A/59/PV.8 General Assembly

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Henrique Pereira Rosa, President of the Republic of Guinea- Bissau, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Pereira Rosa (spoke in Portuguese; interpretation from French text provided by the delegation): Thirty years ago, my country attained its national sovereignty. Indeed, it was on 17 September 1974 that the young Republic of Guinea-Bissau was admitted to the United Nations as a full-fledged Member State. Three decades, to be sure, is a short time in terms of nation-building. But it is a long time if you consider that in most African countries, including my own, life expectancy does not exceed 50 years. That bitter reality is the true measure of the time that has elapsed and of what my country has achieved since independence. Hence, for us in Guinea-Bissau, this is an important time for reflection, indeed for introspection, in the light of recent events and of the successive crises we have confronted of late. I address the Assembly today as the transitional President of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau. Addressing the Assembly gives me particular pleasure, Sir, because you — Mr. Jean Ping, the outstanding Minister of State and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the brotherly and friendly Gabonese Republic — are presiding over the Assembly’s work with the skill, experience and talent we all know so well. We have come to New York in search of new ideas for innovative and resolute action, ideas that will affect the way we think and will have a positive impact on our joint efforts to create a new world of peace, freedom and social justice for all countries and peoples represented here. It was with great attention and interest that we listened to the outstanding statement made here two days ago by Secretary-General Kofi Annan (see A/59/PV.3). His observations were thought-provoking. For our part, we share his vision of the world as it is today and as it should be tomorrow. Above all, we appreciate his dedication and determination at the head of the Organization, whose irreplaceable role is increasingly evident throughout the world. We live today in a world of ever more striking contrasts, imbalances, contradictions and inequalities. On the one hand, we are witness to increasingly marvellous scientific and technological progress, from which certain countries benefit greatly. On the other hand, hundreds of millions of people continue to live precarious lives and to suffer from malnutrition and endemic disease. This situation is not only inhuman and immoral, it is dangerous. It is sowing all the seeds that provoke frustration and despair, fuel rancour and hatred and lead to irrational behaviour and to actions endangering peace and international security. Combating poverty and epidemics such as HIV/AIDS throughout the world does not mean kindness or charity; it is common sense that requires that together we mobilize our actions to combat those scourges. I am gratified by the initiative of certain heads of State — in particular, President Lula da Silva — in recalling to each of us our responsibilities in the fight to eradicate hunger and destitution in a world as interdependent as the one in which we live today. It is critical here to understand that there is an urgent need to act, and to act properly. Above all, let us not wait for more reports or analyses to be submitted to us first, regardless of how visionary or relevant they may be. Thousands of women, children and infants die every day because they lack a pill or a vaccination. That is unjust; that is immoral. We must pool our efforts to establish more equitable relations among States. International trade must be better regulated, just as globalization and its effects on the world economy must be better controlled, to allow for a more equitable distribution of the riches of the world. Rather than leaving the underdeveloped countries to suffer from the effects of globalization, let us create for them the conditions necessary for their integration into the process, which is utterly beyond their control and whose social dimension must be the subject of specific measures so as to mitigate negative consequences. Today it is clear to everyone that to ensure peace throughout the world there is a need to promote the development of the poorest countries and to improve the living conditions of populations, in particular by guaranteeing them access to drinking water, health and education — especially for girls. Above all there is a need to create a social and political environment that is stable and is likely to release that creative energy of each and every individual and to promote the participation of all citizens in the management of the affairs of State of their country. The rights of each and every person must be respected, and all liberties provided by the law must be guaranteed without any impediment. The rule of law must be consolidated to allow each institution to function properly and effectively. I am thinking in particular of justice, which must be able to act with full independence and with scrupulous respect for the separation of executive, legislative and judicial powers. Guinea-Bissau, unfortunately, has not escaped from the cycle of violence and political crisis that seems today to have become a prerogative of the African countries. Our country has recently suffered from the disastrous consequences of an economic policy that is poorly adapted to the real needs of the population. The domestic conflict we have been experiencing in Guinea-Bissau since 1998 could have been avoided. It has further impoverished a country that is among the least developed countries and where everything must still be built because nothing could resist destruction. We are aware of the seriousness of the situation and of the need to pool our efforts to make the necessary changes, which our people have a right to expect from their leaders. Our people have suffered too much and for too long and have made too many sacrifices. We must create new conditions that provide reasons for hope. We have successfully initiated national dialogue based on mutual respect and taking into account the national interest. We have created a new culture of peace based on our affiliation with one single country with all its diversity and social and cultural riches. We have decided to make democracy an immutable reality. However, we are aware that democracy is not easy to build in a poor country where the illiteracy rate is still high and where the fundamental infrastructure is still severely lacking. Nevertheless, we continue to be inspired by the courage of our people and by the support of other countries — those of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Union Économique et Monétaire Ouest-africaine (UEMOA) and the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries in particular — and the European Union, China and the rest of the international community. Thus last March we were able to organize legislative elections that the international community considered just and credible and to establish a new parliament, the role of which is fundamental in any democracy. We will also be organizing presidential elections in April 2005, as agreed in the Charter of Transition, thus allowing for the restoration of constitutional order. Guinea-Bissau needs the assistance of the international community to meet the many enormous challenges confronting it. That assistance is urgent and important. We have created mechanisms for the rigorous control of State revenues and expenditures and, with the assistance of the UNDP and the Bretton Woods institutions in particular, all the necessary conditions for the transparent management of public property, which allows us to combat corruption. To enable us to relaunch our economy rapidly, we are planning to hold a round table in December. We hope that India, Brazil and South Africa will be assisting us in that initiative to combat poverty and helping us in the organization we have created in our country. We have here a great opportunity to express our gratitude for the commitment and dynamic action of the Economic and Social Council’s Ad Hoc Advisory Group on Guinea-Bissau and its partners, an indispensable instrument for advancing constructive dialogue between Guinea-Bissau and its partners for development, including the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. I should like to thank them from this rostrum for their continued support. So, too, we wish to reaffirm our great appreciation for the members of the Security Council who visited our country last June and showed their great interest in it. For the maintenance of international peace and security Guinea-Bissau, speaking before the great majority of the Members of the Organization, hopes that the Security Council’s part will be strengthened by enhancing its membership to better reflect the world situation. From this rostrum, I would like to say how grateful we are to those who supported us in the first phase of our transition. Humanity is one and indivisible. The men and women who inhabit our planet share the same aspirations: peace and well-being. Every individual, whatever the continent he belongs to, feels the same frustration when confronting injustice, impunity and violations of the rights of the human being. There is not a single child who does not feel the need to be loved and protected by his or her parents and who does not hope to grow up in a home where peace and love reign. How can we protect them if nothing is done to guarantee the rights of women and give a suitable education to young women? How can we prevent the mother, and the child she brings into the world, becoming victims of an endemic illness such as AIDS, tuberculosis or malaria at a time when most poor countries are incapable of providing basic health care? Tomorrow’s world is being built today. Thanks to the awareness of the real challenges, in this planetary village in which we all live, with its advantages and its problems, our human condition must be the common denominator on which and around which all people of good will should come together in order to make our world more fair, more tolerant and based more on solidarity. Whether we are discussing crises in Africa or in the Middle East, or the fight against terrorism — a fight that requires us all to mobilize our efforts — we must be animated by the same determination to seek lasting solutions based on consensus. The peoples we represent expect us to take concrete actions. They hope that we will be able to overcome our differences and pool our efforts so as to respond to their most urgent needs. Many praiseworthy initiatives to eradicate hunger, poverty, malnutrition and illiteracy have been undertaken. We must involve non-governmental organizations and other elements of civil society. In other words, we must appeal to all people of goodwill. The nations of the world all share the planet Earth, on which we all live. It is our responsibility to protect it so that we can provide our children and our children’s children with the conditions for a healthy life lived in dignity. Environmental protection alone is not enough. We must also create a climate of peace throughout the world. That cannot be done without the help of each Member State: it must be a collective effort in which dialogue and agreement take precedence and where the rule of law prevails in international relations. None of our peoples can live in isolation in the self-reliant manner of the past. The interdependence of the global economy is now a reality for all of us. Let us take advantage of the resources of the Earth without abusing our ecosystems, because the future of the planet depends on our capacity to think in terms of the collective interest. Let us act in a spirit of humanism and solidarity whenever the poorest of the poor confront calamity and natural disasters — disasters such as those that have recently afflicted Haiti, the Dominican Republic and other Caribbean countries. Let us understand the true dimension and meaning of the spiritual force that resides in each human being — a force to which we can turn at times of doubt and discouragement in order to regain the will and the energy we need to overcome our challenges.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of the Gambia.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Al Hadji Yahya A. J. J. Jammeh, President of the Republic of the Gambia, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Jammeh: I should like, Sir, to congratulate you on your assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. This session might well prove to be epoch-making in that this body will be called upon to consider and to make far-reaching decisions on what ought to be done to revitalize our Organization and to better align it to fit today’s imperatives for global security, peace and development. I have no doubt that you will live up to our expectations and that, given your wisdom and vast experience, you will guide our deliberations to a successful outcome. You may rest assured, Mr. President, that you will receive my delegation’s fullest cooperation. I would also like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to your predecessor, the very energetic and dynamic outgoing President, Mr. Julian E. Hunte, who conducted the business of the fifty-eighth session with gusto, dedication and courage, and who helped us to address some difficult issues. My delegation wishes him all the very best in his future endeavours. To our Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, I express my deep appreciation for yet another year of dedicated service to the Organization — indeed, to humanity at large. Some of the problems that were laid before him were not easy to resolve but, as expected, resolved they were. I hope that his efforts to ensure the triumph of multilateralism, the resolution of disputes and the pursuit of meaningful cooperation among nations will be further bolstered during the session that is just beginning. I stand here representing the young people of the world. My statement is very long, and is divided into two parts: one part will be circulated to representatives; I will read out the other part. World leaders have stood at this rostrum on many occasions, addressing the world. We made pledges to the children of the world during the twenty-seventh special session — the children’s summit — in 2002. During that special session, we pledged to create a better world and an environment conducive to the wellbeing of the children of the world. We have also come up with objectives for global development so as to make the world a better place for humanity by 2015. So far, there is no indication that those objectives will be achieved in the next 2,000 years. What are the problems? Since the children’s summit took place, we have seen the condition of the world’s children become more and more desperate. Children are being butchered throughout the world. Children’s rights are being violated. Children are being sold into slavery, and they are being terrorized by adults — we, who are supposed to take care of them. We have seen the economies of small States collapse as a result of rising oil prices. I come from a volatile part of the world, but I do not represent only Africa; I represent the young people of the world, whose future is very bleak if the status quo is not addressed. What are the problems of humanity today? They are man-made problems, and, because they are man- made, we will be able to resolve them. The solution to those problems lies with us, human beings — irrespective of race, colour, creed or religion. The problem of development can best be summarized thus: as long as there is violence and as long as there is no peace or global security, we, the poorer parts of humanity, will always become poorer and poorer, while the richer nations will become richer and richer. There cannot be any development without peace and stability. There cannot be peace or stability without democracy, justice and equality. The main problem of humanity today — which is creating all our other problems — is a result of four human tendencies: greed, double standards, intolerance and hypocrisy. None of us here can look into the faces of our children and assure them of a bright future or of their safety. Because of greed, human life has been reduced to naught. People want to become rich at the expense of human life. Greed can come in many forms. The insatiable appetite for world domination and intolerance — those are things that face humanity today. Our problem is not a confrontation between Islam and other religions. The problem of terrorism is a human characteristic. No good Muslim would ever commit a terrorist act. But, because the world has become so bad, lawlessness is rampant, and those who want to take out their frustrations on other human beings can do so in the name of Islam or any other religion. I have listened to my colleagues who have spoken here. But, as long as certain issues are not addressed, there will be no peace, and the war against terror will become an elusive fight that we will always lose. Some of us believe that, because we disapproved of the war in Iraq in the beginning, it is not our business to help solve it now. But let me assure the Assembly that the war in Iraq has more far-reaching consequences for humanity — and particularly for the children whom we pledged to support at the World Summit for Children — than for anything else. We have seen our economies collapse because of high oil prices that rise higher every day. It is our collective responsibility to put an end to the war in Iraq. We have seen the rise of global terrorism; the world is a more dangerous place today than during the cold war. The war in Iraq — regardless of whether or not we supported it — is a human tragedy, and it is not in our interests, as the human race, to let that war continue because we disapprove of what has happened. Two wrongs cannot make a right. Even if we believe that the war was wrong, it is the responsibility of the entire human race to help put an end to the suffering of the Iraqi people. We have seen children being butchered in Beslan, Russia; we have seen Palestinian and Israeli children being butchered. The problem is not a religious problem but a political one, because we, the leaders of the world, want to teach others a lesson by making them suffer. That is a human tragedy. We cannot be diplomats here if we want to solve the world’s problems. It is amazing that, when certain actions that are described as terrorist acts are carried out by other parties, they are described as retaliation for something. An unlawful act that destroys human life is a terrorist act, regardless of its objective or the rationale behind it. If poverty is not addressed, there will be desperation and hunger. And, if human beings are desperate, they can resort to actions that are horrific to the rest of us. We have seen that some parts of the world are very rich and that other parts — including Africa, where I come from — are becoming poorer and poorer. If the world’s wealth is not distributed equally, there will be imbalances and inequities, and there will be people who are desperate. If people are desperate, they will do anything to survive. However, that does not mean that one can justify violence. I do not justify violence in any form, because I believe that peace and stability would augur well for our children. The fight against terror is global. Let us be mindful of the consequences of allowing terror to be seen as a legitimate act. We have seen double standards being applied when resolutions are adopted for the good of humanity by the international community — which is represented here — and, in some cases, are enforced to the letter, whereas a few States are above international law and United Nations resolutions. That brings me to the issue of nuclear weapons. As a human being and as a peacemaker, I believe that, following the end of the cold war, no nation should have been able to justify the possession of nuclear weapons, much less become a new nuclear Power. If powerful nations continue to keep their nuclear weapons — and there are many double standards in the way we deal with one another — that will only become an enticement for others to opt for nuclear weapons because they think such weapons will serve as an insurance policy against attacks. I know that, during the 1980s, there was a campaign to promote nuclear disarmament. Today, in the new millennium, that campaign should be strengthened through a United Nations resolution making it illegal for anyone to possess nuclear weapons. We have seen conflicts simmering that will have drastic consequences for humanity — conflicts aimed at preventing certain States from acquiring nuclear weapons. Now that the Soviet empire no longer exists, all nuclear weapons — whether they are possessed by the Gambia or by any other country — should be eliminated. Just imagine one bomb killing millions of people. And here we stand, telling everyone that the world will be a better place for mankind. I believe in the peaceful resolution of all conflicts. Indeed, as far as I know, there is no licensing authority for the possession of nuclear weapons; therefore, no one can decide who should and who should not have them. We should take a bold step to ensure that no one has nuclear weapons. In this forum, on behalf of the world’s children, I appeal to those who aspire to possess nuclear weapons that that is the wrong path to take. Peace and stability cannot be ensured through the possession of nuclear weapons. The strength of a nation is not based on its firepower or its nuclear arsenal, but is determined by its ability to make the world a better place for humanity, including its own citizens. Nuclear weapons are not a solution.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of the Gambia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Honduras.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Ricardo Maduro Joest, President of the Republic of Honduras, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Maduro Joest (spoke in Spanish): For the second time, I have this special opportunity of appearing before you in the common home of the nations of the world. Everyone knows that we live in a time of great risks and problems, but also of great opportunities. Allow me to refer to two challenges, which in my opinion are the most important: the lack of security and the existence of poverty. First of all, I must refer to the lack of security. I believe that it is obvious to everyone that the durability of our democratic system and the alleviation of poverty require us to provide for the security of each one of our citizens. My Government is committed to that. The safety of my compatriots is my first priority. I am committed to ensuring respect for human rights and, within that concept, I am even more committed to ensuring the protection and the security of honest and hard-working citizens. If we all strive to provide security and reduce our citizens’ level of poverty, we will also be combating terrorists, and we will be winning the battle against those who take advantage of the positive qualities of democracy to destroy it through terror. Combating terrorism begins by combating crime and delinquency in our countries. We are committed to this struggle, and we know that we are not alone. This is, in fact, a universal challenge. We know that we can only confront it if we are together. Crime, delinquency and terrorism have, in effect, already undergone globalization and our actions, therefore, must be equally based on international cooperation. Organized crime appears in many shapes and forms. However, few are as degrading as drug trafficking. Few crimes generate as much corruption or so thoroughly destroy the core of our society and our values than drug trafficking. My country is on the drug trafficking route. We are right in the middle of the corridor that links the producers to the consumers. We are victims of the greed of the producers and the perverted desires of the consumers. Over the past 18 months in Honduras, we have impounded more drugs than in all the previous nine years, but this is obviously still not enough. Combating organized crime and drug trafficking, if we are alone, will be almost impossible. The Governments of the countries in which drugs are produced, the countries that are used to transport the drugs and the countries in which the drugs are consumed must, together, confront this. If we are alone, the poor countries have very few chances of succeeding. If we remain alone, we will have to divert resources that we need to combat poverty towards combating drug trafficking and organized crime. We need more resolute, direct and substantial support if we are to confront this tremendous challenge. I would like to say to the wealthy countries: let us work together to confront this scourge of our time. Security also implies the rule of law and, for over three years, we have worked to bring it about. We have combated corruption by closing businesses that engaged in tax evasion, eliminated the immunity of public servants and promoted a responsible use of State resources. We have achieved a great deal, but we recognize that a great deal remains to be done. We recently adopted a property law, which, for the first time in our history, enables the poor to hold deeds to their land. This may seem simple and almost trivial in developed countries, but on our continent, by and large, the poor have not enjoyed the benefit of these valuable deeds. Eighty-four per cent of Honduras’ citizens do not have a title to the plot of land on which they live. We are opening new pathways, and before my Government completes its mandate, we hope that hundreds of thousands of poor people will hold, for the first time, registered titles to their property. Security also implies peaceful relationships with our neighbours. For the first time in our history, our land borders have been defined, and they are now being conclusively demarcated. What is even more important is that this was achieved without spilling blood and without bellicose threats. We resorted to the International Court of Justice in The Hague and we have complied with its rulings. As far as Honduras is concerned, solving a border dispute is not something that can be achieved through violence. It can be achieved peacefully, through international jurisprudence. Having now consolidated our land borders, we are defining our maritime borders, and we have once again had recourse to the International Court of Justice. In our opinion, the time has now come to take the next step. The time has come to declare Central America a zone of peace, a zone that renounces violence as a means of resolving disputes. To consolidate this process with the support of the Organization of American States, we have already eliminated all the landmines that were placed around our country years ago, and we can now say with pride that we are a country that is entirely free of landmines. To bring this process to completion, we now propose reducing the number of weapons of war throughout the region. To lend credibility to this process, we invite the United Nations to accompany us and to certify compliance on the part of each of our countries. We also invite the international community to join us in this process. We propose that the process of arms reduction be supported with fresh resources to combat poverty. We propose an exchange: weapons of war in exchange for funding for poverty alleviation. Please support us. Poverty, and even more, hunger and malnutrition, are the most fearsome enemies of our democratic systems. A democracy based on empty stomachs is an empty democracy. All the research that has been carried out, including studies by the United Nations, tell us that, today as never before, formal democracy prevails throughout our continent, in Latin America. However, the same studies tell us that, today more than ever, dissatisfaction with our democratic systems is rampant. Poverty undermines our democracies and hunger erodes them. We know that combating poverty and hunger is an effort that must be shared by all. In our case, in Honduras, with much participation on the part of our citizens, we have devised a strategy to combat poverty that incorporates the Millennium Development Goals. This legacy has been refined and perfected over the past two years. The strategy to combat poverty is the very foundation of our vision as a country and of our planning as a nation. However, alone and in isolation, our efforts undoubtedly will not be able to produce the hoped-for results for our people. We require the support of the international community. International cooperation is not a handout; it is an investment. Everyone, absolutely everyone, derives benefit from it. Our small economies are open to international trade and to globalization. We do not fear this challenge; in fact, we see that it provides tremendous opportunities to us. However, we will not be able to overcome our poverty if the rules of international trade are not fair. We firmly believe that protected markets lead only to stagnation and the growth of poverty. It is not fair that while we are opening our markets, other countries are giving subsidies to their producers. We welcome the decision of the United States to return to the International Coffee Organization, but at the same time we ask that the hundreds of thousands of families that grow coffee in rural areas be paid better. Let me give you an example. Five years ago, our farmers earned 40 per cent of the price of coffee served to the final consumer. Today, they earn only 9 per cent, while the companies in developed countries pocket the difference. I invite the presidents and heads of State of coffee-producing countries to work together until we achieve a better price for all of our farmers. Together, producers and consumers, we can make sure that coffee is not a bitter drink for the producers. If the price of coffee can have a rapid and massive impact on the struggle against poverty, the price of oil, when it rises, rapidly makes our poverty much worse. In the case of my country, over the past year the increased bill for oil is 12 times what we spend on providing school lunches to 870,000 boys and girls who used to go to school without eating every day. This is 12 times what it took us years and many sacrifices to achieve. The world has seldom seen so massive a transfer of resources from poor importing countries to wealthy oil-exporting countries. I would like to take this opportunity to appeal to international conscience, and in particular to the conscience of oil-exporting countries, that we may establish a trading system that brings about a reduction in the price of oil and helps to stabilize it. We need a system that takes account of poverty in countries and of the efforts that are being made to combat it. We need a system that enjoys United Nations supervision to ensure that it is used properly. I am making a formal request to the United Nations to take the lead in this matter. I am not exaggerating when I say that there are few other actions we could take that would make such a great contribution to reducing poverty. I would also like to appeal to the developed countries to use oil like a scarce resource. Let them continue to improve fuel efficiency and to establish taxes that reflect the true cost of oil. Let them coordinate measures to make sure that demand does not grow unduly and make prices grow too fast. They should make prudent use of a non- renewable resource to which we should all have access. I would like to conclude by appealing to all to strengthen the United Nations system. That is the only way we can achieve peace in the world. Let us subordinate our individual agendas in order to find agreed solutions here in the United Nations. The well- being of the world demands that we act in this manner. I would also add that we support reforming the Security Council by increasing the number of permanent and non-permanent members. This will make it possible for countries such as Japan to participate, as well as a representative for Latin America. This will lend greater legitimacy to the Council’s decisions. We also support an all-embracing approach for the United Nations, which, in our opinion, means that we should find a way of enabling the Chinese people in Taiwan to participate in the United Nations processes. As I said at the beginning, we are living in difficult times, but this is also a time of great opportunity. We hold out our hand in friendship to everyone. All that we ask in exchange is to be treated fairly.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Honduras for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Eastern Republic of Uruguay.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Jorge Batlle Ibáñez, the President of the Eastern Republic of Uruguay, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Batlle Ibáñez (spoke in Spanish): Today no one denies that globalization is here and that it is here to stay. Not only has it changed the world of communications so that now everything happens at the same time throughout the world, but more importantly, it has made historical borders irrelevant. The young generation has more contact with other young people living thousands of miles away than they have with their own neighbours or family. It is absolutely true that a global culture is emerging in this world. While this is happening, countries are still living on their nationalisms, their secular habits, their own interests and their parochial projects that are often alien to the new realities. The question that we leaders ask ourselves — especially those of us who represent small nations — is whether this inexorable change can be handled by the organizations that we have created, or whether those organizations still have a long way to go in terms of adapting to the new reality. When we look at the impressive success achieved by the United Nations since San Francisco in 1944, two things seem clear. First, the institutions that we have created represent the greatest and most successful effort ever made by mankind to organize peaceful coexistence and to endow the planet with the best possible instruments for dealing with the important aspects of human lives within human society. Secondly, it is equally clear that the world has changed so much that the current reality now far exceeds the capacity of the institutions that were created to address and resolve past issues, issues that today have taken on totally different characteristics. Suffice it to recall that the founding Members of the United Nations numbered 51 and that today there are 191 Member States. More important, the world’s population at that time was only half what it is today. And the total is inexorably rising towards 9 billion. Furthermore, over the past 40 years, scientific advances and the ensuing technological applications have increased the resources of a very small group of nations, leaving far behind many other countries, some of which only recently gained their independence and most of which are rich in natural resources but lack the basic structures needed to achieve sustainable growth — countries, moreover, where, no doubt as a consequence of this, the population is increasing at very high rates and where the resulting emigration to other continents will soon create serious problems of coexistence. Uruguay has been a Member of the United Nations since its foundation and believes in the Organization and in the varied multilateral agencies that support its efforts; we understand the need to consider Charter revision so that nations that did not then carry the weight they carry today can assume greater obligations in the inescapable tasks that the situation of mankind now imposes on us. It is time for them to share the responsibility with the five nations that assumed it nearly 60 years ago. Uruguay has also been participating in peacekeeping operations for many years. Uruguay is one of the largest troop contributors, and is the very largest if the ratio of its small population — 3.4 million — to peacekeepers is taken into consideration. We have participated in operations in Asia and in Africa, and we are currently deployed in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, Eritrea and elsewhere. Uruguay acknowledges and welcomes the wise European Union effort to bring equality at the highest level to European nations with marked differences in income compared with the richest countries. The examples of Ireland, Portugal, Spain and Greece, which will surely be emulated for new European Union members, indicate what we in the United Nations must do for the Congo and Haiti. There is no point in achieving peace if the United Nations lacks funds that can immediately be spent for the practical benefit of peoples in extreme economic difficulties. We must create global and largely autonomous financial instruments to achieve those goals. That is the only way for the United Nations to succeed. A tiny nation like Haiti — of 27,000 square kilometres and 9 million inhabitants, where the average number of children per mother is 4.7 and which lacks the institutional and material infrastructure it needs — cannot and will not resolve its problems merely because a contingent of military forces from countries of the Common Market of the South (MERCOSUR) is keeping the peace. Travelling in the Congo with the troops we recently dispatched, we see exactly the same thing happening: a nation of 2.2 million square kilometres and a population of 50 million does not have a road going from one end of the country to the other. Without autonomous, ready and independent means of coping with and transforming that state of affairs, the United Nations will not have solved anything at all even five, 10, 15 or 20 years from now. Yet only the United Nations can handle such tasks. Just more than three years since the fateful day of 11 September 2001 and just over six months since the tragedy in Madrid, new and terrible forms of violence continue assailing other parts of the world, claiming hundreds of innocent victims — as we have recently seen in Russia and as we see in the Middle East. This reveals the destructive power that poses a permanent threat to the world as a whole, a source of inescapable sadness and a cause for despair about the human condition itself. Terrorism — and a genuine commitment to combat and defeat it — must therefore be the first item on our international agenda. Each State, each nation, each community and each human being must contribute to this endeavour; that is how we can help the United Nations to fulfil its role as universal guarantor. Combating this and other evils — hunger, poverty, underdevelopment, marginalization, exclusion — requires a United Nations that is more united, nimbler and more effective. That is why the Organization must be more representative, more balanced and more reliable: so that it can continue to be a reference point for the weak and a restraining influence on the strong. Here, our country has recently adopted legislation strengthening the system of prevention and control of money laundering and the financing of terrorism. We are in compliance with nearly all current treaties in this area, and our legislation improves our mechanisms for international cooperation against money laundering and the financing of terrorism. At the Millennium Summit and in the Doha Declaration and Monterrey Consensus we agreed on principles, goals and priorities, and we made commitments which we reaffirmed a few days ago at the summit of world leaders for the Action Against Hunger and Poverty. If we are to attain those goals, we need more just and equitable rules of international trade. That is how to ensure that this becomes a key stage in the march towards the social and political stability that is today in serious jeopardy. This is particularly important since it is well known that States that vociferously preach free trade and demand open markets — which in our case are already entirely open — themselves impose and institute obstacles to trade, subsidize their production in distorting ways and compete with countries such as mine and many others, which have nothing to offer the world except the labour of their people in the commodity and industrial sectors, which further enriches the rich countries. Uruguay attaches fundamental importance to financial and trade issues. In all international forums, Uruguay calls for freer, more open markets. We favour a single market from Alaska to Tierra del Fuego; we support the Doha Agreement; we support the opening of markets. We believe in freedom, but we believe also that freedom is indivisible: there can be no political freedom without economic freedom, and we think there can be no economic freedom that does not go hand in hand with political freedom. We believe, therefore, that peoples can be strong only if they can create their future in freedom. We cannot build and stabilize democracies if women and men cannot find an honest job to which to devote their energies. That goal cannot be achieved with economic assistance alone or with loans that, in the poorest countries, are paid back only with great difficulty. It can be brought about only with free trade — something that the world experienced in the nineteenth century. In conclusion, Uruguay will continue to be committed to the international system and to the progressive development of international law, the most recent expression of which was the establishment of the International Criminal Court, whose Statute we have ratified. We reaffirm our conviction that multilateralism is the main principle on which the conduct of international affairs must be based. We express the hope that our region and the world as a whole will pool their efforts and work together in a realistic and committed manner. We continue to believe in the United Nations as the collective instrument best suited to our search for peace.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Eastern Republic of Uruguay for the statement he has just made. Mr. Jorge Batlle Ibáñez, President of the Eastern Republic of Uruguay, was escorted from the General Assembly Hall.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister for Defence and Public Service of the Kingdom of Lesotho. The Right Honourable Pakalitha Bethuel Mosisili, Prime Minister and Minister for Defence and Public Service of the Kingdom of Lesotho, was escorted to the rostrum.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency The Right Honourable Pakalitha Bethuel Mosisili, Prime Minister and Minister for Defence and Public Service of the Kingdom of Lesotho, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

I would like, on behalf of my delegation, to join previous speakers in congratulating you, Sir, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at this session. At the same time, I would like to extend our compliments to your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, as well as to the Secretary-General, for a job well done. If there has been one consistent and predictable area of convergence in our debates during General Assembly sessions of the past, as well as during the current session, it is the compelling need for a peaceful and stable world — a world where humankind lives in harmony, mutual tolerance and respect for the collective benefit. For if we have peace and stability at the national, regional and international levels, humankind will be able to concentrate on the real issues of the development of this, our only world. Never before has our world been so insecure or faced such enormous challenges. Sadly, this insecurity results from man’s inhumanity and his insensitivity to human life. Yet it is also through man’s efforts that the effects of such challenges can and must be mitigated or — better still — defeated. It is common knowledge that the root cause of the world’s insecurity today is international terrorism and armed conflict. Terrorist actions continue to haunt and to shock us. The recent murder of innocent, young, defenceless school children in Beslan, Russia; the bombings in Indonesia; and daily killings in Iraq, Palestine and Israel, are simply too ghastly to countenance. Equally, the recent massacres of men, women and children in refugee camps in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Burundi and the Sudan are not only dastardly in the extreme, but stand in stark contrast to everything that modern civilization, humanity and morality espouse. Our world will continue to be insecure for as long as terrorists continue to be harboured and financed by some States Members of the United Nations. We must recognize that none of us is immune from terrorism. But a more honest and practical solution would be for all States Members of the United Nations to commit themselves not to harbour or finance terrorists and their organizations. In that way, terrorists would have no safe haven, thus rendering it possible to chase them from pillar to post until terrorist organizations are eliminated from our world. We submit that yet another, equally pragmatic, solution may be found in the answer to the question: what is it that drives an inherently good human being to commit such inhuman and senseless acts of State terrorism, organizational terrorism or individual terrorism? In short, we must confront the causes of terrorism, honestly and without malice to anybody. Lesotho is deeply concerned by the fact that armed conflicts continue to cause suffering and hinder economic growth in Africa and elsewhere. However, we commend the United Nations for all its efforts aimed at the elimination of human suffering in armed conflict situations. When, in July 2003, the Assembly adopted its historic resolution 57/337, on the prevention of armed conflict, it recognized that multilateral cooperation, under the auspices of the United Nations, could be an effective means to prevent armed conflict and to address its root causes. Furthermore, it acknowledged the responsibility of the United Nations to stand up to the challenge of preventing, rather than just responding to, conflict. I should like to take this opportunity to express my delegation’s appreciation to the Secretary-General, for the comprehensive report to be presented at this session on the implementation of that important resolution. For years now, the situation in Somalia has posed a threat to international peace and security. The swearing- in of Somalia’s transitional parliament on 22 August 2004, in Nairobi, Kenya, paves the way for genuine recovery for Somalia. In that regard, my delegation compliments the Government of Kenya, the Inter- Governmental Authority on Development, the African Union and all other stakeholders for their efforts to bring about normalcy in Somalia. We must not allow the momentum to decrease, or the process to be derailed by those who seek to fuel hatred, division and the killing of the people of Somalia, including as a result of the smuggling of arms, which takes place despite the arms embargo. The humanitarian and security crises engulfing the Darfur region in the Sudan are a cause for serious concern to all of us. A lot has been said about that grave situation, but not much has been done to contain the humanitarian and political crises. However, my delegation is hopeful that words will finally translate into action. We had hoped that, with the help of the African Union mediators, the representatives of the Government of the Sudan and the two rebel groups — the Sudan Liberation Army (SLA) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) — could be persuaded to sign and respect the protocol on security. We reiterate our call to all concerned parties to enter into negotiations. We wish to remind the Government of the Sudan that it is its primary responsibility, first and foremost, to protect the civilian life of its nationals. The Great Lakes region remains politically volatile. This situation has been exacerbated by the recent massacre of refugees from the Democratic Republic of the Congo at the Gatumba refugee camp in western Burundi. We hope that the fact that the Forces for National Liberation (FNL) have claimed responsibility for the killings would make investigations easier. The peace process in the Democratic Republic of the Congo remains elusive, at a time when we had thought that the gains that had been made from the Congolese dialogue, in South Africa, could be consolidated. We reiterate the call by the Secretary- General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for renewed commitment by the Transitional Government in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Security Council and the international community to work in full partnership to see the transitional process through to elections scheduled for 2005. It is worth mentioning that, at the regional level, the Southern African Development Community (SADC) heads of State or Government, at their recent summit in Mauritius, mandated the SADC Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation actively to remain seized of the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. My delegation has never condoned the killings of Israelis by the Palestinians or of Palestinians by the Israelis. We have always considered the root causes of the problem in the Middle East, which is the illegal occupation of Palestinian lands by Israel. That problem has been exacerbated by the construction by Israel of a separation wall in the occupied Palestinian territory. The International Court of Justice, the principal judicial organ of the United Nations, on 9 July 2004 rendered its advisory opinion that such construction was contrary to international law. We therefore appeal to Israel to implement the important resolution adopted by the General Assembly in view of the Court’s advisory opinion. Moreover, it is our submission that, unless and until the issue of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people is addressed vigorously, urgently and truthfully, peace and security will remain elusive in the Middle East. We should perhaps recall that, four years ago, we gathered in this very Hall with hope for, and anticipation of, a better life for all humankind in the twenty-first century, as we adopted the Millennium Declaration and the Millennium Development Goals. We set time-bound and measurable goals for combating, inter alia, poverty, hunger, disease, the spread of HIV and AIDS, illiteracy, environmental degradation and discrimination against women. Needless to say, we are today, as we were then, committed to the achievement of those goals. However, we did not anticipate that, as we approach the comprehensive review in 2005, the HIV/AIDS pandemic would have become the greatest threat to life itself, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. Undoubtedly, the HIV/AIDS pandemic threatens to render futile and irrelevant all our efforts at the betterment of humankind, including the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals. As early as the year 2000, Lesotho had declared HIV/AIDS a national disaster, and various measures were being taken at the national level to control and manage the pandemic. We have not been alone in that fight, fortunately. It is in that spirit that we wish to recognize and appreciate the dedication of Mr. Stephen Lewis, Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for HIV/AIDS in Africa, and of Mr. James Morris, Special Envoy for Humanitarian Needs in Southern Africa. Through his advocacy, Mr. Lewis has helped Lesotho start a robust programme of antiretroviral treatment, while Mr. Morris’s initiatives have ensured food supply for vulnerable and orphaned children. Interventions of this nature give credence to the lofty declarations adopted at various international summits on the HIV/AIDS pandemic, as they complement and strengthen our own initiatives and limited resources. My delegation reiterates the call for increased support for the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), the framework for achieving the Millennium Development Goals in Africa. It is yet another mechanism that will enable African countries to fight the HIV/AIDS pandemic, to eradicate poverty and to reduce the high unemployment rate. In the same context, the Millennium Challenge Account is indeed a worthy and commendable initiative by the Government of the United States of America to launch the least developed countries on the road to sound and sustainable development. The prevailing situations in Western Sahara and in Cuba continue to be of major concern. My de1egation will — because it must — repeat the statement we have made on many previous occasions: that the people of Western Sahara have suffered long enough. We have therefore noted with appreciation the latest reaffirmation by the Security Council of its support for the 1991 settlement plan, allowing the nations of Western Sahara to determine the future of the disputed territory in a referendum. We hope that the referendum will be held soon, and urge that this be the case. By the same token, the unilateral economic embargo against Cuba is causing untold misery to the people of that country. My delegation believes that, when two countries are at war with each other, or when a country has been condemned by the international community for gross misconduct, an economic embargo could be justifiable. However, we are not aware that any war has been declared against Cuba, or that the Government of Cuba has compromised or broken international law. We therefore remain in the dark as to what might justify the victimization of millions of Cubans by the unilateral economic blockade, for we contend that it is the sovereign, democratic and, indeed, sacred right of the people of Cuba to determine the system of Government most appropriate for their country. Accordingly, we urge that normalcy be restored to Cuba through the removal of the economic blockade. The coming into operation of the International Criminal Court signifies, in our view, an end to impunity. We are elated that there now exists an international body that can take over when national courts are unable or unwilling to try perpetrators of the most egregious violations of human rights. We would indeed live in a safer world if State parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court adhered to it, and if the Court attained universal jurisdiction. My delegation encourages States that have not yet ratified the Statute to do so as a matter of urgency — indeed, as a matter of common sense. We are pleased to note that the ICC has commenced investigations in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda. We congratulate both these sister countries for their cooperation with the ICC. In order for the United Nations family to address today’s challenges effectively, the Organization must be reformed, with the Security Council being the central focus of that effort. The Security Council must reflect the reality of the international community in the twenty-first century. That must be done against the background of multilateralism, upon which international peace and security is premised. In that regard, allow me to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Julian Hunte, President of the General Assembly at its fifty-eighth session, for the hard work and commitment he displayed as the Chair of the Open-ended Working Group on the Reform of the Security Council. In conclusion, let me reiterate that it is only through solidarity, unity of purpose and honesty among us Member States that the United Nations will defeat in our time the greatest challenges ever to face humankind. Otherwise, as Secretary-General Kofi Annan stressed in his opening statement, history will indeed judge us harshly.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister for Defence and Public Service of the Kingdom of Lesotho for the statement he has just made. The Right Honourable Pakalitha Bethuel Mosisili, Prime Minister and Minister for Defence and Public Service of the Kingdom of Lesotho, was escorted from the rostrum. Address by the Honourable Lawrence Gonzi, Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta. The Honourable Lawrence Gonzi, Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta, was escorted to the rostrum.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Lawrence Gonzi, Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

I would like first to congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. You have an important and challenging task ahead. In executing your duties you can be assured of my full support and that of the Maltese delegation. I take this opportunity to express our appreciation to the President of the General Assembly at its fifty- eighth session, His Excellency Mr. Julian Hunte. Over the last twelve months he has successfully guided the Assembly’s work with exemplary dedication and initiative. I would also like, at the outset of my intervention this afternoon, to take the opportunity to express the solidarity of the Maltese people with those countries and people who have suffered loss of life and damage to property as a result of the recent spate of hurricanes and tropical storms, particularly the people of Haiti. We, the Maltese people, pledge our support in this hour of need. It is a source of particular satisfaction for me to address the Assembly for the first time as Prime Minister of Malta, and also for Malta in its new role as a member of the European Union. The President of the Union’s Council of Ministers, the Foreign Minister of the Netherlands, has already laid before the Assembly the objectives and priorities of the 25 members of the Union for the coming months. The upholding and development of international law and effective multilateralism are central to the European Union’s external actions. The role of the United Nations is vital in this regard. Malta has consistently supported the view that the international community needs this universal forum within which it can collectively deliberate and act upon the many problems that confront it. Our membership in the European Union gives renewed scope and added dimension to our commitment to the United Nations and its role in international affairs. Recent events have raised urgent questions about the extent to which the United Nations is fulfilling the role envisaged for it under the Charter. Inevitably this leads to some serious concerns about the effectiveness of our Organization. Nevertheless, the questions which have been raised do not diminish the case not only for its continued existence but also for its strengthening as a world body. As we survey the latest developments in crises spots around the globe, the realization intensifies that solutions to the major problems of our age are beyond the grasp and control of any single nation or particular group of nations, however powerful and determined. The international system is itself frequently overwhelmed by the immensity and complexity of many of the problems it faces. The United Nations is indeed at the forefront of action in the most critical areas — furthering development, relieving suffering, safeguarding human rights, combating terrorism, fighting environmental degradation, fostering sustainability, resolving conflicts, promoting peace and disarmament and upholding the rule of international law. Each year we derive a measure of comfort from the knowledge that some progress is being recorded in certain areas. In this year’s report the Secretary- General mentions last July’s Framework Agreement that put the Doha Round of trade negotiations back on track; he refers to the contribution that United Nations peace missions are making towards the gradual improvement of the situation in Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia and the Central African Republic, as well as in Afghanistan, Papua New Guinea, Guatemala and Haiti. He records the launching of an important new programme in the fight against HIV/AIDS; he notes that for the second consecutive year the global refugee figure has decreased by nearly 1 million, and he believes that meeting the Millennium Development Goals by the target date of 2015 remains achievable. At the same time, however, the Secretary-General highlights a bewildering array of areas on which no visible progress can be registered, in spite of the fact that, as the Secretary-General reminds us, there are at present more than 56,000 uniformed personnel and some 11,000 civilian staff from 97 countries serving in 16 United Nations missions worldwide, and in spite of the fact that the whole United Nations system, including the specialized agencies, is wholeheartedly engaged in the work of promoting economic and social progress and development. The humanitarian crisis in Darfur, in western Sudan, is one stark manifestation of an apparently unbridgeable gap between intention and execution. The daily visions on television screens throughout the world of thousands of refugees suffering and dying overwhelm the impact that a steady but slow diplomacy may be making in its own right. In Iraq, in Palestine and in Israel, the fact that in those difficult realities hardly a single day goes by without news of people dying violently in armed actions is in sharp contrast with the limited reports on continuing efforts to find peaceful and viable solutions. Silently, across our globe of plenty with its advanced technology, the fact remains that in spite of our collective efforts millions of individuals, many of them children, continue to suffer and die in conditions of absolute poverty, malnutrition and disease. Over the next 12 months two events will provide a special opportunity for the United Nations membership to focus on the key issues that challenge the vitality and effectiveness of our Organization. The High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, appointed by the Secretary-General last year, will soon produce its report. The Secretary-General expects that the Panel, after examining the threats we face and evaluating our existing policies, processes and institutions, will make bold and practicable recommendations. It will be up to us as Member States, collectively and individually, to be equally bold and practical in responding to those recommendations. The Panel’s report will be followed in 2005 by a high-level meeting on the five-year review of the Millennium Declaration, as well as the commemoration of the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations. Five years after what was expected to be the dawn of a new era, the time will be ripe for some dramatic results to emerge, not least at the institutional level. High on the agenda in this context is the reform of the Security Council. As currently constituted, the Council suffers from three noticeable weaknesses. First, it has limited means of adequately addressing the development issues involved in security matters. Secondly, the regional distribution of authority in the Council is severely lopsided. And, thirdly, the great majority of Member States, especially the smaller ones, are underrepresented in the deliberations of the Council. Urgent remedies need to be found for all these weaknesses for the Council to be able to continue to play a relevant role in the twenty-first century. In its turn, the General Assembly needs to greatly intensify current efforts to enhance the strengths inherent in its universality, while discarding the debilitating and time-consuming procedures and working methods that such universality has bred. The major organs and specialized agencies of the United Nations system also need to devise improved ways of harmonizing, through the Economic and Social Council, their many impressive, but often disparate, efforts to foster sustainable social and economic development. One of the underlying strengths of the United Nations system lies in the manner in which it permits action at the regional level to insert itself into global efforts towards peace, security and cooperation. In recent years, the progressive strengthening of the African Union has added a welcome partner to the regional framework, in what is, unfortunately, the region of greatest need. The recently enlarged European Union has also been progressively enhancing its cooperation with the United Nations at both the regional and higher levels. The Secretary-General refers in his report on the work of the Organization (A/59/1) to the significant progress in EU/United Nations cooperation on conflict prevention, peace-building and post-conflict reconstruction, as well as in crisis management activities. One area in which the EU and the United Nations are active and important partners concerns the question of Palestine. As members of the Quartet, the EU and the United Nations play a significant role by injecting a much-needed balance and objectivity into an issue tormented by violence and passion. Both the EU and the United Nations are by right major stakeholders in the issue. History and geographical proximity underpin the special interest of all EU member States in the prosperity and well-being of both Israelis and Palestinians. The creation and peaceful coexistence of two neighbouring States, Israel and Palestine, was one of the United Nations very first, but unfortunately still unfulfilled, recommendations. After decades of bitterness and wrong turns, the issue of Palestine remains jeopardized by the forces of extremism and intransigence. But extremism and intransigence — as manifested by both the perpetrators of Palestinian suicide bombings and Israeli advocates of a continuing and forceful military occupation of Palestinian territories — do have a counterbalance on both sides, as manifested by the Geneva Initiative of late last year, among many other examples. The EU and the United Nations need to continuously exert their influence and pressure on both sides to persuade them to give greater heed and credibility to the voices of reason which lie in their midst. The path to legality and reconciliation has been defined in the road map, in the many resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly and, most recently, in the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice. Even in the face of constant setbacks on the ground, the EU and United Nations Quartet partners need to remain steadfast in their insistence that the road to peace can only be set within those parameters. Malta looks at the problem both from its tragic humanitarian dimension as well as from its far- reaching implications for peace and security. One important concern for us in that regard is the impact that the problem has on issues of peace and security in the Middle East in general and the Mediterranean area in particular. One of the primary objectives of the European Union is to promote the development, through partnership, of a common zone of peace, prosperity and progress in the Mediterranean and the Middle East. In recent months the Union has elaborated a policy agenda for that strategic partnership linking together a number of instruments and mechanisms that have been put in place over the years. The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership — the Barcelona or Euromed process — and the European Neighbourhood Policy are the frameworks of that policy. A key element in the EU approach is the parallel importance assigned to the processes of security-building and to cooperation in the social, economic, cultural and humanitarian fields. In that way it ensures that the evolving relationships in the Euro- Mediterranean area are tailored to the specific concerns and needs of the individual countries and regions. For the Balkan region, the framework provided by the European Neighbourhood Policy — and the prospect of consolidating relationships with the European Union which it implies — constitutes an important contributory factor towards growth and stability. With the exception of the situation in Kosovo, which remains disturbing, and some other examples, progress in the Balkan region is encouraging. The almost decade-long EuroMed process has gradually but steadily put into place a useful structure for the strengthening and consolidation of relationships among the countries of the Mediterranean. It not only contributes to the economic and social development of individual countries, but also provides a stable background in which some of the wider problems may be tackled, taking into account the strong linkage that exists between security and cooperation in Europe and in the Mediterranean. It needs strengthening and broadening, and in that context, the participation of Libya in the Barcelona Euromed process would be particularly welcome. One such issue concerns the question of migration from the southern to the northern shores of the Mediterranean. As in other parts of the world, that issue needs to be tackled from the economic, social and political, as well as the humanitarian, perspective. Because of its geographical location and small size, Malta has a special sensitivity to the many problems and complexities of the issue. We are hopeful that the spirit of cooperation and understanding provided by the EuroMed process can help countries in our region to successfully tackle the challenges involved. Over the last few months, an important development took place in our region in the context of disarmament. Libya’s decision to renounce its programme of weapons of mass destruction has been welcomed by all. As a longstanding friend and close neighbour of Libya, Malta has particular reasons to welcome this development and the increased opportunities it now creates for Libya to play a significant role in the process of Euro-Mediterranean security and cooperation. It is reasonable to argue that the framework of regional stability and cooperation provided by the Euro-Mediterranean process was one factor that contributed to Libya’s decision to renounce its programme. Nevertheless, problems relating to the development of weapons of mass destruction still exist in other regions of the world. The role that can be played by initiatives encouraging regional stability and economic and social development in the resolution of these problems should not be underestimated. We must also look at the problems raised by the threat of new weapons of mass destruction as part of the wider issue of disarmament in its many aspects. The continuing commitment to the major multilateral treaties and increased efforts to intensify measures of verification and compliance are of paramount importance in this regard. Equally important is the need to bring the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty into force without further delay. The problem of the proliferation of weapons, especially weapons of mass destruction, has in our day assumed a new and frightening dimension in its possible linkage with terrorism. In this regard, as the Secretary-General points out, the effective implementation of Security Council resolution 1540 (2004), adopted earlier this year, should complement ongoing efforts to strengthen existing multilateral and non-proliferation regimes. The fight against terrorism involves all of us and needs to be pursued with firmness and tenacity. At the same time, the struggle must take place on our terms and not those of the terrorists. As the Secretary- General takes every opportunity to remind us, this struggle must not take place at the expense of the fundamental freedoms and basic dignity of individuals, neither must we allow the legitimate concern to eradicate terrorism in all its aspects to distract the commitment of the global community in its endeavour towards the economic and social development of the less advantaged regions of the world. In conclusion, our concerns for the safety of our people must be counter-balanced by the assurances that those responsible for these threats will be dealt with by a coherent and effective system of trans-frontier justice that reflects respect for the rule of law. The international community’s endeavours in recent years have found fruition in the establishment of the International Criminal Court, a functioning institution that increases its effectiveness the more widely all the members of the family of nations subscribe to it. In encouraging reflection on these topical issues, I feel confident in the credentials offered by my country, whose level of commitment to the United Nations certainly makes up for any physical limitations we may have. Malta has been instrumental in developing the concept of common heritage, in relation both to the high seas and to climate change, and we have emphasized the importance of intergenerational solidarity, as evidenced not only by our initiatives on ageing but also as the host country for the International Institute on Ageing. As in previous years, the issues before of the General Assembly are many and complex. The density and variety of the agenda we have before us are both a challenge and an opportunity for our Organization. I trust that under your able guidance, Mr. President, we will find the energy and wisdom to meet these challenges and exploit these opportunities. Humanity is counting on all of us.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Malta for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Vice-President of the Republic of Ghana.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Alhaji Aliu Mahama, Vice-President of the Republic of Ghana, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

I have the distinct honour to congratulate you, Mr. President, a distinguished African diplomat, on your election to preside over the fifty-ninth session of this Assembly and to wish you success in your undertaking. I would also like to commend your predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, for the dedication and commitment that he brought to bear on his stewardship of the fifty-eighth session. Three years ago, a terrible tragedy hit this city. The unprecedented terrorist attacks of 11 September resulted in the death of thousands of innocent people of many nationalities, including some from my own country, Ghana. The whole world shared the pain and sorrow of New York in the aftermath of those atrocities. The whole world also rose in solidarity with the people of the United States to ensure that such tragedies would not happen again. 11 September reminds us of the importance of seeking a multilateral and peaceful means for the maintenance of international peace and security, especially now, when it has become evident that only collective, multilateral efforts will suffice to defeat the new scourge of mankind, global terrorism. The United Nations has an indispensable role to play, being the most universal and representative intergovernmental organization and the best forum for the practice of multilateralism. However, the success of multilateralism and collective security will depend on how the reforms of the United Nations system are implemented. In this regard, we applaud the initiative of our illustrious compatriot, Secretary-General Kofi Annan, in setting up the United Nations High-Level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, to make proposals on how the United Nations can best be reformed to meet the new challenges of our world. We, in Africa, agree that the objectives of the United Nations reforms, including the revitalization of the General Assembly and the reform of the Security Council, are aimed at enhancing the role of the Organization and its capacity to overcome current threats and emerging challenges. The reforms should be in conformity with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter and the process must be based on full consultations in a democratic and transparent manner. To this end, we look forward to a revitalized General Assembly that would assume its rightful position as the most authoritative and representative organ of the United Nations. With regard to the Security Council, the African position emphasizes the need to democratize and ensure equitable geographical representation, with Africa allotted no less than two permanent seats and five non- permanent seats in the expanded Security Council. I wish to address the crucial issue of poverty eradication and the promotion of sustainable development in developing countries in which widespread poverty is endemic, particularly in Africa. As we strive to overcome our current economic woes, we need the world’s solidarity, resources, technical know-how and support. The historic Millennium Summit of the United Nations, which brought together 189 nations in September 2000 and adopted the Millennium Declaration, was a clarion call for action to solve these problems and set forth the Millennium Development Goals with measurable goals and targets for combating them. On that occasion, the international community pledged to spare no effort to free our fellow men, women and children from the abject and dehumanizing conditions of extreme poverty. Africa has adopted the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), which reaffirms our belief that Africans have the primary responsibility to solve the problems of poverty, hunger, disease and illiteracy afflicting the majority of our population and to stem Africa’s marginalization from global markets. In tandem, we are striving to foster political stability, accountable and transparent governance under the rule of law, because we believe it is the right thing to do. Ghana has volunteered as the first country in Africa for the African Peer Review Mechanism, and my Government is cooperating with the review panel to facilitate the preparation of the review report, because we in Ghana cherish very much our democracy and our commitment of respect for human rights and the rule of law. Our renewed resolve, within the context of NEPAD, to accelerate the sustainable development of the continent, dovetails fully with the avowed commitment of the international community to help achieve the Millennium Development Goals. It was, therefore, a very welcome and positive development when the General Assembly, in its resolution 57/7 of 4 November 2002, urged the international community to organize support for African countries within the framework of the principles, objectives and priorities of NEPAD. However, for this convergence of vision and effort to yield the desired results, there must be genuine partnership between Africa and the international community. The implementation of NEPAD and the creation of institutions such as the Pan-African Parliament, the Peace and Security Council, the Economic, Social and Cultural Council, and various commissions of the recently established African Union, reflect Africa’s determination to be the architect of its own future. The initiatives of the Economic Community of West African States, the West African regional body currently chaired by the President of Ghana, Mr. John Agyekum Kufuor, in dealing with the conflicts that have recently plagued our region are good examples of this development. Accra has been the venue for successful peace talks concerning Liberia and, most recently, on 29 July 2004, Côte d’Ivoire, which has revived hopes for a durable peace in that important West African country. The important decisions taken at the last summit of the African Union in Addis Ababa have given cause for cautious optimism as the political leadership, Governments, the public, civil society and the private sector now seem to have embarked upon a journey of collaborative effort to put an end to conflicts and to focus instead on the promotion of peace, security and sustainable development for the benefit of the peoples of the continent. It is disheartening, though, to observe that, despite the good intentions of the international community, as exemplified at the various international forums that have followed the Millennium Summit, there has not been any significant achievement due to the absence of genuine global partnership for development. There continues to be an agonizing paradox between the summit and conference declarations of a new global partnership and the persistence of an asymmetrical global system that works largely against the interests of developing countries. Quite evidently, the laudable long-term initiatives to halve hunger and poverty by the year 2015 cannot be achieved without a fundamental restructuring of the global trade system, particularly in agricultural products. Such an initiative should include developed countries’ dismantling subsidies and lowering tariffs, thereby helping to uphold and safeguard an open, equitable, rule-based, predictable, non-discriminatory trading and financial system. The concerns of developing countries have been reiterated in this Assembly over the years; we therefore urge our developed partners to act now. For many countries in Africa, stable long-term planning will be impossible without more systematic and sustained debt relief. Despite the progress recorded in the implementation of the enhanced Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Debt Initiative and the provision of substantial debt relief by bilateral official creditors, achieving long-term debt sustainability and, at the same time, a reduction in poverty as targeted, remains a major problem for many African countries. We, therefore, welcome the initiative of British Prime Minister Tony Blair in setting up the African Commission. Official development assistance (ODA), as we are aware, continues to play an essential role in complementing other sources of financing for development and creating a congenial environment for private sector activity. Although ODA flows, which decreased in the 1990s, have picked up in recent years, the fact that these flows remain, on average, still far below internationally agreed targets is a major cause for concern. In this connection, it is pertinent to recall that an additional $50 billion a year in development assistance would be required as a minimum to meet the Millennium Development Goals. The fundamental question facing the international community is whether it is committed to the indispensable, challenging, but ultimately rewarding global partnership, which alone can make this dream come true. The HIV/AIDS pandemic is a global emergency and a key threat to achieving the Millennium Development Goals, especially for countries in sub- Saharan Africa. The pandemic has caused untold suffering and death in our countries, destroying entire communities, reversing development gains and posing a serious security threat. Unfortunately, despite the substantial measures taken by the Government in combating the scourge, Ghana’s efforts have been severely constrained by a lack of adequate resources required to prevent new infections, provide care and support for people, particularly women and children living with HIV/AIDS. We wish to urge the international community to provide the needed resources for the fight against this global emergency. Ghana attaches great importance to the empowerment of women to make them equal partners in the formulation and implementation of development policies. Since the adoption of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action and the outcome of the twenty-third special session of the General Assembly, gender equality has been an essential element of Ghana’s efforts to attain sustainable development. The active involvement of women in political processes and decision-making at all levels and in all sectors is being vigorously pursued. Impediments such as discrimination and violence against women are being dealt with through education, advocacy and legislation. Despite the strong political will within the international community to create a world fit for children, the reality in many parts of the world is a far cry from the ideals voiced at the twenty-seventh special session of the General Assembly, on children. We call for the adoption of effective policies to eradicate poverty, to ensure access to education and to provide families with support to guarantee the well- being of children. Decisive international cooperation is also required to strengthen legal and other preventive mechanisms to tackle effectively the increasing practice of child trafficking for unconscionable exploitative purposes. Ghana believes that the staff of the Organization, who make sacrifices daily to maintain peace and security in zones of conflict and humanitarian disaster, deserve to be provided with a secure and safe environment in which to operate. In that regard, we will continue to condemn all attacks against United Nations personnel and call for firm action by States to establish conditions that prevent such attacks, in fulfilment of the obligations of host countries towards the United Nations and its personnel. Ghana, as a major troop-contributing country, will continue to support United Nations peacekeeping operations globally, as well as in Africa. That commitment, which began with our participation in the United Nations Operation in the Congo in 1960, is born of the firm moral conviction in our solidarity for humanity and the knowledge that a lack of peace and stability anywhere can be a real threat to peace and security for all of us. In conclusion, I urge Member States to rededicate themselves individually and collectively to the ideals that underpin the Organization and provide it with the commensurate resources as it strives to fulfil the aspirations of the peoples of the world. We cannot, should not and must not fail in that undertaking.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice- President of the Republic of Ghana for the statement he has just made. Mr. Alhaji Aliu Mahama, Vice-President of the Republic of Ghana, was escorted from the rostrum. Address by Mrs. Sandra Pierantozzi, Vice- President and Minister of Health of the Republic of Palau

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Vice-President of the Republic of Palau. Mrs. Sandra Pierantozzi, Vice-President and Minister of Health of the Republic of Palau, was escorted to the rostrum.

I have great pleasure in welcoming Her Excellency Mrs. Sandra Pierantozzi, Vice-President of the Republic of Palau, and inviting her to address the General Assembly.

This is a momentous year for our country as we celebrate, on 1 October, the tenth anniversary of our independence and our membership in this institution. Palau was the last country to emerge from the Trusteeship System, having been administered by the United States under the supervision of the United Nations longer than any country in the world. It was the United Nations that provided Palau with a willing forum in which to express and ultimately achieve our right to sovereignty, and for that we are ever thankful. I am also happy to observe, on this tenth anniversary, that this year we established, for the first time, a permanent mission in New York so that we can enhance our ability to meet our international responsibilities. It was the United States, through its administration and willing cooperation during our peaceful emergence into independence, that assured us the liberty and the values that guide us today. For that extraordinary legacy, we today express our deep gratitude to the United States of America. This is a good year for Palau to deepen its involvement, since it coincides with the world’s preparation for the Mauritius conference and the increased emphasis at the United Nations on the unique challenges facing small island developing States. While images of swaying palm trees and white sand beaches prevail in the world’s imagination, they are only part of the story. In truth and in fact, the remoteness and the isolation of Palau make it a very difficult place to develop a self-reliant economy, provide medical care and education to its people and deter aggression and terrorism. Fuel and transportation prices are among the highest in the world. After four successive colonial administrations, our infrastructure is quite incomplete, and our most promising hope for the development of a sustainable economy, our pristine environment, is threatened by factors beyond our control, such as the failure of all industrialized countries to reach agreement on implementing the Kyoto Protocol. We have created a democratic society and ensured human rights for our people, but without international focus, we will not be able to provide hope and opportunity to our children, and we will continue to watch as they leave their homeland to seek an education and a career elsewhere. For no matter what statistics may be advanced, what references to gross national product may be debated, until we can provide our children with the incentive to stay and help build our country, we will have lost. Thus, the Mauritius process is critical for Palau, and we trust that the developed countries of the world will embrace it. Similarly, we trust that United Nations agencies will sharpen their focus on the small island developing States and correct what we view as a current imbalance, in support of the fragile small States of the world. We applaud the recent efforts of the Global Environmental Facility (GEF) to streamline assistance to Palau through the creation of an innovative North Pacific subregional programme that will build our capacity to protect our environment and create a sustainable economy. We are troubled, however, by a growing tendency in the donor community to demand that small countries like ours prove our capacity before assistance can be delivered. This is a catch-22 situation that threatens to halt our development. The only way we can build our capacity to execute projects that will save, for example, our unique biodiversity is to experience the hard work of completing projects and learning from our experience. This observation does not mean that we are reluctant to accept the obligations and responsibilities inherent in receiving assistance. We are willing and eager to be monitored by the international community in our performance. We firmly believe that we should be held accountable for the quality and the transparency of our efforts. It is ironic that tiny countries such as ours, where so many of the world’s environmental treasures exist, are denied the assistance they need due to a perceived lack of capacity to navigate the unwieldy bureaucracies of the international organizations charged with protecting those very treasures. As already noted, the failure of the world to come to agreement on implementing the Kyoto Protocol will contribute to the destruction of our marine and terrestrial resources. Palau, like many other small island developing States, is a window on the world’s future in this regard and must be carefully observed. We urge the GEF to create real funding opportunities for adaptation and mitigation measures in a proactive and streamlined fashion before it is too late. In a similar vein, we are increasingly aware of the particularly damaging fishing practice of deep-sea bottom trawling. Increasingly employed on the high seas as coastal fisheries are depleted, this technique entails dragging heavy equipment along the seabed, completely destroying established coral, sponge and related communities that have taken centuries to develop. We are a culture of fishing people and find this practice unacceptable. As we participated with our Pacific colleagues in eliminating drift-net fishing some years ago, we now call upon the world to join us in declaring a moratorium on deep sea bottom trawling before this practice does any more irremediable damage. Last month, Palau’s accession to the Group of Asian States created the largest regional grouping in the United Nations. Two critical issues involving our Asian region also have great global significance. First, for the United Nations to be effective at ensuring international peace and security, all nations, large and small, should be represented in its deliberations. The Republic of China on Taiwan should no longer be kept on the sidelines of the most important international Organization. The principle of universality should be applied so that the 23 million people of Taiwan can bring their talents, their energy and their principled democratic positions to the organizations, bodies, specialized agencies and programmes of the United Nations, thereby aiding the rest of the world in pursuing our mutual agenda. Secondly, and also in pursuit of the most effective means to strengthen the credibility of the United Nations, Palau urges the United Nations to reform the Security Council to reflect the reality of the international community in the twenty-first century so that countries that play a major role in the maintenance of international peace and security always participate in the decision-making process of the Security Council. Palau believes that the Security Council should be expanded to include additional developing and developed countries as new members, and that Japan’s stellar record of contribution is a solid basis for Japan’s assumption of permanent membership of the Security Council. Japan has been a leader in international initiatives for many years, and it is for that reason that Palau takes this strongly felt position. Much of my presentation today has focused on the enormous threats to vulnerable island States like Palau. We agree with the Secretary-General, who observed in his opening remarks to the high-level segment of the twelfth session of the Commission on Sustainable Development, held at United Nations Headquarters from 28 to 30 April 2004, that “high- level political attention has been diverted from sustainable development by the recent emphasis given to terrorism, weapons of mass destruction and the war in Iraq”. But Palau also understands that the scourge of global terrorism and its immoral violence against innocent people must be defeated. We are proud of our sons and daughters serving in the United States military. Only last week, one of those sons, a Marine fighting side by side with Coalition forces in Iraq, paid the ultimate price, marking the first death of a Palauan in the struggle with global terrorism. Our forces are small in number but, like Corporal Ngirmidol, large in loyalty, commitment and idealism. No one should make any mistake about that. Palau is grateful to the United States for allowing us to achieve our independence and thus to join the international community’s quest for world peace. Nonetheless, a balanced international agenda which includes a determined focus on sustainable development is required if Palau is to achieve some measure of economic self-reliance, and if the world as we know it is to survive.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice President and Minister of Health of the Republic of Palau for the statement she has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by His Serene Highness Prince Albert, Crown Prince of the Principality of Monaco.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have great pleasure in welcoming His Serene Highness Prince Albert, Crown Prince of the Principality of Monaco, and inviting him to address the Assembly. Crown Prince Albert (Monaco) (spoke in French): It is with great pleasure that I congratulate you, Sir, on your unanimous election to preside over the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly, an election that offers Africa its tenth presidency. The Gabonese Republic thus has received from the international community the recognition it deserves and the French-speaking countries are delighted to see one of our own guiding our debates. Be assured that the delegation of Monaco, which I am leading, will fully support you in your noble mission in the service of peace and development. I would also like to hail the Secretary-General for his courage and his unwavering commitment to peace. A long time ago, the Organization began a process of thinking through the reforms that are required to improve its functioning. In that connection, I would like to congratulate the outgoing President of the Assembly, Mr. Julian Hunte, on his work during the fifty-eighth session; his perseverance made possible the adoption of new measures to revitalize the work of the General Assembly. While welcoming that progress, we know that we must continue along that path. Dedication to democracy and to the rule of law, unswerving confidence in the virtues of multilateralism and respect for our differences allow us to move forward in a spirit of harmony and to continue to adapt the Organization to meet the challenges of our time. It is vital that the Organization be provided with the means to better respond to the expectations of the peoples of the world. This is why the Principality supports initiatives aimed at improving the Organization’s methods of work and, in particular, those regarding Security Council reform. Enlargement of the Council, in both permanent and non-permanent seats, will strengthen its capacity to contribute to the essential objectives of the maintenance of peace by providing more equitable representation of the diverse regions that compose the international community. The fifteenth International AIDS Conference, held in Thailand last July, once again highlighted the devastation caused by this terrible pandemic as well as its disastrous social consequences. However, the Conference also demonstrated that when international organizations, Governments and civil society agree to work together, we can fight this scourge more effectively. In that struggle, the role of women is crucial. In my country, Her Serene Highness Princess Stephanie, my sister, created and chairs the Fight AIDS Monaco association that gives moral and material support to AIDS patients and their families while promoting information and prevention programmes. For my part, I have expressed the wish that all of the Principality’s school children participate in marking a world day for children orphaned by AIDS, to show their solidarity with these vulnerable children whose number could reach 100 million by the year 2010. Once again this year, my country has been contributing to the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria, which was created following the twenty-sixth special session of the General Assembly, the first to be devoted to a disease. We have been providing regular support for the activities of the Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) since its creation, and I am pleased to announce that the Principality has decided to strengthen its financial cooperation with the Programme. We hope that the creation within UNAIDS of the Programme Acceleration Fund will allow us to meet specific needs defined by the recipient States themselves. In effect, we are convinced of the necessity for States to strengthen, on the one hand, their capacities in terms of basic social services and adequate sanitation facilities and on the other hand, to pursue public awareness and information campaigns. Upon the initiative of His Serene Highness the Sovereign Prince, my father, the Principality of Monaco has always expressed its solidarity to the most underdeveloped populations. We share the concerns of world leaders regarding the adverse impact that the persistence of extreme poverty is having on international security. We shall therefore consider most carefully the elaboration of a new global partnership designed to eliminate hunger and poverty and to advance economic development and social justice, as a continuation to the commitments undertaken at the Millennium Summit and during the Monterrey Conference. Terrorism, unfortunately, has become a daily reality, as is attested to by, among others, the tragedy that took place in Beslan, which is repugnant to all of us. Our determination to fight it must remain unshaken and that is why we welcome the establishment of an executive directorate of the Counter-Terrorism Committee. In that domain, international cooperation is an essential element for effective action. No State, regardless of its size, can be a weak link that might endanger the efforts we are conducting together. Therefore, the Principality intends to play its role in the battle which our Organization is waging against terrorism. Thus, Monaco has become a party to all of the twelve conventions designed to eradicate international terrorism and has adopted, as domestic legislation, appropriate measures for their implementation. But the battle against terrorism also requires that we act irreproachably in terms of our respect for human rights. Accordingly, the Principality is making every effort to guarantee them on its territory; hence Monaco’s forthcoming accession to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The number of refugees and displaced persons who are displaced within their own countries continues to increase, and our response to the unbearable suffering of those human beings cannot be limited to our moral indignation. As in any urgent and complex emergency situation, civilians and the most vulnerable among them are the targets of harm and the worst types of abuse. The humanitarian disaster which continues to take place under our very eyes in Darfur has shown, once again, how limited we are in our capacity to enforce respect for human rights and for international humanitarian law. In response to the appeal launched by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) during the special session of the General Assembly on children in 2002, the authorities of Monaco decided to earmark their traditional contribution to UNHCR towards primary education for refugee children. We hope to provide those children, whose world has been brutally shattered overnight, a substitute for their traditional educational environment, by allowing them to escape, albeit a little, those terrible conditions of daily life dominated by promiscuity and the anguish of having forever lost their homes. Championing the interests of the child has always been one of our major concerns. To build a world fit for children, in keeping with the commitments undertaken during the May 2002 special session on children, the World Association of Children’s Friends, presided over by my sister, Her Royal Highness the Princess of Hanover, organized in the Principality in April 2003, a round table on that subject. Unfortunately, the need is becoming clearer each day, to strengthen the area of international law designed to guarantee the rights of children and to assure that those laws are more effectively applied. Thus, do not those particularly heinous crimes require an exceptionally strong response? Do we not need to ensure that the most serious violations of the rights of children do not fall under a statute of limitations and do we not need to extend the powers of the national jurisdictions by providing them with universal competence in that area? The Principality of Monaco urges you to give thought to this, in other words, to plan for the adoption of a legal instrument which will make it possible here, to react against the impunity which continues to prevail, concerning the enrolment of child soldiers, the sexual exploitation of children and the despicable trade of which they are victims — to mention only the most revolting of those crimes. The debate held last June in the Security Council served to reaffirm the timely nature of such considerations. By abolishing the statute of limitations for those horrendous crimes, we would be strengthening their prevention, as well as fulfilling our duty to honour the memory of the victims. By expanding the competences of our national jurisdictions so that borders no longer serve to limit our actions, we will be better able to cope with the development of the transnational organized crime network which defies our States and the legal order they are trying to establish. I am fully aware that this essentially moral struggle — to ensure respect for the rights of the child — gives rise, given the present state of international law, to numerous legal difficulties. But is it not our duty to act when that legislation is no longer adapted to meet the challenges of our time, at a time when the international community is clearly closing its unified ranks, to put an end to those practices which are abhorrent to all of us? Let us be courageous and foresighted in championing the most noble cause that exists — the defence of innocents. Let us respond to the appeal of Albert Einstein made so long ago that — there will be no progress in this world as long as there are unhappy children.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Crown Prince of the Principality of Monaco for the statement he has just made.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Abdullah Gül, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Turkey.

I would like to start by congratulating you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. I pledge the full support of my delegation for your endeavours. I would also like to pay tribute to your predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Julian Hunte for his able presidency. We are world leaders at a time when our globe is undergoing an important phase of adaptation to new realities, opportunities and challenges. As the Secretary-General, His Excellency Mr. Kofi Annan, frequently states, we now possess the know- how to address our common concerns. The Millennium Summit, which was the largest gathering of world leaders, produced a historical document — the Millennium Declaration — which charts the right course for humanity in the new millennium. The goals that the Millennium Declaration defined for humanity are ambitious, yet achievable. Reducing hunger and extreme poverty, spreading universal primary education, halting infectious diseases and reducing child mortality within 15 years continue to be urgent tasks. Universal humanitarian challenges and chronic political-military conflicts are compounded with new and asymmetrical threats such as terrorism, narcotic drugs, organized crime, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and environmental problems. On the other hand, racism, anti-Semitism, prejudicial attitudes against the tenets of certain creeds and cultures, among them those of Islam, and xenophobia add fuel to those menaces. In addition, the special and urgent needs of the African continent continue to require a collective response. The United Nations system should be encouraged to intensify its role in addressing those issues. Confidence in the international order and in international institutions should not be undermined. A more effective and credible United Nations would be better able to face the common challenges of today. The Security Council should have a more representative and balanced character; indeed, representation in the Council must be inclusive and fair. That will increase its legitimacy and efficiency. In that respect, I would like to commend the efforts of the Secretary-General. The correlation between good governance and peace and prosperity is valid both domestically and internationally. Therefore, a global agenda for reform should cover all aspects of domestic and international life. Each member of the international community has a stake in, and responsibility for, the implementation of such an agenda. On our part, my Government, fully conscious of that correlation, has carried out sweeping political and economic reforms in the past two years. We have thus upgraded and deepened our democracy and consolidated an accountable, transparent and efficient administration and a dynamic civil society upholding the rule of law and human rights. The expectations of our people, as well as the relevant United Nations and European Union standards, inspired us in our reform drive. I take pride in the fact that many observers, both in the west and in the east, have seen in our experience the perfect embodiment of modernity, progress, identity and tradition. I should like to take this opportunity to confirm Turkey’s candidacy for a non-permanent seat in the Security Council for the term 2009-2010. In spite of its substantial contributions to peace and security, Turkey has not been a member of the Council for almost half a century. Therefore we rightfully expect the support of the General Assembly for our candidacy. Our bid for a non-permanent seat is in tune with Turkey’s larger efforts to secure peace, stability and security in its region and beyond. Turkey figures prominently in humanitarian activities, from Palestine to Darfur. We have been contributing increasing numbers to international peacekeeping missions whose geographical distribution ranges from Bosnia to Afghanistan. Turkey has a unique position as the only member of the Organization of the Islamic Conference that is also a candidate for membership in the European Union. That position enables us to facilitate interaction and dialogue between the Islamic world and the West. Turkey has numerous achievements to its credit in the process of helping to create an environment conducive to development, stability and progress in our region and beyond. The Black Sea Economic Cooperation, the Economic Cooperation Organization and the Stability Pact are good examples to that effect. My Government has been taking a peaceful and problem-solving approach to world affairs. On the chronic issue of Cyprus, my Government fully supported Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s good- offices mission, and we cooperated closely with him. The Secretary-General’s settlement plan was the result of four years of serious negotiations between the two sides. They were conducted on the basis of a new bi-zonal partnership with a federal Government and two constituent States. The plan was put to separate referendums, with the prior agreement of all parties concerned. The Annan plan was overwhelmingly accepted by the Turkish Cypriots, but the Greek Cypriot leadership chose to reject it. Mr. Sevilla Somoza (Nicaragua), Vice-President, took the Chair. I profoundly regret the fact that an opportunity to resolve the longstanding problem of Cyprus was thus missed. As a result, a chance to grant fresh credibility to the United Nations was lost. A possible source of inspiration for peacemakers elsewhere, in the Middle East or the Caucasus, also disappeared. The Secretary-General, in his report to the Security Council, clearly stated that the referendums drastically changed the situation on the island. It confirmed, once again, the existence of two equal peoples and their separate rights to decide their own fate. The Secretary-General also called on the members of the Security Council to “give a strong lead to all States to cooperate both bilaterally and in international bodies, to eliminate unnecessary restrictions and barriers that have the effect of isolating the Turkish Cypriots and impeding their development” (S/2004/437, p. 2). Turkey remains committed to a lasting settlement in Cyprus. Five months have passed since the Turkish Cypriots, responding to the call of the international community, voted courageously in favour of the United Nations plan. However, they have yet to be rewarded for expressing their will to reunify the island. We urge the Security Council positively to respond to the Secretary-General’s call. We also appeal to United Nations Member States to take concrete steps, at the bilateral level, to put an end to the isolation and punishment of the people of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. Turkey has been strongly supporting, and will continue to support, the preservation of peace and stability in south-east Europe. We are glad to note that considerable progress has been achieved in this region thanks to the sustained efforts of the international community and of the Balkan countries themselves. Turkey is determined to sustain the promising and constructive atmosphere in our relations with Greece. We hope that the improvement in bilateral relations will continue in the coming period. Our wide-ranging cooperation is expanding in every field. That will facilitate the settlement of all pending issues. It will also result in a climate of cooperation beneficial to the two countries, as well as peace, stability and security in the region as a whole. Turkey believes that it is high time to start taking concrete steps towards eliminating the existing “frozen” conflicts in the southern Caucasus, such as those in Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. As a neighbouring country, we are actively contributing to efforts aimed at achieving stability and prosperity in that region. To that end, we have been encouraging all the parties concerned while facilitating the ongoing process of dialogue. We hope that the Abkhazian conflict and the problems in South Ossetia will be overcome by peaceful means, within the framework of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Georgia. My Government supports a just and lasting solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the basis of the fundamental principles of international law, the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan and good-neighbourly relations. We expect the Armenian Government to fully comply with the relevant United Nations resolutions to reach such a solution. The Middle East problem and the situation in Iraq and Afghanistan are the major conflicts responsible for compounding instability in the world and are leading to increasingly serious consequences. The road map is the only available framework for a comprehensive settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian problem. Benefiting from its traditional ties with the parties, Turkey has already offered its active contribution to the implementation of the road map. We also support every effort that is initiated and coordinated in that context. We join the call made by the Quartet yesterday. The resumption of the negotiating process between the two parties should remain the central objective of current efforts. It is important, likewise, that both sides fulfil their performance criteria as laid out in the road map. Terrorist attacks against the Israeli people must stop. So must the deliberate destruction of Palestinian lives and properties. The process of the reform of Palestinian institutions must be advanced. Israeli settlement activities must be immediately halted. The ruling of the International Court of Justice must be respected. And the living conditions of the Palestinians need to be urgently improved. Any settlement would be incomplete without progress on all tracks, including those involving Syria and Lebanon. My Government is focused on contributing to the improvement of the situation in Iraq. We appreciate the massive resources and political efforts mobilized by the United States Administration and the international community for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of Iraq. We sincerely hope those efforts yield the desired results soon. However, the humanitarian, political and security difficulties faced by the people of Iraq continue to adversely affect one another. It goes without saying that developments in Iraq are also affecting my country and causing suffering for my people, while, as we are a neighbouring country, most of Iraq’s humanitarian needs are being supplied through Turkey. The Iraqi transition is not only about the fate of the Iraqi nation. It is about the future of peace and prosperity in the whole region and beyond. That is the motive for Turkey’s strong support of a united, territorially intact and democratic Iraq — an Iraq that is at peace with itself and with its neighbours. That should and can only be achieved with the full participation and support of the Iraqi people as a whole. More United Nations involvement would facilitate that task. The series of neighbouring countries meetings, initiated by Turkey, is also a valuable instrument to be taken into account. After all, as Iraq’s success will be our collective success, so its failure will also be a collective failure. For its part, Turkey will continue to support the Iraqi interim Government’s efforts in paving the way to normalcy and democracy. Turkey’s traditional support for the Afghan people will continue. The establishment of security, stability and a democratic system in Afghanistan is another urgent task. Freeing that country from terrorism, extremism and narcotics is of crucial importance for the international community. We should all work to make the upcoming elections a significant step towards those ends. We all agree that terrorism has no justification. It can never claim to respect any religion, nation or cause. Indiscriminate killing of innocent people, be it in New York, Istanbul, Baghdad, Beslan or elsewhere, is a crime against humanity. We condemn those terrorist atrocities in the strongest terms. As a country that has long suffered from terrorism, Turkey calls for more intensified multilateral cooperation. The United Nations system is an important platform in that respect and we extend our full support to efforts under its aegis. We also strongly believe in the urgent need to strengthen the control regimes for weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems. We will continue to support ongoing work to ensure full adherence to the legal instruments in that field. The creation of nuclear-weapon-free zones is an important way of strengthening peace and security in the world and in all regions, including the Middle East. Turkey is determined to use every effort and deploy all the means at its disposal in order to strengthen peace and stability in its immediate region and beyond. We will try to use the influence of our multidimensional ties and deep-rooted relations to achieve that goal. We remain strongly committed to translating into reality the universal validity of the noble values and principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter.

I now call on Her Excellency Mrs. Benita Ferrero-Waldner, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Austria.

I should like to begin by congratulating Mr. Jean Ping on his election as President of the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly. He may be sure that Austria will fully support him in carrying out his important task. I fully subscribe to the statement made by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands on behalf of the European Union, which expressed the position of the European Union regarding the various global and regional challenges we face today. I would like to emphasize a few additional points from our own perspective. Over the past few years we have had to reassess key concepts of our national and international security environment. With the emergence of new and complex threats, in particular terrorism in combination with the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the international community faces unprecedented challenges for which it has to find legitimate responses. Just recently, we witnessed the horrifying terrorist attack against innocent school children in Beslan. This was only the last of a whole series of heinous attacks in all regions of the world targeted against innocents. Austria is committed to full cooperation with other States and United Nations bodies involved in counter-terrorism and is working to promote the whole range of United Nations action against terrorism. In Vienna, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime and its Terrorism Prevention Branch make an important contribution by rendering assistance to Member States in implementing national legislation required by Security Council resolution 1373 (2001) and in building their national capacity to do so. Austria is convinced that only effective multilateralism based on the rule of law can address the new and complex challenges that the international community faces today. We support the efforts of the Quartet in the Middle East peace process, and we urge Israel and the Palestinians to implement their respective obligations. The road map remains the only way forward towards a just, comprehensive and lasting settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict leading to two States living side by side in peace and security. The United Nations continues to play a key role in South-Eastern Europe, especially in Kosovo. We welcome the recent appointment of Mr. Søren Jessen- Petersen as Special Representative for Kosovo. In that regard, within the European Union, the countries of the regional partnership — the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia and my country, Austria — presented concrete proposals with regard to security, economic development, decentralization and the protection of minorities and of religious sites. We are confident that they can contribute to progress in Kosovo. International and regional efforts are essential if we are to contain and resolve the various conflicts in other regions of the world. The dramatic situation in Darfur highlights the need for better harmonization of the international efforts of the United Nations, the African Union, the EU, the League of Arab States, the United States and other actors. We will have to examine carefully the results of the current mission to Darfur of the new Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide and the High Commissioner for Human Rights. Such missions and mechanisms are indeed the tools that the United Nations needs if it is to effectively address emerging crisis situations. Strengthening the rule of law, human rights, democratic participation and economic development will reduce the chance of conflicts within societies and among States turning violent. In order to be a credible player, the United Nations must be given the necessary institutional framework to enact effective strategies at all stages of a conflict. Austria therefore welcomed the Secretary- General’s call for reform, in particular his initiative to establish a High-Level Panel of eminent persons to propose specific measures for institutional innovation by the end of the year. I was happy to meet with the members of the Panel when it held its meeting in Austria earlier this year. One item on the Panel’s agenda is Security Council reform. Austria, like many other countries, is concerned about the growing gap between the Council’s current composition on the one hand, and the changing political, economic and social reality of the community of nations on the other. It is essential to enlarge and balance the membership of the Security Council, as well as to increase its transparency. In order for all peoples to identify with its decisions, we must ensure that the Security Council is a body that truly reflects the diversity of the world’s cultures and regions by an improved representation of regions such as Africa, Asia and Latin America. As you know, Sir, it is my personal vision that, in the longer term, the European Union should also be represented in the Security Council. I pointed out during the general debate last year that that would be the logical consequence of further European integration in the field of common foreign and security policy. The United Nations has been at the centre of Austria’s foreign policy since we became a Member after regaining our full independence in 1955. We have always strongly supported the principles and purposes of the United Nations, and we remain committed to the goals of the Charter. Austria feels honoured and privileged to host one of the headquarters of the United Nations. This year, we celebrate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the opening of the Vienna International Centre, home to many United Nations institutions. The work of the International Atomic Energy Agency and the Preparatory Committee of the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty Organization with respect to nuclear non-proliferation; the work of the United Nations Industrial Development Organization on development cooperation; and the fight against the so-called uncivil society by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, contribute substantially to the international community’s efforts to confront the world’s new security threats. In this spirit of full and honest commitment to the United Nations, I would like to recall that Austria is a candidate for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the term 2009-2010. Our candidature, announced over five years ago — in 1999 — is based on our willingness to contribute actively and constructively to the maintenance of international peace and security. We fully recognize the heavy responsibility which Security Council membership entails and we are ready to assume it. Over the past 50 years, Austria has sought to contribute effectively to the work of the United Nations, in particular in the fields of peace and security, human rights, development, disarmament and international law. We are a significant contributor to United Nations peacekeeping operations and have traditionally been among the largest European troop contributors. Since 1963, over 50,000 Austrians have served in more than 50 United Nations missions worldwide. Security, as we see it, means human security. It is the kind of security that all human beings are looking for, among them millions of civilians in all parts of the world affected by armed conflict — the majority of them women and children — and 40 million people living with the HIV virus. Human security transcends the concept of hard threats and soft threats. If we see those threats through the prism of the human beings concerned, it becomes clear that for the afflicted individual, all such threats — war, hunger, terrorism or deadly disease — deprive them of their security. Austria is honoured to chair the first Review Conference of States Parties to the Anti-personnel Mine-Ban Convention in Nairobi later this year, where the international community will chart a course for the solution of the landmine problem in the coming years. The Mine-Ban Convention has become a true example of a successful and effective multilateral approach to address a global problem. I encourage all States to participate at the Nairobi Summit at the highest possible level. As a member of the Human Security Network, we cooperate with others to promote human security in the world. To provide one concrete example, Austria — together with Slovenia and Jordan — initiated and funded an aid project for traumatized children in Iraq. I am convinced that applying a human security perspective to international problems has the potential of preventing or resolving conflict and promoting peace and development. We also need to reflect further on how best to ensure respect for human rights during conflict, how to incorporate human rights into preventive policies and how to formulate post-conflict strategies likely to achieve lasting reconciliation and build a firm basis for the rule of law and good governance. In that respect, human rights education is an important element in getting to the root of conflict and breaking the vicious circle of human rights violations. Violence between ethnic groups and religious communities has shaken countries across the globe. In particular, the disregard for the needs and the rights of minorities tends to fuel violent conflict. Our endeavours for the protection of the rights of minorities are still highly needed, not the least to ensure that ethnic cleansing or genocide will never happen again. We know that the Secretary-General feels very strongly about the need for speed of action to prevent the most heinous crimes. I share his concerns. The Austrian Government is convinced that it is an essential responsibility of the United Nations and its Member States to address the root causes of conflict. Global poverty, inequality, competition for scarce resources, environmental degradation and the spread of infectious diseases, such as HIV/AIDS, are among the ingredients that fuel the outbreak of conflicts both within countries and among States. The Austrian Development Policy has placed a particular focus on poverty reduction, maintenance of peace and the protection of the environment. I am pleased to inform the Assembly that Austria has increased its development aid by 35 per cent this year. In the area of environment and sustainable energy, we have initiated and promoted the Global Forum for Sustainable Energy, which aims at providing access to energy for people in developing countries. We consider issues such as climate change, the decline of biodiversity and other forms of environmental degradation as essential aspects of our comprehensive security agenda. Let me finally highlight an issue which the Secretary-General made a central theme of his address to the General Assembly. The key guarantee for creating and maintaining peace and security in the world has been and will continue to be an international system based on the rule of law. This was the very idea of the founders of the United Nations. I particularly welcome the Secretary-General’s pledge two days ago that he will make the United Nations work to strengthen the rule of law and transitional justice in conflict and post-conflict societies a priority for the remainder of his tenure. Particularly for smaller and medium sized countries, an international order based on the rule of law is of paramount importance. With this in mind, I would like to announce today that I have launched a discourse on the role and function of the Security Council in strengthening a rules-based international system. As a first step, we will organize in November a panel of international legal experts during International Law Week at Headquarters, which will analyse the increasing law- making tendency of the Security Council. This is my last speech as Austrian Foreign Minister. As you may know, I have been nominated Commissioner of the European Union for External Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy. This function will, of course, keep me in close contact with many Assembly delegates and with the United Nations. I would therefore like to use this opportunity today to thank all colleagues, members of delegations and, in particular, the Secretariat, in which I myself had the honour to work, for the support that has been extended to me and my staff here in New York over the past years. A special and warm expression of gratitude and respect goes to Secretary-General Kofi Annan. To the President of the Assembly, I would like to extend my best wishes for a successful and constructive fifty- ninth session of the General Assembly.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Sergey Lavrov, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation.

I am addressing the Assembly today at a most difficult time for our country, when tears are still being shed by those who lost their children and loved ones during the horrific terrorist attack in the Russian city of Beslan. I would like from this rostrum to take this opportunity to express once again my gratitude to all those who have shown their solidarity with Russia in these tragic days. Our special thanks go to the States and international organizations that extended their helping hand to the victims and the bereaved families — to all those who have suffered from this outrage. I am also addressing the Assembly at a moment of truth, when there cannot possibly be any doubt whatever remaining as to the true nature of international terrorism and the challenge it has flung down before the world community. With their actions throughout the world, the terrorists have once and for all placed themselves in opposition to civilized mankind. In fact, having made the mass murder of people an end in itself, they have knowingly violated all norms of human morality. Russia has drawn harsh conclusions. They have been set forth in the 4 and 13 September addresses by the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir V. Putin. We will not allow anyone to encroach on the sovereignty of our State. We will resolutely strengthen the unity of the country and its people in order to counter terror and to guarantee a secure and decent life for our citizens in freedom and democracy. The measures announced by the Russian President to achieve these objectives will be implemented on the basis of our country’s Constitution; and we will continue to defend our legitimate interests throughout the world, not through confrontation, but by means of equitable dialogue, cooperation and partnership. Moreover, a readiness to engage in honest cooperation in fighting terrorism without double standards, is becoming one of the key criteria in our relations with any and all States. We must enter into a qualitatively new and critical stage in the activities of the anti-terrorist coalition. The meeting of the Security Council of 1 September demonstrated the strong determination of the international community to continue its fight against terrorism in a consistent way. It is important now to translate this commitment into practical actions as quickly as possible. In the three years that have passed since the terrorist attacks in New York City and Washington, a lot has been done to develop effective partnership in this sphere. However, compared to the scale of the threat, far from enough has been done. It is important to learn lessons from the experience gained and to draw conclusions for the future. First, the global nature of the terrorist threat testifies to the fact that security in today’s world is indivisible. Consequently, only collective responsibility can make the world secure. The fight against terrorism should unite States rather than pit them against each other. We can deal with this evil only on a multilateral basis by combining our efforts and acting in the spirit of solidarity. As President Putin has declared, Russia considers the objective of strengthening the anti-terrorist coalition to be one of our most important tasks. A special emphasis here should be placed on intensifying the cooperation among our special services, which, we are convinced, must now be raised to a qualitatively new level of trust and coordinated action. Secondly, a clear strategy and a generally acceptable legal framework are the prerequisites for success in combating terrorism. Such a framework is enshrined in resolution 1373 (2001) and in other decisions of the Security Council. But now, additional efforts are needed. They include making necessary amendments to national legislation, acceding to international anti-terrorist conventions and finalizing new international counter-terrorism legal instruments. In circumstances where international terrorism has declared war on our entire civilization, the determination of States to use their right of self- defence in conformity with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter is of particular importance. Of course international law is clearly not an inalterable dogma. The fight against terrorism calls for its development and improvement. Thirdly, the time has come to renounce double standards once and for all when it comes to terror, regardless of the slogans in which it may be cloaked. Those who slaughtered children in Beslan and hijacked aeroplanes to attack America are creatures of the same ilk. Harbouring terrorists, their henchmen and their sponsors undermines unity and mutual trust among those that form part of the anti-terrorist front, serves as justification for the actions of terrorists and indeed encourages them to commit similar crimes in other countries. I would recall that United Nations decisions require States granting political asylum to carefully examine the personal records of each individual to make sure that he or she has no links to terrorism. Attempts to use the fight against terrorism in various geopolitical games are even more counterproductive and dangerous. Fourth, the utter atrociousness of the recent terrorist attacks proves there is the need for reliable safeguards against terrorists gaining access to weapons of mass destruction. Russia is prepared for the closest kind of international partnership in that area. Our country was one of the sponsors of Security Council resolution 1540 (2004). It is a participant in the Proliferation Security Initiative and a co-sponsor of the Group of Eight (G-8) Action Plan on Non- Proliferation. Those initiatives are complementary and are designed to increase the effectiveness of the regime of the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, something which is especially relevant on the eve of the 2005 Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). Fifth, drug trafficking is increasingly interwoven with terrorism. The drug flow from Afghanistan has acquired global significance. The implementation of a set of social, economic and law-enforcement measures both within and outside the borders of that country is now more urgent than ever. One of the key elements of that strategy lies in strengthening the existing anti-drug security belts and creating new ones. Russia is making an important contribution towards resolving the drug problem, including through the formulation of specific legal, political and operational measures within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). We are ready to coordinate actions with the Government of Afghanistan, and with the multinational and coalition forces operating in that country. Sixth, international terrorists have neither nationality nor religion. In fact, it is specifically religion and national culture that, today as never before, require protection from the devastating impact of extremism of any kind. There is a need for respectful dialogue among various religions and civilizations. Russia, which is open both to the West and to the East, is ready to play its part in that process, which is intended to prevent a split in civilization. Another pressing task today is the saving of world spiritual and cultural monuments from attacks by extremists. We deem it essential to establish cooperation in that area between the United Nations and its specialized agencies, primarily the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Failing to act here — as well as standing by in silence at the desecration of memorials to Second World War heroes and victims and at attempts to rehabilitate fascists — can only play into the hands of those who wish to incite extremist trends in society. Seventh, Russia believes that the United Nations must continue to play a pivotal role in uniting the efforts of the international community in its fight against terrorism. As Chair of the Security Council’s Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC), our country intends to actively contribute to speeding up the reform of that Committee. We propose drafting a new Security Council resolution that would ensure the most effective possible functioning of the CTC, so as to identify, in a timely manner, weak links in the anti-terrorism network and increase practical cooperation between the CTC and international and regional organizations, including the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the CSTO and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The CIS summit held recently in Astana, Kazakhstan, reaffirmed the strong potential of CIS regional structures in all areas, from anti-terrorist activities and ensuring collective security to intensifying economic integration. Certainly, in an increasingly interdependent world, the war on terrorism cannot be considered in isolation from other pressing issues facing mankind. This is especially relevant to the settlement of conflicts, which for decades have been destabilizing the situation at the regional and global levels. Through its decisions, the General Assembly must promote a Middle East settlement on the basis of commitments made by the parties under the road map. Yesterday, the Quartet of international mediators spoke out to that end. The situation in Iraq is a source of serious concern. Russia is ready to render all possible assistance towards attaining a political settlement aimed at preserving Iraq’s territorial integrity and ensuring its political sovereignty and a genuinely democratic post-war recovery. The search for national reconciliation within Iraq is of key significance; here, the Iraqis could be assisted by the holding of an international conference with the participation of all major Iraqi political forces, friendly States, Security Council members and the League of Arab States and other organizations. We must remain vigilant with regard to Kosovo, which is a dangerous hotbed of tension. There is no room for complacency. We must work to ensure that universally recognized standards of human rights and the rights of national minorities are applied in the region. We also need to make full use of existing mechanisms for conflict settlement within the CIS. Consolidating the peacemaking capacity of the international community is crucial to overcoming regional crises. A collective response to humanitarian crises, in particular those on the African continent, in full compliance with the United Nations Charter and in a spirit of partnership with regional structures, would leave no doubt that the Charter remains a universal basis for the effective solution of such problems. The United Nations must continue to focus its attention on other global threats to security and sustainable development as well. Those include the eradication of poverty and illiteracy as a breeding ground for extremism. Annually, our country grants 1,000 scholarships to students from African countries. Russia has contributed $7.5 million to the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria and has provided bilateral humanitarian assistance to a number of African countries. Among the challenges and threats is that of finding ways to bridge the gap between poor and rich States. Russia has been making its contribution there; between 1998 and 2002 it wrote off the debt of African countries equivalent to $11.2 billion. Another challenge is ensuring environmental security. Here I would like to confirm that in accordance with the decision of President Vladimir V. Putin we are now engaged in serious consideration of ratification of the Kyoto Protocol. The challenges also include preventing the transformation of outer space into a theatre of armed confrontation. Together with China, we are calling for the conclusion of a comprehensive agreement to that end. We call upon all countries with space capability to join in that initiative. There is also a growing need to elaborate a United Nations convention on outer space law. A further challenge is the fight against gross violations of human rights, with a view to ensuring the security and dignity of the individual. The United Nations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the Council of Europe and other organizations should not remain passive spectators when, in some countries, a considerable part of the population is deprived of citizenship and consequently of basic political, social and economic rights. On Russia’s initiative, the General Assembly, at its fifty-seventh and fifty-eighth sessions, adopted resolutions 57/145 and 58/16 respectively, on establishing, under the aegis of the United Nations, a comprehensive approach to countering new threats and challenges. The resolutions contain specific guidelines for bringing the international community closer to a new security model that would meet the global challenges of the twenty-first century. Those are the lines along which the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, established by the Secretary-General, is organizing its work. We hope that its recommendations will pave the way for a genuine enhancement of the effectiveness of the United Nations. At the same time, reform of the Organization, and particularly of the Security Council, should be based on the broadest possible agreement and should not provoke the alienation of States. The international community is undergoing a complex period in its establishment of a new system of international relations. It is already clear that this will be a long-term process with an uncertain future and one that, so far, is difficult to predict. At the same time, there is an enormous increase in the number of new unresolved problems and new dangerous challenges to security and the development of mankind. We still lack a collective strategy and universally applicable mechanisms for responding to those challenges. In fact, we have to constantly improvise and use makeshift means to ensure world stability. A question arises as to whether we could soon find ourselves in a situation in which events start to go out of control. Is it not time for the international community to assume an active role in impacting upon global processes and taking targeted actions to establish a more secure and just world order? Russia is fully determined, together with other countries, to build such a world order and take its proper place therein as a free and democratic State. More than half a century ago, the civilized world put aside all its disputes and differences and mobilized its efforts to counter the deadly threat of Nazi enslavement. The enemy that opposes us today is no less dangerous and no less merciless. Russia sincerely hopes that the forthcoming sixtieth anniversary of the end of World War II and the establishment of the United Nations will become a historic milestone on the path to a world order in which the twenty-first century sees the noble principles of peace, stability and development enshrined in the United Nations Charter hold sway.

I now call on His Excellency The Right Honourable Jack Straw, Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

Mr. President, I offer my congratulations and those of my country on your election as President of the General Assembly at its fifty-ninth session. Eighteen months ago, the United Nations faced divisions more serious than any since the Cuban missile crisis of October 1962. We all worried whether the strength and unity which we had built up since the end of the cold war could survive. Then last year we watched, as Secretary-General Kofi Annan stood at his now famous fork in the road. In the year since, almost instinctively, we have decided to follow our Secretary-General’s directions. This Organization has not been plunged, as some predicted, into paralysis; instead, I have felt a powerful if unspoken determination to make the United Nations work, and to work more effectively, to fulfil its central task: to secure peace around the world. Over the last 12 months we have dealt with new crises such as that in Darfur in the Sudan, where we have set clear tasks for both the Sudanese Government and the rebel groups. We have tackled the situation in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Great Lakes; mobilized international support for the new Iraq; and addressed a long list of hugely important subjects which rarely receive the coverage they should in the media — Haiti, Georgia, Timor-Leste, Bougainville and Western Sahara. We have shown in those actions the unity of purpose which is one of the strongest weapons in our hands to defeat the evils which today affect the globe. And the search for consensus has not been confined to the Security Council. I am proud that just a few months after the difficult times of early last year, France, Germany and the United Kingdom came together to work, as we continue to do, on the Iran dossier before the International Atomic Energy Agency. I recognize, of course, the frustrations which all of us feel, not least over the Israel-Palestine conflict, where the clear path to peace set out in the road map and endorsed by the Security Council remains elusive. But all in all we have shown the will to make collective action work, though we know, too, that we need to go further. In particular, we need to get better at tackling threats which have changed dramatically since the founding of the United Nations. Today the greatest threats to our security often come not from other functioning sovereign States, but from terrorist organizations, from failing States and from man-made shocks to our environment like climate change, which can exacerbate State failure and breed internal instability. The High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change appointed by the Secretary-General is preparing its recommendations on ways to address the various challenges. We should remember in all this that we have one great advantage. Though its institutions and the founding text of the Charter has hardly changed in 60 years, the United Nations is not an organization set in stone, but a set of living institutions based on a shared will to make collective security work. The United Nations has adapted in the past — with the development of peacekeeping, a greater focus on individual rights and the setting of global targets for development — and I am confident that it can adapt in the future. Of course, institutional change is part of that. At the United Nations foundation, one eighth of its members could expect to be elected members of the Security Council at any one time. Today that proportion is less than one eighteenth. The United Kingdom has long supported the case for expanding the Security Council to, say, 24 members, and for including amongst the permanent members: Germany and Japan, two countries which between them contribute 28 per cent of the budget of the United Nations; India, which represents one sixth of the entire world’s population; and Brazil, which just missed permanent membership back in 1945. But we should not see an expansion of the Security Council, or other institutional change, as a panacea. The biggest need is to adapt our common understanding — the United Nations jurisprudence, if you like — and its operational effectiveness so that we can respond more quickly and more thoroughly to today’s new threats. Let me highlight three areas which to me seem particularly important: first, our approach must be broader and must tackle threats to the most vulnerable, including poverty, disease and environmental degradation; secondly, we must build a new consensus by expanding the scope of collective action; and, thirdly, we must deal with the threat of terrorism, which menaces us all and everything for which we stand. Let me now take these three points in turn. First, there is the need for a broader approach which addresses the complex and interdependent nature of security today. Here, we have to do more to meet the Millennium Development Goals and to promote sustainable development, especially in Africa. We cannot have security without development or development without security. As the Secretary-General highlighted in his speech this week, we have to do more to entrench the rule of law and justice, especially in States recovering from conflict. The United Kingdom will pursue work on the Secretary-General’s report during its Security Council presidency next month. We could also use the United Nations better, to agree to monitor and help implement globally accepted norms of good governance. And we need to act together quickly on climate change, perhaps the greatest long-term threat to our world in terms of stability and security. We have to implement Kyoto — and I greatly welcome what my colleague, His Excellency Sergey Lavrov had to say on that today — and agree to emission reductions beyond 2012. My second point is the need to build a new consensus on the scope of collective action. We all represent independent, sovereign states. But even as we founded the United Nations we recognized that sovereignty was a trust in the hands of a nation’s government: there to be respected, not abused, from either without or within. The Charter set out arrangements so that an abuse from without could be dealt with through the inherent right of self-defence recognized in Article 51 of the Charter. But it also said that an abuse from within which threatens the peace could and should be dealt with by the Security Council, under the powers enshrined in the other articles of Chapter VII of the Charter, and by the many conventions concluded within the United Nations framework, including, for example, the 1948 Geneva Convention. No longer — we all said — could or should the world turn away from unspeakable barbarities like that of the Holocaust. But we have not always lived up to those high expectations, as the tragedies of Rwanda and Bosnia ten years ago reminded us. Today we must resolve to do so and to engage in situations of humanitarian catastrophe or grave violations of international humanitarian law and to act in the face of other threats to international peace and security. The principle of non-interference has to be qualified by a duty to protect, especially where Governments are failing in that duty. We therefore need, for example, to be ready to support greater use by the Secretary-General of his powers under Article 99 of the Charter, to bring threats to peace to the Security Council’s attention. We have to act quickly in response, because prevention is far better than cure. We should look to work more closely with regional organizations, as we are doing with the African Union in Darfur. We need more discussion on the criteria as to when the international community might have to intervene with military force in extreme circumstances. We must get better at engaging for the long term in countries recovering from conflict, coordinating our efforts in response to locally agreed priorities. My third point is the urgent need to combat global terrorism, a menace directed at us all. If we have learned anything in the three years since 11 September 2001 it is that international terrorism is indiscriminate in its targets and merciless in its hatred. Christian, Jew, Hindu, Buddhist, Sikh, Muslim, people of no religion or any religion, and of every or no shade of political opinion, all have died through the terrorists’ bullet or bomb. My friend Sergey Lavrov spoke eloquently a moment ago about the tears still wet for the terrible, unspeakable massacre of the young and innocent that took place in Beslan. Sergey, your tears are my tears; Russia’s tears are the world’s tears. We are all in the fight against terrorism together. Today in Iraq we are seeing again the depths to which the terrorists plumb. The vast majority of the victims of terrorism in Iraq are Iraqis. Our thoughts and condolences are with the Government and people of Iraq and with their families. But some of the victims of terrorism in Iraq are foreigners who are helping Iraqis to build a more stable and prosperous country. One of them is Kenneth Bigley, a British engineer held hostage by terrorists who have already barbarically murdered his two American comrades. Our thoughts and prayers are with their families. We continue to do all we can to secure Mr. Bigley’s release. I know — how could I forget — that opinions have differed over the rightness of the military action taken in Iraq 18 months ago. But I warrant that no nation is in favour of the terrorist insurgency now occurring there. For we all recognize that what is being attempted by the terrorists in Iraq is an attack both on the Iraqi people and on everything for which the Organization stands: safety, security and human rights. We have to come together to defeat the terrorists and their despicable aims. The threat of terrorism confronts democratic, properly functioning States with an acute dilemma, namely, how to fight those who recognize none of the values for which we stand while remaining true to those values. Our commitments under international conventions express many of those values and the importance that we attach to them. But equally, those conventions cannot be allowed to shelter those involved in terrorism. The conventions were designed to protect citizens from abuse by States, not by terrorists. The 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees protects those with a well-founded fear of persecution. I am proud that the United Kingdom and so many other nations have offered that protection when and where it was required. But as the 1951 Convention itself sets out, asylum is not an unqualified right. It does not apply to anyone who has committed a war crime, a crime against humanity or other serious crime; nor does it apply to anyone who is guilty of acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations. We must never stoop to the level of the terrorist — to torture, mistreatment or unjustified incarceration — nor will any country within the European Union be party to the return of suspects to such conditions, nor to face the death penalty. But we cannot let terrorists exploit a protection designed for the persecuted, not the persecutors. We in the United Kingdom shall therefore be working closely with Russia on its important draft Security Council resolution, to see how best we can prevent those who commit, support and finance terrorism from sheltering behind a refugee status to which they are not entitled. Along with the Russian Federation and other partners in the Security Council, we also wish to look at ways to ensure the speedier extradition of such individuals. We, the United Nations, have over the last year begun to show a new determination to come together and to make collective action work. A year from now, we will meet again here to review the recommendations of the High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change, as well as the Millennium Development Goals, and to set the United Nations agenda for the next decade. The United Kingdom’s chairmanship of the G-8 next year will focus on tackling climate change and on Africa, on which the Independent Commission for Africa will be producing recommendations as to how best we can support the radical agenda for change and development designed by Africa itself through the New Partnership for Africa’s Development and the African Union. Our presidency of the European Union will help us to lead efforts for a successful outcome in the Doha Development Round, and for building the European Union’s crisis-management capabilities. More than ever, global security is our shared responsibility. In the year ahead, as we continue to adapt to today’s threats and challenges, we must find renewed determination and political will to make collective security work. The United Kingdom is determined to play its full part in that endeavour.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Brian Cowen, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ireland.

I first addressed the General Assembly in the year 2000. The millennium year was a time of great hope, reflected in the outcome of the Millennium Summit. World leaders committed the peoples of the planet to a new beginning in which the dawn of the twenty-first century would mark a break from the past, with a new sharing of burdens, and a new common dedication to peace and human progress. Today the light of that new dawn is obscured by the dark clouds of war, terror, ethnic violence and continuing abuse of human rights. Twelve months ago and again this week, the Secretary-General pointed out that the Organization is at a fork in the road and that we have to decide on the way forward. Much work has been undertaken since the Secretary-General laid down that challenge. The High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change is working on its report. I am pleased to recall that the European Union (EU) made a detailed submission to the Panel, drawn up during Ireland’s recent presidency of the Union. We also took a decision to mainstream the issue of effective multilateralism in the Union’s discussions with other regional groups. We await the Panel’s report and the Secretary- General’s recommendations that will follow. In his address on Tuesday, the Secretary-General expressed the hope that when the heads of State and Government meet next year to review progress on the Millennium Declaration they will be ready to take bold decisions. They must, because the longer we linger at the fork in the road, the more difficult will be the road ahead. We cannot afford to postpone action. More and more citizens of the world are questioning whether the United Nations has the capacity, or even the will, to prevent conflict and protect the vulnerable from injustice. They are becoming increasingly disillusioned with an Organization which either cannot take decisions or whose decisions are ignored with impunity. They see the politics of the lowest common denominator in operation, with strong and sensible draft resolutions watered down to mere platitudes. They hear the United Nations being denigrated by those who make a virtue of their determination to put national interests above all other considerations. They fear that the Organization is no longer driven by the determination and idealism of the founding fathers. My Prime Minister, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern, made clear last year, when he addressed the General Assembly, where the fault lies. It lies with us, the Governments of the Member States. We have a strong and much respected Secretary-General in Kofi Annan. We have brave and dedicated officials. Many have put their lives on the line for the Organization and what it stands for. Some have made the ultimate sacrifice. United Nations staff deserve better protection in the future. It is time for the Governments of Member States to act. We need, as the Secretary-General put it, to seek common solutions to common problems. That will require political will and effective structures. Neither one on its own will suffice. The essential requirement is a more effective system of collective security. Such a system requires the unique legitimacy offered by an effective United Nations and its Charter. It is clear that the composition of the Security Council no longer accurately reflects global geopolitical realities. In Ireland’s view, a modest and regionally balanced increase in its membership, both in the permanent and non-permanent categories, is justified. Increased representation from the developing world would enhance its legitimacy, and thereby its effectiveness. But a more effective Security Council will need more than a change in structures. There has to be a change in attitudes. Those States that sit on the Security Council have a responsibility to rise above national or regional interests and act in the wider interests of mankind. That is an obligation that rests on each and every member of the Council. But those who either assert or aspire to positions of world leadership — and there is no shortage of candidates — bear a particular responsibility to act in the global interest. Putting national interests first is not an effective answer to the challenges that confront us. It may be a cliché to say that our planet is shrinking, but that does not make it any less true. While most of us continue to wish to organize and govern ourselves primarily within the framework of the nation-State, we must recognize that technological development and economic integration are impairing the effectiveness of the nation-State as a defensive bastion. Power and influence must be used in the interests of the international community as a whole, rather than for the pursuit of narrow, short-term interests. States and regions have broad and varied interests, both individual and collective. Our system must accommodate and reconcile those interests. Otherwise we are doomed to division between those who would impose hegemony and those who would resist it. In his report on the implementation of the Millennium Declaration, the Secretary-General has warned that the world is falling short in its performance towards the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. In sub-Saharan Africa especially, many countries are caught in a poverty trap and face the crippling challenges of unsustainable debt and HIV/AIDS, often compounded by instability. Ireland fully recognizes the seriousness of the shortfall in development funding that faces us, which is presently estimated at €50 billion per year. The best means of bridging that gap is for donor nations to recommit themselves to reaching the United Nations target for official development assistance of 0.7 per cent of gross national product. The Irish Government remains committed to that goal. Ireland, which has increased its official development assistance very substantially in recent years, will continue working actively with its developing country partners to build a strong global partnership for development. Economic and social development is the means by which the world’s poorer countries can be lifted out of poverty. An open international trading regime aimed at facilitating investment is an integral part of our multilateral system, and fair market access is an essential part of that. Some developing countries estimate that, in a best-case scenario, a successful outcome to the Doha Round could help raise up to 500 million people out of extreme poverty. Fairer international trading arrangements are imperative if we are to address the problems of underdevelopment. Ireland and its European Union partners are determined not to be found wanting in the task of bringing the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations, finally, to a conclusion, with an agreement that meets the essential concerns of all sides. Over the past year we have once again seen that the failure of State institutions is a major source of conflict and human misery. The responsibility for protecting people from conflict and the effects of conflict, and from humanitarian catastrophe, lies primarily with the Governments concerned. However, it has been well demonstrated that events within a particular country can threaten international peace and security and spread misery far beyond its borders. Where Governments are unable or unwilling to take the necessary steps to prevent catastrophe in their own country, I believe that the international community has responsibilities to protect in those circumstances. It is increasingly evident that instability very frequently arises from situations where human rights are abused or denied. The abuse of human rights is also at the root of poverty and underdevelopment. Respect for human rights, on the other hand, is an essential element of good governance, and must be at the centre of efforts to prevent conflict, and of post-conflict reconstruction. Presently, 40 per cent of conflicts that appear to have been resolved break out again within five years. We simply must do better in identifying emerging problems sooner. We also need to put in place policies and structures that are effective within a new, enforceable legal framework. I hope, therefore, that the High-level Panel will address the serious questions involved in international intervention, and put forward recommendations that will act as a basis for consensus. We trust that they will also give full and careful consideration to the policies and structures that we need in order to carry out our responsibilities towards States and societies at risk of instability. Any such structures must facilitate a sustained engagement with those States, to ensure that they receive whatever assistance is needed — political, humanitarian and economic — to avert instability or a return to conflict. In addressing those problems on the basis of the report of the High-level Panel, let us not sacrifice substance on the altar of process. Ireland welcomes the increasing role of regional and subregional organizations in crisis management, under the overall authority of the Security Council. The European Union is engaged in developing its role in conflict prevention and crisis management, while fully recognizing the central role and authority of the United Nations. I am pleased to state that during Ireland’s recent presidency of the European Union, important progress was achieved in implementing the Joint Declaration on United Nations-European Union Cooperation in Crisis Management. It was agreed in June, during our presidency, that the European Union will make a rapid response capability available, and at the service of the United Nations. That will take effect on an initial basis in 2005, with the full complement of 1,500 troops being ready and available by 2007. The efforts of the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States in crisis management have been particularly valuable and deserve support. The African Union’s involvement in Darfur, where it currently has 120 monitors with a protection force of 300, is an extremely positive development. It is fully supported by the European Union, including through the African Peace Facility, established during Ireland’s recent presidency of the Union. The African Union is planning to augment its contingent in Sudan, where it is estimated that a force of at least 5,000 may be necessary to assure a secure environment for the people of Darfur. The European Union is ready to increase its backing for the African Union’s effort accordingly. Whatever political difficulties may have arisen in Darfur, the people there did not deserve to suffer massacre, rape and famine, or to see their villages and crops destroyed and their livestock driven off. When the depredations of the ruthless militias were unleashed upon them, they looked in vain for the even-handed protection of their Government. I want to recognize the efforts of United Nations agencies and non-governmental organizations — including Irish organizations such as GOAL, Concern and Trócaire — that responded so quickly and generously to the humanitarian crisis in Darfur. The dedication of humanitarian aid workers must also be applauded. The humanitarian needs in Darfur still remain immense. I appeal for continued support from the international community to meet the funding shortfall. Ireland has contributed almost €6 million in Government-funded aid so far this year to assist the humanitarian effort there through United Nations agencies as well as through Irish and international non- governmental organizations. The Irish people have been greatly moved by the suffering in Darfur and have been generous in providing additional, non-government financial support for the relief effort. I also wish to pay tribute to the leadership of the Secretary-General in insisting on an appropriate response from the Security Council. I welcome the recent adoption by the Security Council of resolution 1564 (2004), although it is a matter of regret and bewilderment to many that the resolution did not receive the unanimous backing of Council members. I hope that the Council will now unite in seeking to assert its will and bring an end to a situation that is an affront to humanity. I urge the authorities in the Sudan to fulfil, with the utmost urgency, the obligations that have been imposed on them by the Security Council. They must cooperate closely with the monitors deployed by the African Union. They must ensure that the Janjaweed militia are brought under control and disarmed and that persons responsible for crimes and serious violations of human rights are brought to justice. And they must ensure that secure conditions are restored so that people can return voluntarily to their homes. I also urge all parties in the Abuja talks, including the rebel groups, to show flexibility and goodwill so that the underlying problems of Darfur can be resolved in a peaceful manner. Once again, we meet in the General Assembly Hall under the shadow of terrorism. The recent appalling images from Beslan provide a further emphatic demonstration of the moral bankruptcy of terrorism. The fact that those attacks targeted innocent children, along with the consequent trauma caused to children worldwide who saw the torn bodies of the children and mothers of Beslan on their television screens, make them all the more heinous. They reinforce, if reinforcement were needed, the absolute duty of Member States of the United Nations to cooperate effectively in identifying and bringing to justice those who plan, direct, finance, facilitate and carry out terrorist acts. Terrorist acts are always reprehensible, and those who carry them out bear full responsibility for them. That is true irrespective of any underlying factors that might exist, such as national or civil conflict or oppressive economic or social conditions. We must show determination to confront and face down terrorists when they test our resolve through their involvement in heinous acts of violence designed to terrorize the public into conceding to their distorted view of the world. But we also have to be smart to win. Terrorism can rarely be defeated by exclusively military or security means, although those means are obviously a very necessary component in the fight against terrorism. It is necessary, at the same time, to address the root causes of terrorism. I made that point when I addressed the General Assembly in the aftermath of the atrocities of 11 September, and I make no apologies for repeating it today. Let there be no misunderstanding. I offer no excuses for terrorism. Terrorism is evil. But it is my strong belief that people are not born evil. At a certain point in their lives, something — perhaps a particular event or the experience of indoctrination — causes them to embrace evil. To seek to address that root cause is not to be soft on terrorism, it is the intelligent way to attack terrorism. Terrorism tests the effectiveness of our national and collective security systems, but it also tests the quality of our institutions, including our systems of justice, and the strength of our values. As we seek to protect ourselves, we must ensure that those institutions remain strong, that democratic values are not undermined, that our systems of justice are not compromised and that our struggle is conducted in full respect for international law and human rights norms. If we fail to do that, any success we achieve over terrorists will be at the expense of the way of life we seek to protect. The people of Israel and Palestine continue to suffer from violence that is as futile as it is tragic. The root cause of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a struggle over land. The land must be shared by agreement arrived at through negotiation between the parties to the conflict. The continuing unilateral expansion of settlements and the construction and maintenance of the separation barrier on the West Bank will make the conflict more difficult to resolve. The entire international community — particularly Israel’s friends — need to send that clear and unambiguous message to the Israeli Government and the people of Israel. Ireland acknowledges the right, indeed the responsibility, of the Israeli Government to protect its people, including, if it so wishes, by a security fence along its recognized borders. However, the building of the fence in the West Bank serves to divide Palestinian communities and creates severe hardship for them. It will also serve to perpetuate the so-called facts on the ground, and make it more difficult to reach a final settlement. The advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice has given clear guidance on the fence that should be given careful consideration by those whose policies and actions it addresses. The Palestinian Authority must also assume its responsibilities under the road map, notwithstanding the difficulties it faces. Effective and responsible leadership is required. The Palestinian people can best achieve their sovereignty by restoring national discipline and rejecting the path of violence. Ireland, in common with its EU partners, continues to believe that the only way to reach a comprehensive settlement of the conflict is through the Quartet road map. In the Tullamore Declaration, issued during Ireland’s recent presidency of the European Union, EU ministers welcomed the expressed intention of Prime Minister Sharon to withdraw from Gaza and acknowledged the impetus that such a withdrawal could give to the peace process, as long as it met certain conditions, including that it take place in the context of the implementation of the road map. I therefore urge Israel and the Palestinian Authority to cooperate closely with the Quartet to ensure that the withdrawal from Gaza is accompanied by the full and effective assumption by the Palestinian Authority of its responsibilities in the territory, and that a momentum towards the full implementation of the road map is developed. The passage of Security Council resolution 1546 (2004) and the subsequent establishment of the Interim Government of Iraq, represented a crucial coming together by the international community on the importance of reconstruction in Iraq. It is vital that that Government should be able to move ahead and establish a full democratic mandate. However, the security situation in Iraq remains a matter of grave concern to us all, and the challenges facing the new Government are great. An end to the lethal violence that is disrupting the normal development of that country is essential. Ireland has always seen the role of the United Nations as central to the issue of reconstructing Iraq. We therefore welcome the forthcoming return of the United Nations mission. Ireland and its EU partners will seek to ensure that that mission is provided with the necessary security to allow it to carry out its functions. The Irish and British Governments continue to work in close partnership to consolidate peace and political stability in Northern Ireland. Since the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, considerable progress has been made in improving and normalizing life in Northern Ireland. In our view, the complete implementation of the Good Friday Agreement remains definitively the best way forward. The elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly last November gave leadership mandates to the Sinn Fein party and the Democratic Unionist Party in their respective nationalist and unionist communities. Since then, both Governments have engaged in intensive discussions with all the parties to finally resolve the key issues of confidence that have thus far frustrated the full achievement of peace and political stability in Northern Ireland. Those key issues include ending paramilitary activity in all its forms; completing the process of decommissioning Irish Republican Army weapons; the implementation by the British Government of the agreed programme of normalization and demilitarization; ensuring that the new policing service is supported by all sections of the community and resolving the related issue of the devolution of justice and policing powers; and obtaining commitments from all parties to fully participate in the institutions of the Agreement. Those were the issues that were addressed in three days of intensive talks that were convened by both Governments in Leeds Castle in England last week. Substantial progress was made in the talks regarding the issues of paramilitarism and arms decommissioning. As Prime Minister Blair said after the talks, the contours of the paramilitary question are now in sight of being resolved, to be accompanied by subsequent demilitarization, as agreed in the joint declaration issued by the British and Irish Governments last October. In addition, significant progress was made with regard to the policing issue and the devolution of those powers to devolved institutions in Northern Ireland. Regrettably, it was not possible to achieve agreement among the parties themselves on the question of the operation of the political institutions of the Agreement. Talks are continuing in Belfast this week to see if the gaps between the parties on that issue can be resolved. The gaps are narrow and can, and must, be overcome at the earliest possible date. It was noteworthy in that regard that the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party, Mr. Ian Paisley, made the point immediately after the talks that a golden opportunity has been available to realize a stable and entirely peaceful future. For our part, the Irish Government is open to considering changes that would improve the workings of the institutions while maintaining compliance with the fundamentals of the Agreement, and we have brought forward proposals in that regard. But, I reiterate, as the Taoiseach emphasized last weekend, such changes must not disturb the fundamental balance of the Good Friday Agreement, in particular its key power-sharing provisions. The resolution of those institutional questions would allow both Governments to bring forward a comprehensive package providing a template for political stability in Northern Ireland. It would be a tragedy if the failure to bridge the remaining gaps on that institutional matter frustrated the goal of definitively removing the issue of arms from politics in Northern Ireland. The people, rightly, would not understand why that long-awaited prize was denied because of a reluctance to fully embrace the structures of partnership and power-sharing. If, on the other hand, those institutional issues can be resolved and a comprehensive agreement then brought forward, we can finally liberate partnership politics in Northern Ireland and allow its committed and talented politicians — from all sides of the community — to collectively get on with the job of providing better governance, a prospering economy and a fair society for all of the people. I will conclude where I began, on the need to rededicate ourselves to the reinvigoration of this great Organization. Next year will be a year in which important decisions on the future of the United Nations must be taken. We need to rededicate ourselves to the principles and purposes for which this Organization was founded. We need to restore the sense of ambition and idealism that illuminated the United Nations at its inception. We need, above all, to build an Organization that is results- oriented and that can demonstrate that politics is the most effective means of resolving conflict. Let us make 2005 the year in which the United Nations is reborn strong, effective and respected, as the founding fathers intended it to be.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Mustafa Osman Ismail, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the Sudan.

It gives me pleasure to extend my delegation’s sincere congratulations to Mr. Jean Ping on his deserved election to the presidency of the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly. Given the issues that we must consider during this session, and in view of the important tasks we must face in the coming year, we particularly welcome the President’s experience and skills, which are familiar to us in the African arena. We would also like to extend our thanks and appreciation to Mr. Julian R. Hunte, the outgoing President, for the great efforts he made in conducting the work of the Assembly, as well as to the Secretary- General for leading the work of the Organization. Last year from this rostrum I stated that negotiations between the Government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement/Army, under the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and Kenya’s chairmanship, and with the support of the IGAD partners, had made great progress and peace had become imminent. I am glad to say that the last round of negotiations resulted in the signing, in the first week of June 2004, of six protocols dealing with security arrangements, cessation of hostilities, distribution of wealth, power-sharing and the conflict in the Nubian mountains region, the Blue Nile and Abiai. We decided to hold the last round of negotiations on 7 October 2004 to complete the details of a comprehensive peace, which will, it is hoped, be signed at the end of this year. We stand on the threshold of peace. The new challenge before us now is to overcome the differences of the past, start reconstruction and rehabilitation, concentrate on development and strengthen the pillars of peace and national unity on the basis of compatriotism and equality of rights and duties. For that reason, my Government declares its firm intention of conducting a national dialogue with all political forces, inside and outside the Sudan, in order to make peace a national objective that can be achieved through a national charter. It also gives me pleasure to say that in addition to the talks in Naivasha and Abuja my Government started a third forum in Cairo, under the auspices of the Egyptian Government, to engage in dialogue with factions of the national opposition, headquartered in Asmara. Because war has devastated all sectors of the country, reconstruction efforts are especially difficult. We would like to express our appreciation to the international community for the humanitarian assistance they provided during the war. We now appeal to the international community to help in the reconstruction process: to ameliorate the living conditions in the areas devastated by war all over the Sudan; to aid in the resettlement of internally displaced persons and refugees; and to participate in development projects in order to achieve peace and stability. We were at the threshold of peace in the south when another war broke out in Darfur as the result of a rebel movement begun by some tribes and supported by foreign forces. The rebel movement’s terrorist action was not directed against the Government only, but against those tribes that refused to join them. That, in turn, pushed those tribes to train and arm militias to defend themselves against the rebels. The rebel movement targeted the security apparatus, sowing death and destruction, which led to the release of criminal Janjaweed groups from prisons. The aggression continued against civilians and Government institutions. The root causes of Darfur go back to conflicts among the tribal communities in the region. Previously, those conflicts were settled according to traditional customs and norms. But the growth in population and the number of livestock, coupled with a decrease in the water supply owing to desertification, led to tense struggles between grazing land tribes and farmers. There were other causes for regional conflict: an influx of arms and the interference of neighbouring countries that tried to exploit the tense situation, encouraging rebellions against the Government by training and arming certain groups. The present conflict in Darfur started in March 2003, when rebels started inciting dissension and strife, attacking highways, plundering livestock and taking international relief workers as hostages. The Government tried to convince them to abandon military action, but they insisted on occupying cities and villages and terrorizing tribes, forcing them into armed service. Everyone had to carry weapons for self- defence. Then, the Government intervened to try to halt the hostilities, impose law and order and prevent civil war. This conflict, which was imposed on the Government, has created extremely complicated and dire humanitarian conditions. The Government took the necessary measures. It sent food relief to Darfur. Next, it eliminated all the administrative, legal and technical arrangements that impeded relief work, it allowed relief organizations to enter Darfur unimpeded, and it curtailed certain regulations, such as visa requirements, in order to provide protection to camps of displaced persons. The Government deployed police and reopened legal offices destroyed by the rebels. The process of bringing all of those accused of violating human rights to justice began. Furthermore, the Government cooperated with the international community by signing a joint communiqué with the Secretary-General that includes a number of measures to deal with the situation in Darfur and, together with Jan Pronk, Special Representative of the Secretary- General for the Sudan, I headed a Joint Implementation Mechanism mission to the area. Furthermore, out of its belief in a peaceful settlement as a strategic choice, the Government entered into negotiations with the rebels under the auspices of the President of Chad, which culminated in the Abashi agreement in 2003, but that agreement was later violated by the rebels. However, this did not weaken the Government’s resolve to continue its efforts, until we attained the ceasefire agreement in N’Djamena. In order to cooperate with the African Union, we sent a high-level delegation to the first round of negotiations at Addis Ababa; our delegation was given full authority to reach a peaceful settlement with the rebels. But the rebels boycotted the talks. The Government redoubled its efforts at all levels — political, security and humanitarian — out of its responsibility for the people, and it cooperated fully with the United Nations so as to implement the agreement that had been reached with the Secretary- General. Then, on 30 July 2004, the Security Council adopted resolution 1556 (2004), which gave the Government only one month to deal with the problem and threatened the imposition of sanctions. It is regrettable that this resolution sent an erroneous message, thus encouraging the rebels to give up negotiations with good intention. They insisted on conditions that were impossible to implement. And this led to the collapse of negotiations in Addis Ababa, in spite of the African Union’s great efforts. Notwithstanding the faults and impracticality of this Security Council resolution, my Government, abiding by its international legitimacy and responsibility for its people, will continue to do its utmost to find the shortest way for the return of peace, stability and security to Darfur. My Government signed a working plan for Darfur with the United Nations; this plan included detailed arrangements for humanitarian aid, security and protection of displaced persons and their voluntary return. We assigned extra police forces, numbering 10,000. We also signed an agreement with the International Organization for Migration on the return of refugees. Within the framework of a political settlement, and despite the intransigence and lack of seriousness of the rebels, my Government accepted the invitation extended by President Obasanjo of Nigeria, the current Chairman of the African Union. We then sent another high-ranking delegation to Abuja on 23 August out of our belief in the political settlement as a strategic option. As it happened in the Addis Ababa negotiations, the Security Council adopted its resolution 1564 (2004) last Saturday, 18 September, which gave more incentive to the rebels and sent them an erroneous message to continue their intransigence. This led to the failure of the negotiations. Security Council resolution 1564 (2004) did not consider my Government’s efforts to contain the humanitarian crisis in Darfur, which led to détente in the situation. It did not pay attention to my Government’s warning about the negative impact of any measures that would hamper the efforts made by the African Union for the peaceful settlement of the question of Darfur. We call upon the international community to provide assistance to the needy population in Darfur. At the same time, we ask for support and promotion of the African Union’s efforts and that the situation on the ground not be further complicated or the Union’s efforts undermined. Believing in our own principles, our sense of responsibility and the attention my Government attaches to human rights questions, we have cooperated with international and voluntary organizations for the development and enhancement of human rights in my country. We have ratified this year the African Children’s Initiative and, over the past months, we have received some independent experts and special rapporteurs sent by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). In cooperation with OHCHR, we have deployed a team of human rights observers in Darfur. Sudan’s doors will be open for all those who want to know the truth. We have nothing to hide. Our efforts were not limited to cooperating with the international community. We have taken some measures at the local level, and we have established a national independent committee to investigate allegations of human rights violations in Darfur. Also, there are other committees to investigate the other claims of rape in the Darfur region besides our efforts to provide protection, peace and security to our citizens. Since the beginning of the crisis, my Government has not hesitated to recognize that there has been a humanitarian problem in Darfur and a security problem that ought to be dealt with through a comprehensive political solution, despite the fact that the rebel movement led to this problem by starting violence and fighting. Then we resorted to the international community in general and the African Union and the League of Arab States in particular. We hope that the international community, especially the Security Council, will cooperate with us to find a solution instead of issuing threats and condemnations. The last Security Council resolution is a living example of such threats. We welcome the international community’s investigation of the Darfur violations. As I said, we have nothing to hide. What we all want from the Secretary-General, who is responsible for the establishment of this committee, and from the Security Council is confirmation of the credibility of the international organization so that this international committee would be neutral and professional. We do not want a committee like that headed by Richard Butler, who prepared his report at another location where it was signed and submitted to the Security Council indicating that it represented the position of the Organization. We hope that the voices of those who took certain positions regarding Darfur will be silent until the international committee’s report is issued. We face a very delicate situation and developments in the world today, and we need to face such challenges by garnering the political will to enhance the role of the United Nations and its agencies in order to carry out their functions within the framework of a real democracy that would express the interests and hopes of all peoples and confront the challenges of the twenty-first century. We must accelerate our current efforts that have been going on for a decade now for Security Council reform and to develop its methods of work. The body that is responsible for international peace and security is composed of permanent members, whose monopoly of the veto reflects a great imbalance over the simplest criteria of justice. Among the five permanent Members, there are three from one geographical group; two of them are from Western Europe. There is no representation whatsoever for entire continents, such as Africa or Latin America, and vast regions of Asia. Therefore, any discussion about submitting another candidate from Western Europe before taking these continents into consideration would be a consecration of this imbalanced equation and of the West’s hegemony over the affairs of this Organization. Terrorism and extremism are among the challenges facing the world today. We declare our total rejection and condemnation of this destructive phenomenon; but at the same time there is an unacceptable misunderstanding and confusion between terrorism and the struggles of people to achieve their independence and to rid themselves of foreign occupation. This misunderstanding culminates in the extreme when terrorism is linked to followers of a certain religion or culture. Terrorism has no religion or homeland. We stand with the international community and cooperate with it in its fight to eliminate terrorism, and we call for an international agreement on a definition of terrorism and to find the best means to face this plague through collective efforts. The gap between the rich and poor countries is widening within a system of globalization that further enriches the wealthy and impoverishes the poor. It has become an obstacle for the international community and the aspirations to a free and dignified life of billions of people in developing countries. The imbalance in today’s world economy and free trade is obvious. It will have an adverse effect not only on the developing countries but will lead also to total catastrophe in the whole world. We need to have political resolve, as stated by world leaders in the Millennium Declaration four years ago, and later at Monterrey and Johannesburg. Developing and least developed countries are still suffering from hunger and poverty. Let us renew hope for the hundreds of millions of poor and hungry people by translating that political will into concrete action in order to provide them with education and drinking water and to eliminate hunger, destitution and disease by focusing on the goals and programmes that we have repeatedly agreed on. In this connection, we would like to pay tribute to the international initiative on the new Action Against Hunger and Poverty. Israel’s oppressive policies against unarmed Palestinian people, the imposition of closures on occupied Palestinian land, the extrajudicial crimes committed there, the demolition of houses, the starvation and intimidation, the increased settlement activities and the besieging of the Palestinian President all require that the international community bring pressure to bear on Israel to stop those acts. The Sudan welcomes the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the illegality of the separation wall and on compensation for all losses caused by it. We welcome resolution ES-10/15, adopted by the General Assembly at its tenth emergency session, on 20 July 2004, demanding that Israel abide by that opinion. An international, comprehensive and just peace in the Middle East will be reached only when Israel withdraws from all occupied Arab lands, including the Syrian Golan Heights and the Lebanese Shali’a farms. There will be no peace or stability until the Palestinian people recover their legitimate rights, including their right to establish an independent Palestinian State with Jerusalem as its capital and the right of refugees to return to their lands. The difficult situation facing the Iraqi people makes it necessary to assist them to overcome their problems. Here we reaffirm the unity and independence of the Iraqi people and their right to self-determination. We hope that the restoration of those rights will lead to security and stability and to a return to normality in Iraq and that it will enable the Iraqi people to exercise their right to choose their own political leadership through free and fair elections. We call upon the international community to support the Iraqi provisional Government, to help in the reconstruction of Iraq and to support any initiative that would enable the Iraqis to live in dignity in their own country. Our efforts complement those efforts of the African Union to achieve stability and development in our continent, a continent so rich natural and human resources and capabilities. We have resolved to settle our conflicts and crises, which squander such resources and capabilities, and to work instead to promote economic and social development through the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). In conclusion, we reaffirm our determination to achieve a comprehensive and just peace that would lead to stability and well-being for the people of the Sudan and would bolster African Union efforts towards economic and social integrity. We look forward to the United Nations playing its role in establishing justice in international relations based on understanding, cooperation and mutual interests and avoiding confrontation and sanctions, which have proven to be harmful to people.

I now give the floor to Mr. Per Stig Moeller, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Denmark.

When we met a year ago, there was widespread concern that we had reached an impasse that threatened to paralyse the United Nations. I am happy to note today that this looming threat of division is receding and is being replaced by a renewed commitment to multilateralism. In that spirit, Denmark welcomes the Security Council’s unanimous adoption of its resolution 1546 (2004), on Iraq. The resolution is, first and foremost, of great significance for the prospects of peace and stability in Iraq and throughout the region. It is also of great importance for the Security Council’s ability to perform its role as the custodian of international peace and security. The United Nations must play a leading role in the political process and in the reconstruction of Iraq. The wisdom and skill of the Secretary-General and his Special Adviser have advanced this process, and we hope that the advisory role of the United Nations will be further enhanced. We urge all Member States to support the interim Government of Iraq in its endeavours to establish peace and security in Iraq. The year 2005 will be the year in which Member States’ willingness to work towards a strong, united and effective United Nations will be tested. The challenge is to develop credible, effective and comprehensive United Nations responses to the threats and challenges of the new millennium, whether they be conflict prevention, conflict resolution and peace- building, or the fight against terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, or respect for human rights and international law, last but certainly not least, the enormous challenge of achieving the Millennium Development Goals. Denmark strongly supports the Secretary-General’s High-level Panel on Threats, Challenges and Change and looks forward to its report later this year. Efforts to reform the Organization, including enlarging the membership of the Security Council, must continue if the United Nations is to meet the new challenges. Democracy is also a question of representation, and if large parts of the world do not feel represented in the Security Council there is a risk that they will not feel bound by its decisions. The Security Council must reflect the realities of the world of today, not those of the past. We live in a world in which the distinction between military and non-military threats is increasingly blurred. Most current threats are complex and combine elements of both. Creating synergies among development, political and security components will be the key to the success of the United Nations. Denmark will endeavour to assist in this process across the full range of United Nations activities. Denmark is a candidate for election to the Security Council during this session of the General Assembly. If elected, the focus of Denmark’s tenure in the Council will be to seek new and more effective ways of integrating security and development and strengthening international law. In that connection, I welcome the Secretary-General’s important opening statement in this debate (see A/59/PV.3), in which he outlined the fundamental principles for a world order based on international law. Greater coherence is needed in international peace operations. We firmly believe that the United Nations needs to give civilian crisis management the same priority that is accorded to military crisis management. More than 40 per cent of countries emerging from conflict slide back into conflict. In order to build sustainable peace, much more attention needs to be given to the civilian aspects of crisis management. This includes the demobilization and reintegration of combatants as well as the social, economic and legal reconstruction of war-torn societies. We must make State-building a central goal of conflict management and peace-building, alongside the provision of basic security. Whatever mechanism we set up, the challenge is to ensure the involvement of all stakeholders. That includes national Governments, the Secretariat, United Nations development funds and programmes, the Bretton Woods institutions, regional organizations and bilateral donors. In order to improve compliance with Security Council resolutions, the process towards targeted and smarter sanctions should be continued. The challenge is twofold. First, the Security Council must rigorously implement its resolutions, including when they stipulate serious consequences in case of non- compliance. Secondly, the countries concerned must be given positive incentives to comply with those resolutions. Terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction are serious threats to peace and security and impede progress towards stability and prosperity. Terrorists threaten the everyday life and values of millions of innocent individuals. Terrorists must be stopped by hard power and by soft power to prevent decades of unrest and terror. Countering new threats requires a multifaceted, integrated response by the United Nations and its partners. Success demands synergy, a finely tuned mix of diplomacy, aid, police efforts, intelligence, legal assistance and — if need be — military power. The United Nations must take a leading role in the fight against terrorism, providing both the framework for global efforts and the legitimacy for collective action. Terror must not lead to isolation; it must not stop globalization. In the world of today, huge global disparities in resources have become apparent to everybody. Social and economic exclusion, as well as deficient democracies, the absence of the rule of law and lack of respect for human rights, contribute to political radicalization and religious extremism. Ensuring that new generations have access to the benefits of globalization — such as democracy and hope for a better future — is a global challenge. The main responsibility for fighting terrorism lies with individual States. This includes compliance with relevant Security Council resolutions, as well as ratification and implementation of the 12 United Nations conventions against terrorism. Denmark supports efforts to reinvigorate the Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC). We support efforts to renew and upgrade the offer of technical assistance to countries that need it. The work of the CTC must be better focused and linked with the assistance extended to countries that have the will — but lack the means — to meet the requirements of Security Council resolution 1373 (2001). Just as important, we must strengthen international agreements to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. Denmark therefore supports Security Council resolution 1540 (2004), and looks forward to its full implementation. The United Nations has been instrumental in establishing the core international human rights conventions. This year we are celebrating the twenty- fifth anniversary of one of those conventions — the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The importance of the elimination of discrimination against women and of ensuring respect for the right of women to decide freely over their own lives — including in matters relating to marriage, reproductive health and HIV/AIDS — is self-evident. This main message of the Cairo Programme of Action, adopted 10 years ago, is as relevant today as ever. With a view to eradicating torture, Denmark calls upon all States to sign and ratify the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture, so that it can enter into force at an early date. We are now in the era of implementation of those human rights commitments that have been undertaken. As the main body in its field, the Commission on Human Rights has a crucial role to play in this respect and should be further strengthened. 2005 will be a defining moment for the United Nations. World leaders will meet in New York to take stock of progress in the implementation of the Millennium Declaration. That meeting will provide a unique opportunity to break new ground, push ahead with the interlinked agenda of peace, security and development and follow up the recommendations of the High-level Panel. A key priority for Denmark will be to speed up the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals. The results so far are not sufficiently encouraging — especially with regard to Africa. Denmark attaches the highest priority to Africa’s development and would like the situation there and its prospects to be high on the agenda at the 2005 summit. In order to reach the Millennium Development Goals, an effective partnership will be required between developed and developing countries. The gap between goals and resources must be closed. We are deeply concerned about the inadequacy of the current level of development financing. Further resources are needed, as is better coordination in their allocation. Last year, Denmark took the lead in making our commitments transparent in a Millennium Development Goals report. A new report will be published next month. We call on all other States to do likewise. Development efforts and conflict resolution in Africa must go hand in hand. Progress achieved in economic and social development will be sustainable only if we manage to put an end to conflict on the African continent. We stand ready to support the significant and sustained efforts undertaken by the Africans themselves in this regard. There is a need to further strengthen the African security architecture in cooperation with the African Union, subregional African organizations, the United Nations, the European Union and Governments acting bilaterally. We also need to strengthen the regional approaches of the United Nations in the field. Denmark stands ready to contribute actively. Furthermore, recent natural disasters illustrate the importance of dealing with international environmental issues such as climate change, biodiversity, deforestation and desertification. The Secretary-General has shown great leadership in pressing for strengthened and effective multilateralism, and things are slowly starting to come together. Our common voyage will not be over with the 2005 summit — far from it. The High-level Panel’s report, a renewed focus on post-conflict intervention, and the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals can herald a new age of strong and effective multilateralism if, collectively, we rise to the challenge. The task of this generation is to hand the world to the next generation in better shape than we received it. Denmark will spare no effort in its endeavours to translate that vision into reality.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Solomon Passy, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Bulgaria.

I would like, on behalf of Bulgaria, to offer my sincere congratulations to Mr. Jean Ping on his assumption of the presidency — a position of great responsibility. Given his great experience in multilateral diplomacy, I sure that he will lead the deliberations of the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly to a successful outcome. I would also like to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the work done by his predecessor, Mr. Julian Hunte, to reform and revitalize the Assembly. (spoke in English) This is the first year that the Republic of Bulgaria has taken part in the deliberations of the General Assembly as a full-fledged member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and as a State which has successfully concluded its negotiations on joining the European Union. We are fully aware of the great responsibility which we bear this year in discharging our mandate as the Chairman-in-Office of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. All those factors encourage Bulgaria to redouble its efforts in support of the United Nations. We shall continue our efforts aimed at strengthening the authority and role of the United Nations. We shall support the constructive proposals for reforms within the United Nations, which should enhance its capacity and effectiveness. Today the United Nations faces new challenges, which require resolute joint action and coordination. The United Nations and its bodies, as well as the specialized institutions within its system, will continue to make an important contribution aimed at dealing with extreme poverty and hunger, achieving sustainable development, containing and eliminating violence and human rights abuses and affirming the rule of law, good governance and democratic values. International terrorism poses the most serious threat to international peace and security. This requires coordinated and resolute action by all States and the entire international community. Nothing can justify terrorist acts. It is essential that terrorists do not get hold of weapons of mass destruction nor distract us from our agenda, as outlined by the Millennium Declaration. This month the world remembers the victims of the terrorist acts of 11 September, marking the anniversary of those tragic events. We all watched in horror, anguish and anger the cold-blooded massacre of innocent children and their parents in the school in Beslan. That is terrorism at its ugliest. Bulgaria, too, is firmly convinced that international terrorism threatens all States and that it can be dealt with only through joint efforts. It is for that reason that the people and the Government of Bulgaria have whole-heartedly supported our country’s active participation in the global coalition against terrorism. We are committed to pursuing that policy steadfastly, even though we have suffered human losses and sustained damage. Within the United Nations system, the Security Council and its Counter-Terrorism Committee (CTC) are vested with the task of ensuring success in the fight against international terrorism. We share the view that Security Council resolution 1535 (2004) and the creation of the new Counter-Terrorism Committee Executive Directorate have improved coordination in this field. The Al Qaeda and Taliban Committee, beefed up in 2004 with the Monitoring Group and Sanctions Enforcement Support Team, should also continue to wield its positive influence. Within the framework of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), Bulgaria has been assisting in the joint initiatives of the CTC and OSCE and of the United Nations Office for Drug Control and Crime Prevention. The OSCE has been involved in several countries in south-east Europe for many years now, and its commitment to fostering peace and stability in the region, through its field missions in Macedonia; Croatia; Bosnia and Herzegovina; Albania; Serbia and Montenegro; and Kosovo, Serbia and Montenegro, has proved invaluable. Through activities such as institution- and capacity-building, promoting and supporting legislative reform, respect for human rights, and — in cooperation with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and other international actors — the repatriation of refugees and internally displaced persons, the OSCE has made clear its comparative advantage in the region. But, while this work is essential, it cannot be done effectively without enhanced efforts by the international community to address the region’s lagging infrastructure. The development of infrastructure and political stability must go hand in hand. The people of the region are isolated from each other and from the rest of the region. Indeed, it can take longer to fly from Sofia to Tirana than to cross the Atlantic. There is a desperate need for highways, railways and infrastructure corridors to bring the people of the region closer together. Bulgaria knows from experience the importance for the people of south-eastern Europe of having the prospect of full integration into mainstream European political and economic structures. Sustained efforts must be made by the international community to stimulate economic growth in that region and to offer young people in particular tangible hope for the future. Bulgaria has always regarded the stability and security of south-east Europe as one of its priorities. Yet, in spite of the positive changes and the acceleration of the European and Euro-Atlantic integration of the States in the region, the events that took place in Kosovo last March revealed that serious risks and latent threats still exist. Bulgaria supports the emergence of a democratic, multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-religious society in Kosovo. We will continue to cooperate actively with the United Nations Mission in Kosovo so that this aim can finally be attained. Bulgaria is in favour of the full implementation of Security Council resolution 1244 (1999) and its “standards before status” policy. An agreement on those standards, together with the forthcoming negotiating process, will be decisive for Kosovo’s future. We welcome the Secretary-General’s initiatives, and in particular the comprehensive review of the political situation in Kosovo prepared by Ambassador Kai Eide. We will continue to lend our active support to Mr. Soren Jessen-Petersen, the Secretary-General’s newly appointed Special Representative. We hope that the elections next month will prove to be an important step forward in the context of the social and political processes under way and towards reaching a durable solution to the Kosovo problem. Bulgaria is firmly convinced that the United Nations must play a key role in the stabilization and restoration of Iraq, in the ongoing political and constitutional process, based on Security Council resolution 1546 (2004), and in the preparations for democratic and free elections. We welcome the first steps taken in Baghdad by Mr. Ashraf Qazi, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative, as well as the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI). There have been encouraging developments in the resolution of conflicts in certain hot spots in the world, such as Sierra Leone and Timor-Leste. At the same time, there are complicated situations in other regions, particularly in Africa. The situation in Darfur is of serious concern. Security Council resolution 1556 (2004) and the recently adopted resolution 1564 (2004) must be complied with in order to avoid a repetition of the tragedy in other parts of the African continent, similar to the events that occurred during the last decade. During Bulgaria’s chairmanship of the OSCE, we have been making concerted efforts to spur and further develop cooperation between the United Nations and the OSCE. We have been encouraged by the Secretary- General’s specific initiatives, aimed at improving the synchronization of actions, communication and exchange of information with regional organizations. We give very high marks to United Nations-OSCE cooperation in the western Balkans, the region of the Caucasus and in Central Asia. Contemporary geopolitical realities require not only cooperation between the United Nations and the OSCE, but also cooperation with the European Union, NATO, the Council of Europe, the Commonwealth of Independent States and relevant international agencies. In my view, closer interaction between them is of crucial importance to security, stability, democratic prosperity and tolerance throughout the world. The developments in Georgia have been followed with close attention by the Bulgarian OSCE chairmanship. We have also been actively involved in efforts to avert possible crisis situations in the autonomous region of Ajaria. We note with satisfaction the encouraging changes that have taken place in Azerbaijan and Tajikistan, including the decision of the President of Azerbaijan, announced in March, to release 129 prisoners, as well as the June decision by the President and the Parliament of Tajikistan to impose a moratorium on the death penalty. The OSCE, through its outreach activities, attaches great importance to assisting the normalization of Afghanistan and its steady progress towards democracy and respect for human rights. We express our satisfaction at the fact that the OSCE will contribute to the monitoring of elections in Afghanistan. In adapting ourselves to current geopolitical realities, we envisage building a bridge of confidence over the Black Sea — an endeavour which can lay the groundwork for future security, cooperation and tolerance in Europe, in Asia and the rest of the world. We are deeply convinced that the Black Sea dialogue is of special importance not only for participating nations but also because it can set a positive example for other parts of the world. Respect for and observance of internationally recognized standards of human rights by Member States is a prerequisite both for their national security and for sustainable development. It is also a prerequisite for international peace and security. The protection of basic human rights and fundamental freedoms worldwide is a priority in the policy of the Bulgarian Government. Our historical experience teaches us that, in the quest to achieve prosperity and security in any society, it is necessary to have not only an adequate legal system and mechanisms for its effective implementation, but also a spirit of tolerance. We must not tolerate only one minority and ignore the others. Anti-Semitism, anti-Islamism, anti-Arabism, anti-Europeanism, anti-Americanism and even anti- globalism ought to be equally and totally rejected. Bulgaria welcomes the progressive reintegration of Libya into the international community. However, my country believes that a compelling message from the Libyan authorities about their respect for human rights and human values could only be communicated through a just solution to the well-known case of the medical workers — six Bulgarians and one Palestinian — who have been held behind bars in Tripoli and Benghazi for almost six years. In this regard, we call upon the United Nations to redouble its efforts in the fight against the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Africa, which we believe is the cause of these tragic developments concerning these seven innocent people. Bulgaria regards issues concerning women, children and persons belonging to vulnerable groups of the population, including elderly and disabled persons, as inseparable parts of the entire complex of human rights. The Bulgarian Government fully supports the strict implementation of the documents of the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, the twenty- seventh special session of the General Assembly on children, the World Assembly on Ageing, as well as the ongoing efforts of the international community to draft and adopt a convention on the protection of the rights and dignity of disabled persons. The measures aimed at revitalizing all the activities of the United Nations are of extraordinary importance for the current session of the General Assembly. The effectiveness of the work of United Nations bodies, particularly the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Economic and Social Council, is fundamental for solidifying the all-around role of this world Organization. The sooner we do it, the better, and all the more so since next year we will be celebrating the sixtieth anniversary of the United Nations. Let us hope that we will at that time be able to congratulate ourselves on the adoption of these badly needed reforms. Taking all this into consideration and acting on the basis of the political will of all Member States, as declared at the Millennium Summit, we give our support to the common efforts for speeding up United Nations reform and for strengthening the ties and coordination among the United Nations, the Bretton Woods institutions and the World Trade Organization. The United Nations plays a principal and pivotal role in the Republic of Bulgaria’s foreign policy, as stated at the fifty-eighth session of the General Assembly by our Prime Minister, Mr. Simeon Saxe- Coburg-Gotha. To this end, we shall continue our efforts to promote the role of the United Nations and enhance its efficiency and organizational structure in order to promote peace, development, democracy and the rule of law.

I now give the floor to Sheikh Mohammad Al-Sabah Al- Salem Al-Sabah, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the State of Kuwait.

I am pleased to convey my congratulations to the President elected to the fifty-ninth session of the General Assembly. I likewise take this opportunity to express our appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kofi Annan, for the great efforts he has been exerting to restructure and reform the United Nations, to improve its methods of work and revitalize its role in all fields in order to face the demands and challenges of the twenty-first century. Reform and restructuring of the United Nations system have become imperatives, since this world Organization remains the ideal mechanism to address the urgent problems of the world, by way of combating poverty and hunger, ensuring the non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, achieving disarmament and resolving armed conflicts, combating diseases that take the lives of millions, such as AIDS and malaria. The United Nations has organized numerous international conferences and summits in the last 10 years, such as the Millennium Summit, the World Summit on Sustainable Development in Johannesburg and the International Conference on Financing for Development in Monterrey to address those multilateral problems. The international community may not have been able to achieve enough progress in addressing some of these issues, but this should not prevent us from redoubling our efforts to implement the international treaties, resolutions and programmes of action of such United Nations conferences. This must be done in order to ensure respect for the purposes and principles of the Charter, international law, the central role of the United Nations and its primacy in preserving international peace and security and in the strengthening of international cooperation in the economic, social and cultural spheres. Terrorism is one of the major challenges the United Nations faces in this millennium. Its negative effects are extremely serious and touch upon all States without exception, although to varying degrees. Terrorist attacks such as those of 11 September 2001, the attacks against the brotherly kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the events in Jakarta and Beslan emphasize the fact that this phenomenon affects us all. Its targets are all peoples of the world, not any one State in particular. We must, therefore, cooperate fully and collectively in addressing the roots of terrorism and not simply deal with its tragic effects. Kuwait has endorsed all of the United Nations resolutions to combat terrorism. Terrorism, however, is not related to any one ethnic group, culture or religion. It is an international phenomenon that must be addressed by the United Nations, as the ideal framework for diagnosing its causes and arriving at the necessary solutions needed to contain it. A year and a half after the fall of Saddam Hussein’s dictatorship, the situation in Iraq continues to be a delicate one of uncertainty and insecurity, due to terrorist acts carried out by armed groups and the remnants of the old regime. This is hampering the efforts of the interim Iraqi Government, which is endeavouring to rebuild what the old regime destroyed through its policy of aggression. Convinced as we are that security and stability in Iraq mean security for the region as a whole, Kuwait supports the efforts of the Iraqis to rebuild their country in these difficult times, so that Iraq may resume its positive international and regional roles. We are sure that the Iraqi people will be able to do this. In that regard, we support Security Council resolution 1546 (2004), which supports the effort that everyone wishes to see, namely, the preservation of Iraq’s sovereignty, territorial integrity and unity. Kuwait supports the interim Government of Iraq, which is expressing the will of the Iraqi people to build a tolerant Iraq that cares about peace, based upon democracy, the building of constitutional institutions and respect for and pursuit of its internal political process, which would be embodied in the establishment of the Iraqi National Congress that would build such institutions, formulate a new constitution, and conduct new and free elections. Kuwait aspires to strong brotherly relations with the new, free Iraq, based on mutual respect, good neighbourliness, respect for bilateral agreements and resolutions under international law. We welcome, likewise, the creation of a tribunal for former military officers responsible for crimes against the Iraqi people and the people of Kuwait committed during the invasion of Kuwait, as well as for the killing of Kuwaiti prisoners of war and third- country persons. We express our appreciation to the United Nations and international and regional organizations — such as the Non-Aligned Movement, the Organization of the Islamic Conference, the League of Arab States and the Gulf Cooperation Council — for their support and their condemnation of the old regime, which killed prisoners of war and concealed that crime for more than a decade in flagrant violation of international humanitarian law. We also thank the interim Government, which is seeking to investigate what has happened to those prisoners of war. We are following with great concern the tragic situation faced by the Palestinian people in the occupied Arab territories as a result of Israeli policies and practices that contravene international and humanitarian law. We reaffirm our support to the struggle of the Palestinian people and their legitimate claim to recover their political rights. We therefore call upon Israel to respect Security Council resolutions 242 (1967), 338 (1973), and 1515 (2003), the principle of land for peace, the road map and the dismantling of the racial separation wall. That is part of our integral vision for resolving the situation in the Middle East, which must be based on mutual respect and cooperation between all parties. To ensure stability in the Middle East, we must also work to eradicate weapons of mass destruction, and all parties need to pursue the path of understanding and dialogue to implement the noble principles of the Charter of the United Nations governing inter-State relations and relations among the peoples of the world. We reiterate, in that regard, that the dispute between the United Arab Emirates and the Islamic Republic of Iran concerning the three islands that belong to the Emirates should be resolved by peaceful means. We urge the two parties to resolve that dispute as rapidly as possible. Regarding Darfur, we are all concerned about the humanitarian tragedy there. We believe that the Sudan is striving to find a reasonable solution to that humanitarian dilemma. Kuwait is pursuing international and regional efforts to achieve peace and security in both Afghanistan and Somalia, which for many years have suffered from a lack of authority and the deterioration of their economic and political situation owing to the conflicts between various local forces and factions. We support the good offices of the United Nations and regional organizations that have made progress possible at the political level. We hope that those efforts will continue so that national reconciliation in those brotherly nations can be achieved. The information revolution and the vast technological progress in the areas of trade and communications have brought about interdependence. The world has become a little village, every corner of which can now be reached. Many States, and developing countries in particular, have therefore undergone fundamental changes in their economic framework in order to take advantage of the phenomenon of economic globablization and ensure progress and development for their peoples. Despite the benefits of those policies, such as the liberalization of international trade and the lowering of tariff barriers, many countries, especially the least developed among them, are suffering from marginalization and many aggravated social problems, such as poverty, hunger and the spread of diseases resulting from the deterioration of their economies. For that reason, we call upon the international financial institutions, and the World Trade Organization in particular, to give special attention to the developing countries and to consider providing financial support to improve their economic and social situations. We call upon the developed countries to increase their development assistance, to open access to their markets, and to reduce the debt burden of the developing countries so that they are able to strengthen their economic infrastructure. Kuwait continues to support development projects in many developing countries through regional and international institutions and organizations, as well as through the Kuwaiti Fund for Arab Economic Development, which we had the honour of establishing over four decades ago and through which we have provided more than $11 billion to over 100 countries. At the Millennium Summit our leaders laid out the paths to be followed and goals to be attained. Let us work together to achieve a better future for all peoples.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Vuk Drašković, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Serbia and Montenegro.

Allow me at the outset to convey the greetings and best wishes of the people of my country to Member States and their people, and to the Secretary-General. War, oppression, crime, hatred and suffering plague hundreds of millions of men and women all over the world today. In pursuit of the ideals of peace, democracy and happiness, the United Nations is the united conscience of humankind. In order to achieve the goals of the Millennium Declaration, our Organization must be strengthened structurally, economically and spiritually. Serbia and Montenegro therefore supports both the initiatives for the enlargement of the Security Council, that based on the need for equal representation of all continents, and that which concedes a special role for the most developed countries, without whose support the United Nations would be unable to fulfil its noble goals. The fight against global terrorism in all its manifestations, such as anti-Semitism and anti- Islamism, is our primary responsibility today. Those who perpetrated, masterminded and bankrolled terrorist atrocities in New York, Washington, Moscow, Beslan, Jerusalem, Madrid, Istanbul and other places have not only declared war against all nations, but also against God himself, who is the same God for all people. In the fight against terrorism, force is unavoidable, but prevention is what we need most. Politicians, international religious and spiritual leaders and the media must constantly emphasize that the killing of children and of innocent civilians are crimes that the terrorists are perpetrating against their own religions and nations and that God will neither forgive them nor reward them with paradise for such crimes. Multilateralism is the only means to prevent the catastrophe of the clash between faiths and civilizations. At the same time, terrorism must be condemned with equal resolve by everyone. There can be no acceptable terrorists, nor should terrorists be proclaimed as “freedom fighters” anywhere. Serbia and Montenegro is a small country that has been confronted with most of the world’s current problems and misfortunes. The recent wars that saw the break-up of Yugoslavia — one of the founding members of the United Nations — have had immense and painful consequences: unemployment; poverty; the tragic plight of some 600,000 refugees; hopelessness among young people, which breeds drug dependence; a rising suicide rate; and the desperate position of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija. The reality of Kosovo and Metohija today is both dramatic and grim. Over the past five years, the international administration and dominance of the Albanian majority of this Serbian province have led to the killing or abduction of more than 2,500 Serbs, including many children, and to the destruction of 1,500-year-old churches and monasteries and approximately 40,000 homes. As a result of terrorism and massive violations of basic human rights, nearly 200,000 Serbs and other non-Albanians have been expelled from Kosovo and Metohija. The hopes of suffering victims are directed towards the United Nations, particularly its bodies and specialized agencies. I take this opportunity to express my most profound gratitude to the Secretary-General and to the Director-General of UNESCO for the decision to convene, in November, an international donor conference aimed at funding the reconstruction of destroyed churches and monasteries in Kosovo. We are also grateful for the principled position that all homes must be rebuilt, that conditions must be created for the return of all of those who have been expelled and that the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija must be guaranteed the right to life and to freedom of movement and all civil, national and religious freedoms. The spirit of a united Europe and a united world lives in the hearts of Serbs and Montenegrins. While we respect the existing State borders that we share with our neighbours, we wish to erase them in everyday life and to build a common European future based on dialogue, reconciliation and equality among all nations. We are fully confident that, with the strong support of the United Nations, we will attain that goal. But the insistence by some on the creation of a sovereign State of Kosovo amounts to a call for the break-up of the sovereign State of Serbia and Montenegro. Such an objective breeds new hatred and misery and is contrary to the basic tenets of international law and to the Charter of the United Nations. We will not agree to the violation of the rights of our State and its citizens. By applying consistent standards in addressing all crimes, the United Nations will assist the efforts of the democratic Government in Serbia and Montenegro to fulfil our obligations to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which is something we must do. The nation is innocent; responsibility rests on the individual, and none of those who have been indicted for war crimes has the right to hold a nation hostage. All of us on this planet are brothers and sisters. Gens una sumus: we are all one family. Therefore, the primary obligation of any majority, whether religious, racial or ethnic, is to fully protect the rights of minorities. I can assure the Assembly that my Government is unreservedly committed to that principle.

We have heard the last speaker in the general debate for this meeting. I call on the representative of Spain, who wishes to speak in exercise of the right of reply. May I remind members that, in accordance with General Assembly decision 34/401, statements in exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and five for the second and should be made by delegations from their seats.

Yesterday, the Spanish delegation listened attentively to the statement of the Prime Minister of Equatorial Guinea, His Excellency Mr. Miguel Abia Biteo Boricó, before the General Assembly. His words, as far as references to Spain are concerned, were received by my delegation with astonishment. The extremely grave accusations made against Spain — that it supposedly participated with financing and logistical support in an attempted coup d’état in Equatorial Guinea last March — are unacceptable in every respect. Those accusations, which Spain vigorously rejects, are being made repeatedly by members of the Government of Equatorial Guinea without having thus far presented to the Assembly or to any other forum the slightest evidence to support them. Many times, the Spanish Government has denied, before the Government of Equatorial Guinea, any involvement in the facts reported and has reaffirmed our strong commitment to ensure that no activities are carried out from Spanish territory that seek to destabilize or overthrow any foreign Government by violent or anti-democratic means. Spain maintains friendly relations with all countries of the world and, of course, with Equatorial Guinea, based on the principles of international law, among them respect for sovereignty and non- interference in the internal affairs of other States. The Spanish delegation takes this opportunity to reaffirm our Government’s willingness to maintain the best relations of friendship and cooperation with the authorities of Equatorial Guinea. We believe that sufficient channels exist between the two Governments to appropriately address and resolve any issue that may be a source of concern.

I call on the representative of Equatorial Guinea, who wishes to speak on a point of order.

On the basis of the statement in exercise of the right of reply just made by the representative of Spain concerning the statement made yesterday by my country’s Prime Minister before the General Assembly, my delegation reserves the right to present a reply, which will be made at the appropriate time.