mine clearance that was made from this rostrum by President Idriss Déby during the commemorative meeting on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the United Nations. My Government, a victim of the scourge of mines, welcomes the adoption on 18 September last of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti- Personnel Mines and on Their Destruction. The international situation remains alarming, even if peace ad security are not gravely threatened at the global scale. In Africa, despite the hopes born of the democratization of the political life of many countries, hotbeds of tension still persist. In Angola, implementation of the settlement plan advocated by the international community is running aground on obstacles that jeopardize a final return to peace in this country. We call again on all parties, particularly UNITA, fully to implement the Lusaka Protocol. Periodic clashes remind us that in Somalia, the hatchet has not definitely been buried, despite numerous attempts at reconciling the fraternal Somali people. The Great Lakes region is progressively entering a phase of relative calm despite sporadic incidents stemming from the chain of events that have caused upheaval in this part of the continent. We welcome the concerted efforts of the international community and of the countries of the subregion to help restore a definitive peace. In Central Africa, closer to Chad, the exacerbation of the conflict in the sister Republic of the Congo, despite the appeal made at Libreville by eight Heads of State on 15 September last, is of great concern to us. My country is of the view that only an immediate and unconditional cease- fire can make it possible to re-establish dialogue between the two parties. This in turn would make possible a greater involvement of the international community, particularly for the deployment of a multinational force under the auspices of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The scope of the tragedy of these upheavals on the African continent can be gauged by the number of homeless and of refugees who, left to their own devices, are wandering from country to country, seeking a land to receive them where they can live in peace. It is urgent for the international community to take greater notice of these tragedies, which concern us all, in order to find appropriate solutions. This sombre picture of the situation on the continent does not eclipse the successes of international and, above all, African mediation in crisis and conflict situations, such as in the Central African Republic and in Liberia. In the Central African Republic, the painstaking settlement of the political and military crisis to the satisfaction of the political class is, for Chad — a neighbouring, brotherly country — cause for satisfaction. Likewise, we welcome the return to peace in Liberia, which has made it possible to designate a President of the Republic and a Parliament by means of free and democratic elections. In both cases, the contribution of Africa was decisive. We are proud of this, just as we commend the Security Council for its support of various African initiatives. This compels me to urge the acceleration of the process leading to the establishment of an inter-African peacekeeping force. We also urge the strengthening of existing structures, such as the Standing Advisory Committee on Security Questions in Central Africa; the Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Africa at Lomé, in Togo; and the OAU’s Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution. In the Middle East, the Israeli-Palestinian peace process seems to be put to the test, given recent developments in this region. We urge all parties concerned to respect the Washington agreements. This is the only alternative if we are to achieve definitive peace in this region. Neither violence nor extremism, nor, certainly, intransigence will allow us to arrive at a just and definitive solution to this crisis, which has gone on far too long. In Asia, the situation in Afghanistan and in Cambodia can be solved only by political means. Therefore we urge the protagonists to gather around the negotiating table and seek to resolve their differences. Chad welcomes the progress, however slow, that has been registered in recent years in disarmament. We denounce, however, the shocking trade in conventional weapons, which foment so many conflicts that ravage various parts of the world, including my country. We therefore support the efforts initiated in western Africa related to the moratorium on the export, import and production of small arms. My country reaffirms its unswerving faith in the virtues of dialogue as a means of resolving conflicts between States. I should like in this connection to refer to the question of the embargo that has so harshly and for so many years afflicted the neighbouring and brotherly country of Libya. Chad is in a good position to gauge the consequences that affect not only the people of Libya but also the people of Chad, as that country’s neighbour. That is why, as a country that is dually cut off and deprived of its principal means of evacuation and supply, Chad firmly supports the resolutions of the OAU, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement, and calls for the lifting of this unjust embargo. We should like to take this opportunity to express our solidarity with the people of Iraq and Cuba, who have been indiscriminately affected by similar measures. My country has noted with satisfaction the end of the bipolar world, which has made possible the advent of a new type of constructive dialogue that will enable us together to meet the challenges of the twenty-first century. In resuming diplomatic relations with the Republic of China, the Government and people of Chad While the conflicts and other tensions throughout the world concern us, so too does the international economic situation. The justifiable fear expressed by the developing countries in the aftermath of the cold war has not been mitigated. The recent report of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development reminds us of this. Poverty in the developing countries and the impoverishment of important social strata in the developed countries provide fertile ground for intolerance, extremism and nationalism, whose consequences we are all too familiar with. Despite the numerous dense documents adopted at major conferences, the expected concrete action has run aground on the selfish conduct of the richest. Such an attitude imposes limits upon the globalization of the economy. Africa, which has benefited from the sustained attention of the international community during this decade, is still, unfortunately, a continent ravaged by poverty, malnutrition and epidemics of all kinds on a large scale. To the perpetual problems of indebtedness and the deterioration of the terms of trade are added the constant marginalization of our continent from the international economic circles. It is therefore urgent for concrete measures to be taken so that Africa can experience sustained growth, which should lead to genuine development. The terms of the declaration of the Heads of State and Government of the seven most industrialized countries and Russia in Denver last May should be made a reality in this respect so that Africa, whose well-known vast natural resources can really become part of the world economy. The new Chad reiterates its unswerving support of United Nations action in the sphere of peacekeeping and in the area of development activities. Over time, the reform of our institution has become an imperative. Therefore, in the context of globalization and interdependence, the United Nations must adapt itself and become both the instrument and the expression of multilateralism in which the interests of all are taken into account and safeguarded. For our part, we consider that the promotion of development must be at the core of our renewed Organization. An acknowledgement of the legitimate claims of the various groups that make up our Organization is therefore indispensable. Chad, for its part, reaffirms the position stated at the last Summit of Heads of State or Government of the Organization of African Unity to assure the equitable representation of the African continent in that body, in which the destiny of peoples is at stake. This is a requirement if the renewed Security Council is to be credible and effective in the service of humanity and if it is not to be a Council of double standards.

I now call on the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, His Excellency Mr. Choe Su Hon.

Allow me first of all, on behalf of the delegation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, to congratulate Mr. Hennadiy Udovenko, the Minister For Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its current session. We believe that his rich experience and diplomatic skill in dealing with international affairs will lead this session to fruitful results. I also express my gratitude to the former President, Mr. Razali Ismail, Malaysian Ambassador to the United Nations, for his great contributions to the successful conclusion of the fifty-first session of the General Assembly. At the same time, I take this opportunity to express appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for his efforts devoted to the activities of the United Nations. The fifty-second session of the General Assembly is now being held just two years before we enter a new century. The twenty-first century should be different from the present century, characterized by a history of hot and cold wars. It is the desire of humankind and the common task of the international community to make the forthcoming century peaceful and prosperous. Though the cold war has ended, the nuclear stockpiles remain as enormous as ever before, and the thinking of the cold-war era dominates international relations. Today such challenges are clearest in North-East Asia and, more precisely, in the Korean peninsula. In the Korean peninsula, national division, the legacy of the cold war era, continues, the power and confrontation politics of the cold war era persist and relations between the North and South of Korea are ever worsening. The aggressive military alliances, vestiges of the cold war, are being rearranged, and provocative joint military exercises are being conducted against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea with annually increased military expenditures amid the tense situation in the Korean peninsula. In addition to the military pressures, which have continued since the cold war era, issues such as human rights, terrorism, economic sanctions, food aid and so on are also being abused as tools for high- handedness and interference in our internal affairs. All these attempts are aimed at stifling our socialist system. Like all other United Nations Member States, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is a sovereign State with the right to choose its own political system, and it deserves respect for this. Our style of socialism is the one our people have chosen by themselves, and it is not a system doomed to collapse even though others may attempt to bring this about. The single-hearted unity between the leader, the party and the masses is the source of the invincibility of our system. On 8 July this year, which marked the third year of the demise of the great leader President Kim Il Sung, all our people became mourners and observed the memorial service. Simultaneously with the end of the mourning period, we instituted a Juche calendar with the year 1912 as the base year, and designated 15 April as the Day of Sun in memory of the birthday of the great leader President Kim Il Sung. This affords a good illustration of the unanimous will of our people who are determined to hand down, forever, the revolutionary life and the immortal exploits of the fatherly leader who created the Juche idea and built socialism centred on the popular masses. Today For our Korean people, the last three years have been a period of severe trials during which our people suffered the greatest loss of the nation, confronted the persistent manoeuvres of the hostile forces to stifle our socialist system and suffered from a series of natural calamities. Nevertheless, our people have been always optimistic and able to continue their victorious advancement by overcoming all sorts of challenges, because they hold in high esteem another great leader, General Kim Jong Il, an iron-willed and brilliant commander. Currently, the nomination process is under way in my country to elect the great leader Comrade Kim Jong Il as the General Secretary of the Korean Workers’ Party, and all our people are full of boundless joy and emotion over their long-cherished desire being realized. This clearly demonstrates the firm will and conviction of our people to carry through the Juche cause, holding in high esteem forever the great leader Comrade Kim Jong Il as the head of our Party and our revolution. This is the reality of socialist Korea, where the people enjoy the blessing of the leadership and the leader enjoys the blessing of the people through the generations. I take this opportunity to reiterate our deep thanks to the Governments, organizations and individuals of various countries, and to the governmental and non-governmental international organizations, including the United Nations, for their deep sympathy and condolences, as well as for the humanitarian assistance extended to our people who suffered the deepest sorrow and natural calamities. Korea’s reunification question is, in essence, a question of regaining national sovereignty throughout the country, which is being trampled by foreign forces and of abolishing the legacy of the cold war era. The Government of our Republic regards as its Three Charters for National Reunification the three principles of independence, peaceful reunification and great national unity, the 10-Point Programme of the Great Unity of the Whole Nation and the proposal for the founding of the Democratic Confederal Republic of Koryo. The 10-Point Programme of the Great Unity of the Whole Nation for National Reunification is a political programme aimed at attaining the unity of the whole nation to strengthen the driving force of national reunification. This programme indicates comprehensively the objective and ideological basis, as well as the principles and methods, for achieving the great national unity. The proposed Democratic Confederal Republic of Koryo is the blueprint which gives the full picture of a reunified State and the ways for its realization as well. More than half a century has passed since the north and south of Korea have existed with different systems. Under such circumstances, the establishment of a unified national State through the confederation formula — based on one nation and one State, two systems and two Governments — becomes the most reasonable way of efficiently resolving the issues pertaining to national reunification. The emergence of a unified national State — independent, peaceful and neutral — in the Korean peninsula will make a great contribution to lasting peace and stability in North-East Asia, where the great Powers are contiguous to each other. No matter how the situation and circumstances may change in the future, our people will remain unshakeable in their will, and the Government of our Republic will adhere to its consistent reunification policy in reunifying the country, on the basis of the Three Charters for National Reunification. Improved relations between the north and south of Korea are an urgent requirement for achieving the independent and peaceful reunification of the country. If the south Korean authorities give up their anti-national and anti-reunification confrontation policies and make a positive change in practice, we will meet them at any time to have For a correct solution to the Korean question, the countries concerned must also play positive roles with a sincere attitude about helping Korea’s reunification. The United States, a State party which is directly responsible for the Korean question, should make a radical change in its anachronistic policy towards Korea and refrain from laying obstacles in the way of the independent and peaceful reunification of Korea. Japan, which imposed immeasurable misfortune and disaster upon the Korean people in the past, must sincerely reflect upon its past, discontinue its hostile policy towards our Republic and stop provoking Korea’s division and hindering its reunification. It is the consistent stand of the Government of our Republic to prevent war and to ensure a lasting peace in the Korean peninsula. This becomes our primary task in the efforts to reunify the country peacefully, without recourse to the armed forces. In order to ensure peace in the Korean peninsula, it is imperative to oppose aggression and war manoeuvres and to remove the danger of war. The prevailing situation in the Korean peninsula is so tense that a war could break out at any moment, due to the attempts of the United States, Japan and South Korean authorities against our socialist Republic. In recent years alone, the United States introduced over $3 billion worth of war equipment into South Korea. At the same time, it has been conducting joint military exercises more frequently than ever before, and even directing the guns of the United States forces in Japan and the Pacific fleet towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Of late, Japan is also accelerating its political, legal and diplomatic moves with a view to legalizing its engagement of the self-defence force in a possible Korean war under the signboard of the “revision” of the “Guidelines for United States-Japan Military Cooperation”. In addition, the South Korean authorities increased their military budget up to $17 billion for this year and again decided to increase next year’s military budget up to $19 billion, while bolstering military “cooperation” with foreign forces against their fellow countrymen. Such moves, reflecting the policies of the cold-war era, inevitably provoke self-defensive counter-measures This situation of the Korean peninsula urgently requires the establishment of a new peace arrangement. In order to ease tension and avert the danger of a war in the Korean peninsula, the United States should, before anything else, abandon its hostile policy against our Republic and sign a peace agreement with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United States are still in a state of temporary ceasefire. The United States is in direct confrontation with the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, maintaining tens of thousands of its troops in and around South Korea. Removing the danger of war and ensuring peace in the Korean peninsula presupposes the withdrawal of the United States troops and the conclusion of a peace agreement between the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United States. Hence, the resolution of the major issues pertaining to the maintenance of peace and security in the Korean peninsula falls under the responsibilities of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the United States. We recognize that these issues should be the top priority on the agenda to be considered at the proposed four-party talks if the talks are to be held to discuss the issues of ensuring peace and security in the Korean peninsula. If the United States is sincerely interested in ensuring peace in the Korean peninsula, it should, inter alia, show its credibility by taking practical steps to discontinue military threats and lift economic sanctions against the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. The countries concerned should refrain from any acts that would be likely to impede the withdrawal of the United States troops from South Korea and the conclusion of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea-United States peace agreement. The Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea will continue, as in the past, to make every effort to ensure peace in the Korean peninsula and to bring about the peaceful reunification of the country, thus contributing towards peace and security in North-East Asia and the rest of the world. In order to prepare itself for the demands of the next century, the United Nations should make an early departure from outdated structures that serve the interests of only a few countries, allowing them privileges and high- The General Assembly, in which all United Nations Member States are equally represented, has been democratized, compared to the Security Council. Yet its authority has been severely restricted. On the other hand, the Security Council lacks democracy to a great extent, although it enjoys powerful authority. The present composition of the permanent membership of the Security Council does not fully represent the developing countries, which form the overwhelming majority of Member States. Neither does the non-permanent membership reflect geographical representation. The end of the cold war has provided possibilities for channelling more resources into the field of development cooperation, but the present structure of the United Nations system does not correspond to this situation. At this session of the General Assembly the delegation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea will exert constructive efforts to resolve such problems and seek active cooperation with other Member States, including the non-aligned countries. Despite the end of the cold war, the arms build-up continues unabated in different parts of the world. The United Nations has long called for comprehensive and complete disarmament, especially nuclear disarmament. However, some nuclear and military Powers are still boosting their efforts aimed at the qualitative modernization of military strength under cover of calls for selective disarmament. As a result, in most cases disarmament is now being replaced by the process of replacing with more sophisticated weapons those that have become obsolete as a result of technical developments. Today, after the conclusion of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty, the nuclear Powers are resorting to subcritical nuclear tests to further modernize their nuclear arsenals. International society, and the non-nuclear-weapon States in particular, should give due attention to taking measures to overcome this phenomenon. It is in this In recent years there have been ample discussions on human rights at the United Nations and in other international forums. However, the desired results have not yet been achieved. This is mainly attributable to the fact that United Nations Member States are pursuing different ends in their deliberations on human rights and have conflicting views with regard to standards for human rights. As long as human rights issues continue to be abused as a political means to put pressure on and interfere in the internal affairs of others, any deliberations on human rights will only have adverse effects upon international relations, as is the case today. Furthermore, the application of double standards has not ceased with regard to other crucial issues such as disarmament and terrorism. In order to eliminate high-handedness and arbitrariness, and also to ensure fairness and justice in resolving international issues, international society should be democratized at the earliest possible date. The twenty-first century should be a century devoted to development and cooperation. Development is directly linked to international peace and security. In recent years major conferences, such as World Summit for Social Development, the United Nations Conference on Human Settlements and the World Food Summit, were convened under the auspices of the United Nations. These conferences made significant contributions to elaborating action programmes and providing guidance for international society with regard to cooperation in the field of economic and social development. The role of the United Nations should be further strengthened to translate these documents into tangible results. The United Nations has an important role in persuading developed countries fully to implement their commitments concerning official development assistance and should pay due attention to resolving the issue of external debt. We are of the view that the ongoing reform process of United Nations-affiliated organizations dealing with economic and social issues and of the United Nations Secretariat should be carried out in such a way as to enable them to make the best use of their potential for development and cooperation. We appreciate and support the joint efforts of the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America to expand and strengthen regional cooperation for political sovereignty and socio-economic development in a spirit of collective self-reliance. We support Syria and other Arab countries in their just struggle to seek a fair and comprehensive solution to the Middle East problem based on the principle of land for peace, and hold that Israel should withdraw from all occupied Arab territories. The Government of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea adheres to the main ideal of our foreign policy of independence, peace and friendship in conformity with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, and will continue to do so in the future. The delegation of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea will make every sincere effort for the success of deliberations on all agenda items that are before the General Assembly at this session.

I now call on the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Côte d’Ivoire and former President of the General Assembly, His Excellency Mr. Amara Essy.

The illustrious election of the President of the General Assembly of the United Nations at its fifty- second session is not only a well-deserved tribute to his country, Ukraine, in recognition of its important role on the international scene, but an acknowledgement of his own human and professional qualities and, above all, his rich experience in international relations and in the United Nations system. Furthermore, as his former colleague when I was Permanent Representative of my own country here for many years, I am personally delighted at this well-deserved demonstration of the confidence the international community has in him. It is therefore a pleasure for me, on behalf of the delegation of Côte d’Ivoire, to address to him and to the other members of the Bureau our sincere congratulations and to assure him of our full support in the accomplishment of his mission. Finally, I should like to extend my warmest congratulations to Mr. Kofi Annan, a worthy son of Africa, on his illustrious election as Secretary-General of the United Nations, and I pay heartfelt tribute to him for the great competence that he has unfailingly demonstrated at the head of the United Nations. In less than a year he has been able to instil our Organization with a new dynamism through actions that bear witness to his firm will to strengthen the effectiveness and credibility of the United Nations and to improve its operations in facing the many complex demands of the world at the dawn of a new millennium. We assure him of the support of the delegation of Côte d’Ivoire in his noble and exhilarating task. I also take this opportunity to extend my warm congratulations to Mrs. Mary Robinson on her appointment to the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. We consider her strong personality to be a guarantee of success in the delicate and important mission with which she has been entrusted. We assure her of our complete support in the exercise of her new functions. Today, regardless of what our assessment of the work of the United Nations may be, it is necessary to recognize that it remains a unique and irreplaceable tool for dialogue among nations at the service of international peace and security. Clearly, it is unanimously held that the United Nations is useful and that it must exist; with equal unanimity we call for its revitalization. The question of the reform of the United Nations is thus at the heart of this session, which strikingly demonstrates how necessary and urgent it is. The Secretary-General rightly proclaimed this session the session of reform. Adapting the United Nations to make it better able to enter the next millennium seems to be the great challenge of the reform to which we all aspire. But before expressing my delegation’s observations on the Secretary-General’s proposals for reform, I should like to share some of our major concerns, which I believe must be taken into account if the continent to which my country belongs is to experience real development commensurate with its immense potential. I wish to speak about conflict One cannot fail to note that over 60 per cent of the agenda of the Security Council is devoted to situations in Africa, and that of the 48 least developed countries, 35 are in Africa. In respect of conflicts in Africa, our continent has taken charge of its own destiny. To this end, it established legal instruments at the Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit in Cairo in 1993, in the form of the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management and Resolution. If this venture is going to work Africa needs above all the support of the international community in the framework of a partnership with the United Nations, in accordance with Chapter VIII of the Charter. Thus in Liberia, at the end of a seven-year fratricidal war which devastated that fraternal country and caused enormous damage to neighbouring countries such as Guinea and Côte d’Ivoire that had to deal with massive flows of refugees and displaced persons, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) was able to broker a peace process which led to the election of Mr. Charles G. Taylor as President of the Republic on 19 July 1997 in elections that the OAU and the United Nations recognized as just and democratic. In the context of the meeting to support the reconstruction of Liberia which will take place tomorrow, I would like to make an urgent appeal to donor countries and international and non-governmental organizations to be generous, because a reconstructed and prosperous Liberia can only benefit our entire subregion. While we are delighted at the positive development of the situation in Liberia, a military coup d’état on 25 May 1997 put an end to the constitutional order in Sierra Leone by overthrowing a democratically elected President, Mr. Ahmad Tejan Kabbah. Côte d’Ivoire immediately condemned the coup d’état, which belongs to a bygone era. The thirty-third meeting of heads of State and Government of the OAU, held in Harare from 2 to 4 June 1997, by its decision 356 also condemned the coup d’état, as did the Secretary-General of the United Nations and the Presidents of the Security Council on 27 May, 11 July and 6 August 1997, who all demanded the immediate and unconditional restoration of constitutional order. In the view of the OAU, ECOWAS and the Security Council, the Abidjan peace agreement of 30 November 1996, signed by President Kabbah and the leader of the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), Mr. Foday Sankoh, remains the best framework for finding a definitive solution to the crisis in Sierra Leone. Once constitutional order is restored, Côte d’Ivoire is prepared to organize, together with the other guarantors of this agreement and the parties concerned, a conference aimed at reactivating the many organs of that agreement in order to find a lasting solution to this crisis. In Central Africa, we remain profoundly concerned by the fratricidal battles now taking place in the Congo. In this respect, we wish to express our sincere appreciation to Mr. Omar Bongo, President of the Gabonese Republic, for his patient and courageous mediation in the inter-Congolese conflict. While urging him to continue his noble efforts, we regret the deterioration of the situation and above all the fact that no cease-fire has been accepted by the warring parties, which has prevented the establishment of an African interposition force. In the Central African Republic, we welcome the role of the Inter-African Mission to Monitor the Implementation of the Bangui Agreements (MISAB), which has helped stabilize the situation. In respect of the crisis in the Comoros, we urgently appeal to all parties to give priority to dialogue and to respond favourably to the OAU initiative with a view to holding a conference in Addis Ababa to find a solution. We invite the international community to support the efforts of the OAU and to give the Comoros all the economic and financial assistance it needs to confront the difficulties it is facing, which are the root cause of the crisis. Finally, in respect of the question of Western Sahara, we applaud the progress made during the series of meetings under the auspices of the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations for Western Sahara, Mr. James Baker III, with a view to holding a referendum on self-determination. Given the renewed upsurge of instability and conflict in many parts of Africa, we fervently appeal to the United Nations to organize a regional conference in collaboration with the OAU and ECOWAS to deal with the illicit circulation of small arms in the West African subregion, in accordance with General Assembly resolution 51/45. In the same context, we are delighted with the results of the Oslo conference on anti-personnel landmines, and in view of the human disasters that this type of weapon continues to cause in Africa and the world over, we urge all States to adhere to the results and respect the terms. My delegation believes that the present state of our continent requires a concerted policy of international security and implementation of preventive strategies, and Côte d’Ivoire intends to be actively involved. This is why, in defining recently new missions for Côte d’Ivoire’s armed forces, President Henri Konan Bédié specified that they can henceforth participate in peacekeeping operations and that they stand ready to carry out possible protection and security missions which might be conferred upon them by the international community. More specifically, it seems to us increasingly necessary to have a standing African interposition force. In western Africa, for example, ECOWAS, drawing from the experience of the ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) in the settlement of the Liberian conflict, could envisage the reorganization of this force in order to make it a genuine subregional force. In this context, consultations for the establishment of a peacekeeping force are under way in the framework of the Agreement on Non-Aggression and Assistance in Matters of Defense (ANAD) which includes Côte d’Ivoire, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Benin, Niger, Mali, Mauritania and Togo. However effective our rapid-reaction capacity may be, we will have to seek, above all, to strengthen the effective rule of democracy and the rule of law in each of our countries in order to avoid crises turning into armed conflict. Above all, every country must seek to achieve political stability and to promote social progress by establishing reliable democratic institutions based on freedom and justice and which guarantee the protection of the citizen and individual rights. We must develop the elements of good governance and promote the emergence of responsible society. For its part, Côte d’Ivoire under the leadership of President Henri Konan Bédié, is endeavouring day by day to strengthen democracy and the rule of law by resolute action towards a peaceful democracy. Recent measures in this connection have been announced, including the forthcoming opening of the Government to the opposition, the granting of status to the leaders of the opposition parties represented in Parliament; the creation of a Senate whose President will be acting Head of State in the event of a power vacuum; and the creation of a National Commission for monitoring and arbitration of elections. It will be presided over by a judge and made up of personalities and representatives of the leading political parties, along with international observers from the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the United Nations, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the European Union and the Canadian Electoral Committee. All of those elements are contributing to speeding the progress of democracy in Côte d’Ivoire. Lastly, our people remain profoundly committed to the culture of peace, and it is to that commitment that Côte d’Ivoire owes its unquestioned political stability, based on the constancy of social dialogue and on the desire for shared progress that strengthens social unity. That is why my delegation, along with a number of co-sponsors, intends to submit to this session of the General Assembly, as it did at the summer session of the Economic and Social Council held last July at Geneva, a draft resolution proclaiming the year 2000 as the international year for the culture of peace. With regard to access to foreign markets, globalization, carried out in the name of liberalization and competitiveness, has led to the erosion and even the eradication of preferences that allow the goods of our countries to gain access to the markets of developed countries. We must be given time to adapt, or be compensated in some other way, if our countries are to participate in international trade to their full potential. We commend the recent United States initiative, “Growth and opportunity in Africa”, which is aimed, inter alia, at promoting the access of African goods to the American market. With regard to the effect of globalization on the volume of official development assistance, we note that for all the enthusiasm for the development of the private sector — development which we welcome, recognizing that private investment is the driving force of economic growth — a trend towards a decline in official development assistance, despite its importance in the fight against poverty in our countries. That trend concerns us, because official development assistance is essential in supporting our domestic efforts, above all in sectors related to the development of human resources. We therefore urge the donor countries to redouble their efforts to achieve the target of 0.7 per cent of their gross domestic product. Lastly, with regard to the question of foreign debt, there is now broad agreement that without favourable treatment for the stock of African debt, particularly in the most heavily indebted countries, no economic recovery programme can produce the desired long-term positive effects. We must therefore insist that serious consideration be given to measures in this regard. We welcome the measures recently taken in favour of Uganda, Bolivia and Burkina Faso within the framework of the debt-alleviation Initiative of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the Paris Club. I am delighted to learn that my own country, Côte d’Ivoire, along with Mozambique and Guyana, will be the next to benefit from that Initiative. I would also note that my country is involved in a satisfactory dialogue with the London Club with a view to a significant restructuring of our commercial debt. With regard to the reforms being driven by Member States, I would refer to the activities of various open-ended Working Groups of the General Assembly. Having personally been privileged to conduct the consultations that led to the establishment of three of those Groups during my own term of office as President of the forty-ninth session, I am pleased to note the relatively positive results of two of them: the Ad Hoc Open-ended Working Group on An Agenda for Development and the Open-ended High-Level Working Group on the Strengthening of the United Nations System. The States participating in those Groups have shown a magnificent spirit of solidarity. The Agenda for Development, adopted last June by the General Assembly, is an important stage in the dialogue between nations on international cooperation for development. It establishes the consensus framework within which developed and developing countries can work to establish on a more solid basis a renewed and strengthened partnership for development based on mutual advantage. The Open-ended High-Level Working Group on the Strengthening of the United Nations System, which has had to deal mainly with the revitalization of the General Assembly and the Secretariat, has produced recommendations that are part of the dynamics of the reforms proposed by the Secretary-General, inter alia, to rationalize the work of the General Assembly and its subsidiary bodies. My delegation is pleased with those positive results. With regard to the High-Level Open-ended Working Group on the Financial Situation of the United Nations and the Open-ended Working Group on the reform of the Security Council, we cannot help but feel frustrated that they are apparently bogged down and have not made the expected progress. We are all aware of the crucial importance of the financial situation of the United Nations. The success of the entire reform process depends on a solution to that question. We should like to reaffirm here the need for all Member States to fulfil their obligations under Article 19 of the Charter, namely, to honour their financial obligations Turning to the important question of Security Council reform, our position is that of the African Group as defined at the recent Summit Meeting of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) at Harare, which stressed that the new configuration of the Security Council must reflect the realities of today’s world through a geographically equitable representation of all the regions of the world. In that connection, my delegation, while in favour of the admission of Germany and Japan as permanent members of the Security Council, is of the opinion that Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as Asia, should also be represented as permanent members of the Security Council. The new permanent members should have the same prerogatives as the present permanent members, in particular as regards the right of the veto, which, if not done away with entirely, should be restricted to the conditions set forth in Chapter VII of the Charter. Turning to the reforms proposed by the Secretary- General, I want to express my delegation’s sincere congratulations on the work accomplished. These reforms are the broadest and most profound that we have ever seen. My delegation therefore supports them enthusiastically. It is our expectation that this reform process will lead to the promotion of the economic and social development of less developed Member States, the strengthening of multilateralism and an increase in the United Nations effectiveness and credibility.T o accomplish that, we must see to it that the reform exercise is not confined to an obsessive desire purely and simply to reduce costs. The measures aimed at increasing the Secretary- General’s guidance and management capacity seem to us amply justified. In fact, the presence of a Deputy Secretary-General, a Senior Management Group and a Strategic Planning Unit will provide the Secretary-General with an internal support mechanism that will considerably strengthen his authority and his overall control system- wide. In the same context, the establishment of a Development Group composed mainly of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) should not affect the dynamic nature of their activities in the field. Lastly, the proposals of the Secretary-General to refocus the work of the General Assembly on high-priority questions and to reduce the duration of its sessions reflect a concern for rationalization that we fully support. We agree with the Secretary-General’s statement that reform is a continuous process and not a one-time event. In fact, this reform is the result of an entire series of reflections that began in the 1970s within and outside the United Nations system to adapt it to the changes that have taken place since 1945. I have in mind the report of the Ford Foundation, the Bertrand report, the work of the Carlsson group and the work of many universities in the United States and in Europe, whose research clarified many aspects of our debates, especially during the work of the working groups on the different aspects of reform. Nonetheless, any reform is above all part of a certain logic aimed at achieving an objective. But its success in the final analysis will depend on the quality of the individuals who are going to implement it, and above all on the political will of the States that will be called upon to work together to respect the spirit of compromise that made it possible to arrive at the package. For its part, Côte d’Ivoire is prepared to participate actively with other delegations when the time comes in the constructive consideration of the Secretary-General’s proposals for reform. Their consequences involve all of us.

I now call on the Minister for External Relations and Cooperation of Burundi, His Excellency Mr. Luc Rukingama.

On behalf of the delegation of Burundi, which we The delegation of Burundi is delighted at the unanimous choice of the President of the fifty-second session of the General Assembly. His lofty, moral and intellectual qualities, his long and rich diplomatic experience and his in-depth knowledge of the current concerns of the planet no doubt augur well for a ringing success in his term of office. Our country offers him its full support. At the same time, we would like to extend our sincere congratulations to his predecessor, Ambassador Razali Ismail of Malaysia, who so brilliantly conducted the work of the fifty-first session of the General Assembly. We would also like to pay enthusiastic tribute to Mr. Kofi Annan, Secretary-General of the United Nations, for his continuing tireless efforts to promote the ideals of this world Organization. Thanks to the institutions and bodies of the United Nations system, millions of refugees and persons displaced or scattered in the wake of internal conflicts, national disasters and other emergency situations have benefited from substantial humanitarian assistance, particularly in Africa. The Great Lakes region has received special attention in this regard. Aside from peacekeeping and humanitarian relief operations on the African continent, it is important to underscore and welcome the United Nations System-wide Special Initiative on Africa. I would like to take this opportunity to launch an appeal to all our bilateral and multilateral partners to mobilize the necessary resources for the financing of this Initiative, whose fundamental importance for the development of Africa is obvious. For four years Burundi has been going through an unprecedented crisis that has been marked by numerous crimes and acts of genocide. Aside from the blind extermination of hundreds of thousands of human lives, armed groups have attacked the economic, health, educational and administrative infrastructures of the country. In short, the political change that occurred on 25 Contrary to what a certain sector of international public opinion would have us believe, the vast majority of the population of Burundi welcomed the new direction of the country with great enthusiasm and relief. New hope was born with this change of political regime. The results in the area of security were immediate. Aside from certain areas of insecurity related to sporadic attacks by armed groups, peace and security have returned to almost the entire national territory. But the population remains vigilant because terrorist bands have not yet disarmed. Essentially, they use the territory of Tanzania to launch massacres against women, children, men and the elderly. These repeated attacks are at the source of the displacement and regrouping of populations. The Government has never decreed any regroupment policy. While the camps of displaced persons have not attracted particular attention, the so-called regroupment camps have stirred controversy in certain circles of international opinion that have been exploited and misinformed by terrorist groups such as the National Council for the Defence of Democracy (CNDD). Today these centres of the dispossessed are gradually being closed. Day by day, people who have been displaced or regrouped are returning to their villages of origin when security conditions permit. A recent report indicates that in less than a month there will practically be no regrouped persons in the country’s central provinces, which were the most affected. We must, however, recognize that problems persist. At the humanitarian level the afflicted people live in deplorable conditions. Overcrowding, lack of sanitation, malnutrition, lack of health care and all sorts of epidemics are the daily plight of the dispossessed. My Government wishes to place on record its real appreciation for all the support of our bilateral and multilateral partners to relieve the misery of these deprived populations. We appeal again to the international community to increase humanitarian assistance to the afflicted populations in order to meet their food, health and clothing needs. In order to ensure the reintegration of the victims, the Government appeals for assistance for reconstruction and economic recovery. Since the political changes of 25 July 1996, the principal objectives of the Government of the Republic of Burundi have been to ward off the spectre of genocide, to restore State authority, to organize a peace process based on dialogue, to reintegrate afflicted people, to rebuild and revitalize the economy and to democratize institutions. At present the great majority of the Burundi population is determined to work to restore peace. This is why the widespread genocide that was foreseen, and began, has been contained and stopped. I can today affirm in all certainty that this danger has been averted. To the dismay of certain prophets of doom and apocalypse, the Burundi nation has not fallen apart either. The peace process under way in Burundi is aimed precisely at laying the foundation for a lasting peace. Since the beginning of this year the Government has initiated throughout the country a series of workshops in preparation for a genuine national debate, with the goal of leading the Burundi people to discuss frankly all the country’s problems. The governmental team is now engaged in speeding up the peace process, and several initiative have been taken in this regard. A round table bringing together all the internal actors has just taken place in the centre of the country. It is in this context as well that the Burundi peace conference, originally planned to take place in Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) from 30 June to 2 July 1997 was held at UNESCO headquarters from 26 to 28 September 1997. Some 50 Burundi political actors, along with about 30 international observers, took part in those meetings. That conference was designed to involve all the Burundi people, at home and abroad, in political dialogue, taking into account different political and socio- professional leanings. Even those who chose the route of violence participated in that forum in great numbers. That Despite the visible difficulties, the Government of Burundi is determined to negotiate with the various actors in Burundi — including the armed factions — without exception. Thus, the phase of the peace negotiations that could not be held in Arusha on 25 August 1997 as originally planned — as a result of difficulties connected to the mediation arrangements — are going to be resumed very shortly. Consultations are under way on this matter, and, true to its programme, the Government will participate. In this context, I would like to recall that my Government asked for a postponement of the 25 August 1997 meeting only so that it could better consult with its partners, improve the mediation arrangements and find a location more amenable to dialogue, outside of Tanzania. After that postponement the President of the United Republic of Tanzania called for a summit of the Heads of State of the region in Dar es Salaam, which was held on 3 and 4 September 1997. The Government of the Republic of Burundi, which was not invited, expresses its regret that it had no role in that summit. It considers that at these meetings devoted entirely to the Burundi conflict its presence is indispensable so that it can provide information and explanations that will enlighten the Heads of State of the region, in the interest of peace in Burundi. The Burundi peace process must involve dialogue and negotiation among the Burundi people. At the conclusion of the talks, a negotiated transitional government will be put in place to lead the country in the direction pointed by the Burundi people themselves. The ultimate objective is to put in place democratic institutions that all can trust. The Government of the Republic of Burundi again expresses its concern regarding the mediation arrangements and the host country for the mediation. No process can lead to peace in Burundi if it is not developed in cooperation with the Burundi people and carried out with their complete agreement. It is thus imperative that there be greater consultations between the mediator and the Burundi people — in particular with the Government that is charged with leading the country and that has the weighty responsibility of extracting it from crisis. To increase the confidence of all the parties in the mediation and to follow the universally recognized rules for The Burundi peace process will remain stalled, if Tanzania — the mediating country, the host country of the mediation — having taken over the Burundi Embassy in Dar es Salaam, continues to play the triple role of host country for the armed factions responsible for the genocide in Burundi, promoter of sanctions against Burundi and overweening mediator. The objection of the Government of the Republic of Burundi to the holding of the talks in Tanzania is thus easily understood. It is based essentially on the tension that has been created by the refugee camps that Tanzania has set up all along its border with Burundi. Many of them are armed, and from them deadly raids are regularly launched on Burundi territory. This tension has been exacerbated by the hostile campaign waged by the Tanzanian authorities in several African capitals precisely on the eve of the opening of the talks, originally set to take place in Arusha on 25 August 1997. Further, the Government of the Republic of Burundi does not understand why the fifth summit of the Heads of the State of the region requested it to halt the process now under way. Such a halt would unleash disorder and public insecurity in the country. No Burundi citizen would be able to understand how the judicial system could punish minor infractions while at the same time it was unable to try cases of political assassination and acts of genocide. The halting of legal proceedings under way and scheduled is thus unacceptable. The ideal is to assure each defendant a just and fair trial in which the right to a defence is guaranteed. The Government has already made a commitment to do all it can to that end, and we thank the United Nations for its assistance in this area. In this regard, the establishment of an international criminal tribunal for Burundi, which the Government of Burundi has requested of the United Nations, is now urgently needed, both to combat impunity and to give the peace process now under way a chance. Under no pretext whatsoever should any criminal, nor anyone responsible for genocide, be shielded. It is clear that the Burundi peace process is being held back by numerous constraints. To support sanctions by word and by deed is tantamount to killing more children and more disaster victims through hunger, disease, poverty and war. No neighbouring country should adopt such a stance, especially when we take account of the concern that my country has always shown for its neighbours when they were confronted with the same problems. The measures to mitigate the economic sanctions agreed in Arusha last 16 April have not been implemented in their entirety. Difficulties remain, particularly in respect of air transport and the supply of humanitarian fuel. How then, under these circumstances, can we speak of mitigation when the released goods cannot reach their beneficiaries? From this rostrum, my delegation calls once again on the neighbouring countries in the subregion responsible for the blockade to please lift these inhumane and degrading sanctions immediately. It strongly urges the international community to do everything in its power to make these countries understand the pressing need to lift these unjust sanctions, which only impoverish the poorest and enrich the richest — measures that ravage the most vulnerable sectors of society. I should like to remind the Assembly that my Government has already met all the demands made by the countries of the subregion, which served as a pretext for the imposition of the sanctions. These include the restoration of the National Assembly and of the political parties and the commencement of negotiations with the rebel army. Unfortunately, at the risk of hampering the process, each summit gives rise to new conditions. That is why the quest for peace in Burundi often resembles the movement of Sisyphus’ stone. My country, moreover, continues to be confronted with repeated border attacks by armed terrorist groups that are based in a neighbouring country, Tanzania. These criminal bands recruit in camps housing Burundi refugees along the common border, in flagrant violation of the Geneva Convention relating to the Status of Refugees. Some of the rebels are based 15 kilometres from the In the face of this situation, my Government urges the United Nations firmly to condemn these terrorist organizations and to bring pressure to bear on those countries receiving them to separate genuine refugees from tribal terrorist groups. In order to promote the necessary communication in the context of a political dialogue, we ask Tanzania once again to liberate the Embassy of Burundi in Dar Es Salaam in order to facilitate diplomatic relations current negotiations and the settlement of the question of refugees. The Great Lakes region is experiencing an unprecedented crisis. One of the main reasons for this upheaval is doubtless the problem of refugees. The spiral of violence that is engulfing our subregion has prompted a vast trans-border movement of peoples fleeing warfare and insecurity in their country or origin. Some are innocent people who fear for their physical security, but some belong to criminal groups. Faithful to its policy of dialogue and concertation, the Government of the Republic of Burundi will spare no effort to initiate contacts with its neighbours in order to explore together appropriate ways and means to resolve this situation. The goal of this endeavour is to work together to restore a climate of security on our common borders, in keeping with our tradition of good-neighbourliness. Africa is currently facing numerous challenges. A low rate of economic growth; intense demographic pressures; a decline in agricultural production; the continuing decrease in bilateral and multilateral aid — the result of new alliances; the burden of debt servicing; and socio-political conflicts — these are the many pitfalls along the path to Africa’s development. Our continent will never achieve its development if it does not meet these challenges, which is why my country resolutely favours consolidating regional and subregional entities, which would represent a crucial stage for progress in Africa. In this connection, we welcome the System-wide Special Initiative on Africa, launched officially on 15 March 1996. We firmly support and encourage this ambitious programme, which was set up to support our continent in its development efforts. With respect to the Great Lakes region, Burundi welcomes the positive changes occurring in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as they can contribute to improving the political situation and promote trade throughout the region. We can therefore only encourage this friendly and brotherly country to move ahead. We also urge the international community to support it. Rwanda, our neighbour, is making a great effort at stabilization and reconciliation. International solidarity vis- à-vis this country should also be encouraged. At the same time, it is deplorable to note that Congo (Brazzaville), a brotherly country, has also been the site of fratricidal confrontation. In that context, we welcome the efforts made by the President of Gabon, His Excellency Mr. Omar Bongo; by the Special Representative of the Secretaries-General of the United Nations and the Organization of African Unity (OAU), Mr. Mohamed Sahnoun; and by other mediators, national and international, in their efforts to find a negotiated settlement to the Congo problem. My Government encourages our Angolan brothers and sisters to complete the implementation of the Lusaka peace agreements. Following a protracted conflict, Liberia has successfully organized democratic elections with the support of the international community. We wish that country peace and stability. In the Middle East, the deadlock of the peace process between Israel and Palestine can be overcome only if hard- liners on both sides show greater flexibility. My Government has taken note of the report of the Secretary-General on the reform of the Organization. Insofar as it seeks greater efficiency and strives for mobilizing means not to maintain a hefty administration but rather to achieve the goal of international solidarity, particularly in the area of development, my Government supports that reform. With respect to Security Council reform, my Government supports the provisions taken in the context of the last OAU Summit, which met in Harare, Zimbabwe. The terms of the common African position have recently been communicated by the Chairman of the OAU in this forum. Moreover, the developing countries must be properly represented in the Council. Beyond the question of representation, my delegation is convinced that reform of the Security Council must above all involve its methods of work and its adaptation to the requirements of today’s realities. In keeping with our position as stated during this session of the General Assembly, my Government firmly supports the establishment of an international criminal court that would be entrusted with prosecuting and punishing persons responsible for genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Despite the many difficulties that my country, Burundi, has faced since the national tragedy of October 1993, it has always sought to be present at the annual sessions of the General Assembly of our Organization. This assiduous presence attests to our unfaltering attachment to the lofty ideals promoted and defended by the United Nations. Despite the political and economic crisis exacerbated by the blockade abusively imposed upon my people, the Government of the Republic of Burundi has been able to remit an amount of $116,000 dollars since April 1997 as its contribution to the regular budget of the United Nations. Despite the difficult economic climate, Burundi will do its utmost to continue, to the extent that it is able, to honour its commitments and to support our Organization. Before concluding, I should like once again to recall that Burundi is resolved to emerge from this crisis affecting our country, and will do so through dialogue. The sooner the next session is programmed, the better. We hope that the obstacles that prevented the meeting of 25 August 1997 will be overcome. My country supports the principle of expanding the Security Council, but the methodology which will be adopted to that end is of decisive importance. We hope that all this reform will imbue the United Nations system

We have heard the last speaker in the general debate for this meeting. As several representatives have requested to exercise their right of reply, may I remind members that statements in exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and to five minutes for the second intervention and should be made by delegations from their seats. I now call on the representative of the United States of America.

The United States objects to the remarks of the Foreign Minister of Iraq. For Iraq to rejoin the family of responsible nations, the path is clear. Iraq must comply with all relevant Security Council resolutions. Iraq must abandon efforts to develop weapons of mass destruction. Iraq must cease efforts to conceal evidence of its programme for weapons of mass destruction from the United Nations Special Commission. Iraq must cooperate fully with the Special Commission in accordance with all relevant resolutions. Until today, Iraq has failed to do this. Iraq must return the properties and archives it stole from the Government and people of Kuwait. Until today Iraq has failed to do this. Iraq must cooperate with the International Committee of the Red Cross and with Red Crescent Societies and must fully account for the more than 600 Kuwaiti, Saudi and other prisoners of war and missing in action. Until today, Iraq has failed to do this. In order to purchase the humanitarian supplies provided for under Security Council resolution 1111 (1997), Iraq should have begun selling oil on 8 June 1997. Iraq failed to do this. So the Security Council was obliged to act on behalf of the Iraqi people. We remind the Foreign Minister that the United States and its coalition partners will continue to enforce no-fly zones in northern and southern Iraq in support of United Nations Security Council resolutions 678 (1990), 687 (1991) and 688 (1991). The United States repeats its call on the Government of Iraq to follow the path of full compliance with all relevant Security Council resolutions.

I now call on the representative of Kuwait. Despite the fact that the Foreign Minister of Iraq did not mention Kuwait by name in his statement, his allegation that Iraq has implemented all its obligations in accordance with the Security Council resolutions prompts us now to set the record straight before the Member countries here and to reveal that these allegations are false. The responsible Iraqi officials base their practices with their people and with the other countries on a saying which is very well known to all: “Continue lying until you believe your lies”. My reply would be that “You can fool some people once, but you definitely cannot fool all of the people all of the time”. The representatives of the Iraqi regime attempt to obliterate from the record of their responsibilities all the obligations related to Kuwait which are stipulated in the Security Council resolutions that were accepted by Iraq with no conditions or restrictions. The Security Council and the international community attach great importance to these obligations, which have not yet been implemented — first and foremost, the question of the Kuwaiti detainees and prisoners of war, as well as citizens of third countries; the return of the Kuwaiti stolen properties; cooperation with the Special Commission; and also the demonstration of peaceful intentions by the Iraqi regime vis-à-vis Kuwait, as well as neighbouring countries. All the members of the Security Council, without any distinction, demand that Iraq implement these obligations in every statement made when the Council periodically reviews the subject of sanctions against Iraq. Last November Council members instructed the President to express, in a presidential statement, the Council’s grave concern at the lack of any progress on the question of prisoners of war and properties. I think that this presidential statement is the best evidence of the falsity of Iraq’s allegations that it has implemented all its obligations. The representatives of the Iraqi regime strive hard to limit the remaining responsibilities to only one particular subject — the elimination of all weapons of mass There is only one very short road leading to the alleviation of the suffering of our brothers, the Iraqi people. However, it is a one-way street: it consists in the implementation of all the relevant Security Council resolutions, without selectivity or conditions.

On behalf of my own delegation and the delegations of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia and Slovenia, I would like to make certain clarifications with regard to the comments made earlier today by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Belarus, His Excellency Mr. Ivan Antonovich, concerning the status of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the United Nations. According to resolution 47/1, adopted by the General Assembly, the General Assembly “Considers that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) cannot continue automatically the membership of the former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the United Nations; and therefore decides that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) should apply for membership in the United Nations and that it shall not participate in the work of the General Assembly.” On the basis of that General Assembly resolution, as well as other resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, it is evident that the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia should, as a new State, apply for membership of the United Nations in accordance with the established procedures regarding the admission of new Members to the United Nations. Iraq cannot blame any country but itself for the difficulties that it is encountering at present. Other countries of the region, including mine, are also suffering from the consequences of Iraq’s past aggressive policies. The existing de facto vacuum created in northern Iraq has made it possible for armed terrorist elements to establish a presence in the area and launch armed attacks into Turkish territory. These terrorist elements pose a major and unacceptable security threat to my country and to the lives and property of our people in the bordering areas. This is certainly not a flimsy pretext, as purported by Mr. Al-Sahaf. The Iraqi Foreign Minister contended in his statement that Turkey, through measures of self-defence, has been interfering in the internal affairs of Iraq. I wish to leave it to the discretion of Member States to judge the seriousness of this contention, given the fact that Iraq has never complained about the presence of armed terrorist groups operating from Iraqi soil against Iraq’s neighbours. Under the prevailing circumstances, and until Iraq is again in a position to re-establish its control in the north of its country by complying with all the relevant resolutions of the Security Council, thereby satisfying the international community, the Turkish Government will not hesitate to take all appropriate and necessary measures to remove this threat, directed from northern Iraq at the lives and property of its people.

The version of events which we heard this afternoon from the Foreign Minister of Iraq is another reminder of his Government’s inability to accept any blame for all the misfortunes which have befallen the Iraqi people, and the facility with which Iraq finds ways to lay blame at the doors of others. It is impossible to have any confidence in Iraq’s professed keenness to establish good relations with its neighbours when the word “Kuwait” does not appear The Foreign Minister also seems to have forgotten to mention that sanctions remain in place only because of the Iraqi Government’s failure to comply with relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular, its failure to meet the obligation to provide full and definitive accounting for Iraq’s programme of nuclear, chemical and biological weapons. In claiming that Iraq has fulfilled all the requirements of Security Council resolution 687 (1991), the Foreign Minister chooses to ignore the very clear reports of the Chairman of the United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM). The continuing pattern of UNSCOM inspections, with three more incidents in the last few days, has intensified already strong suspicions that the Iraqi Government is concealing elements of its weapons of mass destruction programmes, in violation of the obligation to the United Nations. The Iraqi Foreign Minister also spoke of the suffering of the Iraqi people, implying that this was the fault of anyone except his own Government. He failed to mention that it was his Government’s prevarication that led to delays of over a year in implementing the oil-for-food scheme in Security Council resolution 986 (1995). His Government’s decision to delay by more than two months the export of oil under Security Council resolution 1111 (1997) would have deprived the Iraqi people of the benefits due to them under this resolution had not the Security Council adopted an additional decision in Security Council resolution 1129 (1997), co-sponsored by the United Kingdom, to protect the Iraqi people once again from the folly and indifference of its Government. The responsibility for Iraq’s problems rests with the Iraqi Government. It knows what needs to be done to remove sanctions, and yet it consistently refuses to do it. Therefore, my Government’s view is that the sanctions must remain until Iraq’s obligations are fulfilled.

The Foreign Minister of Iraq today made a number of unwarranted claims and baseless allegations against my country. The essence and the lack of seriousness of the old contentions are known to the Assembly, and I will not take up its time In the early hours of 29 September 1997, two heavily armed groups belonging to a terrorist organization based in Iraq crossed international borders and infiltrated the territory of the Islamic Republic of Iran from Iraq. One group began its offensive operation from the Jelola base in Iraqi territory, moved forward through the Iraqi city of Khaneqein, crossed the international border and took up a position near the Iranian city of Ghasr-e-Shirin. At the same time the second terrorist group began its offensive operation from the Kut base in Iraqi territory, moved forward through the Iraqi city of Hisan, crossed the international border and took up a position near the Iranian city of Mehran. In an immediate response to these attacks by heavily armed terrorist groups against Iranian territory, and in exercise of the inherent right of self-defence recognized in Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, the air force of the Islamic Republic of Iran took a limited and proportionate measure against the invading terrorists and the two bases in Iraq from which they had planned, mobilized and initiated their armed cross-border attack against the Islamic Republic of Iran. This limited defensive measure by the Iranian air force began at 7 a.m. on 29 September 1997 and concluded shortly thereafter. The Islamic Republic of Iran emphasizes that this defensive operation was aimed solely at the terrorists and their bases and was not intended to be against the Republic of Iraq. The cross-border attacks from Iraq against the Islamic Republic of Iran by organized subversive teams, such as the above-mentioned terrorist operations, are not incidental or infrequent, and have recently increased significantly. Based on the public admission of the terrorist organization on 31 August 1997, they had carried out 294 such cross-border attacks against the Islamic Republic of Iran in the preceding seven months. They have taken a human and material toll on Iranian border towns. It is regrettable that these attacks have been organized in collaboration with the military and intelligence establishment of Iraq in terms of planning, logistics, financing and even the escorting of terrorist infiltrators to the Iranian border. While reiterating its commitment to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Iraq, the Islamic Republic of Iran underlines that such behaviour on the part of the Government of Iraq, helping in or allowing its territory to

In the light of the speech of the head of the delegation of Burundi this evening and, particularly, references made to my country in that speech, I would like to use the right of reply to clarify the situation and set the record straight. However, my delegation wishes to exercise this right of reply at a later date.

At the outset, I would like briefly but collectively to respond to all the remarks that were made and the criticisms levelled at us by a number of representatives of countries here. Allow me to begin with the question of weapons. All the world knows that more than 400 inspection teams have visited Iraq in the last seven years and that the inspection is very strict, now and in the future. This system allows nothing to go through it undetected. If the allegations made by the United States of America and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland were correct and valid, I would like to ask them what this army of inspectors was doing. What was this army of international inspectors that came and inspected all Iraqi territories, north-east, west, central and south, doing then? They were even taking samples of air, water and soil at random and at different times. Is it reasonable that they can keep whole peoples, 22 million of them, as hostages until one country is convinced, that same country that is now explicitly and arrogantly stating through all its officials that even if Iraq implements all the Security Council resolutions, the United States will still use the power of veto to prevent the blockade from being lifted. Thus, it is totally indifferent to the death of hundreds of thousands of elderly people, women and children — all those who have died as a direct result of the blockade. Does the international community need any more evidence of what Iraq has consistently said, that the Security Council resolutions are simply not the issue? The resolutions are merely a cruel trick used by some countries that do not like the nationalist regime in Iraq to keep Iraq constantly weak and under a blockade. We would like to ask a question. What issue requires the death of more than 1 million children, elderly people and women and destroys the presence and the future of a whole people? All this comes at a time when the question of human rights has become one of the very important objectives of the community of humankind at this time. Here, we would also like to ask how the officials of some of these countries, when they lecture us and preach to us in this hall about human rights, can at the same time be at peace with themselves, having taken part in killing these vast numbers of innocent people. Or are they burying their heads in the sand like an ostrich, so as not to hear the moans and the sound of suffering of the Iraqi people? Allow me, in conclusion, to call once again on whoever holds a grudge against Iraq or its people to purge themselves of that evil, to let the logic of justice, peace and wisdom prevail, and to abandon the ideology of vengeance so that all our peoples can enjoy peace, prosperity and security. Before concluding my statement, I would like to remark on two important subjects that were raised by the representatives of Member States. As far as the Kuwaiti detainees and prisoners of war are concerned, to use the description of the representative of Kuwait, I would like to confirm that there are no prisoners of war or people missing in action in Iraq. We have said this several times before. As we all know, in all wars and conflicts there are always people missing, as in Viet Nam, for example. The representatives of Kuwait use this case as a pretext to prolong the unusual economic blockade against Iraq. I would like to confirm once again that my country is ready to cooperate in a spirit of goodwill with the International Committee of the Red Cross and the Red Crescent and with the Tripartite Commission to solve this humanitarian problem. With reference to Security Council resolution 986 (1995), it could not satisfy the basic requirements of the Iraqi people. Even if it were to be fully implemented, it would amount to some 26 cents per day per person. That resolution is not being implemented fully or in good faith, because the United States representative has continued to refuse to act upon or to suspend implementation of contracts to purchase food and medicine. That fact can be readily proved by anyone wishing to review the matter by studying the records of the Committee established pursuant to Security Council resolution 661 (1990) to monitor the sanctions against Iraq. The small amelioration which the Iraqis have experienced in their lives as a result of implementing Security Council resolution 986 (1995) has consisted only of a small increase in their monthly rations of rice and flour. I am sure that you will agree with me that that does not solve the problem of the shortage of medicine and foodstuffs in Iraq. Turning to Iran and Turkey, the pretexts are not acceptable in accordance with the standards of international law, especially those governing the inviolability of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States Members of the United Nations. The representatives of both Iran and Turkey have claimed that their military forces have attacked the bases of Iranian and Turkish opposition in Iraq. Imagine how the world would be were every Member State to follow such perverted logic. The world would thus become subject to the law of the jungle. I would ask Iran and Turkey the following question: in accordance with the logic which they have just used, would they be willing to allow Iraqi military aircraft to raid the opponents of the Iraqi Government who are sheltered by the Governments of Iran and Turkey on their respective territories? I apologize for speaking at such length, but I have a number of replies to make, and I would ask for one more minute. The statement of Turkey in particular is fallacious. Iraq cannot exercise its sovereignty over the whole of its territory, not because it lacks the capability but because of the no-fly zones that have been imposed on us in northern and southern Iraq. The correct course for Turkey would be for it to refrain from becoming the pawn of a super-Power or a base for foreign troops which engage in acts of aggression against Iraq and its people until the central Government of Iraq can re-establish its authority in the

It is not my delegation’s intention to engage here in a pointless argument with Iraq. The primary responsibility of each and every State is to protect and defend the lives, property and well-being of its citizens. This is all the more important when the threat comes from another country with or without the explicit consent of its Government. We do not have to remind the Assembly that Iraq is the sole party responsible for the undesirable situation in which it finds itself today. Turkey is not ready to pay for the sins of others, in this case for those of Iraq. The prerequisites for enabling Iraq to exercise its authority over every inch of its territory are clearly stipulated in the relevant resolutions of the Security Council. Turkey, together with other Members of the Organization, has been encouraging Iraq all along to comply with the expectations of the world community to ensure a return to normalcy in the region and in our bilateral relations. To conclude, I would like to underline once again, in the hope that it will be understood by our Iraqi friends, the determination of the Turkish Government to defend the sanctity of its borders as well as the safety of its citizens. My Government will not fail to take all appropriate measures with a view to safeguarding its legitimate security interests and protecting its people against terrorism.

I am sorry to have to ask to speak once again in exercise of the right of reply, but I must answer to what Iraq has said. First, I would like to reconfirm the commitment expressed by our first response, given by our Permanent Representative. The representative of Iraq has alleged that As for Iraq’s saying that it is prepared to cooperate with the International Committees of the Red Cross and Red Crescent, we have been hearing that year-in and year- out without anything actually happening on the ground. I have therefore limited my reply to the question of prisoners.

Excuse me for having to ask to speak a second time, but it will not be for too long. I would merely like to mention the most recent comments of the representative of Turkey to the effect that the no-fly zones in both northern and southern Iraq are something imposed in accordance with Security Council resolutions. That is not the case. The imposition of no-fly zones in Iraq is a unilateral act on the part of the United States alone and is counter to international law and the Charter of the United Nations. There is no Security Council resolution imposing no-fly zones against Iraq.