A/67/PV.12 General Assembly

The Assembly will hear an address by the Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Bakir Izetbegović, Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, and to invite him to address the Assembly. Mr. Izetbegović: I would like to congratulate President Jeremić on his election and to thank Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser for having successfully presided over the General Assembly at its previous session. I also wish to express my deepest gratitude to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for having visited my country this past July. As we are marking the twentieth anniversary of our admission to the United Nations, his visit came as a recognition of the fact that Bosnia and Herzegovina has travelled a long way since joining the Organization, having transformed itself from a recipient of security assistance into a contributor to global peace and security. I also want to commend the Secretary-General for his tireless efforts to advance dialogue and cooperation, and for his firm commitment to the core values and principles of the United Nations. We in Bosnia and Herzegovina recognize the importance of, and fully support, his action agenda, which identified five generational imperatives: prevention, a more secure world, helping countries in transition, empowering women and youth, and sustainable development. Today’s world is the scene of unfolding crises and mounting global challenges. The first and foremost of these is the disaster in Syria. As we stand here, our fellow Syrians are fighting against a brutal regime. They are fighting to take their destiny into their own hands. The regime of Bashar Al-Assad is answering their yearning for freedom and democracy with guns and bombs, just as his father’s regime did 30 years ago. That is revolting and morally reprehensible — but so is our collective failure to stop it. Once again, we are idly standing by while a human tragedy of dramatic proportions is unfolding before our eyes. We should do our part to help the Syrian people’s historic stand for freedom. We should do our part to save the people of Syria from tyranny. We should, but we are not. The images coming from Syria remind us of the tragedy of Bosnia. We in Bosnia and Herzegovina feel the pain of the Syrian people as our own because we went through the same horrors not that long ago. When Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon visited Srebrenica with me this July to pay his respects to the genocide victims, he said: “The international community must be united not to see any further bloodshed in Syria because I do not want to see any of my successors, after 20 years, visiting Syria, apologizing for what we could have done to protect the civilians in Syria — which we are not doing now”. His predecessor, Kofi Annan, stated in the report on the fall of Srebrenica: “Through error, misjudgment and an inability to recognize the scope of the evil confronting us, we failed to do our part to help save the people of Srebrenica ... The tragedy of Srebrenica will haunt our history forever” (A/54/549, para. 503) Today, those words about the Organization’s failure to respond to the tragedy in Syria ring true. The best way to honour the victims of the Srebrenica genocide would have been to learn the lessons of that failure and never commit the same errors again. Sadly, the United Nations, especially the Security Council, has failed to do that. The international community has chosen yet again to repeat the trial-and-error pattern of the policies that failed in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The resolutions, statements of concern, ineffective sanctions, observers, and missions with no mandate to protect civilians are actions that have deadly consequences, as demonstrated in my country. Make no mistake. Unless we act now, and act decisively, to help the people of Syria and put an end to the bloodshed there, that tragedy will haunt our history forever, just like Srebrenica. Developments at the beginning of the twenty-first century defy rational prediction. Indeed, who could have predicted such an explosion of freedom in the Middle East? In the last few years, we have witnessed a historic awakening in the Arab world. Profound social and political changes aimed at creating democratic societies are under way now — changes that have been fermenting for decades. They are the best confirmation that Muslims strive vigorously for freedom, dignity and human rights. A well-educated, free-thinking generation of young Arabs has finally broken the chains of dictatorship. No force can prevent that new generation from taking charge of its destiny. As a non-permanent member of the Security Council, Bosnia and Herzegovina strongly supported the Arab peoples’ aspirations for greater freedom and democracy. We acted to ensure that the international community supported those who wanted free societies instead of closed ones, the rule of law instead of the rule of one individual, democracy instead of dictatorship, justice and fairness instead of oppression and corruption. The stalemate in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is also deeply troubling. The peace process is not moving forward, and the chain of violence has not been broken. A new impetus to negotiations is urgently needed, because there is no alternative to a negotiated solution. The Palestinians have every right — historical, moral and legal — to a State of their own, but Israel has every right to its security. The occupation of Palestinian territories must end, but so must the terror and violence. All attempts to create new realities on the ground in the hope that they will be accepted as a starting point for future negotiations must be rejected. The continuation of settlement activities in the occupied Palestinian territories continues to pose the most serious obstacle to peace. Israel should immediately end all settlement activities in the occupied Palestinian territories, because those activities are illegal under international law. Doing so is in Israel’s own best interest if it truly desires peace with the Palestinians. The state of affairs of 60 or 6,000 years ago is not the right point of reference. The right point of reference for a solution is the principle of the peaceful coexistence of two sovereign States — an independent Palestine and a secure Israel. That is the only realistic way to bring about a just resolution to the conflict and to ensure stability and progress in the Middle East. To achieve such a solution, a more sincere attempt at good-faith negotiations is needed, especially on the part of Israel. The road to peace does not include ignoring United Nations resolutions, squeezing the Palestinians onto bits and pieces of the land that once belonged to their fathers, and building settlements on those remaining bits of land. The Organization needs to send a strong message demanding that its resolutions be respected and that there be no double standards or chosen peoples when it comes to the application of international legal norms and human rights principles. Over the past few weeks, we have witnessed disturbing violence linked to intolerance. The video that sparked those developments is deeply insulting. It deserves the strongest condemnation, and we absolutely reject its content and message. There is no justification, however, for responding to that movie with violence. Violence in response to speech is unacceptable. There can be no debate about that. Violence is no way to honour religion. Responding to bigotry with violence only further fans the flames of intolerance. We must draw the line at violence, but we must also find a way to prevent hate speech and bigotry. Yes, there is the right to free speech, but there is also the right to dignity. We cannot impose our ideology or our religion on anyone else. We must promote tolerance, but we must also promote mutual respect. That is why, as responsible leaders, we should have a frank debate about the outer limits of free expression when that freedom is abused to incite hate and deliberately slander the dignity of others. There is no inherent contradiction between Islamic and Western values. On the contrary, those values are compatible. After all, they are derived from the same sources. Throughout history, interactions between those values have led to tremendous achievements. There need be no clash. There are only those who need to create a false perception of a clash in order to come to power or maintain their hold on it. So many societies in today’s world are in transition, yearning to find a balance between traditional and modern values. The relationship between the West and the Islamic world and between their respective value systems is going to be one of the most critical issues of our time. That relationship will go through crises and periods of misunderstanding and intolerance. In the modern age, we need to continue to seek a formula, which is to say a model, for how to reconcile Islamic and Western values, East and West. No matter how hard it may be, finding that formula is going to be essential in the time ahead of us. The human condition is one of diversity. Our human race is a mosaic composed of a rich variety of peoples, cultures and religions that shine together in a dynamic, sparkling pattern. Our responsibility is to nurture and protect that mosaic. I come from a country whose historical experience can offer valuable lessons in finding a model for peaceful coexistence within such diversity. The whole world can benefit from the lessons that my country has learned from constantly seeking to improve its understanding and management of diversity. For hundreds of years, its citizens lived in harmony, helping each other build houses of worship that are physically almost leaning on each other. The westernmost range of Orthodox Christianity and Islam, the easternmost range of Catholicism, Bosnia is a meeting point of civilizations, a bridge between East and West. Its unique multi-ethnic culture has been woven through a thousand years of tolerance and respect among its citizens, regardless of their ethnic and religious affiliation. That is why its preservation and success, as a specific microcosm, is crucial for the whole world. However, owing to our recent past, a great struggle is now under way in my country between the idea of coexistence and the idea of division. I believe that the outcome of that struggle will have a significant bearing on resolving one of the greatest challenges of our time, that of conflict versus cooperation. If the idea of coexistence and cooperation does not prevail in Bosnia, it can hardly prevail anywhere else in the world. If the unique social fabric of my country, which was torn by crimes and force, is not restored, that will be a defeat for the very idea of coexistence, which will produce a widening gap at one of the most delicate fault lines of the world. The growing power of humankind brings progress and prosperity. Yet the selfish side of that power cuts into the very substance on which our future depends, namely, our physical habitat and our spiritual essence. The world we live in is changing at a speed and in a direction that is rightfully worrisome. Inequality, injustice and intolerance are on the rise. There is more conflict and less cooperation. There is ever more violence and ever less compassion, solidarity, mutual care, healthy interpersonal relations and family life. People around the world are taking to the streets, which is a dramatic warning that there is less and less fairness in the societies in which they live. Those unsettling trends can be reversed only by decisive and coordinated global action. The future we desire will not be just a utopia if we join our forces to find the right solutions. Cooperative approaches are difficult to accomplish but are needed more than ever. We are not perfect, and we can be better. We can be wiser, more responsible, more willing to learn from our past mistakes. Too often we have been prisoners of our own mentalities. We perceive willingness to compromise as a weakness, but just the opposite is true — compromise requires courage. To build a future we must make compromises. To succeed we must stop indulging in manipulative kinds of populism. We must break out of the worn and frayed patterns of the past. We must turn to the future. Instead of having endless debates about what has been, we must devote ourselves to reaching agreements about what can be. We must more correctly interpret the interests of those we represent. We must listen to the views of others, no matter how different those views might be. We must understand each other better and respect each other more. Our most important mission in the time to come will be to build bridges between cultures, religions and civilizations — bridges of trust, understanding and respect, bridges to reach out to problems the true nature of which we have only begun to understand. That is hard work that requires daring leadership. The Organization has undergone difficult trials, but it has always been the best framework for building those bridges. Let us keep it that way as we go forward.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I thank the Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of Mongolia.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Elbegdorj Tsakhia, President of Mongolia, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Tsakhia: Last year, Mongolia observed the fiftieth anniversary of its joining this important body. Thanks to the choice of our free people, this son of a herder is here today, happy to report on Mongolia’s progress in building a strong and free society. More than 20 years ago, Mongolia stood at a crossroads. The flag of democracy was firmly planted in our rich and historic soil when, in the cold winter of 1989 and in the spring of the White Horse Year of 1990, decades of rule without the consent of the governed were swept aside. Individual rights and liberties prevailed. Our revolution did not break a single window, and not one drop of blood was shed. More than two decades later, Mongolia is a stable beacon of self-governance, a moving force behind the Asian Partnership Initiative for Democracy and the current President of the Community of Democracies. We are proud to chair that world movement for freedom. Mongolia has demonstrated a firm commitment to transparency, accountability and the rule of law. We have recognized that that is the only way that our democracy can succeed. Therefore, we cannot tolerate public corruption at any level, from the highest officials to the ordinary citizen. Corruption is like an infectious disease, growing in the dark, eating away at the public trust, scaring away investors, robbing average citizens of opportunities and attacking the vital immune system of a nation. We must shine a light on corruption and attack it head-on. Additionally, our track record of free and fair elections and the peaceful transfer of power from one party to another can serve as an example to our sister democracies around the world. Mongolia is moving towards more direct and participatory democracy. We are empowering our people, not the Government. Mongolia is proud to be the democratic anchor in the East. No democracy is ever perfect. We have experienced challenges similar to those experienced by other young democracies. Democracy does not end with the casting of a ballot. That is just the beginning. Mongolia is uniquely situated on many levels, democratically, economically and geographically. Our drive for democracy, transparency and hope for peace makes our nation a vital regional player. Economically, we are blessed by extraordinary growth — nearly 17 per cent last year. Keeping up with our high rate of growth is a very real challenge and one that we are prepared to meet directly. We are very focused on balancing two goals — first, sharing the opportunities created by our economic success with all Mongolians, and secondly, demonstrating clearly and firmly that Mongolia is open for business and a fully engaged member of the international community. Our nation’s needs are significant — improved infrastructure, better health care and world-class education. We have much to do to meet the immediate and long-term needs of our people. Our people are the key to our success. We need to invest in their future. We need to invest in both social and economic infrastructure. We are committed to making the investments needed to give our children the bright futures they deserve. As an emerging leader of the global community, Mongolia also has important international priorities. None is more important than protecting our environment. All nations must work to preserve our planet as our economies expand and mature. I was honoured and humbled to be recognized by the United Nations Environmental Programme this year for the work we are doing in Mongolia to preserve our precious environment. We are committed to doing even more. Another priority for Mongolia is expanding human rights. Mongolia has established an effective moratorium on capital punishment. We are seeking to permanently abolish the death penalty in Mongolia by legislative action very soon. A Government is created by its people; therefore no Government has the right to take the life of those who have created it. Let me be clear: capital punishment is ineffective and barbaric. Mongolia cares deeply about safeguarding global peace. We must preserve our planet by eliminating nuclear weapons across the world. We are also firmly opposed to storing nuclear waste on Mongolian soil. We are celebrating 20 years of enjoying nuclear- weapon-free status. I am grateful that on 17 September, the five permanent members of the Security Council — the People’s Republic of China, France, the Russian Federation, the United Kingdom and the United States — signed a joint declaration reaffirming that status for Mongolia. The dialogue on Mongolia and its nuclear- weapon-free zone, which was initiated and has been led by Mongolia, has continued to make progress. We will host an event in 2015 to make even further progress. While nuclear power may remain a viable energy option for some, any nuclear energy programme in development must submit to the permanent supervision of the United Nations and the International Atomic Energy Agency. Any nation seeking to build nuclear power must not endanger the peace and security of its independent neighbours. The solution to those challenges is engagement, not isolation. The solution is more diplomacy, more dialogue and more action. Now more than ever, it is clear that words alone are not enough. We must be united in taking action to preserve peace. That goal is even more imperative in light of the conflicts that have grown ever more tense in areas such as the Middle East. I was saddened by the death of the United States Ambassador and others in Libya. The mission of diplomacy is peaceful. Attacks on diplomatic compounds violate both the letter and spirit of international law. Today, I join with Mongolia’s allies in condemning the needless violence and bloodshed in Syria. Last year I urged action. The protest had started peacefully, but was met with violence from the Syrian Government. Each day, each hour and, indeed, each minute, the situation grows worse. In dealing with crises such as that in Syria, we must remember that those dying are not just citizens of that nation. They are also citizens of our planet. They are therefore also our brothers and sisters. The world should be unified and direct in bringing the bloodshed to an end before another life is needlessly lost. Young girls and boys should be in school, studying for their future, building their dreams. Young girls and boys, as well as their mothers and fathers, should not be dying in the streets and living through nightmares. That crisis is not just a subject for television programmes. We Members of the United Nations are not spectators. The Organization was not created merely to watch a show unfold on our televisions. We have to act. We have to move. Too many mothers suffer when their children struggle, whether it is for a lack of human rights or economic opportunity. Mothers want their children to be free. They want their children to have a job. They want a better life for their children. My 92-year-old- mother reminds me daily to serve all people with respect, especially women, children and the elderly. Women are the backbone of the family and the bedrock of a nation. They bring life into the world. They sense the cries of an infant. Their instincts are to care for the old, the sick and those in need. Our mothers, sisters and daughters share a core value of caring for others. We need more women leaders. Women tend to see the whole picture. For society to advance, we need more women in public service at all levels, local to global. They bring a unique perspective that is often missing in global challenges. Has anyone ever heard of a female bloody dictator or tyrant? I think not. If there were more women in power, I think we would have more harmony, more engagement, less suffering and less conflict. I am proud to report that in our last elections, we tripled the number of women in Parliament. The way to empower women is to ensure that girls share the same educational opportunities as boys. Education is the most basic human right. It is the fundamental building block for human development and free society. We owe our children — all of them — the opportunities that a strong education can offer. Instead of weapons, we should invest more in education, which unlocks the potential of every child. The return on such investment will be higher, both for the young men and women of tomorrow and for the world. Educated nations are more secure economically, respect human rights and have greater political freedom. In conclusion, I am happy to report Mongolia’s incredible forward movement and to renew our commitment as a part of the community of nations. We accept both the rights and responsibilities that come with that honour. Eight hundred and fifty years ago, our great king, Chinggis Khan, was born. He built the largest land empire in the history of the world. Yet that great king did not erect a single statute to himself. Chinggis Khan famously noted, “It was easier to conquer the world on horseback than to dismount and try to govern.” Let us be frank. It is not easy to be a diplomat in a troubled world. It is not easy to fight for equal opportunity for all. It is not easy to shine a light on corruption. It is not easy to govern by the rule of law. It is not easy to build real democracy. It is easier to build statues. It is easier to destroy. It is hard to govern well. But we all must dismount and govern, and govern well. That is vital in order to build a world where our children feel safer, a world where our families are stronger, a world where all nations can prosper. That is the legacy that real leaders need to build — not statues, but opportunities for all humankind. Let us, together, build opportunities for all.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of Mongolia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Tunisia.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Moncef Marzouki, President of the Republic of Tunisia, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Marzouki (spoke in Arabic): I should like to start by conveying to the friendly Republic of Serbia and to President Jeremić personally my most heartfelt congratulations on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I should like also to congratulate Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, President of the Assembly at its previous session, as well as Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for the efforts that they have undertaken in favour of all peoples’ aspirations that are aimed at achieving stability, peace, security and development throughout the world. I should like to convey to them the congratulations of my people, who, through the revolution of 17 December 2010, entered the fraternity of free people and democratic States. I should now like to express our views regarding the major issues facing our world today. Today we are witnessing the great evil perpetrated by a few groups that are using the media to disseminate their destructive and chaotic views. That makes clear the great chasm that exists with respect to the psychological, social and economic crises of our societies, which, unfortunately, exacerbate the phenomena of violence and extremism. Those warning signals need to be addressed very seriously. The First and Second World Wars did not happen in a vacuum; they were the result of extremist statements and policies that led to human carnage and claimed tens of millions of lives. We in Tunisia believe that we must work under the auspices of the United Nations to bring about peace for all humankind and to avert confrontations between civilizations. Tunisia’s access to this forum of free and democratic peoples came at a very high cost. Tens of thousands of political prisoners, as well as exiles, were tortured before the revolution; they were the ones who paid the price. During the revolution, more than 300 citizens were killed and 2,000 others injured. A year and a half after the revolution, Tunisia continues to move forward. We are, however, faced by a great many difficult economic and social problems, the legacy of a regime that lasted for more than two decades and whose practices included corruption, fraud and repression. But that price is negligible when compared with that paid by our brothers in Egypt, Yemen and Libya, and, of course, by our brothers in Syria, more than 25,000 of whom have been killed and tens of thousands injured, along with the destruction of the country’s infrastructure. All of that will forever mark the Syrian people and affect their future for decades to come. That high price is something we all should remember in facing the difficulties that hamper us in the building of an international system that will work to avert, lay siege to and curtail those accursed political systems that threaten the freedom of peoples and peace among peoples. The Republic of Tunisia, which has just emerged from dictatorship and which is well aware of the high toll taken by such a regime, proposes that we create a new mechanism to fight dictatorships, which are a disease threatening peace, stability and security as well as the prosperity of peoples. They not only have an impact on the freedom of people in a given country, but they also give rise to hatred and wars. Europe was able to enjoy peace, stability and prosperity only after the fall of the fascist, Nazi and Communist dictatorships. In the medical field, methods were developed by the World Health Organization that made possible the elimination of polio in the twentieth century; that would have seemed pure fiction to doctors in the nineteenth century. We have acquired political maturity and awareness in the face of dictatorship, which, more than diseases, poses a serious threat to the lives of hundreds of millions of people. Because the United Nations, through its Charter and institutions, has at its disposal a legal arsenal that can serve to bring about basic freedoms and peace among peoples, we invite the Organization to declare that dictatorship is a social and political scourge that must be eliminated through the combined efforts of all peoples throughout the world. It behoves us to implement a bold and ambitious programme to eliminate dictatorship in the same manner in which we got rid of polio and smallpox. The creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC) demonstrates that we are on a historic journey of building international institutions that has not yet been completed. The ICC is but a further step in the direction of the complete elimination of dictatorship. However, the Court tackles crimes only after their commission; what we require are mechanisms to prevent dictatorship from taking root in the first place. Contemporary dictatorships are based on the use of excessive force and give themselves false legality through the holding of fraudulent elections. They use the appearance of democracy to undermine democracy itself. Those kinds of elections took place in Tunisia in 1999, 2004 and 2009. Our deposed dictator was prepared to remain in power forever. He intended, for the 2014 elections, to rewrite the Constitution so he could run for a third term. Each time he re-imposed the status quo because he knew that no internal domestic or international mechanisms existed that could rein in his political activities. During that entire period, the Tunisian democratic opposition could not but note the paralysis of domestic and international laws and legal mechanisms. It was simply impossible for the opposition to turn to a Tunisian or international constitutional court. Although it was normal that such a constitutional court did not exist in the country, it certainly was not normal that a mechanism to that effect should fail to exist within the United Nations, because the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as well as many other international conventions and instruments, backed by General Assembly resolutions, all are texts that could be viewed as being the charter of humankind. The only thing missing is an implementation mechanism. The Republic of Tunisia therefore proposes the creation of an international constitutional court similar to the ICC, which could be seized of challenging illegal constitutions or charters, or fraudulent elections. Such a court would have to be competent to consider a number of disputes and issues, to rule on the legality or illegality of elections that are not in line with the Charter of the United Nations. All systems, especially democratic ones, would face the clear duty of being recognized by the international constitutional court. The court would also make recommendations and provide the necessary advice to all those who so request. The body could serve as a deterrent against any despot, any tyrannical regime, in the case of any such regime forging election results. The court would contribute to the very disappearance of those regimes, because it would strengthen the role of peaceful civic resistance. Otherwise, the only choice would be to live under oppression or to turn to violence. We all know just how expensive that can be. Tunisia strongly advocates the protection of the environment to ensure that we leave succeding generations a sustainable world. We also want to leave a world living in peace and to douse the flames of war in Afghanistan, Mali, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Sudan and the Middle East. Tunisia requests rapid humanitarian intervention to help save the heroic Syrian people and to ensure the departure of President Bashar Al-Assad and his criminal regime. We call for the deployment of an Arab peace force to guarantee the transition and to create a democratic State, which would be pluralistic and that could live in peace. Tunisia wishes to reiterate its support for the Palestinian people and their right to a just peace and the release of thousands of prisoners. We support the creation of a Palestinian State with Al-Quds as its capital and with membership in this Organization. We condemn violence against women and children. We denounce the fanaticism, the anti-Semitism and the Islamophobia that one often sees. We call for tolerance to allow all religious minorities, including Muslims in Burma and Christians living in all Muslim countries, to exercise their faith freely. The chasm between the rich and the poor must be reduced. During the upcoming Nuclear Materials Conference, Tunisia will insist on the need to free the Middle East from nuclear weapons and all other weapons of mass destruction. We champion pluralistic, tolerant civilian societies and institutions. Tunisia is the country of peaceful democratic revolution. Tunisia asks the General Assembly to draw upon Article 22 of the Charter of the United Nations, by which it may establish such subsidiary organs as it deems necessary, and create an international constitutional court and to include this item in the agenda of its sixty-eighth session. I hope this proposal will enjoy the broadest possible support by democratic States and the mobilization of the international community, which played such an important role in the creation of the International Criminal Court. We hope that the same will be done to ensure that the proposed international constitutional court becomes a part of a comprehensive system that would enable our people and succeeding generations to avoid a scourge of blood and tears like that which has cost us so dearly.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I would like to thank the President of the Republic of Tunisia for the statement he has just made.

The General Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Guyana.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Donald Rabindranauth Ramotar, President of the Republic of Guyana, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Ramotar: It is a distinct honour for me to speak today for the first time as President of the Republic of Guyana in this general debate of the sixty- seventh session of the General Assembly. To the President of the Assembly at its sixty-seventh session, I extend my delegation’s sincere congratulations on his election. I also pay tribute to his predecessor, His Excellency Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, who presided over the sixty-sixth session with distinction during a trying period for this body. The Secretary-General deserves commendation for his unstinting service to the Organization and our continued support as the United Nations negotiates the many issues that confront our world. The present international system is characterized by change and crises. A tide of change is evident at all levels, from the local to the global, and it is either being precipitated or accompanied by multiple crises within the global community. In the economic realm, continuing adverse conditions stymie global efforts to achieve internationally agreed-upon development objectives. Recovery from the global financial crisis is at best incipient and sluggish. Several of the major contributors to global output are grappling with unsustainable fiscal balances that hinder their ability to stimulate lasting recovery. The problems in those economies continue to place a drag on global growth. Compounding those difficulties is the slowdown in output in major emerging economies. Naturally, those events have had serious negative impacts on developing countries. Although more resilient than in earlier times, developing countries have paid a heavy price as a result of the present difficulties in the world economy. That has been reflected in growth that is generally lower than pre-crisis levels. Already grappling with adverse trading arrangements and the consequences of an inconclusive and disappointing Doha Development Round, the plight of developing countries has been made worse by the prolonged global slump. Many of the gains made before 2008 have been erased by the continuing difficulties in the world economy. The small, vulnerable economies of the Caribbean face special challenges, compounded by generally high levels of indebtedness and falling export revenues. It is within the unfavourable international climate that we have to judge our own performance. Guyana has had to face many serious challenges. However, we have worked steadfastly to build a more resilient economy and country. We have managed to forestall the worst effects of the international economic crises. Over the past six years, we have achieved an economic growth rate of approximately 5 per cent per annum. The growth rate is, I believe, the result of the investments that we have been making in our people. More than 30 per cent of our budget is dedicated to education, health, housing, water and social programmes to help the most vulnerable. Today Guyana has achieved universal primary education, and we have come a long way towards attaining universal secondary education. However, significant challenges remain in reaching people in the remote areas of our country. If we are to encourage our youth to become responsible citizens and prepare them to be the leaders of tomorrow, we must ensure that our education systems allow for the development of their full potential. I am therefore honoured to join the Secretary- General in promoting the Education First initiative. We are nonetheless conscious that the sustainability of our growth and that of other developing countries will be hindered if the weakness in the international economy is prolonged. Guyana therefore continues to advocate for reform of the graduation policies and aid allocation criteria of the international financial institutions to take account of the structural vulnerability and level of economic resilience of small States, for measures to ease the debt burden, for renewed access to concessionary financing for highly indebted middle-income countries and for the strengthening of financial regulations. The international economic crisis has also led to growing negative social problems. Despite great efforts by many countries, the war against narco–trafficking is far from over. That scourge has an impact on all our countries. It has also directly and indirectly engendered the growth in criminal activity in our region. The availability of guns in many societies — I would note that we do not produce them — most of which has come as a by-product of the narco-trade, has contributed to the growth of gun crimes and murders in the region and beyond. To deal with the problem, Guyana is ready to cooperate fully with the international community to bring the criminals to justice and free our people from the multiple dangers that drug trafficking creates. Even as our society advances, the issues we have to deal with often seem to multiply. The issue of trafficking in persons has also arisen over the past decade as a major concern. We join with all democratic and decent people throughout the world in condemning that crime. Again, it is a campaign that requires a high level of cooperation. We are ready to play our part. If solving those collective problems requires greater will, then other transnational problems such as the climate crisis require urgent, immediate and decisive action. Our failure to do so risks causing irretrievable harm to humankind. Despite the strong scientific and economic case for action, the global response to the climate crisis falls short of what is required in terms of both scale and urgency. The projected level of reduction in greenhouse-gas emissions is much too low. Scientists are warning us of the catastrophic consequences if the rise in greenhouse emissions is not halted. Already some States are facing imminent extinction. To add insult to injury, the promise of fast-start financing made at Copenhagen a few years ago has not materialized. The result is that those most at risk are effectively deprived of the means to adapt to that existential threat. We cannot continue to deal with threats to the survival of the planet with such casualness. As a low-lying coastal State, Guyana is mindful of the dangers posed by climate change. We have been at the forefront of the appeals to the international community to match its concern with tangible action. It is clear that some countries are taking the issue seriously. Norway has led the way by giving tangible support in fighting climate change. Guyana, for its part, has chosen to pursue a low-carbon development strategy in order to ensure economic growth, social progress and environmental sustainability for present and future generations of our citizens. But, as our experience patently demonstrates, that path is not without its hurdles. Just three short months ago, in Rio de Janeiro, we renewed our collective commitment to sustainable development and to ensuring the promotion of an economically, socially and environmentally sustainable future for our planet. We also agreed that the eradication of poverty was the greatest challenge facing the world today, and we recommitted ourselves to freeing humankind from poverty and hunger as a matter of urgency. We need, therefore, as a matter of exigency, to respond to the plight of more than 1 billion of our fellow citizens who bear the ache of hunger on a daily basis. They are found on every continent, in every city and in rural communities across the world. Their plight is worsening. Food prices are surging once again, and risk rising even further as severe droughts decimate crop yields. Those who suffer from chronic hunger today cannot wait until the international community agrees on a post-2015 development framework. They cannot wait until we craft new sustainable development goals. They need action now. The decades-long under-investment in agriculture and rural development needs to be urgently reversed if food security is to be guaranteed on a sustainable basis. In line with the Five Rome Principles for Sustainable Global Food Security, Guyana calls for an acceleration of the twin-track approach to enhancing direct action against hunger for the most vulnerable and for promoting medium- to long-term sustainability in agriculture and rural development. In that context, increased international support for the expansion of rural infrastructure is critical. If we are to maintain our credibility, we must avoid indecisiveness on the issues that afflict humankind. We are only three short years away from 2015, the year we set for ourselves to reach important goals for improving the security of our planet and enhancing the quality of life for all. We must do what we promised to do and we must do so without delay. Greater alacrity is also needed in the area of politics, where tensions and unrest in many corners of our globe threaten to undermine international peace and security. The tide of democratic change that has swept the planet and raised the expectations of peoples for social progress and better standards of life in an environment of enlarged freedoms is receding. Those legitimate aspirations deserve the respect and encouragement of the Governments concerned and the support of the international community. No people should be denied the right to live in dignity or to live a life free from fear and want. At the same time, we must be careful to guard against the superimposition of agendas based on ulterior designs that are alien to those noble aspirations. While we give solidarity and support where needed, let us not forget that this body crafted an important principle of self-determination. Human rights and fundamental freedoms are best preserved in an environment of peace and security. Respect for the rule of law and tolerance for the faiths and beliefs of all humankind must continue to be the guiding principles through which we build harmonious societies. While we condemn the attacks and insults that the recent film heaped on Islam, we believe that nothing of that nature can justify the murder of diplomats and the violence we have seen. We therefore extend our sympathy to the people and Government of the United States of America on the murder of Ambassador Christopher Stevens and others in Libya. We believe that the best homage we can pay to their memory is to work even harder for a just, peaceful and tolerant world. In concert with the proposed theme of this debate, the United Nations must continue to pursue peaceful solutions to political conflicts, no matter how slow and painstaking the process may be. It is my country’s sincere hope that peace will soon come to the Syrian people. Guyana urges the renewal of efforts to bring the warring parties to the negotiating table. The international community must contribute to peace and not to the exacerbation of strife and conflict. Any abandonment of its role in bringing peace to Syria will result in greater suffering in that country and undermine security in that part of the world. The United Nations must therefore persevere in finding a peaceful end to the conflict. We therefore support the efforts of the Joint Special Representative of the United Nations and the League of Arab States in trying to bring the conflict in Syria to a peaceful end. I also wish to underline Guyana’s strong support for the peaceful settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We are of the view that the resolution of that conflict, which has lasted for too long, is key to a lasting peace in the Middle East. Guyana recognizes the State of Palestine based on its 1967 borders and supports its aspirations to full membership in the United Nations. The Palestinian people deserve the same rights as people everywhere: to live in dignity, security, freedom and independence, at peace with all their neighbours and with the right to move freely in their own land. Guyana is encouraged by the continuing efforts of the Republic of the Sudan and the Republic of South Sudan to resolve their differences through negotiations. We are hopeful also that the people of Mali will be able to overcome their current crisis and restore the celebrated legacy of Timbuktu. Having regard for the principle of the sovereignty of States set down in the United Nations Charter, Guyana wishes to place on record once again its firm opposition to the economic, financial and commercial embargo imposed against its sister Caribbean State of Cuba. We call for an immediate end to the policy. Cuba has made great contributions to the social development of many developing countries. The lifting of the blockade can allow it to do much more. The myriad challenges affecting our world today pose a formidable test to the multilateral system that embodies our collective aspirations for peace and development. Such challenges tax our collective resolve to act in the best interest of humankind. The United Nations was established at a time when the vast majority of the human family was not represented in its councils and most nations could not speak on their own behalf. That is not the case today. The near universal representativeness of its membership gives the United Nations unparalleled legitimacy among world institutions. The governance of the Organization needs major reform if it is to reflect the realities of the present time and give full expression to the aspirations of the world’s peoples. For the Security Council, the imperative for reform is particularly urgent. I reaffirm Guyana’s steadfast support for timely reform of the Council through an expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent categories, with particular regard to the representation of developing countries. The United Nations must also be reformed in a manner that will enhance its contribution to global economic governance, in keeping with the purposes of its Charter. The United Nations has an important role to play in addressing the democracy deficit in decision-making on such matters, which often have far-reaching implications, particularly for small States. Reforming the United Nations along those lines will provide it with greater legitimacy, which is key to its effectiveness in the eyes of the world. That legitimacy will be enhanced by the delivery of results that meet the expectations of the global citizenry in areas where action is most needed. In conclusion, allow me to recognize the great role played by this body over the years in promoting world peace. It has done a lot to contain and resolve regional and local conflicts. In our time, the United Nations has become indispensable in tackling pressing global issues. We must therefore all work together to strengthen the Organization so as to make it more effective in the face of the many challenges that are ahead.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Guyana for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Thein Sein, President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Sein (spoke in Burmese; English text provided by the delegation): First and foremost, I would like to congratulate Mr. Jeremić on his well- deserved election as President of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. His country, Serbia, and Myanmar have traditionally enjoyed a close friendship and cooperation. Under his able leadership, the General Assembly will hold deliberations on measures to address the challenges faced by the world today. I am confident that his great wisdom, rich experience and great diplomatic skills will guide our discussions to produce the desired outcomes. I would also like to take this opportunity to extend our sincere thanks and appreciation to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, for his outstanding leadership at the sixty-sixth session. Myanmar consistently pursues an independent and active foreign policy, a basic tenet of which is to actively contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security. In so doing, we encourage efforts to settle differences among nations by peaceful and amicable means. Our position is consistent with the essence of the theme of the current session, namely, “Bringing about adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations by peaceful means”. There are different views and assessments regarding the outcome of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, held in Brazil in June. A number of important decisions were taken on various issues, such as the renewal of commitments, the linkage of sustainable development to the Millennium Development Goals, renewable energy and the establishment of arrangements for better coordination on sustainable development. Member States must turn those decisions into actions in order to leave the legacy of a safe and sustainable environment to our future generations. Since becoming a Member State, Myanmar has always adhered to the founding principles of the United Nations. Our participation in the General Assembly here in New York amply demonstrates our commitment to active participation in, and support of, the work of the Organization. Today’s world is full of new challenges and opportunities. Urbanization and industrialization are taking place in developing countries on an unprecedented scale. Rapid progress in information technology gives the impression that our world is getting smaller. Meanwhile, the natural environment and the climate are facing new threats and challenges. In short, the world is changing as never before. It is also timely and appropriate to devote attention during the current session to issues such as the post-2015 development agenda and the rule of law. Myanmar is moving forward on the democratic path, but that has not been an easy task. I would therefore like to take this opportunity to share our experiences in that regard. In the ongoing reform process, we face challenges as well as opportunities. Within a short time, the people of Myanmar have brought about remarkable changes. I feel greatly privileged and honoured to dutifully serve the people as their President at this crucial time in the history of our nation. I truly consider my people as my own parents and elders. Since I took office some 18 months ago, the parliament, the judiciary, the armed forces, the ethnic groups, the political parties, civil society and the people at large have been taking tangible and irreversible steps in the democratic transition and reform process. Leaving behind a system of authoritarian Government, in which the administrative, legislative and judicial powers were centralized, we have now established a democratic Government and a strong and viable parliament that follows a practice of checks and balances. Despite the challenges, we can now see encouraging progress and significant developments in the country. Those include the granting of amnesties to prisoners; the dignified return of exiled political forces; the successful convening of the 2012 by-elections in a free, fair and transparent manner; the abolition of media censorship; freedom of access to the Internet; the establishment of worker and employer organizations; and increased participation by the people in the political process. At the current stage of the political process, we can see the emergence of democratic traits, such as the increasing participation of various political forces and their mutual tolerance, magnanimity, the expanded scope of political participation, representation and accountability. Our Government and other stakeholders have fostered a new political culture of tolerance and dialogue. The former main opposition leader, Nobel laureate Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, now participates in parliament, not only in her capacity as a member but also as Chairperson of the parliamentary Rule of Law and Stability Committee. She is also in New York this week. As a Myanmar citizen, I would like to congratulate her on the honour that she has received in this country in recognition of her efforts for democracy. Our country’s political progress is strengthening its political legitimacy. That, in turn, facilitates the establishment of basic political stability, thereby paving the way for the economic and social transformation necessary for better living standards for the people. The legislative body has also developed well and functions more effectively at every sitting. Parliament has now adopted landmark laws through democratic practices. We are promulgating laws and by-laws, taking into account the fact that economic development must not widen the gap between the rich and the poor. The rights of citizens must be protected. The natural environment must be preserved. Our workers should enjoy rights in line with international standards. We give carefull consideration to investments in the extractive sectors, such as energy, to ensure transparency and impartiality. We believe that the cessation of all armed conflicts is a prerequisite to building genuine democracy. As such, we place high priority on achieving lasting peace in the country. In accordance with our motto “From war to peace”, we are striving to put an end to the long- standing problems in regions inhabited by our ethnic groups. To date, we have reached ceasefire agreements with 10 armed groups. We will continue the peace talks, while further strengthening confidence-building measures. Peace negotiations at the national level will then continue towards a final peace agreement, which would completely end the armed hostilities. In order to redress the situation in northern Myanmar, leaders of the Union Peace-making Work Committee and the Kachin armed group are holding informal consultations and are working to further strengthen confidence-building measures. We consider any loss of life and property on either side in the armed conflict as a loss for the country. While the Government is resolutely pursuing political, social and economic reforms, some unfortunate and unexpected issues have arisen. A case in point is the recent communal violence in Rakhine State. In that connection, I would like to mention in the first place that the people inhabiting our country, regardless of race, religion and gender, have the right to live in peace and security. As the Assembly is aware, an independent national-level investigation commission has been established to look into the issue. To ensure impartiality, the commission is composed of representatives from all strata of society, including widely respected personalities from the Buddhist, Muslim, Christian and Hindu faiths. Upon completion of its task, the commission will submit its findings and recommendations to me. Demonstrating our determination to resolve the issue in a transparent manner, we have facilitated field visits to Rakhine State by representatives from the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, United Nations agencies, the United States and resident foreign diplomats in Myanmar. Access is being facilitated to those organizations that are willing to provide relief assistance to both communities without discrimination. The issue at hand cannot be resolved overnight. It will be resolved by taking short-term and long-term measures through a multifaceted approach, taking into account political, economic and social aspects. I sincerely believe that as an independent and sovereign State, Myanmar has done the right thing to secure our borders and to safeguard our sovereignty. We will do our utmost to resolve the issue in line with international norms. I am well aware of the fact that Myanmar’s democratic transformation process will be a complex and delicate one that requires patience. To complete the process, we certainly need the understanding and support of the United Nations and its States Members, the international community as a whole and, last but not least, the people of Myanmar. At the same time, it is equally important that Myanmar should be viewed from a different and new perspective. It is also necessary for us to be able to work in a more favourable environment than ever before. Myanmar is now ushering in a new era. As a member in the family of nations, Myanmar will participate more actively in the activities of the United Nations in various fields. Standing as a responsible and respectable nation on the world stage, we will take on the challenges of the twenty-first century in a bold and resolute manner. I would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate Mr. Ban Ki-moon on his reappointment as General-Secretary and on his achievements thus far. Before I conclude, allow me to briefly mention an important figure, namely, U Thant, a brilliant son of Myanmar who served as the third Secretary- General. Even in those days, U Thant had a vision of one world. He envisioned a global society guided by the spirit of one world — a world safe for diversity and a place of peaceful coexistence where global citizens could practice the virtues of tolerance, cooperation, understanding and compassion. We believe that if we make his vision a reality, we will soon achieve a world that is more peaceful and prosperous. U Thant’s tireless endeavours for peace and his achievements during his tenure as the Secretary-General will never be forgotten. The people of Myanmar will always take pride in and remember him as a great son of Myanmar.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar for the statement he has just made.

The General Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Gjorge Ivanov, President of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Ivanov (spoke in Macedonian; English text provided by the delegation): It is an honour and a privilege to address this forum today and to share the views of the Republic of Macedonia regarding a number of issues of concern for all of us. Allow me first to extend our congratulations to Mr. Vuk Jeremić on his election to the prestigious position of President of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I believe Mr. Jeremić will respond to all the challenges and tasks that await him, and I wish to express our full readiness to cooperate. Allow me also to express my thanks and to compliment the former President of the Assembly, Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, for his successful presidency during the sixth-sixth session. I would like to take this opportunity to welcome the work and efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, which undoubtedly have contributed to strengthening the role and reputation of the world Organization. It was a real honour for me and for the citizens of Macedonian to be his host. The Republic of Macedonia highly values and supports the Secretary- General’s endeavours, and he can count on our continued full support. Now, more than ever in the history of humankind, the nations of the world are confronted with the same challenges, are victims of the same threats and share the yearning for a better future. Effective multilateralism is of essential importance for the development of collective action to respond to common challenges. The United Nations is an organization whose legitimacy to tackle global challenges through global actions is universally accepted and undeniable. The support provided by Member States is of crucial importance. I wish to assure the Assembly that the Republic of Macedonia will continue to contribute actively to the reinforcement and improvement of the efficiency of the system. This diverse world is in need of a common denominator, a link that unites all individuals, peoples and countries regardless of differences in culture, language and religion. That link is the Charter of the United Nations, with its principles and fundamental values. The Republic of Macedonia is firmly dedicated to respect for the Charter, which serves as the basis of its foreign policy. Ever since our declaration of independence and after becoming a Member of the United Nations, the peaceful resolution of international disputes has been one of our leading principles and guidelines for our behaviour as a responsible member of the international community. Therefore, I wish to welcome the General Assembly recommendation to put the issue forward as a topic of debate this year. An ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. When speaking about international disputes, it is inevitable to refer to prevention activities as one of the mechanisms for their resolution. Today preventive diplomacy has proven its relevance once again. In the early days of our independence, the Republic of Macedonia was host to the United Nations Preventive Deployment Force, a one-of-a-kind mechanism for the United Nations at the time. It was a positive experience for Macedonia, the United Nations and the Member States involved. We are witness to the fact that the evolution of international relations and the increased complexity of challenges in our globalized world confirm the need to develop mechanisms and to use good offices. At this point, I would like to commend the Secretary-General for advocating more thorough analysis of this issue in his report on strengthening the role of mediation in the peaceful settlement of disputes, conflict prevention and resolution (A/66/811), which produced good, operative solutions for upgrading the capacity of the United Nations in this area. I believe we can and must explore new ways and possibilities for strengthening the role of the Secretary-General in the resolution of international disputes. In a time of global economic crisis, the focus of the United Nations on preventing conflicts and further developing preventive diplomacy is understandable. The Republic of Macedonia believes it makes sense to focus on the effective and efficient use of resources — which are shrinking — which is why we have been attentively following all activities relating to the report of the Secretary-General on civilian capacity in the aftermath of conflict (A/66/311) and to the implementation of the recommendations of the Senior Advisory Group found therein. It is very important that the international community make progress in preventing new conflicts and relapses into conflict in vulnerable countries. The Republic of Macedonia stands ready to offer its experience in the area of democratic institution-building, based on the Macedonian inclusive, democratic model of integration without assimilation. In that context, I wish to refer to the recent High-level Meeting on the Rule of Law at the National and International Levels. The Republic of Macedonia attaches great importance to this issue, which is undoubtedly the basis of all democratic societies, and the report of the Secretary- General on the rule of law (A/66/749) has provided food for thought and further action. The Republic of Macedonia believes that inclusiveness is an important principle that needs to be implemented when it comes to the rule of law. The rule of law is multifaceted and should cover all stakeholders, especially civil society. The rule of law is incomplete and is impossible to achieve without respect for human rights. As the Secretary-General said in his statement at the opening of the general debate at this session, “We shall have neither peace nor development without respect for human rights and the rule of law” (see A/67/PV.6). As a country building a model of inclusive democracy, the Republic of Macedonia attaches particular importance to the development, promotion and protection of human rights. It is the right and duty of every country to safeguard and promote the rights of its citizens. Human rights should reinforce and reaffirm national sovereignty. This, then, will be the best guarantee that, as a principle, the responsibility to protect will remain the desired first and primary pillar. The Republic of Macedonia will continue its efforts to preserve and promote human rights — to promote democracy and the rule of law, gender equality and the improvement of the role of women, and to protect vulnerable and marginalized groups. We also strongly support Member States’ active participation in the universal periodic review as a mechanism for promoting the effectiveness of the Human Rights Council. In that context, I would like to remind the Assembly that the Republic of Macedonia has presented its candidature for membership in the Human Rights Council for the period 2014-2016. We are convinced that our experience in this area, along with our particular achievements and ambition to promote this area of global governance, will enable us to make a full contribution to further strengthening and affirming human rights in subsequent years. Once again this year all priorities are focused on the three most important pillars of our world Organization: peace and security, sustainable development and human rights. All are mutually related. There can be no sustainable development without peace and security, and there can be no sustainable peace without development and poverty reduction. The Millennium Development Goals continue to be the parameters by which we evaluate our success. The Republic of Macedonia’s aspiration to become a member of the European Union has created the necessary spur for political, economic and social reforms. Promoting equitable and comprehensive development founded on human rights has provided a solid base for the national development agenda. The Government of the Republic of Macedonia therefore established a programme focused on emphasizing economic development, improving our citizens’ standard of living, creating jobs, fighting corruption, increasing education opportunities and promoting democracy and inter-ethnic relations. Balanced and sustainable development is a major investment in the future, and in the interest of the general well-being, everyone must participate. The outcome document of Rio+20 — the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (resolution 66/288, annex) — should be taken as an additional impetus to use alternative possibilities for achieving sustainable development. The Republic of Macedonia, in coordination with the policies of its European partners, will advocate expanding those alternatives. Sustainable development is closely linked to disaster risk reduction and adaptation to climate change. Recognizing that interdependence, the Republic of Macedonia supports a holistic approach to the implementation of these goals in national, regional and global strategies, policies and plans. We have demonstrated our dedication to the region of South-eastern Europe and to regional cooperation through our chairmanship of the South-East European Cooperation Process. The region is not immune to global challenges and threats, and such threats can be removed only by meeting the obligations and numerous commitments we have all undertaken. I am convinced that intensive regional cooperation in this area will help us build a region more resistant to natural disasters. We wish focus our chairmanship on the process of meeting the real and everyday needs of our citizens — those of peace, security and development — that are the result of global challenges that recognize neither political and ethnic barriers nor religious groups. Among the priorities of Macedonia’s chairmanship will be cooperation in economic and agricultural matters, culture and tourism, science and education, cross- border concerns and the protection of the environment. Our principles are based on solving citizens’ problems regardless of ethnic, religious or any other affiliation. I see no way of doing this other than through close regional cooperation. Let us build good-neighbourly relations on the basis of solidarity. In return, we expect our neighbours to show solidarity in actions for a safer region. We can and we must be ready for future challenges so as to provide a safer future for future generations. Our young people will hold us to this. They expect our generation to behave responsibly. They live in a time of new technologies, and they already know what is going on at the global level. I believe firmly that we should focus all our energy on young people, to create youth for the future and a future for our youth, formed in a spirit of dialogue, tolerance and respect for diversity. That is why, in parallel with the South-East European Cooperation Process summit, we will also host the eleventh Forum of the Dialogue among Civilizations, in cooperation with UNESCO and the Council of Europe, with the focus on youth. As President of the Republic of Macedonia, permit me to say that we are greatly looking forward to celebrating the tenth anniversary of the first regional gathering of the dialogue among civilizations, which we are preparing together with UNESCO. It was here, at this rostrum, that my predecessor, President Boris Trajkovski, with the strong backing of the United Nations and UNESCO, shared his dreams about that initiative, which was then realized in Ohrid in 2003, when the wounds from the bloody conflict in the former Yugoslavia were still fresh. The words of the Ohrid message speak of the undoubtedly enormous potential of the Republic of Macedonia: to be a functional multi-ethnic, multilingual and multireligious foundation of the European Balkans and of the Balkans in Europe. Next year we will host the third World Conference on Dialogue among Religions and Civilizations. The Republic of Macedonia has always believed that dialogue is irreplaceable and put its belief into practice. We condemn all forms of violence. No one should be a victim of violence — not individuals, peoples, States or their official representatives. Just as the limits of decency must be observed in public spaces, so violence can never be a fitting response. The rule of law and human rights are fundamental principles and they cannot be subject to compromise. I fully agree with the position of the Secretary-General, stated during his visit to Macedonia in July, that we should never make compromises when it comes to universally acknowledged principles. It is the duty of the United Nations and of each and every one of us not to subject the rule of law and human rights to compromise. Therefore, I have asked the Secretary- General to bring renewed attention to the 2008 report of the Independent Expert on minority issues, Ms. Gay McDougall, entitled “Promotion and protection of all human rights, civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights, including the right to development” (A/HRC/7/23). Allow me as well to recall the recommendation in that report that the Government of our southern neighbour should abstain from disputing whether there is a Macedonian minority, and instead focus on the protection of the right to self-identification, freedom of expression and freedom of association of that community. In the recommendation, our neighbour is urged to respect the judgment of the European Court of Human Rights, according to which the country should be allowed to use the word Macedonian to denote its name and to freely express its ethnic identity. The report concludes that the right to protection must be respected, as elaborated in the 1992 Declaration on Minorities and in the basic international conventions on human rights. I expressed my expectation that the Secretary- General would make use of his authority and engage in order to overcome the impasse on the talks regarding our country’s name that are taking place under his auspices. Respect for the judgment of the International Court of Justice will mean respect for international law and the rule of law in practice. I believe in this process. I believe that this process can lead to a solution, but we cannot wait another 19 years for that to happen. Today, in the twenty-first century, it seems quite absurd to be called “a former nation” or “a former colony”. In the name of the dignity of my people, I hereby take this opportunity to publicly thank all 134 Members of the United Nations that have recognized the constitutional name of my country, which is the Republic of Macedonia. And here is my appeal to everyone here: address us from the point of view of the future. I fully subscribe to what was said by the United States President, Mr. Barack Obama, just a few days ago, in this very Hall. We believe that freedom and self- determination are not unique to one culture. Those are not simply American values or Western values, they are universal values. It has happened in the history of the United Nations that a country was given additional criteria to become a Member, but the 1948 advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice stated clearly that this was not correct and was contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. Except in our case, no one has been deprived of the right of self-identification thus far. Macedonia should get what it rightfully deserves; something that all Member States represented here already have and enjoy. Without the right of self- identification, Macedonia is prevented from being equal to all other Member States. In that regard we are discussing international law. We are talking about the rule of law. Here is the judgment of the International Court of Justice adopted 10 months ago in favour of the Republic of Macedonia. We are asking for this judgment, adopted by a body of the United Nations, to be respected. We ask for this because we have been prevented from using our constitutional name even at this very rostrum. The International Court of Justice, in paragraph 95 of the judgment, states clearly that Macedonia has the right to refer to itself as the Republic of Macedonia in its relations with the other party and within international organizations. In a spirit of good-neighbourly relations, and because of our strong determination to overcome and settle unresolved issues, I take this opportunity to appeal to our neighbour to work together with us in that direction. From this rostrum in the heart of the United Nations, I urge them to respect the judgment of the International Court of Justice and their own internationally assumed obligations. We are neighbours, but we wish to be more than just neighbours. We wish to be partners, allies and friends, and to be able to build together the present and future of our people, our countries and our region. We wish to work together with them and build a safe and free world for our children. The protracted nature of the reform of the Security Council and the revitalization of the General Assembly, as well as the comprehensive process of reinforcing the coherence and efficiency of the system, should not discourage us. On the contrary, they should serve as an impetus for further mobilization. Only the United Nations can provide integrated solutions for interdependent issues such as development, peace and security, human rights and humanitarian action. In conclusion, I invite all Member States to recall the words of Jean Monnet, the father of modern Europe. He described the use of the veto in modern European history as the expression of lack of power for dialogue and the impossibility of overcoming national egoism. Let us build a prosperous world for our future generations. We hope that our neighbour will make its way out of crisis as soon as possible. We have proposed a series of practical measures on how to upgrade our economic and good neighbourly cooperation, which should include a bilateral agreement on the avoidance of double taxation. Macedonian taxes are favourable for our neighbour’s businessmen and, as always, the doors of the Republic of Macedonia are wide open to them. The Republic of Macedonia firmly believes that the United Nations remains the centre of multilateralism and global governance. The Organization inspires universal dialogue, which in most cases results in joint solutions for handling global problems in order to reach a shared vision of the future of the international system.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia for the statement he has just made.

The General Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Obiang Nguema Mbasogo (spoke in Spanish): I wish first to express my Government’s congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Vuk Jeremić, President of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session and a former Minister for Foreign Affairs of Serbia, on his country’s election to preside over the Assembly. We are very happy about that because, both in the past and currently, his country has played an active role in eliminating tensions and inequality and in strengthening the rule of law in international relations. We are firmly convinced that, during his tenure, the proceedings of the General Assembly will be conducted in a climate of consensus and solidarity among Member States. The current session of the General Assembly is being held at a time of turmoil, when many States are experiencing internal tensions, there is an acute economic crisis, developing countries and their emerging economies are encountering difficulties, the environment and the atmosphere are deteriorating, and other major catastrophes have caused the loss of human lives and the destruction of infrastructures vital to humankind. The major efforts made by the Secretary- General through the United Nations system have not been sufficient to have a decisive impact. Greater commitment, joint action and unified approaches on the part of all States are required to combat with determination the problems of concern to everyone today. In point of fact, the Secretariat has stressed the main outlines of the problems, which constitute the agenda for the current session — for instance, developing countries’ need for economic growth, the maintenance of international peace and security, the development of the African continent, the promotion of human rights and the provision of humanitarian assistance, the promotion of justice and international law, disarmament, and the need to combat drug trafficking, terrorism, the use of mercenaries, piracy and other crimes. The Republic of Equatorial Guinea wishes to stress that of all those problems none has been more destructive than underdevelopment, which the United Nations must not look upon with indifference. The annual victims of hunger and the diseases in the developing world exceed the number of victims of hostile confrontations recorded each year worldwide. The adverse effects of illiteracy, the lack of housing, and malnutrition experienced in developing countries are greater than those caused by natural disasters. In our times, ignorance and the lack of scientific and technical know-how owing to underdevelopment are more detrimental to a human being than terrorism and drug addiction. In view of all those adverse circumstances, we propose that the Economic and Social Council adopt special programmes to assist the least developed countries, with a view to their overcoming the lack of basic infrastructure which is hampering their development — programmes that the more developed countries should commit to supporting and that could serve as a basis for mutually beneficial cooperation among affected States. We cannot imagine the promotion of human rights in a society subject to the restrictions of underdevelopment. From basic human dignity itself to all the other rights necessary for a dignified existence, including physical and moral integrity, freedom and, finally, well-being — these are what determine whether people fully enjoy their universally recognized rights. There can be no question as to which comes first, human rights or economic development. We must recognize that human rights cannot be be enjoyed by people engulfed in underdevelopment. With respect to combating underdevelopment, we welcome the fact that Africa has already begun promoting programmes for economic development and modern democratic systems, which are liberating their peoples from underdevelopment despite many obstacles that still obstruct progress and attempts at perpetuating new colonialist interests in Africa. Most of the internal conflicts in Africa are supported by foreign interests that try to ensure their continued presence in the continent. As the saying goes, “If the river runs backwards, it is the fishermen who win”. We ourselves in Equatorial Guinea are very happy with the progress made in our economic development programme, which seeks to achieve an emerging economy by 2020 through the use of the resources provided by the exploitation of oil and natural gas. Thanks to those resources, we are more than meeting most of our needs in infrastructure, including roads, hospitals, schools, vocational training centres, universities, ports, airports, the drinking water supply, telephone communications, air, sea and land transportation, urban development, housing and electricity. In parallel to that programme, we have adopted radical political reforms, appropriate to the rapid development that the country is experiencing, so as to ensure the strictest possible control of the Government’s activity, to give greater freedoms to the people and to protect human rights to the utmost. Under those reforms, a leader may not remain in office for more than two terms. Parliament is being expanded for a more universal representation of the people. Economic and social decisions are to be taken on the basis of technical criteria and in the interests of society. The President must by law be assisted by an advisory body. The independence of the judicial and legislative powers is being strengthened. A body to monitor and audit public and private economic activity is being established. Lastly, an authority to protect and ensure human rights is being set up. A transition Government has been formed to implement those reforms within eight months. My Government has always been very responsive to the issue of humanitarian assistance. In that regard, Equatorial Guinea proposes the establishment of a trust fund of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) for food security in Africa that will be open to less developed countries. From this rostrum, we announce an initial contribution of $30 million. We call on African countries and other donors to make their contributions in support of that initiative. My Government’s humanitarian spirit has always aspired to setting up initiatives that support humankind’s development. Equatorial Guinea therefore established the Equatorial Guinea UNESCO prize to encourage the scientific community to research the possibility of finding life-saving cures, in particular for those suffering from AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis. The Director-General of FAO agreed to the initiative to set up such a fund. With regard to the other important items on our agenda, we understand that international peace and security essentially depend on respect for the principles of international law: respect for the independence, national sovereignty and territorial integrity of each State; the sovereign equality of nations and non-interference in the internal affairs of other States; respect for, and compliance with, international commitments; and the promotion of mutually beneficial and fair friendship and cooperation relations among States. Those norms are the basis for promoting justice and law in international relations, and no State or group of States should step forward to police their implementation. Such an act usurps the authority of the United Nations and undermines its effectiveness. The United Nations should impose its authority at the international level, avoiding any possible manipulation through external pressure from those that violate the spirit of its principles. Meanwhile, Equatorial Guinea endorses the wishes of the entire African continent to obtain a response to one of its legitimate demands, made on various occasions, namely, Security Council reform by increasing the number of Council members in both categories and reserving two seats as permanent members and five as non-permanent members for the African region. Democratic principles and the law are advocated at the United Nations. Africa claims its rights, including in the Security Council. Africa wishes to participate in the taking of decisions that affect its future. With the assistance of all, we will succeed in adopting appropriate measures to reduce the tendency towards unilateralism and hegemony in international relations. We will succeed in mitigating the effects of policies that threaten the peace and sovereignty of States and that oppose the economic and social development of peoples, thereby significantly violating the principles of international law. With regard to disarmament, which Equatorial Guinea fully supports even though it is neither a manufacturer nor a consumer of any sophisticated weapons of mass destruction, we believe that there should be no ambiguity on that issue. One cannot have the best of both worlds. We do not believe there to be a threat from other planets of the solar system or other bodies in outer space. The possession of nuclear weapons or weapons of mass destruction is a disgrace to today’s humankind, which is preparing its own destruction. So who should arm themselves and who should be disarmed? The end of the Cold War was supposed to also mean the end of the arms race. It is now time for humankind to build its own future instead of wasting resources on extermination plans. Those that adopt embargoes against certain Governments should not be insensitive to their repercussions and to the suffering that they cause to the population, in particular the most vulnerable sectors. Such measures run counter to the Millennium Development Goals adopted by the United Nations. Sanctions and embargoes, whatever their real nature, should always take into account the humanitarian component with regard to the people who are suffering. Therefore, we would suggest that the rights of the individual be given priority whenever any kind of sanctions are adopted. Accordingly, we appeal for the suspension of the embargo against Cuba. We will return to Equatorial Guinea with the sincere hope that the sixty-seventh session of the General Assembly will be a milestone in the process of humanizing international relations.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Union of the Comoros.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Ikililou Dhoinine, President of the Union of the Comoros, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Dhoinine (spoke in French): Allow me, at the outset, to extend my warmest congratulations to His Excellency Mr. Vuk Jeremić, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Serbia, on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly. I should like to express to him the pleasure of the Union of the Comoros at seeing him preside over our work and to assure him of the full support of the Comorian delegation in discharging his noble task. I should also like to pay tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, former Permanent Representative of the State of Qatar, who presided over the General Assembly with such wisdom, skill and determination and who was successful in working to strengthen its role. Finally, I wish to congratulate the Secretary- General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for the vision with which he has led the Organization and for the worthy initiatives he has ceaselessly undertaken to promote respect for the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, especially peacebuilding and stability for greater development. As was the case last year, the General Assembly is meeting in a context of global uncertainty. It is a climate marked by multifaceted crises, all of them major challenges for our institution. It is meeting at a moment when one of the Members of our United Nations family, Syria, is being rent asunder by a steadily deterioraiting fratricidal war, which poses a serious threat to peace both for the region and for the world, due to that country’s strategic geopolitical position. The resignation of the Joint Special Envoy of the United Nations and the League of Arab States, former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan, demonstrated, were there any need for such, the complexity of managing the Syrian conflict. It therefore behoves us to act without delay to put an end to the terrible suffering of the brotherly Syrian people and to save what can be saved of its various infrastructures. Just as important is the Palestinian cause. For decades now, it has awaited a fair and lasting solution, one found through our shared desire to establish together the solid foundations for a world of peace and prosperity. The Union of the Comoros reiterates its full support for the Palestinian people and associates itself with the formula of a Palestinian State as a full-fledged member of the community of nations, living side by side and in perfect security with the State of Israel. The situation in northern Mali is also alarming. The attacks carried out against the civilian population of the region, the serious violations of human rights, the obstacles erected to humanitarian access, and the destruction and looting of holy places and other religious, historical and cultural sites are barbarous acts that are contrary to the principles of Islam. That is why my country supports the commitment of the Economic Community of West African States, alongside the African Union and the United Nations, to put an end to those violations, which have gone on for much too long. One should not, however, lose sight of the fact that while some advocate fanaticism and extremism, Islamophobia is also taking on alarming proportions. Indeed, the dissemination of the video Innocence of Muslims has led to waves of indignation and many demonstrations throughout the world. Several million believers have felt their faith insulted and harmed. However, the protests against the unspeakable insults to Islam, Muslims and the Prophet Muhammad — peace be upon him — cannot justify the violence against Western missions in many countries. My country therefore condemns the terrorist attacks that in Benghazi, Libya, caused the death of the American Ambassador, Chris Stevens, and a number of his colleagues. I take this opportunity to reiterate to the American people and to the grieving families of the victims the most heartfelt condolences of the people and the Government of the Comoros. The ongoing existence of many hotbeds of tension throughout the world, the violation of fundamental human rights, and the growth of piracy and terrorism all speak to the need for urgent and in-depth reform of the Security Council. My country therefore reiterates its support for the African Union’s position regarding the need to reform the Council for better representation of the international community and for greater effectiveness in the settlement and management of conflicts. A few decades ago, my country resolutely committed itself to the path of democracy. It wishes to make its contribution to the promotion of a world of peace, security, justice and fairness. That is why I have committed myself, since my accession to the presidency, to spare no effort in promoting the rule of law and good governance in the Union of the Comoros. Above and beyond the setting up of all institutions provided for under our Constitution, including the Supreme Court, I have given major priority to the fight against corruption. An anti-corruption law has already been promulgated, and a national commission to combat and prevent corruption has now been set up and made operational. I thank the European Union for its assistance and expertise in this area, which enabled us to develop the document for our national strategy to combat corruption. This year once again, the global economic and financial crisis is at the heart of the Assembly’s general debate. That crisis has made evident the urgent need for a global form of economic governance based on the values of responsibility, fairness and solidarity. It has also placed before the eyes of the world the urgency of an in-depth reform of the international financial institutions. The repercussions of the crisis are becoming increasingly palpable, particularly in developing countries, where the rising price of staples threatens peace and stability. The crisis has also intensified problems linked to energy, which powers all socioeconomic development, limiting our ability to promote development through investments. Climate change is another major challenge our countries face. We must respond effectively to that phenomenon, which affects the entire planet, especially small island developing States such as the Union of the Comoros. I wish to stress that last April my country experienced two weeks of unusually violent torrential rains that hammered our islands, causing damage that had disastrous consequences for our population and the national economy. Ten per cent of the population was affected, a high percentage for a country as sparsely populated as the Comoros. In the name of the whole Comorian people and of my Government, I would therefore like to thank all the partners and friends who offered us urgent humanitarian aid to help us address that dramatic situation. The unprecedented storms led my Government to draw up a rapid recovery plan, with the aid and support of the international community. It will enable us to better help those affected and to restore destroyed infrastructure throughout our territory. That plan, which contains procedures aimed at restoring the situation within a period of six to 12 months, was launched at a round table held on 5 September in Pretoria, with the fraternal support of our friendly brother country, the Republic of South Africa. I would therefore like to appeal to all here to help finance the rapid recovery plan, whose cost has been estimated at $18 million. That will allow my country to better face the current situation and to better prepare for the future. The time has come to relaunch with greater determination a number of pending international issues, in particular those regarding measures to mitigate or adapt to climate change and to make operational the Copenhagen Climate Fund. We need to honour the commitments made to the countries of the South by implementing, inter alia, the agreements on emissions linked to deforestation and forest degradation, as well as a comprehensive agreement on climate change. We must also respect the Kyoto Protocol on the reduction of greenhouses gases within the framework of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Finally, we must do our utmost to achieve the Millennium Development Goals. Faced with all those equally important challenges, I urgently call on the most developed countries to apply to the most fragile countries the same mechanisms that have been implemented to reduce the impact of the crisis in Europe, in order to prevent more unfortunate consequences, knowing that our countries depend on the financial contributions of our people abroad. In that context, my country, which is currently a beneficiary of the Extended Credit Facility of the International Monetary Fund, hopes by December to have reached the completion point of the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries Initiative. In other words, the new world economic order, based on the shared principles of fairness, transparency and prosperity that we have willingly embraced, requires a real and dynamic easing of the crisis that has struck the world. Africa impatiently awaits the advent of that new order to realize economic and social integration and to embark resolutely on the path of sustainable development. In conclusion, with respect to my country’s stability, before the General Assembly, I once again appeal to France that a frank and sincere dialogue finally be set up between our two closely linked nations on the question of the Comorian island of Mayotte. It has grown increasingly clear that the fact that Mayotte remains under French administration constitutes a threat to the peace and stability of the three other Comorian islands — the peace that remains the foundation of freedom and prosperity. It is true, and a secret to no one, that that island has always served as a rear guard for the detractors of the Comoros, those who would prefer not to see our country move forward despite its great potential. Moreover, the year 2012, now drawing to a close, proved particularly dramatic for my people. Men, women and children aboard flimsy boats known as kwassa kwassa perished in the narrow waters that separate the Comorian islands of Anjouan and Mayotte because of the visas that France imposed on the Comorians of the other islands. Surely that painful, unacceptable situation, which has lasted for decades, cannot fail to move this worldwide Assembly, whose chosen theme for this year is “Bringing about adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations by peaceful means”, including the rule of law at the national and international levels. I therefore hope that France will honour its commitments as a country that respects international law. Finally, I hope it will respond positively to our urgent call so that together we may find a positive way for Mayotte to return to its natural home, which remains the Union of the Comoros. That is how to put an end to the humanitarian tragedy and to guarantee lasting stability for my country. It is through a definitive solution to this conflict, which has lasted far too long, that France can contribute to the ongoing efforts to enhance regional integration, and thus to safeguard the interests of this region of the Indian Ocean that we hope to build together in stability and peace.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Union of the Comoros for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Crown Prince of Brunei Darussalam.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Royal Highness Prince Haji Al-Muhtadee, Crown Prince of Brunei Darussalam, and inviting him to address the General Assembly. Prince Haji Al-Muhtadee (Brunei Darussalam): On behalf of His Majesty the Sultan and the people of Brunei Darussalam, I would like to congratulate our new President, His Excellency Mr. Vuk Jeremić, on his election and to wish him much success in the coming year. We also wish to express our appreciation to the outgoing President, His Excellency Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser, for his dedication to the work of the Organization. We especially thank him for his efforts to encourage us all to meet successfully the considerable challenges now being posed by life in the twenty-first century. At the same time, we would also like to thank Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his constant willingness to apply the core values of the United Nations directly whenever he has been asked to act on our behalf. We particularly welcome the five-year Action Agenda he has set out and the common vision it offers us. At its heart, the vision is one of tolerance, respect and understanding among nations. Sadly, over the past two weeks, we have witnessed events that present a very different vision. In considering them, Brunei Darussalam has stated its unreserved condemnation of their cause. We have equally strongly advised all our people of our Government’s absolute rejection of the violence and extremism that have been their result. Here at the United Nations, we congratulate the Secretary-General on his statement about the matter. In doing so, we reaffirm our commitment to the universal values of tolerance and respect. Similarly, we uphold the institutions, structures and due processes of international affairs that this great Organization embodies. Turning now to the theme for this year’s general debate — “Bringing about adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations by peaceful means” — for me the key word is “adjustment”. I think it is well chosen. It suggests change that is carefully and gradually done. It does not invite confrontation. For us in Brunei Darussalam, it matches the main purpose of this annual meeting. We see it as an opportunity to express our satisfaction and our concern about how successfully the United Nations is managing the process of globalization that we have nationally embraced. In other words, are we satisfied with things as they are; or do we see a need for some adjustment? In answering that question, we would like to start by expressing considerable satisfaction with many aspects of the Organization’s work. The media constantly headline the supposed defects, failures and setbacks of the United Nations. But beneath all of that we observe the enormous contribution of the United Nations to the welfare of future generations. I would therefore like to express our deep satisfaction with the work of United Nations agencies and international bodies. We believe they are providing us with the opportunity to move out of nineteenth-century colonialism and twentieth-century national interests. In the spirit of our theme here, they are helping us to adjust to twenty- first century regionalism and eventually, we hope, to successful globalism. I would therefore like to suggest three particular areas we find especially important. In each, we believe that the United Nations is helping to create a world in which the people it represents can look to a better future — one of hope rather than anguish, confidence instead of fear, and trust in the place of despair. The first area is the difficult long-term work being done on sustainable development. We were impressed by the results of the Rio de Janeiro United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development, which was held in June and built on 20 years of effort. Sustainable development is now far more than an academic topic; it is firmly part of the United Nations long-term development agenda. Work has moved from theory into many practical ideas, projects and activities. The second area is covered in the United Nations Development Programme’s Millennium Development Goals Report 2012. We especially noted the following statements by the Secretary-General in his foreword. The target of reducing extreme poverty by half has been reached five years ahead of the 2015 deadline. The target has been achieved on halving the proportion of people who lack dependable access to improved sources of drinking water. The conditions for more than 200 million people living in slums have been greatly improved. The primary school enrolment of girls has equalled that of boys. There is accelerating progress in reducing child and maternal mortality. We are especially encouraged by his conclusion that the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals by 2015 is challenging but possible. The third area is the sum of the ongoing efforts of United Nations agencies such as the United Nations Development Programme, UNICEF and the Food and Agriculture Organization, which are operating in almost 150 countries. Their work is both wide-ranging and specific in its emphasis upon the basic components of everyday life for the people we represent. Success in those three areas means that our children and grandchildren will live in a world where ordinary people and their families have a real chance to live together in hope and confidence. That is the reason for our satisfaction with the work of the United Nations as a global Organization. In other words, in terms of the fundamental work of the United Nations, we see no need to undertake what our theme here describes as adjustment. Rather, it is in the structure of the Organization that we see a need for some things to be adjusted. The reason appears clear to many of those of us who are small both physically and politically. The current structure appears far too often to be the deep-seated cause of the headline news I referred to. We see it as a twentieth- century structure designed to meet twentieth-century realities. It is personified in the 64 years of suffering by the ordinary people of Palestine, and in all other desperate situations in which the root causes of conflict and confrontation are still buried in the past century. Simply put, that must change. In our globalized world, we are all equally interdependent and equally responsible. But, like many other members in the Assembly, we believe that the current structure does not truly reflect those realities. As such, it needs adjusting so that ancient political fault lines are repaired. The form we hope it will increasingly take should resemble that of some regions today that operate on the basis of consensus, rather than compromise and confrontation. That is what we have accepted in our own region of South-East Asia. It is the spirit behind the present focus of the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) on building a peaceful and mutually respectful community of nations, regardless of background, economic resources or national preoccupations. That is why we greatly appreciate the strong support and goodwill that is constantly shown us by our many partners from outside the region. It is also why we in Brunei Darussalam, the smallest of all Member nations, feel honoured and privileged to assume the chairmanship of ASEAN next year. That organization is an association of neighbours that have deliberately chosen to adjust their region’s previous identity. Until 45 years ago, ours was one of the most unstable regions on Earth, a confrontation point for the national interests of great Powers and a focal point of the Cold War. Now, our region has adjusted, and is determined to operate in the interests of its community of 600 million citizens. It will continue to do so not by conflict or confrontation and not by compromising national values, but by peaceful consensus. In the same way, we hope that the structure of the United Nations can be gradually and carefully adjusted.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister of Defence, Development, Information and Sports of Jamaica.

Allow me to congratulate the President on his assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I assure him of the full support and cooperation of the Jamaican delegation. I would also like to place on record my delegation’s appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser for his invaluable guidance of the work of the Assembly during its sixty- sixth session. I also thank the Secretary-General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, and the staff of the Secretariat for their dedication and hard work in serving Member States. There is a tale of a young woman from a rural village in Jamaica who was approached by a political candidate seeking to represent her community. “What is it you want most from your representatives?” the candidate asked. The young woman considered the question for a moment. Slowly and thoughtfully she replied, “All I want is an opportunity. I want you to provide me and my family with a living environment in which I can work, contribute and prosper. Most of all, I want you to provide for my family an environment that is safe and secure”. For hundreds of years, our respective peoples have looked to their leaders with great expectations. They elected Governments that they felt could provide them with the greatest sense of well-being and security. Historically and to the present day, they looked to heads of State and Government to provide them, their families, their communities and ultimately their respective nations with leadership and direction that foster that all-important sense of well-being and of feeling secure. Over time, across the world, there has been an increasing sense of impatience and agitation born of a sense of growing global insecurity. Accordingly, the United Nations agenda has expanded its focus to address the multifaceted challenges of food security, climate change, global pandemics and the global economic and financial crisis. We have already witnessed citizens from several nations spring into action with demands for change. Others chose to occupy various spaces in protest. In the light of that reality, many of those here — indeed, many of us as leaders — stand as buffers between apathy and anarchy. The theme for this year’s session of the Assembly, “Bringing about adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations by peaceful means”, is most appropriate and timely, given current events in a number of countries and regions that pose a threat to international peace and security. It reflects the call by that young woman, who simply asked her representative to provide for her and hers an environment that is safe and secure. Yet her request is not as simple as it appears. The insecurity, impatience and unease that have emerged worldwide are explosive accelerants. They emerge from the heartbreaking scourge of poverty that was so aptly described by the Jamaican national hero, Marcus Mosiah Garvey, who reminded us that poverty is “a hellish state to be in. It is no virtue. It is a crime. To be poor is to be hungry without possible hope of food; to be sick without hope of medicine; to be tired and sleepy without a place to lay one’s head; to be naked without the hope of clothing; to be despised and comfortless”. We must seek to rid ourselves of the conditions that lead to poverty. We must pursue social and economic policies that will ensure social equity and justice for our people and increase their well-being and sense of security. That can be achieved only if we, as Member States, work together in good faith to secure the sustainable future we agreed to at Rio de Janeiro. Let us create the future we want, and let us put our people first. The global economy continues to be beset by uncertainty. That is compounded by the lingering negative effects of the financial and economic crises. The global shocks have affected all our peoples. They threaten our communities, weaken our families and challenge individuals everywhere, regardless of hemisphere or region or whether they live in so-called developed or developing countries or in the north, south, east or west. Some have fewer options than others. That is a vicious circle of insecurity. We must not forget that a significant proportion of the world’s poorest citizens live in middle-income countries. That diverse group includes both large developing economies and small island developing States, such as those in the Caribbean. Many of us face common challenges. Several are highly indebted and extremely vulnerable to external shocks and natural disasters. We face significant obstacles in our efforts to spur economic recovery and growth. We are hampered by the volatility of energy and food prices, decreases in export commodity prices, and weak capital inflows. Increasing food prices create untold hardships for many of our people, particularly the most vulnerable in our societies. Small countries need greater support in order to build resilience to economic and environmental shocks. I come to the Assembly today from such a nation. Jamaica is a nation small in size but enormous in spirit — a nation with a people whose speed defies the laws of physics, whose musical messages have inspired positive and revolutionary global change and whose minds have given the world myriad solutions in areas that include science, law and medicine. Yet many nations like Jamaica have great possibility and potential that are not reflected in, or reflective of, their current economic indicators. Reforms in global economic governance, including of the international financial institutions, are required in order to take into account the need of small and vulnerable economies for special and differential treatment. Refocusing financial flows in the development agenda will also go a long way in helping to bolster our natural resilience and resolve. We commend the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development on the work it has done over the last 48 years to advance the trade and development agenda and assist developing countries. There is still much to be done, and we look forward to working with the full range of development partners. Women and children make up one particularly vulnerable group of our world. What we call external shocks cause real and serious dislocation in their daily lives. Too many mothers have to face tough choices to meet their basic needs. Too many children are subjected to violence and abuse. Children, especially girls, are being used as pawns for economic gain, including through human trafficking and other exploitive actions. Human trafficking is a dastardly threat to the welfare of our women, girls and boys. Our ancestors fought for our freedom. It is disgraceful that at this juncture of world history we should see the emergence of a form of modern-day slavery that allows women, girls and boys to be traded as chattel. Many vulnerable young women are deceived and lured away by attractive offers to get them and their families out of poverty. They then find themselves in a strange land, with no support, no identity and no hope of returning home; sold into modern-day slavery, their very bodies used as a currency of exchange. Jamaica is resolute in its commitment to strengthening local and national programmes to eliminate violence against women and children. At the same time, I call on the international community to take bold action to address this scourge. Issues that affect women and children must be central to decision-making processes. We look forward to continued collaboration with UN-Women and the international community to help break this cycle of exploitation and insecurity. The devastating impact of HIV/AIDS and non-communicable diseases also propels the cycle of global insecurity. Jamaica is cognizant of the considerable investment that the United Nations and the international community have made in the fight against HIV/AIDS. That support has allowed developing countries, including Jamaica, to make a difference in the lives of those affected. Nevertheless, inadequate human and financial resources constrain our ability to scale up testing and treatment, as well as to implement programmes for increasing awareness and reducing the risk of new infections. The developing world and lower-income populations are hardest hit by the impact of non-communicable diseases (NCDs). The high social and developmental costs of NCDs demand concerted policy action at the national and international levels. We must implement the outcomes of the High-level Meeting on NCDs held last year. We are on the threshold of 2015, the target date for the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. The results thus far have been uneven. We need to reinvigorate Millennium Development Goal 8, the Global Partnership for Development. I wish to underscore the situation associated with our middle-income country status. Country categorizations should not serve as obstacles to delivering support to the world’s poorest and most vulnerable. We urge that middle-income countries not be pushed to the margins of the development agenda, nor be put on the fringe of the development assistance provided by the international community. A review of the factors used by the relevant multilateral agencies in measuring a country’s wealth is urgently needed. We are supportive of the proposals put forward by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean for an alternative but complementary approach to the criterion of per capita income in the allocation of financing for development. I now turn to global political developments. The cycle of insecurity transcends borders. Recent events have called attention to the fragility of peace and security in many parts of the globe, and underscore the importance of respect for the rule of law, democracy and good governance. Jamaica reiterates its adherence to the principles of the United Nations Charter, multilateralism and the inviolability of diplomatic institutions in the conduct of relations among States. We will continue to add our voice to the ongoing work at the United Nations to secure human rights, justice, social equity and the peaceful settlement of disputes. Transnational crime, narco-trafficking and the illicit trade in small arms and ammunition are major components of the cycle of insecurity. They continue to endanger lives, undermine the rule of law and fuel violent crime. We remain resolute in our call for encouraging partnerships in fighting this scourge, and will continue to work with all delegations to achieve a comprehensive and robust arms trade treaty. The conflict in Syria poses a real threat to international peace and security. We are deeply concerned at the escalating internal violence and the resulting loss of life. It is our conviction that this conflict can still be resolved through political and diplomatic means. We continue to urge the leaders of Israel and the Palestinian Authority to resume negotiations as early as possible, based on the two-State solution and relevant United Nations resolutions. Those resolutions address Israel’s right to exist within secure borders, as well as the aspirations of the Palestinian people to self- determination and statehood. We must ensure that the United Nations remains relevant to its membership through a process of reform of its organs, including the Security Council. Negotiations should proceed urgently towards a satisfactory conclusion. More than two years after the devastating earthquake, Haiti’s plight remains deeply troubling. We are concerned that only a disappointing fraction of the pledges made have been disbursed, and yet the humanitarian situation in Haiti is perilous. As a close friend and neighbour of Haiti, with strong historical ties, I encourage members of the international community to make good on their commitments. The Haitian people need our continued support. The long-standing trade and economic embargo against Cuba, another close neighbour and friend of Jamaica, has had severe negative effects on its growth and development. Jamaica reiterates its call for an end to the embargo against Cuba and the extraterritorial measures aimed at extending its reach to include third countries. Jamaica continues to work with our partners to erect a memorial at the United Nations to honour the victims of slavery and the trans-Atlantic slave trade. We are grateful for the generous contributions received to date to erect the permanent memorial, and reiterate the call for continued financial support. Fifty years ago, upon gaining our independence, Jamaica committed itself to the aims of the United Nations and fully accepted the responsibilities of membership. Our national pledge commits each and every Jamaican to stand up for justice, brotherhood and peace and to play our part in advancing the welfare of the whole human race. We will not resile from that commitment. Let us work together to end the cycle of global insecurity. Let us provide an opportunity for every man, woman and child to fulfil their God-given potential. I leave members with the words of Robert Nesta “Bob” Marley, who sang: “One love, one heart”. I hope that the peoples of the world will one day live together in peace, love, security, unity and prosperity.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Jamaica for the statement she has just made.

(spoke in Spanish): The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Cape Verde.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Jorge Carlos De Almeida Fonseca, President of the Republic of Cape Verde, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Fonseca (spoke in Portuguese; English text provided by the delegation): I convey my greetings to the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Vuk Jeremić, whom I congratulate on his election. I wish him success during his tenure as President of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I would also like to convey my greetings to the former President of the General Assembly at its sixty-sixth session, Mr. Nassir Abdulaziz Al-Nasser of the State of Qatar, for the excellent work he accomplished during his tenure. Also allow me to express my appreciation to Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon for his competent management of the Organization. We reaffirm our trust in his leadership during a particularly difficult time in our history — during one of the worst financial crises that the world has ever known that has had repercussions in the economic, social, political, food, energy and environmental sectors, to say nothing of the terrible threats to peace and security emanating from every corner of the world. As a small island State, with a shortage of resources and with only 37 years of independence, Cape Verde is proud to be a democratic country that is based on the rule of law, built with the suffering and the determination of Cape Verdeans inside and outside our country. Notwithstanding the fact that my country faces enormous difficulties in ensuring its own existence and that to overcome them will require international solidarity, I believe that Cape Verde can, although modestly, contribute towards finding solutions to important problems that threaten the troubled world of our time. Apart from the political stability that has characterized us as well as the build-up and consolidation of a democratic system, the Cape Verdean nation that preceded the creation of the State can be considered an example of peaceful coexistence among peoples who originated from different countries, with different creeds integrated into what had already been a mixed sculture. Our nation stands open to the world and to the exchange of values. Cape Verde has opted for a policy for peace, dialogue and understanding in the resolution of conflicts. The expression of those values is part of the Cape Verdean people’s way of living and being. Ours is a culture of tolerance that has shaped, in the almost four decades of its history, the values and principles of the country’s policies. Besides our modest political contribution to the resolution of conflicts in Southern Africa, for example, the end of apartheid in South Africa, the independence of Namibia and peace in Angola, I would assert that our biggest contribution has been our way of life as a people and as a culture. Through our way of life, we have been able to show that tolerance and the sharing of values can be part of daily living, even in adverse conditions. Our way of life has allowed successive Cape Verdean Governments and heads of State to manage the foreign policy of our country in a consistent manner, giving priority to peace, justice and the peaceful coexistence of people in the formulation of policy. Accordingly, our foreign policy is the expression or translation of our culture and our ideology. That is also what guides me as I strive to broaden Cape Verde’s contribution to our continent and, hopefully, to the world. On 25 September, we celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary of the adoption of the Constitution of the Republic of Cape Verde, which is proof of the stability we enjoy in our country. It has allowed numerous presidential, legislative and municipal elections to take place, and changes in power have occurred with the highest degree of normality. By happy coincidence, that critical date for Cape Verde — 25 September — coincides with the launch of the sixty-seventh session of the General Assembly, that exponent of democracy on a global level which is undergoing a process of revitalization. As such, I am very grateful to be able to share our milestone with General Assembly. The Magna Law stipulates that our domestic legal order incorporates the precedents and standards of international common law and the law of treaties as lawfully approved and ratified. It is thus clear that we attach great importance to institutions like the United Nations and the principles that guide them. Nevertheless, we are aware that if those principles, which we have embedded in our Constitution, including those referring to human rights, do not trickle down into our day-to-day culture, the Constitution will not be fulfilled in its entirety. We therefore urge all Cape Verdeans, be they in the country or outside, to further internalize the values of our Constitution, which we consider a critical step in ensuring its vitality and full realization. Despite the serious issues arising in the world and the vulnerabilities of the Cape Verdean economy and its direct impact on the living conditions of the majority of its people, I must say without false modesty that I am proud of the trajectory that my country has followed since its independence. At independence, our annual gross domestic product (GDP) was $190 per capita, whereas today it has grown to $3,295 per capita per annum. Several social indices have mirrored that growth, making it possible for us to achieve some of the Millennium Development Goals. In fact, the human development, economic and financial results registered in the biennium 2011-2012 received positive reviews from the major international financial institutions. Ours is a service economy — with services accounting for 80 per cent of GDP in 2010 — with a very small market and an agricultural sector that is struggling with desertification and drought. We therefore cannot ignore our great vulnerabilities or rest on our laurels for having graduated to a medium-income developed country. On the contrary, we cannot lose sight of the fact that our economy is still very dependent, that it cannot employ a significant portion of its potential workforce, with all the social consequences that stem from that. We are therefore obliged to continue to rely on international solidarity. We of course will continue to use our meagre resources in an efficient and rational manner and develop even more effective efforts to combat poverty, social exclusion and unemployment, which in 2010 reached an overall rate of 21 per cent, and 50 per cent among youth. Constraints with respect to energy, water and sanitation continue to garner our full attention so that, as we build key infrastructure, we can create the conditions needed to achieve sustainable growth in our economy. We also must take into account the fact that the impact on small island developing States of climate change and natural disasters is a sword of Damocles threatening our future. It is imperative that all countries, acting consistently and with solidarity, implement environmental defence programmes, develop the green economy and help build true global resilience. One of the most remarkable characteristics of today’s world is the increasing interdependence of all sectors. We may speak frequently of the economy, but that is because it conditions all the rest — the environmental, health, security, political and cultural sectors, indeed, nearly all areas of human activity. It is therefore fundamental for us to constantly monitor all relevant aspects of those complex relationships so that we can understand the leading trends that have an impact on our process of development, but also so that we can contribute even modestly to solving the problems of people and countries across the globe. Although social and political stability are essential aspects of our society, we cannot ignore the fact that on our continent, Africa, that has not been a basic characteristic for internal and, to some extent, external reasons. I express my deep concern about the economic and financial global crisis that continues to severely punish the Governments and defenceless populations of the African continent. Those people are already suffering from hunger, the scourge of AIDS, the consequences of other endemic diseases, the flight of hundreds of thousands of displaced people and the overwhelming environmental degradation to which the continent is victim. Despite the fact that the continent least contributed to that imbalance, it is Africa that most suffers from its consequences. Such crises also affect security not only because of regional conflicts but also owing to the universal dimension that terrorism has assumed. In that regard, it has affected a good part of our continent with its links to trafficking in drugs and persons, maritime piracy, religious intolerance and the problems that arise from the political, social or military instability prevailing in many of our countries. That is fertile territory for terrorism and its growth. The recent cases of Mali, Guinea-Bissau and others, such as the Sudan, Somalia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and some countries of the Maghreb, well illustrate the situation. The international community has every interest in resolutely focusing on the fight to eradicate such ills. Despite those constraints, it should be acknowledged that the new wave of African leaders has been doing a great deal for the continent’s progress. The international community must therefore help such countries to find appropriate solutions to the situations that they face, without interfering or acting in the interests of others rather than of our people. In any case, an organization such as the United Nations, which is a depository of values that respect legality and international law, should never, through its silence, promote, further or support solutions that merely legitimize unconstitutional actions. It is clear that much remains to be done. In our view, as I have said before, in Africa there has been no lack of mechanisms, declarations, recommendations, programmes and projects with assessments and perspectives that disregard the political, institutional, social and cultural elements and sometimes resemble a vicious cycle. There is no real development because there is no peace. Democracy is not deeply rooted because it conflicts with cultural and moral traditions. There is no peace on account of the intolerance and social exclusion that prevent its citizens from building a free, fair, democratic and pluralistic society. That, at times, exacerbates armed conflicts and other social ills. Africa needs a new train of thought that does not reject the universal values of democracy but, on the contrary, uses them to enrich its own development process with a dialectic between modernity and tradition, freedom and the tendency for its own conditioning, the demands of its economic development and the fight against exclusion and social inequality, and reality and preconceptions. Africa needs to regain its self-confidence. Africa still needs to see stronger links between the United Nations and the African Union for a true development partnership. It is time to take decisions on issues such as global trade and climate change on the basis of global negotiations that are grounded in fair, equal and ethical rules and that are in step with the countries of the South, in general, and of my continent, in particular. That would give legitimacy to other forums, that is, in the context of the World Trade Organization, the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. In short, we call for decisions on specific measures that will result in effective decision-taking within this Organization on development areas, such as cancelling the foreign debt of developing countries, in particular small island developing States. We are certain that that would be a stimulus for all such countries to achieve the Millennium Development Goals in 2015. In 2009, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon affirmed at Princeton University that the United Nations needed “a new vision, a new paradigm, a new multilateralism”. That would help to ensure global economic and financial stability, combat poverty, re-establish peace, respond to the effects of climate change, improve global health, fight against terrorism and ensure disarmament and non-proliferation. At the closing ceremony of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) in June, it was stated that Rio+20 had shown that multilateralism was an irreplaceable instrument for the global expression of democracy. We reaffirm that that is the legitimate path for finding solutions to problems that affect all humankind. I support and welcome such statements. In conclusion, the world has developed immensely since the end of the Cold War. The current multilateral system must align itself with the new challenges. For the United Nations to continue to be an efficient and vital instrument for the international community in this new era of multilateral relations, it will have to open up, innovate, listen to other voices and accept the new political, economic and social realities that have been created and imposed by the globalization process. The reform of the Security Council — an organ that is responding less and less every day to the challenges of the contemporary world — is a goal that has long been pursued, without success. Cape Verde supports the position of the African Union, which recommends that the Council be reformed so as to correct the unjust situation with respect to the African continent. At present Africa does not have the right to even one permanent seat on the Council, even though it meets all the requirements. I conclude, Mr. President, with the conviction that Africa can also provide a valuable contribution to the development of a better world, one without war, where peace is not just a theoretical concept; a world with more freedom, justice and security — in other words, a world with more fraternity and prosperity, in which the well-being of its citizens is effectively provided for.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Cape Verde for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization and President of the Palestinian Authority.

I have great pleasure in welcoming Mr. Mahmoud Abbas, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestinian Liberation Organization and President of the Palestinian Authority, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

I wish to begin by extending my appreciation to the heads of all the delegations who in their statements to the Assembly stressed the urgency of progress towards the realization of a just peace in our region, one which would allow the Palestinian people to enjoy their inalienable national rights. Developments over the past year have confirmed what we have persistently drawn attention to and warned of: the catastrophic danger of racist settlers moving into our country. During the past months, attacks by terrorist militias of Israeli settlers have become a daily reality, with at least 535 attacks since the beginning of the year. We are facing relentless waves of attacks against our people, our mosques, our churches and monasteries, and our homes and schools. They are unleashing their venom against our trees, fields, crops and properties, and our people have become fixed targets for acts of killing and torture, with the complete collusion of the occupying forces and the Israeli Government. The escalation of settler attacks should not surprise anyone, for it is the inherent byproduct of the continuation of the occupation and a Government policy that deliberately fosters the settlements and settlers and deems their satisfaction to be an absolute priority. And it is the inherent byproduct of the racist climate fuelled by a culture of incitement in Israeli curriculums and extremist declarations and fatwas, which are rife with hatred and are rooted in a series of discriminatory laws created and enacted over the years against the Palestinian people by the Israeli security apparatus and courts. Those entities provide excuse after excuse for the settlers’ crimes and for their accelerated release should one of them happen to be arrested. Official and military commissions of inquiry fabricate justifications for soldiers who have committed what are clearly considered war crimes and have perpetrated acts of murder, torture and abuse of peaceful Palestinian civilians. Over the past year, since the convening of the General Assembly’s previous session, the occupying Power has persisted with its settlement campaign, focusing on Jerusalem and its environs. It is a campaign clearly and deliberately aimed at altering the city’s historic character and the glorious image of the Holy City as etched in the minds of humankind. It is a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the Palestinian people of Jerusalem via the demolition of their homes and prevention of their reconstruction, the revocation of residency rights, the denial of basic services, especially with regard to the construction of schools, the closure of institutions and the impoverishment of Jerusalem’s community via a siege behind walls and checkpoints. That chokes the City and prevents millions of Palestinians from freely accessing its mosques, churches, schools, hospitals and markets. The occupying Power has also continued its construction and expansion of settlements in different areas throughout the West Bank and has continued its suffocating blockade, as well as raids and attacks against our people in the Gaza Strip, who to this day suffer from the disastrous impact of the destructive war of aggression committed against them a few years ago. Nearly 5,000 Palestinians remain captive as prisoners and detainees of conscious in Israel’s jails. In that regard, we call upon the international community to compel the Government of Israel to respect the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and to investigate the conditions of detention of Palestinian prisoners and detainees, and we stress the need for their release. They are soldiers in their people’s struggle for freedom, independence and peace. At the same time, the occupying Power continues to tighten the siege and impose severe restrictions on movement, preventing the Palestinian Authority from implementing vital infrastructure projects and providing services to its citizens, who are also being prevented from cultivating their land and deprived of water for irrigation. The occupying Power is also obstructing the establishment of agricultural, industrial, tourism and housing projects by the Palestinian private sector in vast areas of the occupied Palestinian territory, which are classified as areas subject to the absolute control of the occupation, areas that encompasses approximately 60 per cent of the West Bank. The occupying Power continues to deliberately demolish what the Palestinian Authority is building — projects funded by donor brethren and friends — and is destroying the Authority’s building projects involving roads, simple homes for its citizens and agricultural facilities. In fact, over the past 12 months, the Israeli occupying forces demolished 510 Palestinian structures in those areas and displaced 770 Palestinians from their homes. Those measures have caused great damage to our economy and impeded our development programmes and private-sector activity. They compound the socioeconomic difficulties of our people under occupation, a fact confirmed by international financial institutions. Israel’s overall policy is ultimately leading to the weakening of the Palestinian Authority, undermining its ability to carry out its functions and projects and to implement its obligations. This threatens to undermine its very existence or cause its collapse. All of that is taking place in the context of an Israeli political discourse that does not hesitate to brandish aggressive, extremist positions. In many aspects and in their practical application on the ground, they incite religious conflict. That is something we firmly reject, based on our principles and convictions and due to our understanding of what it means to fuel such fires in this sensitive area, which is full of explosive flashpoints, and how that can fuel the action of extremists from various quarters, especially those trying to use tolerant, monotheistic religions as an ideological justification for their terrorism. For our part, as proof of our seriousness and our sincere intention to create an opening in this impasse, we conducted exploratory talks with the Israeli Government at the beginning of the year, at the initiative of the brotherly Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. We have also encouraged the expressed desires of several countries to contribute to efforts to break the cycle of deadlock and have ourselves undertaken initiatives to create favourable conditions for the resumption of negotiations. Unfortunately, however, the result of all those initiatives has been very negative. There can be only one reading of the Israeli Government’s actions and practices in our homeland and of the positions it has presented to us regarding the substance of a final status agreement to end the conflict and achieve peace: that the Israeli Government rejects the two-State solution. The two-State solution — namely, the State of Palestine coexisting alongside the State of Israel — represents the spirit and essence of the historic compromise embodied in the Declaration of Principles, which was agreed to in Oslo and was signed, 19 years ago, by the Palestine Liberation Organization and the Government of Israel under the auspices of the United States of America and on the White House lawn. It is a compromise by which, for the sake of making peace, the Palestinian people accepted to establish their State on only 22 per cent of the territory of historic Palestine. Recent years have actually witnessed a systematic acceleration and intensification of Israeli measures aimed at gutting the Oslo Accords of their meaning, while simultaneously building facts on the ground in the occupied Palestinian territory that are making the implementation of the Accords extremely difficult, if not completely impossible. The Israeli Government aims to continue its occupation of East Jerusalem, to de facto annex large areas of the rest of the occupied Palestinian territory and to continue occupying a large portion of the territory under different designations. It refuses to engage in any serious discussion of the issue of the Palestinian refugees. It wants to continue its occupation of Palestinian aquafers and its control over the most fertile agricultural areas in our land, as well as over our air, skies,water, borders and our life in its entirety. The final map and borders that can be drawn in accordance with Israel’s official positions reveal to us small Palestinian enclaves surrounded by large Israeli settlement blocs and walls and checkpoints, and vast security zones and roads reserved for settlers. The enclaves would therefore remain subject to the full dominance of military and settler occupation, only packaged under new names, such as the unilateral plan for a so-called State with provisional borders. I repeat — a State with provisional borders. That is a project that we categorically reject from A to Z because it will not bring about peace. Israel refuses to end the occupation and refuses to allow the Palestinian people to attain their freedom and independence. It rejects the establishment of the State of Palestine. Israel is promising the Palestinian people a new catastrophe — a new Naqba — a new setback. I speak on behalf of an angry people who feel that while they demand their right to freedom, adopt a culture of peace and adhere to the principles and rules of international law and resolutions of international legitimacy, rewards continue to be illogically bestowed upon Israel, whose Government pursues a policy of war, occupation and settler occupation. Israel continues to be permitted to enjoy impunity, and some continue to obstruct the adoption of a decisive position regarding its violations of international law and covenants. That represents a licence for the occupation to continue its policy of dispossession and ethnic cleansing and encourages it to entrench its system of apartheid against the Palestinian people. Despite our genuine feelings of anger, we — in the name of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people — will not allow our country to be divided in two. We are the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. I reaffirm without hesitation that we are as committed — equally and by the same measures — to peace and international legitimacy and its covenants and resolutions as we are to upholding our inalienable national rights and aspirations. And we reaffirm that we are committed to non-violence and reject terrorism in all its forms, particularly State terrorism. Despite our disappointment, we continue to sincerely extend a hand to the Israeli people to make peace. We realize that ultimately the two peoples must live and coexist, each in their respective State, in the Holy Land. Furthermore, we realize that progress towards making peace can be achieved through negotiations between the Palestine Liberation Organization and Israel. Despite all the complexities of the prevailing reality and all the frustrations that abound, we say before the international community that there is still a chance — maybe the last — to save the two-State solution and to salvage peace. However, this urgent task must be pursued via a new approach. Whoever rushes to advise us to repeat an experience that has proven to be futile, such as negotiations with the Israeli Government without clear terms of reference, must understand that this will result in the reproduction of failure and again provide cover for consecrating the occupation and will deal the final blow to an already dying peace process. Whoever advises us to wait must realize that the hotbeds of tension and the festering situation in our country and our region have their own timing and cannot withstand further procrastination and delay, nor are they amenable to being relegated to the bottom of the global agenda. The approach required for salvaging the chance for peace must, first and foremost, be predicated on the understanding that the racist settler occupation must be condemned, punished and boycotted so that it is completely halted and eliminated. That approach also requires a reaffirmation of, and adherence to, the terms of reference and the foundations of the solution to the conflict, which have been endorsed by all here. We do not need to belabour the core components of a just solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Rather, what is needed is the will to implement those components. Marathon negotiations are not required to define them, rather it is the genuine and sincere intention to reach peace that is needed. Those components are by no means a mysterious puzzle or intractable riddle; they are the clearest and best-known secrets in the world. They include, in brief, the establishment of an independent State of Palestine, with East Jerusalem as its capital, over the entire territory occupied by Israel since 1967, and the realization of a just, agreed solution to the Palestine refugee issue, in accordance with resolution 194 (III), as prescribed in the Arab Peace Initiative. The fundamental components of the solution to the conflict exist in the documents and resolutions of the United Nations. Member States already have them. The components of the solution are also endorsed in resolutions of regional organizations, beginning with the League of Arab States, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation, the Non-Aligned Movement and the African Union. They can also be found in the statements of the European Union and the international Quartet. However, what is the use of all those terms of reference if Israel continues to refuse, and is encouraged by others to continue to oppose the terms of reference? The international community, embodied in the United Nations, is required now more than ever to uphold its responsibilities. The Security Council is called upon to urgently adopt a resolution comprising the pillars and foundations for a solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict that would serve as a binding term of reference and guide for all if the vision of two States, Israel and Palestine, is to survive and if peace is to prevail in the land of peace — the birthplace of Jesus, peace be upon him, the ascension of the Prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him, and the final resting place of Abraham, peace be upon him — Palestine, the land of the three monotheistic religions. All things considered, the establishment of a free and independent State of Palestine is a sacred right of the Palestinian people and an entitlement that must be realized, for it has been overdue for too many decades. It is not a grant to be bestowed upon us by anyone. It is a right, and the Palestinian people are entitled to that right. At the same time, the Palestinian Authority has affirmed, through the implementation of its State institution-building programmes, the ability to create an advanced model for an effective, modern State through the development of the performance of its institutions and public finance management and through the adoption of standards for transparency, strict accountability and rules of good governance. Those achievements have been deemed by the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee for the Coordination of the International Assistance to Palestinians, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to constitute an impressive undertaking and success story. Those achievements were again commended in the latest report just a few days ago, which confirmed the Palestinian Authority’s total readiness for the transition to an independent State while at the same time stressing that the Israeli occupation remained the only obstacle to the realization of the State of Palestine. During the previous session of the General Assembly, we submitted our application for consideration by the Security Council to allow the State of Palestine to assume its rightful place among the community of nations as a full Member of the United Nations. A major and hostile uproar was raised by some against that political, diplomatic, peaceful step par excellence aimed at saving the peace process by asserting its principles and foundation. Despite the fact that the overwhelming majority of the countries of the world supported, and continues to support, our application, our endeavour was aborted. I do not see even a single reason for opposing that request. Yet when the countries of the world had the opportunity to declare their stance without any restrictions or veto during the previous autumn, they voted, despite enormous pressure, in strong support of the acceptance of Palestine as a member State of UNESCO. A year has passed, and Palestine, the homeland of Mahmoud Darwish and Edward Said, is playing its role in UNESCO with a high level of responsibility and professionalism. Palestine is committed to international conventions and is cooperating with all member States in order to advance the objectives of the organization and providing a model of what its positive, constructive contribution in international organizations would be. In order to enhance the chances for peace, we will continue our efforts to obtain full membership for Palestine at the United Nations. For the same reason, we have begun intensive consultations with various regional organizations and Member States aimed at the General Assembly’s adoption during this session of a draft resolution considering the State of Palestine as a non-member State of the United Nations. We are confident that the vast majority of the countries of the world support our efforts to bolster the chances for a just peace. In our efforts we do not seek to delegitimize an existing State, that is, Israel; but rather to establish the State that must be realized, that is, Palestine. We are not trying to delegitimize them; they are trying to delegitimize us. More than 64 years have passed since Al-Nakba and a large number of those who were its immediate victims and witnessed its horrors have died. They died with memories, preserved in their minds and hearts, of their beautiful world that was devastated, their warm homes that were demolished and their peaceful villages that were erased from existence, and of the renaissance that was undermined, and their loved ones, dear men, women and children, who were killed in wars, massacres, attacks, raids and incursions, and of their beautiful country that was a beacon of coexistence, tolerance, progress and a crossroads of civilization. They died displaced and in refugee camps to which they were expelled following their uprooting from their homeland, as they awaited the moment in which they would resume their suspended lives, complete their interrupted journey and repair their shattered dreams. They died while they clung to their legitimate human right to justice, freedom and redress for the historically unprecedented injustice inflicted upon them. Has the time not come to undo that injustice? At present, 77 per cent of the Palestinian people are under the age of 35. Although they did not experience the horrors of Al-Nakba, they know very well all its horrendous details from the accounts of their parents and grandparents who endured it. They continue to suffer from its ongoing effects today and every day as a result of the practices of the occupation and of the settlers on a land that is diminishing in size. The horizon before them is closed to their simple, ordinary dreams. They see their homeland and their present and future vulnerable to continued usurpation and they say firmly: we shall not allow a new Al-Nakba to happen. I say to the Assembly that the brave Palestinian people will not allow themselves to be the victims of a new Al-Nakba. We will not allow that. We will stay on our land. My people will continue their epic steadfastness and eternal survival journey in their beloved land, every inch of which carries evidence and landmarks affirming their roots and unique connection to the land throughout ancient history. There is no homeland for us except Palestine and there is no land for us but Palestine. We shall not accept an alternative homeland, nor an alternative land. Palestine is our homeland and shall remain our homeland. Our people will continue to build the institutions of their State and strive to achieve national reconciliation to restore the unity of our nation, people and institutions via resorting to the ballot box, which will confirm our people’s pluralistic democratic choice. Our people are also determined to continue peaceful popular resistance, consistent with international humanitarian law, against the occupation, against the settlements and for the sake of freedom, independence and peace. Let us prevent the occurrence of a new Al-Nakba in the Holy Land. Let us support the realization of a free, independent State of Palestine now. Let peace be victorious before it is too late.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization and President of the Palestinian Authority for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Slovenia.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Janez Janša, Prime Minister of the Republic of Slovenia, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

At the outset, let me congratulate His Excellency Mr. Vuk Jeremić, President of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session, on his election and wish him success in discharging his duties. It is my honour to pay tribute to the Secretary- General, His Excellency Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his able leadership and tireless efforts in guiding the United Nations in these demanding times. The theme of this session of the General Assembly is “Bringing about adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations by peaceful means”. We had an opportunity to listen to the speakers at the opening of the session, who stressed the importance of preventing violence and the responsibility of all Member States, their leaders and international organizations to take any action they can to prevent and raise awareness of such horrible events. Among other issues of global concern, I would like to draw the Assembly’s attention to the horrific scenes in Syria. A civil war has been dragging on there for many months. Efforts at mediation unfortunately have failed. It shocks our conscience that we have been unable to stop the bloodshed. Sadly, we have not succeeded in protecting civilians. In my view, the situation is critical. It speaks to the urgent need to consider strengthening the preventive capacities of the United Nations, its States Members and regional organizations. Concerted efforts to avert mass atrocities are needed. Last year we celebrated the sixtieth anniversary of the entry into force of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. The Convention was the result of the tireless efforts of Mr. Raphael Lemkin, a Polish lawyer. He stalked the halls of the United Nations every day until December 1948, when the General Assembly finally adopted the Convention. Afterwards he continued his work, and his endeavours paid off in 1951, when the Convention came into force. We then waited half a century to see the first conviction of an individual for the crime of genocide. The establishment of the International Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda in the 1990s was followed by the historic creation of the permanent International Criminal Court. That was another milestone in the humanization of international relations. A further encouraging development is that the United Nations system has improved its internal coordination of activities related to the prevention of genocide. The Offices of the Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide and Mass Atrocities and the Special Adviser on the Responsibility to Protect were established at that time. The Human Rights Council has helped to promote the culture of prevention. Over the past months, the Syrian tragedy has increased awareness of our responsibility to prevent and stop mass atrocities. United States President Barack Obama has established a promising atrocities prevention board and, in his remarks at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in April, made the point that national sovereignty was never a licence to slaughter your people. I hope we all share his belief that preventing genocide is an achievable goal. Secretary- General Ban Ki-moon urged in his speech at the opening of this session that we should give the responsibility to protect concept a tangible meaning. To my regret, however, we have not yet achieved a common understanding on the modalities involved. We should therefore focus and strengthen our dialogue to that end. There is room for improving the modes of collaboration between the national, regional and international levels. It will be recalled that after the Second World War more than 80 countries witnessed mass atrocities. At least 53 million innocent lives were lost. Behind those numbers were real men and women made of flesh and blood, and also children. They had futures but were not allowed to live. Behind those numbers there are still traumatized families and the distorted creative potential of the affected societies. Bearing that in mind, we should be able to set at least basic limits on human behaviour and stop mass atrocities. I therefore urge the States Members of the United Nations, the members of the regional and subregional organizations and the United Nations system to develop a new strategy to prevent genocide and other mass atrocities. Moreover, an intergovernmental forum of like-minded countries should be formed to propose a United Nations resolution that would set a clear mandate for the preparation and adoption of an appropriate legal mechanism — a legal mechanism that would provide the responsibility to protect concept with new tools, a legal mechanism that would enforce crime prevention, a mechanism to facilitate a more rapid and effective response to acts of genocide and other mass atrocities. Slovenia stands ready to start a dialogue to that end. We are going to convene the first meeting in the following months. I am glad that we have already enlisted substantial support for the initiative during this Assembly session. The initiative originates from international civil society. The Institute for Cultural Diplomacy in Berlin has collected many thousands of supporters among international non-governmental organizations, lawyers, students, journalists and other individuals. Support is on the increase, and this is not just one isolated initiative. There are many others across the globe. We should, of course, also enhance our collaboration with a view to the prosecution of alleged perpetrators of genocide and mass atrocities, including individual States. Effective prosecution undoubtedly has a deterrent effect and contributes substantially to a culture of prevention. Moreover, a genuine culture of prevention needs to be developed globally. We should improve our understanding of the warning signs, which should trigger early action. These days we witness numerous acts of violence against diplomatic and consular missions in one part of our world. I strongly condemn such violent acts. They can never be justified. Freedom of speech is fundamental in a democracy, and a violent response has never been able to silence it. Only by strengthening intercultural dialogue can we diminish the potential for conflict. Only mutual respect can contribute to maintaining peace and security. It was in 1946 that Raphael Lemkin asserted that our whole heritage is a product of the contributions of all nations. Each and every nation and the United Nations as a whole have an enormous responsibility, and also an opportunity, to prevent future atrocities. We cannot escape our history but let us learn from it. I fully believe that we do not want the mistakes of yesterday to be repeated tomorrow. We took over the responsibility for the world from our fathers and have an enormous responsibility to make it a better place for our children. I therefore invite all here to do so by joining in our efforts for a world free from genocide.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Slovenia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the State of Israel.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Benjamin Netanyahu, Prime Minister of the State of Israel, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

It is a pleasure to see the General Assembly presided over by the Ambassador from Israel, and it is good to see all of the representatives here. Three thousand years ago, King David reigned over the Jewish State in our eternal capital, Jerusalem. I say that to all those who proclaim that the Jewish State has no roots in our region and that it will soon disappear. Throughout our history, the Jewish people have overcome all the tyrants who have sought our destruction. It is their ideologies that have been discarded by history. The people of Israel live on. We say in Hebrew, the Jewish State will live forever. The Jewish people have lived in the land of Israel for thousands of years. Even after most of our people were exiled from it, Jews continued to live in the land of Israel throughout the ages. The masses of our people never gave up the dream of returning to our ancient homeland. Defying the laws of history, we did just that. We ingathered the exiles, restored our independence and rebuilt our national life. The Jewish people have come home. We will never be uprooted again. Yesterday was Yom Kippur, the holiest day of the Jewish year. Every year, for over three millennia, we have come together on this day of reflection and atonement. We take stock of our past. We pray for our future. We remember the sorrows of our persecution; we remember the great travails of our dispersion; we mourn the extermination of a third of our people, 6 million, in the Holocaust. But at the end of Yom Kippur, we celebrate. We celebrate the rebirth of Israel. We celebrate the heroism of our young men and women who have defended our people with the indomitable courage of Joshua, David and the Maccabees of old. We celebrate the marvel of the flourishing modern Jewish State. In Israel we walk the same paths as those trodden by our patriarchs Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. But we blaze new trails in science, technology, medicine and agriculture. In Israel the past and the future find common ground. Unfortunately, that is not the case in many other countries. For today, a great battle is being waged between the modern and the medieval. The forces of modernity seek a bright future in which the rights of all are protected, in which an ever-expanding digital library is available in the palm of every child, in which every life is sacred. The forces of medievalism seek a world in which women and minorities are subjugated, in which knowledge is suppressed, in which not life but death is glorified. Those forces clash around the globe, but nowhere more starkly than in the Middle East. Israel stands proudly with the forces of modernity. We protect the rights of all our citizens, men and women, Jews and Arabs, Muslims and Christians — all are equal before the law. Israel is also making the world a better place. Our scientists win Nobel Prizes. Our know-how is in every cell phone and computer that every one of us uses. We prevent hunger by irrigating arid lands in Africa and Asia. Recently, I was deeply moved when I visited Technion, one of our technological institutes in Haifa, and I saw a man paralysed from the waist down climb up a flight of stairs, quite easily, with the aid of an Israeli invention. And Israel’s exceptional creativity is matched by our people’s remarkable compassion. When disaster strikes anywhere in the world — in Haiti, Japan, India, Turkey, Indonesia and elsewhere — Israeli doctors are among the first on the scene, performing lifesaving surgeries. In the past year, I lost both my father and my father-in-law. In the same hospital wards where they were treated, Israeli doctors were treating Palestinian Arabs. In fact, every year, thousands of Arabs from the Palestinian territories and Arabs from throughout the Middle East come to Israel to be treated in Israeli hospitals by Israeli doctors. I know that that is not going to be spoken by speakers at this podium, but it is the truth. It is important that the world be aware of that truth. It is because Israel cherishes life that Israel cherishes peace and seeks peace. We seek to preserve our historic ties and our historic peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan. We seek to forge a durable peace with the Palestinians. President Abbas just spoke here. I say to him and I say to the Assembly: we will not solve our conflict with libellous speeches at the United Nations. That is not the way to solve it. We will not solve our conflict with unilateral declarations of statehood. We have to sit together, negotiate together and reach a mutual compromise, in which a demilitarized Palestinian State recognizes the one and only Jewish State. Israel wants to see a Middle East of progress and peace. We want to see the three great religions that sprang forth from our region — Judaism, Christianity and Islam — coexist in peace and in mutual respect. Yet the medieval forces of radical Islam, which the world just saw storming American Embassies throughout the Middle East, oppose that. They seek supremacy over all Muslims. They are bent on world conquest. They want to destroy Israel, Europe, America. They want to extinguish freedom. They want to end the modern world. Militant Islam has many branches, from the rulers of Iran with their Revolutionary Guards to Al-Qaida terrorists to the radical cells lurking in every part of the globe. But despite their differences, they are all rooted in the same bitter soil of intolerance. That intolerance is directed first at their fellow Muslims and then at Christians, Jews, Buddhists, Hindus, secular people, and anyone who does not submit to their unforgiving creed. They want to drag humankind back to an age of unquestioning dogma and unrelenting conflict. I am sure of one thing. Ultimately, they will fail. Ultimately, light will penetrate the darkness. We have seen that happen before. Some 500 years ago, the printing press helped pry a cloistered Europe out of a dark age. Eventually, ignorance gave way to enlightenment. So too, a cloistered Middle East will eventually yield to the irresistible power of freedom and technology. When that happens, our region will be guided not by fanaticism and conspiracy but by reason and curiosity. I think the relevant question is not whether this fanaticism will be defeated. It is how many lives will be lost before it is defeated. We have seen that happen before too. Some 70 years ago, the world saw another fanatic ideology bent on world conquest. It went down in flames, but not before it took millions of people with it. Those who opposed that fanaticism waited too long to act. In the end they triumphed, but at a horrific cost. My friends, we cannot let that happen again. At stake is not merely the future of my own country. At stake is the future of the world. Nothing could imperil our common future more than the arming of Iran with nuclear weapons. To understand what the world would be like with a nuclear-armed Iran, just imagine the world with a nuclear-armed Al-Qaida. It makes little difference whether these lethal weapons are in the hands of the world’s most dangerous terrorist regime or the world’s most dangerous terrorist organization. They are both fired by the same hatred; they are both driven by the same lust for violence. Just look at what the Iranian regime has done up until now, without nuclear weapons. In 2009, they brutally put down mass protests for democracy in their own country. Today, their henchmen are participating in the slaughter of tens of thousands of Syrian civilians, including thousands of children — directly participating in those murders. They abetted the killing of American soldiers in Iraq and continue to do so in Afghanistan. Before that, Iranian proxies killed hundreds of American troops in Beirut and in Saudi Arabia. They have turned Lebanon and Gaza into terror strongholds, embedding nearly 100,000 missiles and rockets in civilian areas. Thousands of such rockets and missiles have already been fired at Israeli communities by their terrorist proxies. In the past year, they have spread their international terror networks to two dozen countries across five continents, from India and Thailand to Kenya and Bulgaria. They have even plotted to blow up a restaurant a few blocks from the White House in order to kill a diplomat. And of course, Iran’s rulers repeatedly deny the Holocaust and call for Israel’s destruction almost on a daily basis, as they did again this week from the United Nations. So I ask, given this record of Iranian aggression without nuclear weapons, just imagine Iranian aggression with nuclear weapons. Imagine their long- range missiles tipped with nuclear warheads, their terror networks armed with atomic bombs. Who here would feel safe in the Middle East? Who would be safe in Europe? Who would be safe in America? Who would be safe anywhere? There are those who believe that a nuclear-armed Iran can be deterred like the Soviet Union. That is a very dangerous assumption. Militant jihadists behave very differently from secular Marxists. There were no Soviet suicide bombers. Yet Iran produces hordes of them. Deterrence worked with the Soviets, because every time the Soviets faced a choice between their ideology and their survival, they chose their survival. But deterrence may not work with the Iranians once they get nuclear weapons. A great scholar of the Middle East, Professor Bernard Lewis, put it best. He said that for the ayatollahs of Iran mutually assured destruction is not a deterrent, it is an inducement. Iran’s apocalyptic leaders believe that a medieval holy man will reappear in the wake of a devastating holy war, thereby ensuring that their brand of radical Islam will rule the Earth. That is not just what they believe; it is what is actually guiding their policies and their actions. Just listen to Ayatollah Rafsanjani who said, “the use of even one nuclear bomb inside Israel will destroy everything, however it would only harm the Islamic world.” Rafsanjani said: “It is not irrational to contemplate such an eventuality”. “Not irrational” is what he said. And that is coming from one of the so-called moderates of Iran. Shockingly, some people have begun to peddle the absurd notion that a nuclear-armed Iran would actually stabilize the Middle East. That is like saying a nuclear- armed Al-Qaida would usher in an era of universal peace. I have been speaking about the need to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons for over 15 years. I spoke about it in my first term in office as Prime Minister, and then I spoke about it when I left office. I spoke about it when it was fashionable, and I spoke about it when it was not fashionable. I speak about it now because the hour is getting late, very late. I speak about it now because the Iranian nuclear calendar does not take time out for anyone or for anything. I speak about it now because when it comes to the survival of my country, it is not only my right to speak, it is my duty to speak. And I believe that it is the duty of every responsible leader who wants to preserve world peace. For nearly a decade, the international community has tried to stop the Iranian nuclear programme with diplomacy. That has not worked. Iran uses diplomatic negotiations as a means to buy time to advance its nuclear programme. For over seven years, the international community has tried sanctions with Iran. Under the leadership of President Obama, the international community has passed some of the strongest sanctions to date. I want to thank the Governments represented here that have joined in that effort. It has had an effect. Oil exports have been curbed and the Iranian economy has been hit hard. It has had an effect on the economy, but we must face the truth. Sanctions have not stopped Iran’s nuclear programme either. According to the International Atomic Energy Agency, during the last year alone, Iran doubled the number of centrifuges in its underground nuclear facility in Qom. At this late hour, there is only one way to peacefully prevent Iran from getting atomic bombs. That is by placing a clear red line on Iran’s nuclear weapons programme. Red lines do not lead to war. Red lines prevent war. Look at NATO’s charter. It made clear that an attack on one member country would be considered an attack on all. NATO’s red line helped keep the peace in Europe for nearly half a century. President Kennedy set a red line during the Cuban missile crisis. That red line also prevented war and helped preserve the peace for decades. In fact, it is the failure to place red lines that has often invited aggression. If the Western Powers had drawn clear red lines during the 1930s, I believe they would have stopped Nazi aggression, and the Second World War might have been avoided. In 1990, if Saddam Hussein had been clearly told that his conquest of Kuwait would cross a red line, the first Gulf War might have been avoided. Clear red lines have also worked with Iran. Earlier this year, Iran threatened to close the Straits of Hormuz. The United States drew a clear red line and Iran backed off. Now, red lines could be drawn in different parts of Iran’s nuclear weapons programme, but to be credible, a red line must be drawn first and foremost in one vital part of their programme: on Iran’s efforts to enrich uranium. Now let me explain why. Basically, any bomb consists of explosive material and a mechanism to ignite it. The simplest example is gunpowder and a fuse — that is, you light the fuse and you set off the gunpowder. In the case of Iran’s plans to build a nuclear weapon, the gunpowder is enriched uranium. The fuse is a nuclear detonator. For Iran, amassing enough enriched uranium is far more difficult than producing the nuclear fuse. For a country like Iran, it takes many years to enrich uranium for a bomb. That requires thousands of centrifuges spinning in tandem in very big industrial plants. Those Iranian plants are visible and they are still vulnerable. In contrast, Iran could produce the nuclear detonator, the fuse, in a lot less time — maybe under a year, maybe only a few months. The detonator can be made in a small workshop the size of a classroom. It may be very difficult to find and target that workshop, especially in Iran. That is a country that is bigger than France, Germany, Italy and Britain combined. The same is true for the small facility in which they could assemble a warhead or a nuclear device that could be placed in a container ship. Chances are you will not find that facility either. So in fact, the only way that you can credibly prevent Iran from developing a nuclear weapon, is to prevent Iran from amassing enough enriched uranium for a bomb. So how much enriched uranium do you need for a bomb, and how close is Iran to getting it? Let me show you. I brought a diagram for you. Here is the diagram. This is a bomb. This is a fuse. In the case of Iran’s nuclear plans to build a bomb, this bomb has to be filled with enough enriched uranium, and Iran has to go through three stages. In the first stage they have to enrich enough low-enriched uranium; in the second stage they have to enrich enough medium-enriched uranium. And in the third, and final, stage they have to enrich enough high-enriched uranium for the first bomb. Where is Iran? Iran has completed the first stage. It took them many years, but they completed it, and they are 70 per cent of the way there. Now they are well into the second stage. By next spring, at most by next summer, at current enrichment rates, they will have finished the medium enrichment and moved on to the final stage. From there, it is only a few months, possibly a few weeks, before they get enough enriched uranium for the first bomb. What I told the Assembly just now is not based on secret information. It is not based on military intelligence. It is based on public reports of the International Atomic Energy Agency. Anybody can read them. They are online. So if these are the facts — and they are — where should a red line be drawn? A red line should be drawn right here, before Iran completes the second stage of nuclear enrichment necessary to make a bomb and before Iran gets to a point where it is a few months away or a few weeks away from amassing enough enriched uranium to make a nuclear weapon. Each day, that point is getting closer. That is why I speak today with such a sense of urgency, and that is why everyone should have a sense of urgency. There are some who claim that even if Iran completes the enrichment process, even if it crosses that red line that I just drew, our intelligence agencies will know when and where Iran will make the fuse, assemble the bomb and prepare the warhead. No one appreciates our intelligence agencies more than the Prime Minister of Israel. All these leading intelligence agencies are superb, including ours. They have foiled many attacks, they have saved many lives, but they are not foolproof. For over two years, our intelligence agencies did not know that Iran was building a huge nuclear enrichment plant under a mountain. Do we want to risk the security of the world on the assumption that we would find a small workshop in a country half the size of Europe in time? The relevant question is not when Iran will get the bomb. The relevant question is at what stage can we no longer stop Iran from getting the bomb? The red line must be drawn on Iran’s nuclear enrichment programme because these enrichment facilities are the only nuclear installations that we can definitely see and credibly target. I believe that faced with a clear red line, Iran will back down. This will give more time for sanctions and diplomacy to convince Iran to dismantle its nuclear weapons programme altogether. Two days ago, from this podium, President Obama reiterated that the threat of a nuclear-armed Iran cannot be contained (see A/67/PV.6). I very much appreciate the President’s position, as does everyone in my country. We share the goal of stopping Iran’s nuclear weapons programme. This goal unites the people of Israel. It unites Americans, Democrats and Republicans alike. and it is shared by important leaders throughout the world. What I have said today will help ensure that this common goal is achieved. Israel is in discussions with the United States over this issue, and I am confident that we can chart a path forward together. The clash between modernity and medievalism need not be a clash between progress and tradition. The traditions of the Jewish people go back thousands of years. They are the source of our collective values and the foundations of our national strength. At the same time, the Jewish people have always looked towards the future. Throughout history, we have been at the forefront of efforts to expand liberty, promote equality and advance human rights. We champion those principles not in spite of our traditions but because of them. We heed the words of the Jewish prophets Isaiah, Amos and Jeremiah to treat all with dignity and compassion, to pursue justice and cherish life and to pray and strive for peace. Those are the timeless values of my people, and they are the Jewish people’s greatest gift to humankind. Let us commit ourselves today to defending those values so that we can defend our freedoms and protect our common civilization.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the State of Israel for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Lesotho.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Thomas Motsoahae Thabane, Prime Minister, Head of Government and Minister of Defence, Police and National Security of the Kingdom of Lesotho, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

Allow me to congratulate the President on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its sixty-seventh session. I would like to assure him of my delegation’s full support and cooperation during his tenure of office. His impeccable credentials and experience will ensure a successful session. I also wish to commend his predecessor for his sterling leadership during the previous session. The establishment of the United Nations by 51 countries following the Second World War ushered in hope for collective security, shared prosperity and justice in international relations. Six decades have passed and the membership of the Organization has swelled more than threefold. But obstacles still remain in the path towards creating a world that was envisioned by our forebears. We know the solutions that can effectively address the multifaceted challenges that confront our world. But it is increasingly difficult to arrive at those solutions within the multilateral system. On the international stage, unilateral actions that defy civility and international law are growing more frequent, and increasingly go unpunished. Despite the lessons of history, there are countries that still believe they can solve the political problems of our time through war and coercion. It does not matter to them that history has shown that the goal of domination through the use of force is not only elusive and dangerous but also unsustainable. Humankind derives no comfort from the potential conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Western Powers over Iran’s nuclear programme. That looming crisis can be avoided not through the threats being made against Iran, but through negotiations based on respect for sovereign equality and the recognition of the rights and legitimate fears of all parties involved. Our generation is already facing too many problems. Surely we cannot afford another avoidable war. We are saddened by the increasing tension in the East China Sea between two of the most respectable members of the international community, the People’s Republic of China and Japan. No one should take advantage of the situation to fan the flames of discord between those two great nations and ancient civilizations. Instead, we must encourage them to resolve their differences with maturity and through peaceful dialogue. In the Middle East, it is about time that individual interests gave way to compassion and reason, so that the people of Palestine can enjoy their inalienable right to self-determination in our lifetimes. Two States existing side by side in peace and security have long been recognized by the international community as the only plausible route to enduring peace and stability in the region. The State of Israel must be prevailed upon to support that solution. It must stop building illegal settlements on Palestinian lands, which have the potential to render the prospects of a two-State solution irrelevant. Our call for lifting the economic embargo against the Republic of Cuba has gone unheeded for the past 20 years. Our thoughts are with the ordinary people of Cuba who for decades have been denied the fruits of globalization and prosperity through no fault of their own. This unfortunate situation has continued for too long and must be resolved. We call on all stakeholders involved to search for a just and peaceful solution, just as we continue to call on the Kingdom of Morocco to cooperate with the international community and facilitate the independence and self-determination of the people of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. Peace within and among nations is a fundamental condition for development. The dream of a prosperous world will continue to be an illusion if tensions persist and our world is perpetually at war with itself. That is why we welcome as timely and relevant the choice of theme for this session, “Bringing about adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations by peaceful means”. Today, many nations are rising up against dictatorial regimes in defence of their basic human rights and freedoms. The popular democratic uprising in the Arab world has underscored the frustration of the people with longstanding political repression and lack of accountability. In some Arab countries this quest for freedom, human rights and democracy has been met with atrocious force and brutality. The Government of Syria must accept the popular legitimacy and supremacy of the people’s aspirations before it is too late. Further militarization of the situation in Syria will make the conflict too costly in terms of human life. At the same time, we call on all countries to refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of Syria in a manner that undermines the prospects of peace in that country. True revolutions need no external sponsors. The efforts of the international community must focus on helping the Syrian people find a negotiated, peaceful and lasting settlement of the ongoing conflict in their country. Africa, too, is trying hard to rid itself of wars and conflicts. While we thought we had dealt with the scourge of the coups d’état, it has recently reared its ugly head in a few African countries. We call on the international community to join hands with the African Union and stand firm in refusing to recognize any Government that comes to power through unconstitutional means. It is indeed a mockery of the United Nations, as an Organization that cherishes democratic values and principles, to accord legitimacy to unconstitutional regimes by allowing them to participate in its activities on an equal footing with bona fide Members. In Africa, we have adopted a policy of zero tolerance to unconstitutional changes of Government, and have remained steadfast in our resolve to refuse to recognize Governments that have no democratic legitimacy. We urge the international community to support that policy and to make it universal. Africa has not been without successes in pursuing the settlement of disputes by peaceful means. The United Nations, the African Union and other stakeholders have worked together with the Somali authorities to pave the way for peace in Somalia. The positive results of that joint effort are beginning to be visible. Remarkable strides towards democracy and State-building have been registered. The election of the President less than two weeks ago is a cause for celebration. Today, the people of Somalia have reason to hope that they can put the unfortunate era of instability behind them. It is important to recognize, however, that the road ahead for the Government and the people of Somalia is still long and steep. The continued and unfaltering support of the international community is indespensable to ensuring that Somalia does not relapse into conflict and become a failed State. The development and possession of nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction remains a serious concern for the peace and security of humankind. Some States possess those weapons in large quantities and have not remained faithful to their commitments under the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. Those States often threaten to humiliate non-nuclear-weapon States. That is why other countries aspire to acquire nuclear weapons. We must renew our collective commitment to a nuclear-weapon-free world — a world that is safe for future generations, sustained by the shared values of universal peace and prosperity. In the same way, for as long as international trade in small arms, light weapons and other conventional weapons remains unregulated, peace will continue to elude us. The failure of the international community, less than three months ago, to conclude a robust, legally binding arms trade treaty has left an indelible mark on our generation. We need to step up efforts during this sixty-seventh session and live up to our responsibilities. Conventional weapons, including small arms and light weapons, are the real weapons of mass destruction in Africa; they fuel conflict and account for the death of scores of our people every day. Across the globe, military and political repression have combined with religious intolerance to sustain the spectre of terrorism that continues to besiege our world. While the international community must address those root causes, there can be no acceptable justification for terrorism, because it is both brutal and indiscriminate, and it is innocent people, including women and children, who bear the brunt of it. Lesotho condemns terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. It does not matter if it is sponsored by States or individuals, or whether its evil schemes are carried out by crude means or the most sophisticated weaponry. The recent murder of American diplomats in Libya demonstrates the brutality and senselessness of terrorism. It deserves our strongest condemnation. We extend our sincere condolences to the people and Government of the United States of America. A few days ago, we had an opportunity to reaffirm our resolve to uphold the rule of law both at the national and international levels. Respect for the rule of law is a precondition for guaranteeing fundamental freedoms and respect for human rights. Similarly, strengthening the rule of law at the international level is critical for effectively addressing our current global challenges. International law is the very foundation of peaceful coexistence between nations. The role played by the International Court of Justice as an instrument for the peaceful resolution of conflicts and the bedrock of the international legal order is sacrosanct. Lesotho reaffirms its support for the principal judicial organ of the United Nations and for other established international courts and tribunals. But those bodies must not be politicized, so that they can retain their integrity and fairness. It is almost four years since the multiple global crises befell us, yet the prospects for economic recovery remain gloomy. Evidence of climate change is all around us. Extreme weather conditions, floods, drought, soil degradation and the rise of sea levels threaten the very existence of humankind. In my country, drought and floods have heightened food insecurity, and famine is looming. In August, my Government had to declare Lesotho in a situation of food crisis and called on its development partners to assist. That followed a severe drought that afflicted Lesotho in the last planting season. I am humbled to repeat that call for help before this body. Our response to the crisis will focus on the priorities of subsidizing agricultural input and promoting drought-resistant crops, as well as scaling up conservation farming and providing nutrition services to mothers of infants and young children. We went to Rio de Janeiro in June with a determination to adopt ambitious and measurable steps to address sustainable development. Regrettably, the Rio+20 United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development did not meet everyone’s expectations. A lack of a concrete commitment by developed countries to provide developing countries with financing and technology is a source of concern. Nevertheless, there is still hope that a sustainable future is within reach. We must continue to work for the future we want and deserve. As we march forward, we must ensure that the formulation of the sustainable development goals and their interphase with the post-2015 development agenda is done carefully and in an inclusive manner. We must avoid parallel tracks for the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) and the sustainable development goals, which should be viewed as being complementary to, and not a substitute for, the MDGs. The United Nations, which has remained the same for the past 67 years, cannot be effective in efficiently addressing the challenges of our time. The need for the early reform of the United Nations, in particular the Security Council, was universally agreed by the international community at the World Summit in 2005. Yet, seven years later, negotiations on the reform of the Council are still without progress. As the status quo is maintained, the Council remains largely inept in the discharge of its mandate. Let us resolve to make the Assembly’s sixty-seventh session one of action and less rhetoric. Allow me to conclude by pointing out that a responsive, effective and efficient multilateral system is the only answer to the problems of the twenty-first century. It must be a United Nations that draws on the full diversity of its membership. With the necessary commitment and political will, that goal can indeed be attained.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister, Head of Government and Minister of Defence, Police and National Security of the Kingdom of Lesotho for the statement he has just made.