A/75/PV.4 General Assembly

First, the General Assembly will hear a presentation by the Secretary-General of his annual report on the work of the Organization, under agenda item 115. I now give the floor to His Excellency Secretary- General António Guterres.

In a world turned upside down, the General Assembly Hall is among the strangest sights of all. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has changed our annual meeting beyond recognition, but it has made it more important than ever. In January, I addressed the General Assembly (see A/74/PV.54) and identified four horsemen in our midst — four threats that endanger our common future: first, the highest global geostrategic tensions in years; secondly, an existential climate crisis; thirdly, deep and growing global mistrust; and, fourthly, the dark side of the digital world. But a fifth horseman was lurking in the shadows. Since January, the COVID-19 pandemic has galloped across the globe, joining the other four horsemen and adding to the fury of each. Every day, the grim toll grows; families grieve; societies stagger; and the pillars In accordance with decision 74/562, and without setting a precedent for mandated high-level meetings planned for future high-level weeks, the official records of the General Assembly will be supplemented by annexes containing pre-recorded statements submitted by Heads of State or other dignitaries, submitted to the President no later than the day on which such statements are delivered in the Assembly Hall. Submissions in this regard should be made to estatements@un.org. of our world wobble on already shaky footings. We face simultaneously an epochal health crisis, the biggest economic calamity and job losses since the Great Depression and dangerous new threats to human rights. COVID-19 has laid bare the world’s fragilities — rising inequalities, climate catastrophe, widening societal divisions and rampant corruption. The pandemic has exploited those injustices, preyed on the most vulnerable and wiped away the progress of decades. For the first time in 30 years, poverty is rising. Human development indicators are declining. We are careening off track in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. Meanwhile, nuclear non-proliferation efforts are slipping away, and we are failing to act in areas of emerging danger, particularly cyberspace. People are hurting. Our planet is burning. Our world is struggling, stressed and seeking real leadership and action. We face a foundational moment. Those who built the United Nations 75 years ago had lived through a pandemic, a global depression, genocide and world war. They knew the cost of discord and the value of unity. They fashioned a visionary response, embodied in our founding Charter of the United Nations, with people at the centre. Today we face our own 1945 moment. The pandemic is a crisis unlike any that we have ever seen. But it is also the kind of crisis that we will see in different forms again and again. COVID-19 is not only a wake-up call; it is a dress rehearsal for the world of challenges to come. We must move forward with humility, recognizing that a microscopic virus has brought the world to its knees. We must be united. We have seen that when countries go in their own direction, the virus goes in every direction. We must act in solidarity. Far too little assistance has been extended to countries with the fewest capacities to face the challenge. We must be guided by science and tethered to reality. Populism and nationalism have failed. Those approaches to contain the virus have often made things manifestly worse. Too often, there has also been a disconnect between leadership and power. We see remarkable examples of leadership, but they are not usually associated with power. And power is not always associated with the necessary leadership. In an interconnected world, it is time to recognize a simple truth  — solidarity is self-interest. If we fail to grasp that fact, everyone loses. As the pandemic took hold, I called for a global ceasefire. Today I appeal for a new push by the international community to make that a reality by the end of this year. We have exactly 100 days. There is only one winner of conflict during a pandemic — the virus itself. My original appeal was endorsed by 180 Member States, along with religious leaders, regional partners, civil society networks and others. A number of armed movements also responded  — from Cameroon and Colombia to the Philippines and beyond  — even if several of the ceasefires that they announced were not sustained. Enormous obstacles stand in the way  — deep mistrust, spoilers and the weight of fighting that has festered for years. But we have reasons to be hopeful. A new peace agreement in the Republic of the Sudan between the Government and armed movements marks the start of a new era, particularly for people living in Darfur and Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile states. In Afghanistan, the launch of the Afghanistan peace negotiations is a milestone after years of effort. How to reach a permanent and comprehensive ceasefire will be on the agenda. An inclusive peace process with women, young people and victims of conflict meaningfully represented offers the best hope for a sustainable solution. In several situations, we have seen new ceasefires holding better than in the past or, in their absence, a standstill in the fighting. In Syria, the ceasefire in Idlib is largely intact. After more than nine years of conflict and colossal suffering, I renew my appeal for an end to hostilities across the country as we work towards convening the next round of the Constitutional Committee. In the Middle East, with a period of relative calm in Gaza and annexation of parts of the occupied West Bank put aside, at least for the time being, I urge Israeli and Palestinian leaders to re-engage in meaningful negotiations that will realize a two State-solution, in line with the relevant United Nations resolutions, international law and bilateral agreements. In Libya, fighting has subsided but the massive build-up of mercenaries and weapons, in flagrant violation of Security Council resolutions, shows that the risk of renewed confrontation remains high. We must all work together for an effective ceasefire agreement and the resumption of intra-Libyan political talks. In Ukraine, the most recent ceasefire regime remains in place, but progress on the outstanding security and political issues under the Trilateral Contact Group and the Normandy Four format to implement the Minsk agreements will be critical. In the Central African Republic, last year’s peace deal helped to deliver a significant reduction in violence. Under the auspices of our United Nations peacekeeping mission, and with the backing of the international community, the national dialogue is under way to support upcoming elections and the continued implementation of the peace agreement. In South Sudan, we have seen a troubling spike in intercommunal violence but the ceasefire between the two main parties has mostly held, with our United Nations peacekeeping mission providing support for monitoring, as well as implementation, of the peace agreement. Now, even where conflict is raging, we will not give up the search for peace. In Yemen, we are fully engaged in bringing the parties together to reach an agreement on the joint declaration comprised of a nationwide ceasefire, economic and humanitarian confidence-building measures, and the resumption of the political process. In areas where terrorist groups are particularly active, the obstacles to peace will be much more difficult to overcome. In the Sahel and the Lake Chad region, we see the pandemic’s overlapping health, socioeconomic, political and humanitarian impacts at play. I am particularly concerned that terrorist and violent extremist groups will exploit the pandemic. And we must not forget the dramatic humanitarian cost of war. In many places, the pandemic, coupled with conflict and disruption, is dealing crippling blows to food security. Millions of people in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, north-eastern Nigeria, South Sudan and Yemen face the risk of famine. Now is the time for a new collective push for peace and reconciliation. I therefore appeal for a stepped-up international effort, led by the Security Council, to achieve a global ceasefire by the end of this year. We have 100 days. As I have said, the clock is ticking. The world needs a global ceasefire to stop all hot conflicts. But, at the same time, we must do everything we can to avoid a new Cold War. We are moving in a very dangerous direction. Our world cannot afford a future where the two largest economies split the globe in a great fracture, each with its own trade and financial rules and Internet and artificial intelligence capacities. A technological and economic divide risks inevitably turning into a geostrategic and military divide, and we must avoid that at all costs. In the face of the all-encompassing challenge of the pandemic, the United Nations has mounted a comprehensive response. The United Nations system, led by the World Health Organization, has supported Governments, particularly in the developing world, to save lives and contain the spread of the virus. Our global supply chains have helped to provide personal protective equipment and other medical supplies to more than 130 countries. We have extended life- saving assistance to the most vulnerable countries and people, including refugees and the internally displaced, through a Global Humanitarian Response Plan. We have mobilized the full United Nations system in development emergency mode, activated our United Nations country teams and rapidly issued policy guidance to support Governments. The Verified campaign is fighting misinformation online — a toxic virus shaking the democratic underpinnings in many countries. We are working to advance treatments and therapies as a global public good and backing efforts for a people’s vaccine available and affordable everywhere. We know that some countries are reportedly making side deals exclusively for their own populations. Such “vacci-nationalism” is not only unfair; it is self-defeating. None of us is safe until all of us are safe. Everybody knows that. Likewise, economies cannot run with a runaway pandemic. Since the beginning, we have pushed for a massive rescue package worth at least 10 per cent of the global economy. Developed countries have provided enormous relief for their own societies, and they can afford it. But we need to ensure that the developing world does not fall into financial ruin, escalating poverty and debt crises. We need a collective commitment to avoid a downward spiral. One week from today, we will bring world leaders together to find solutions at the High- Level Event on Financing for Development in the Era of COVID-19 and Beyond. In all we do, we are putting a special focus on women and girls. Half of humankind is bearing the brunt of the social and economic consequences of COVID-19. Women are disproportionately represented in the sectors hit hardest by job losses. Women do most of the unpaid care work generated by the pandemic, and women have fewer economic resources to fall back on because their wages are lower and they have less access to benefits. At the same time, millions of young girls are losing their chance of an education and a future, as schools close and child marriage is on the rise. Unless we act now, gender equality could be set back by decades. We must also stamp out the horrifying increase in violence against women and girls during the pandemic, from domestic violence to sexual abuse, online harassment and femicide. This is a hidden war on women. Preventing and ending it requires the same commitment and resources that we devote to other forms of warfare. (spoke in French) Beyond emergency measures, our recovery efforts today must lay the foundations for a better world tomorrow. This reset is our chance to reinvent economies and societies. We have the road maps: the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. The recovery must strengthen resilience. This calls for new social contract at the national level and a global new deal at the international level. This new social contract must make it possible to build inclusive and sustainable societies. Inclusion means investing in social cohesion and ending all forms of exclusion, discrimination and racism. It means putting in place a new generation of social-protection policies, including, in particular, universal health coverage and, possibly, universal basic income. Inclusion is also about ensuring every woman and man has access to education and the ability to take advantage of digital technologies — the two great vectors of empowerment and equality of our time. This will require tax systems to which everyone, individuals and businesses alike, contributes equitably. It is about placing human rights at the heart of all our efforts, in line with the Call to Action for Human Rights I launched this year in Geneva. It means guaranteeing the equal rights and opportunities of women and girls. The pandemic has revealed, more than ever, the effectiveness of women in leadership roles. Twenty-five years on from Beijing, the current generation of girls must be able to realize their unlimited ambitions and potential. To be truly sustainable, the new social contract must ensure the transition to renewable energies and thereby achieve the goal of net zero emissions by 2050. I call on all countries to consider including six positive climate actions in their efforts to save, rebuild and revive their economies. First, we must make our societies more resilient and pursue a just transition. Secondly, we need green jobs and sustainable growth. Thirdly, plans for saving industry, aviation and shipping must be conditioned on compliance with the aims of the Paris Agreement. Fourthly, fossil fuel subsidies must end. Fifthly, it is imperative to take climate risks into account in all financial and political decisions. Sixthly, we must act together, leaving no one behind. But to truly reduce vulnerabilities and risks, and to better solve our common problems, we also need a global new deal at the international level. This new deal should help ensure that global political and economic systems provide essential public goods to all populations. Today, that is not the case. There are glaring gaps in governance structures and ethical frameworks. To remedy this, we must ensure the broad and equitable sharing of power, wealth and opportunity. The global new deal must be based on a fair globalization, on the rights and dignity of every human being, on living in harmony with nature and on our responsibilities towards future generations. We must integrate the principles of sustainable development into all decision-making processes so as to direct the flow of resources towards a green, sustainable and equitable economy. The global financial systems must evolve in that direction. Trade must be free and fair, without perverse subsidies or barriers that disadvantage developing economies. The global new deal must also tackle the historic injustices of power structures on the planet. More than 70 years after their creation, multilateral institutions must be modernized to more equitably represent all the peoples of the world, rather than conferring disproportionate power on some and limiting the influence of others, especially in the developing world. (spoke in Spanish) We do not need new bureaucracies. We need a multilateral system that is capable of constant innovation, benefits our people and protects our planet. The multilateralism of the twenty-first century must act in concert and must be able to link together, across the various sectors and geographical regions, global institutions ranging from development banks to regional organizations, including the various trade partnerships. The multilateralism of the twenty-first century must be inclusive and must expand participation more broadly to encompass additional stakeholders, tapping the potential of civil society, regions and cities, businesses, foundations and academic and scientific institutions. That is how we will devise an effective multilateralism that is fit for the challenges of the twenty-first century. (spoke in English) We cannot respond to this crisis by going back to what was or withdrawing into national shells. To overcome today’s fragilities and challenges, we need more international cooperation, not less; strengthened multilateral institutions, not a retreat from them; better global governance, not a chaotic free-for-all. The pandemic has upended the world, but that upheaval has created space for something new. Ideas once considered impossible are suddenly on the table. Large-scale action no longer seems so daunting; in just months, billions of people have fundamentally changed how they work, consume, move and interact. Large-scale financing has suddenly proved possible, as trillions have been deployed to rescue economies. In commemorating the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, the General Assembly has invited me to report on our common agenda for the future. I welcome this opportunity for a process of profound reflection involving us all. I will report back next year with an analysis and recommendations on how we can reach our shared aims. Let us draw inspiration from our achievements across the history of the United Nations. Let us respond affirmatively to the movements for justice and dignity that we are seeing in the world. And let us vanquish the five horsemen and build the world we need: peaceful, inclusive and sustainable. The pandemic has taught us that our choices matter. As we look to the future, let us make sure we choose wisely.

I thank the Secretary-General for his presentation.

I shall now deliver a statement as the President of the General Assembly from the rostrum. I am honoured to welcome everyone to the general debate of the General Assembly at its seventy- fifth session. I would like to take a moment to commemorate this historic occasion. This Hall has been the background of many significant discussions. Here, in this Hall, the General Assembly has accomplished a great deal. We have reached consensus, and we have resolved difficult problems. This Hall symbolizes what nations can accomplish when they are united. And here in this Hall, the general debate has been the apex of our deliberations. The general debate and the high-level week enable our political and civil-society leaders to come together and discuss the various challenges we face. Some of those challenges are local or regional, but our efforts are always global. This year, in this Hall, the general debate has had to take a new form. The leaders of our nations are not personally present. They will not be able to interact with one another or have bilateral meetings on the sidelines. And there is limited opportunity to benefit from the participation of non-governmental organizations. But our need for deliberation is greater than ever. The pandemic has affected far more than our ability to attend this debate in person. It has pummelled our economies. It has pushed our health-care systems to their limits. Education has been disrupted, risking our collective future. The most vulnerable have suffered most. The already precarious situation of refugees and migrants is ever more dire. Women and girls face higher risks of exposure to gender-based violence and exploitation. Children are at greater risk of child labour, child marriage and trafficking. Xenophobia, racism and discrimination on ethnic and religious grounds are on the rise. Violence against members of religious groups and places of worship has been increasing. I wish to extend my sympathy and solidarity to each and every individual who has been impacted by this virus. On behalf all those people, I want to make a call. Rarely has the whole of humankind faced such an imminent and common threat. Today we must leave our differences and disagreements aside. Today we must renew our collective commitment to multilateralism. Today we must combine our efforts to address this global problem, and we must make sure that no one is left behind. “We the peoples of the United Nations” can achieve this. When we consider the potential of the United Nations, it is important to consider the Organization’s origins. Following the heinous acts of the Second World War, the establishment of the United Nations was an acknowledgement of the fact that we must do better. It was a collective commitment to the progress of humankind. Through a new, rules-based world order, with an Organization of unrivalled legitimacy at its centre, our founders endeavoured to ensure peace, prosperity and progress for all. The system was designed to be flexible so that we can address a range of challenges and unexpected issues. To recover from the pandemic, we can plan, innovate and build back better for a sustainable, inclusive and just recovery. Doing this alone will cost more lives and more resources. The pandemic will continue to change how we operate over the next year. We must make full use of all the tools available to us to combat this challenge. A key platform to provide political guidance for our efforts at the international level is this very Assembly where we all sit today, the main deliberative, policymaking and representative organ of the United Nations. In that regard, I urge Member States to be cooperative and creative and to devise solutions that will enable this body to function effectively and remain relevant, within the bounds of the Charter of the United Nations and the rules of procedure. Since 1945, our demands on the United Nations system have grown immeasurably. Today the United Nations supports international peace and security in some of the world’s most volatile regions with its force of 95,000 peacekeepers in 13 operations around the world. It coordinates an appeal of tens of billions of United States dollars to meet the humanitarian needs of tens of millions of people around the world. It supplies vaccines to 50 per cent of the world’s children, preventing the spread of disease and saving 3 million lives a year. The Human Rights Council and the treaty body system are responsible for strengthening the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe. The pandemic has only increased our demands on the system. To meet them, the Organization, and the General Assembly in particular, will need to enhance coordination, coherence, efficiency and delivery capacity within its work and in relation to other organs. We must adapt, making space for further engagement among them, across the three pillars of our work. We must continue to strengthen the efforts of United Nations agencies, including the World Health Organization, to combat this pandemic. We must be prepared to have tough, honest conversations about where the multilateral system is failing and where it is not adapting fast enough to the ever-evolving challenges we face. And we need to act to implement the necessary reforms, to ensure that the United Nations is fit for purpose and can deliver the future we want. In our efforts, let us put the people we serve front and centre. The Charter of the United Nations is a product of “we the peoples of the United Nations”. Let us consider these people as individuals, with varied circumstances, challenges, hopes and dreams. Let us think about an internally displaced person who was finally able to start school at age 11. Her education is now being threatened by the pandemic as schools shut down and families face increasing economic hardship. Let us picture a refugee who lost all her animals to a pulmonary epidemic, thus impacting the finances and nutrition for her whole family. And let us consider a victim of a terrorist act who will need long-term physical, psychological, social and financial support to deal with the trauma. These people need our helping hand. They need to see that they are not alone. The people we serve recognize that the multilateral system is the best system available to provide solutions to complex issues, such as climate change, peace and security, human rights protection and global pandemics. With the individuals we serve at the forefront, let me now outline my priorities for this session, which I hope members will support. First, as we commemorate the Organization’s seventy-fifth anniversary, we must recommit to multilateralism, strengthen it and acknowledge its achievements. The United Nations is the world’s foremost forum to address issues that transcend national boundaries, maintain international peace and security, promote sustainable and inclusive development and protect human rights. Multilateralism is essential to fulfil the core mandates of our Organization, as prescribed in its Charter. To do that, we must continue to seek ways to establish and consolidate trust and cohesion among members, groups of countries and other stakeholders. Today the world is seeing rising levels of mistrust and rivalry among major Powers. International institutions succeed when they manage to mediate such tensions. The United Nations was born with that in mind. It is in the interests of the world, our economies and our people that those tensions are managed and do not spiral out of control. The forum provided by the United Nations is critical to reinforce cooperation and consensus. Secondly, in view of the unprecedented level of humanitarian needs caused by prolonged and new conflicts, as well as natural disasters around the world, I will endeavour to advance the humanitarian agenda of our Organization. We currently serve more than 100 million people who have fled devastating wars, including many refugees in my own country and other countries. Our efforts must ensure that the most vulnerable are protected and able to live in dignity, as set out in the Charter. The pandemic has only intensified existing vulnerabilities and inequalities. We must work doubly hard to protect these already vulnerable populations from further hardship. We have a collective responsibility to demonstrate that we can deliver, especially for those in the most dire situations. I will use my presidency to highlight the importance of impartial and unhindered delivery of humanitarian aid, as well as full respect for international law, including international humanitarian law, in conflicts and crises. I would also like to take this moment to recognize the admirable dedication of United Nations personnel, who operate in some of the world’s most difficult circumstances and are a critical driving force of the Organization’s success. Thirdly, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) are the most transformative set of objectives. Yet they cannot be achieved without a strengthened global partnership. As we begin the decade of action and delivery for the implementation of the SDGs, all of us — Member States, international financial organizations, the private sector and civil society  — need to renew our efforts to achieve the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Despite hard-won gains, we are not on track to meet all 17 SDGs by 2030. The pandemic has affected all countries,large and small, north and south. It has, however, hit hardest the countries that are already vulnerable. We must ensure that our efforts to recover from the pandemic are fully aligned with the implementation of the SDGs. If we are to uphold our pledge to leave no one behind, we must redouble our efforts, in our response to the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, with particular attention to the needs of countries in special situations, including the least developed countries. COVID-19 vaccines must be distributed fairly and equitably. Finally, despite the enormous gains that have been made, gender inequality remains deeply entrenched in many societies. Women often lack access to decent work, equal pay, quality education and adequate health care. They suffer from violence and discrimination and are often underrepresented in political and economic decision-making processes. As we recover from the pandemic, we must build back better, to improve the lives of women and girls. We must renew our commitment to protect women’s rights and make women’s participation in peace, security and humanitarian action meaningful and sustained. The high-level meeting to mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Fourth World Conference on Women will mark the beginning of our work this session to address this deeply entrenched inequality that permeates society and holds back the progress of not just half, but all of our population. Three quarters of a century ago, the founders of our Organization demonstrated fortitude at a time of crisis. They chose to trust one another and unite in pursuit of a better world. Together we have overcome adversity and challenges. Let us draw strength from those who have persevered in the past. When we have worked together, humankind has prevailed. As we tackle the pandemic, poverty, inequality, climate change and many other global challenges, I implore one and all to remember two points: first, to use the Organization to its fullest potential and, secondly, to come together for the benefit of all. I wish everyoone success in these worthy endeavours. I have full faith that everyone will do their utmost to continue to serve the people they are privileged to represent. As President of this organ, I stand ready to facilitate their efforts. The Assembly has the power to create a better world for all. This has been a historic year already. Together we will make this session a historic success. The General Assembly, in its decision 74/562, decided, without setting a precedent for future general debates, that each Member State, observer State and the European Union can submit a pre-recorded statement, which will be played in the General Assembly Hall during the general debate of the Assembly at its seventy- fifth session after introduction by their representative who will be physically present in the Assembly Hall. In that regard, before giving the floor to the first speaker for this morning, I would like to remind members that introduction of the pre-recorded statements will be made by delegations from their national seats, and statements delivered by representatives who are physically present in the Assembly Hall will also be made from their national seats. The list of speakers for the general debate has been established on the agreed basis that statements should be no longer than 15 minutes to enable all the speakers to be heard at a given meeting. In the case of pre-recorded statements submitted in accordance with decision 74/562, the time limit of 15 minutes, in keeping with previous practice, should include the introductory remarks and the video itself. May I take it that the General Assembly agrees to proceed in this manner during the general debate of the seventy-fifth session?

I now give the floor to the representative of Brazil to introduce an address by the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil.

I have the honour and the pleasure to introduce the pre-recorded statement by His Excellency Mr. Jair Messias Bolsonaro, President of the Federative Republic of Brazil.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex I and see A/75/592). Address by Mr. Donald Trump, President of the United States of America

I give the floor to the representative of the United States of America to introduce an address by the President of the United States of America.

On this seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, I have the awesome honour of introducing today someone who has taken to heart the core principle that this international Organization was founded upon — peace. On 15 September, we all witnessed the results of President Trump’s vision and perseverance, which brought Israel, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain together to sign the historic Abraham accords that unlock a new era for peace in the Middle East. This new era offers the region and all its people the first new hope for peace in a generation, and the United States invites the Palestinians to seize this opportunity to engage in that spirit. Earlier this month, President Trump also brokered economic normalization between Serbia and Kosovo, a breakthrough that charts a course towards reconciliation for the people in the Balkans, a region that has suffered too much bloodshed. On North Korea, the President’s fearless vision has shown remarkable progress. President Trump is the first American president to meet with North Korean’s leaders. Americans held captive in North Korea have come home. There has been no new nuclear test, no long-range missile test, a dramatic lowering of the diplomatic temperature in the region, and an opening for a lasting agreement that brings peace to the peninsula. It is clear that when President Trump speaks, world leaders listen closely. In 2018, President Trump used the power of his voice to warn the Al-Assad regime and its Russian and Iranian partners to halt plans to attack Idlib province — a warning they wisely heeded and which spared millions of Syrians from the risk of death and injury. As I sit before the General Assembly today, the peace talks brokered by the United States between the parties in Afghanistan are under way. Women now occupy positions within the Afghan peace process, and President Trump is convinced that there is a clear relationship between women in positions of authority and a brighter and more peaceful future for the Afghan people. Yet again, the President has shown the fortitude necessary to bring together long-standing adversaries to work towards sustainable peace. Through his bold leadership, grit, dogged determination and an unmatched ability to break through the status quo and make a deal, President Donald J. Trump has delivered on the promises that he made to the American people. The world is more peaceful as a result. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex II and see A/75/592). Address by Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President of the Republic of Turkey

I give the floor to the representative of Turkey to introduce an address by the President of the Republic of Turkey.

It is a great honour for me to introduce my President, the President of the Republic of Turkey, His Excellency Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who will deliver a pre-recorded statement.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Turkey. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex III and see A/75/592). Address by Mr. Xi Jinping, President of the People’s Republic of China

I give the floor to the representative of China to introduce an address by the President of the People’s Republic of China.

China pays great attention to the current session of the General Assembly. Today, the world is facing the severe challenges of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) and such serious threats as unilateralism, protectionism and bullying practices. The world is at a crossroads of where to go next at this moment. At this juncture, what the world needs most is more solidarity and cooperation, not confrontation; increased mutual confidence and trust, but not the spreading of the political virus. China resolutely rejects the unjustified accusations against it. Those accusations are completely baseless and totally untenable. No matter what others say, China will firmly support multilateralism and the central role of the United Nations in international affairs. I now have the honour to present the statement by His Excellency President Xi Jinping of China.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the People’s Republic of China. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex IV and see A/75/592). Address by Mr. Sebastián Piñera Echenique, President of the Republic of Chile

I give the floor to the representative of Chile to introduce an address by the President of the Republic of Chile.

I have the great honour of introducing the statement to be delivered by His Excellency the President of the Republic of Chile, Mr. Sebastián Piñera Echenique, who will address the General Assembly on the occasion of its seventy-fifth session.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Chile. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex V and see A/75/592). Address by Mr. Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa, President of the Republic of South Africa

I give the floor to the representative of South Africa to introduce an address by the President of the Republic of South Africa.

It is my honour and privilege to introduce at the General Assembly on the occasion of its virtual debate a pre-recorded message of His Excellency Mr. Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa, President of the Republic of South Africa, delivering the statement in his capacity as the Chairperson of the African Union.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of South Africa. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex VI and see A/75/592). Address by Mr. Miguel Díaz Canel Bermúdez, President of the Republic of Cuba

I give the floor to the representative of Cuba to introduce an address by the President of the Republic of Cuba.

In the year of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, the role of this body is increasingly relevant at a time when humankind faces such unforeseen and unprecedented circumstances. Only multilateralism, solidarity and shared cooperation will enable us to overcome the major global challenges of the present and the future. In that spirit, it is my honour to introduce the pre- recorded message of the President of the Republic of Cuba, Miguel Díaz Canel Bermúdez.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Cuba. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex VII and see A/75/592). Address by Mr. Vladimir Putin, President of the Russian Federation

I give the floor to the representative of the Russian Federation to introduce an address by the President of the Russian Federation.

I have the honour of introducing a pre- recorded message of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Russian Federation. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex VIII and see A/75/592). Address by His Majesty King Abdullah II ibn Al Hussein, King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan

I give the floor to the representative of Jordan to introduce an address by the King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.

I have the great honour to introduce the pre-recorded statement of His Majesty King Abdullah II ibn Al Hussein of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex IX and see A/75/592). Address by Mr. Moon Jae-in, President of the Republic of Korea

I give the floor to the representative of the Republic of Korea to introduce an address by the President of the Republic of Korea.

I now have the honour to introduce the pre-recorded video message of His Excellency Mr. Moon Jae-in, President of the Republic of Korea.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Korea. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex X and see A/75/592). Address by His Highness Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, Emir of the State of Qatar

I now give the floor to the representative of Qatar to introduce an address by the Emir of the State of Qatar.

It is my honour to introduce His Highness Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, Emir of the State of Qatar.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Emir of the State of Qatar. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex XI and see A/75/592). Address by Mr. Rodrigo Roa Duterte, President of the Republic of the Philippines

I now give the floor to the representative of the Philippines to introduce an address by the President of the Republic of the Philippines.

I have the special honour to introduce His Excellency Mr. Rodrigo Roa Duterte, President of the Republic of the Philippines.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of the Philippines. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex XII and see A/75/592).

I now give the floor to the representative of the Islamic Republic of Iran to introduce an address by the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

It is my honour to introduce His Excellency Mr. Hassan Rouhani, President of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex XIII and see A/75/592). Address by Mr. Emmanuel Macron, President of the French Republic

I now give the floor to the representative of France introduce an address by the President of the French Republic.

It is my honour to introduce His Excellency Mr. Emmanuel Macron, President of the French Republic.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the French Republic. A pre-recorded video statement was shown in the General Assembly Hall (annex XIV and see A/75/592). Annex I Address by Mr. Jair Messias Bolsonaro, President of the Federative Republic of Brazil [Original: Portuguese; English translation provided by the delegation] Mr. President of the United Nations General Assembly, Volkan Bozkir, Mr. Secretary-General of the United Nations, António Guterres, whom I am pleased to greet in our mother tongue, Heads of State, Government and Delegation, Ladies and Gentlemen, It is an honor to open this Assembly together with representatives of sovereign nations, at a point in time when the world needs the truth to overcome its challenges. COVID-19 has become the center of attention over the course of this year and, first of all, I wish to express my sorrow for each and every life lost. From the very beginning, in my country, I warned that we had two problems to solve, the virus and joblessness, and that both issues had to be addressed simultaneously and with the same sense of responsibility. As determined by court ruling in Brazil, all measures involving social distancing and restrictions of movement were delegated to each of the 27 Governors in the Federation. The President, in turn, was assigned the responsibility for sending out resources nationwide. As was the case in much of the world, segments of the Brazilian media have also politicized the virus by spreading panic among the population. Under the mottoes “stay at home” and “we will deal with the economy later on”, they almost brought about social chaos to the country. But our administration in a bold step put in place several economic measures that prevented a greater evil. Emergency relief was granted in installments adding up to approximately $1,000 for 65 million people, the largest assistance program for the poorest in Brazil and perhaps one of the largest in the world. More than $100 billion were allocated to cover health related actions and help small and micro enterprises; measures were also taken to offset the loss in revenue collection in state and local governments. More than 200,000 indigenous families were assisted with foodstuffs and covid prevention efforts. In close contact with healthcare professionals, we encouraged early treatment of the disease. $400 million were dedicated to the research, development and production of the Oxford vaccine in Brazil. In Brazil, hospitals did not lack the means to cater to covid patients. The pandemic teaches us a major lesson, which is that we cannot possibly depend on just a few nations for the production of essential inputs and means for our survival. The hydroxychloroquine input production alone had a 500 per cent price increase at the onset of the pandemic. Brazil is thus open for the development of state-of-the-art technology and innovation efforts, such as 4.0 Industry, artificial intelligence, nanotechnology and 5G technology, with all partners who respect our sovereignty and cherish freedom and data protection. In Brazil, despite the world crisis, agricultural production never stopped. Farmers have worked harder than ever, producing food to feed over 1 billion people. Brazil has indeed helped to continuously feed the world. Our truck drivers, maritime, port and aviation workers have kept the entire logistics chain fully active and ensured distribution domestically and into the export markets. Our agribusiness remains vibrant and thriving and, above all, it has and respects the best environmental legislation on the planet. Even so, we are victims of a most brutal disinformation campaign about the Amazon and the Brazilian wetlands. The Brazilian Amazon is known to be immensely rich. That explains the support given by international institutions to this disinformation campaign anchored on shady interests coupled with exploitative and unpatriotic Brazilian associations with the purpose of undermining the Government and Brazil itself. We are leaders when it comes to the conservation of tropical rainforests. We have the world’s cleanest and most diversified energy mix. Even as one of the world’s ten largest economies, we account for only 3 per cent of carbon emissions worldwide. We provide food security to one sixth of the world’s population, even while preserving 66 per cent of our native vegetation and using only 27 per cent of our territory for animal husbandry and agriculture. These are figures that no other country has. Brazil stands out as the world’s largest producer of foodstuffs. And for that reason there is such a strong interest in spreading out disinformation about our environment. We are open to the world to offer our very best, i.e., our agricultural products. We have never exported so much. The world increasingly relies on Brazil to feed itself. Ours is a tropical rainforest and as such it does not allow fire to be spread out within it. Fire outbreaks tend to occur virtually at the same places, in the eastern surroundings of the forest, where Brazilians of indigenous ancestry burn their farmlands in search of livelihood in already cleared areas. Criminal fire outbreaks are fought with stringency and determination. I stand by my zero tolerance policy towards environmental crime. Together with Congress, we have sought land regularization with a view to identify the perpetrators of these criminal acts. May I call to mind that the Amazon Region is larger than the whole of Western Europe. Hence, the difficulty of fighting not only fire outbreaks, but also illegal logging and biopiracy. In response, we are currently expanding and enhancing the use of technology and improving inter-agency operations, which include the engagement of the Armed Forces. Our wetlands, with an area larger than many European countries, just as California, faces the same problems. Large fires are the inevitable consequence of high local temperature coupled with the accumulation of decaying organic matter. Our concern for the environment goes beyond our forests. Brazil’s National Marine Debris Program, one of the very first initiatives of this kind, has designed a strategy for our coastline, which spans over 8,500 km. Accordingly, Brazil made every effort at the COP25 in Madrid to establish, under the provisions of the Paris Agreement, an effective international carbon market. Unfortunately, however, the forces of protectionism prevailed. In 2019, Brazil was the victim of a criminal seepage of Venezuelan oil, sold without proper control, which resulted in serious damage to the environment and major losses to the fishing and tourism industries. Brazil deems it important to respect the freedom of navigation as established under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Accordingly, environmental protection rules must be respected and criminal acts investigated in a timely fashion, so as to ensure that criminal offenses such as that perpetrated against Brazil will not affect other countries. Brazil stands out not only on the environmental preservation front, but also on the humanitarian and human rights agenda, an area where Brazil has become an international benchmark reference given our commitment and dedication in supporting Venezuelan refugees who reach Brazil through the border state of Roraima. Operation Welcome, led by the Brazilian Ministry of Defense, has received almost 400,000 Venezuelans displaced as a result of the deep political and economic crisis bred by the Venezuelan dictatorship. More than 4,000 Brazilian members of the military have taken part in the operation, which consists of a humanitarian logistical task force with a view to welcoming, sheltering and internalizing newly arrived families at the border. As a founding member of the United Nations, Brazil is committed to the basic principles of the UN Charter: peace and international security, cooperation among nations, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms. As the organization reaches its 75th anniversary, we now have the opportunity to renew our commitment and loyalty to these ideals. Peace cannot possibly be dissociated from security. Cooperation among peoples cannot possibly be dissociated from freedom. Brazil has enshrined the principles of peace, cooperation and the prevalence of human rights in its own Constitution, and has traditionally contributed to translate them into reality. Brazil has by now taken part in more than 50 peacekeeping operations and related missions and has, as such, contributed with more than 55,000 members of the military, police officers and civilians, with remarkable involvement in the Suez Canal, Angola, East Timor, Haiti, Lebanon and the Congo. Two Brazilian female members of the military were acknowledged by the United Nations for their work against sexual violence as part of the UN Mission in the Central African Republic. We remain committed to completing the trade agreements signed between Mercosur and the European Union as well as the European Free Trade Association. These agreements contain important provisions that reinforce our commitment to environmental protection. Under my administration, Brazil finally puts behind a protectionist tradition and has now adopted trade liberalization as a key tool for growth and transformation. I reaffirm our commitment to the reform of the World Trade Organization, which must provide us with the relevant disciplines in line with the new international realities. We are also approaching the official process for Brazil’s accession to the OECD. To that end, we have already put in place the world’s highest standards in all areas, to include financial regulation, digital security and environmental protection. In my first year in office, we have successfully carried out the pension reform and, more recently, we submitted two new reform bills to Congress, to include the tax system and the administrative reform of the state apparatus. New regulatory frameworks in key sectors, such as sanitation and natural gas, are also being put in place. They will attract more investments, provide economic stimulus and create jobs and income. In 2019, Brazil was the world’s fourth largest destination of foreign direct investment and, in the first half of 2020, despite the pandemic, we have seen an increase in the inflow of investments as compared to the same period of last year. This is a clear-cut evidence of the world’s confidence in our government. In coordination with South Atlantic partners, Brazil has been working to reinvigorate the South Atlantic Peace and Cooperation Zone. Brazil is concerned with and repudiates terrorism in all parts of the world. In Latin America, we continue to strive for the preservation and promotion of democracy as a cornerstone of the economic progress we all desire. Liberty is humankind’s greatest asset. I call upon the entire international community to protect religious freedom and fight against Christophobia. I also wish to reaffirm my solidarity and support for the people of Lebanon in the wake of the recent hardships they have endured. We believe that the time is right for us to open up new and more optimistic horizons for the future of the Middle East. The peace agreements between Israel and the United Arab Emirates and between Israel and Bahrain — three friends of Brazil with which our government has greatly strengthened relations — are excellent news. Brazil also welcomes the Plan for Peace and Prosperity launched by President Donald Trump, which features a promising vision to resume the path towards a much- desired solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict after more than seven decades of efforts. Brazil’s new policy of simultaneously pursuing closer relations with Israel and the Arab countries is very much in line with those initiatives, which finally shine a light of hope for that region. Brazil is a Christian and conservative country, and has family as its foundation. May God bless us all. Thank you very much. Annex II Address by Mr. Donald Trump, President of the United States of America It is my profound honor to address the United Nations General Assembly. 75 years after the end of World War Two and the founding of the United Nations, we are once again engaged in a great global struggle. We have waged a fierce battle against the invisible enemy  — the China Virus — which has claimed countless lives in 188 countries. In the United States, we launched the most aggressive mobilization since the Second World War. We rapidly produced a record supply of ventilators — creating a surplus that allowed us to share them with friends and partners all around the globe. We pioneered life-saving treatments, reducing our fatality rate 85 per cent since April. Thanks to our efforts, 3 vaccines are in the final stage of clinical trials. We are mass producing them in advance so they can be delivered immediately upon arrival. We will distribute a vaccine, we will defeat the virus, we will end the pandemic, and we will enter a new era of unprecedented prosperity, cooperation and peace. As we pursue this bright future, we must hold accountable the nation which unleashed this plague onto the world: China. In the earliest days of the virus, China locked down travel domestically while allowing flights to leave China and infect the world. China condemned my travel ban on their country, even as they cancelled domestic flights and locked citizens in their homes. The Chinese government, and the World Health Organization -- which is virtually controlled by China -- falsely declared that there was no evidence of human- to-human transmission. Later, they falsely said people without symptoms would not spread the disease. The United Nations must hold China accountable for their actions. In addition, every year China dumps millions and millions of tons of plastic and trash into the oceans, overfishes other countries’ waters, destroys vast swaths of coral reef, and emits more toxic mercury into the atmosphere than any country anywhere in the world. China’s carbon emissions are nearly twice what the U.S. has, and it’s rising fast. By contrast, after I withdrew from the one-sided Paris Climate Accord, last year America reduced its carbon emissions by more than any country in the agreement. Those who attack America’s exceptional environmental record while ignoring China’s rampant pollution are not interested in the environment. They only want to punish America and I will not stand for it. If the United Nations is to be an effective organization, it must focus on the real problems of the world. This includes terrorism, the oppression of women, forced labor, drug trafficking, human and sex trafficking, religious persecution, and the ethnic cleansing of religious minorities. America will always be a leader in human rights. My administration is advancing religious liberty, opportunity for women, the decriminalization of homosexuality, combatting human trafficking, and protecting unborn children. We also know that American prosperity is the bedrock of freedom and security all over the world. In three short years, we built the greatest economy in history -- and we are quickly doing it again. Our military has increased substantially in size. We spent $2.5 trillion over the last 4 years on our military. We have the most powerful military anywhere in the world, and it’s not even close. We stood up to decades of China’s trade abuses. We revitalized the NATO Alliance where other countries are now paying a much more fair share. We forged historic partnerships with Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador to stop human smuggling. We are standing with the people of Cuba, Nicaragua, and Venezuela in their righteous struggle for freedom. We withdrew from the terrible Iran Nuclear Deal and imposed crippling sanctions on the world’s leading state sponsor of terror. We obliterated the ISIS caliphate 100 per cent, killed its founder and leader, Al-Baghdadi, and eliminated the world’s top terrorist, Qasem Soleimani. This month we achieved a peace deal between Serbia and Kosovo. We reached a landmark breakthrough with two Peace Deals in the Middle East — after decades of no progress. Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain all signed a historic peace agreement at the White House, with many other Middle Eastern countries to come. They are coming fast and they know it’s great for them, and it’s great for the world. These groundbreaking peace deals are the dawn of the new Middle East. By taking a different approach, we have achieved different outcomes. Far superior outcomes. We took an approach and the approach worked. We intend to deliver more peace agreements shortly, and I have never been more optimistic for the future of the region. There is no blood in the sand. Those days are hopefully over. As we speak, the United States is also working to end the war in Afghanistan — and we are bringing our troops home. America is fulfilling our destiny as peacemaker. But it is peace through strength. We are stronger now than ever before, our weapons are at an advanced level like we’ve never had before, like frankly we’ve never even thought of having before, and I only pray to God that we never have to use them. For decades, the same tired voices proposed the same failed solutions, pursuing global ambitions at the expense of their own people. But only when you take care of your own citizens, will you find a true basis for cooperation. As President, I have rejected the failed approaches of the past -- and I am proudly putting America First, just as you should be putting your countries first. That’s okay, that’s what you should be doing. I am supremely confident that next year, when we gather in person, we will be in the midst of one of the greatest years in our history and frankly, hopefully, in the history of the world. Thank you, God Bless you all. God Bless America. And God Bless the United Nations. Annex III Address by Mr. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, President of the Republic of Turkey [Original: Turkish; English translation provided by the delegation] Mr. President, Distinguished Heads of State and Government, Mr. Secretary General, Esteemed Delegates, I greet you with respect on behalf of myself and my Nation. I would like to thank Mr. Muhammed-Bande for his successful work at the United Nations during this difficult period. I also wholeheartedly congratulate my former colleague, Ambassador Volkan Bozkır, who has taken over the Presidency of the General Assembly. Ambassador Bozkır’s election to this post with the support of the overwhelming majority of countries is a sign of his personal qualities as an experienced diplomat and politician, as well as confidence in Turkey. As the first Turkish citizen to undertake the highest-ranking position within the United Nations system, I believe that Ambassador Bozkır will be the voice and conscience of the international community. I have no doubts that he will carry out his duty in a fair and transparent manner. I wish Mr. Bozkır every success in his duty, which he assumes on such a meaningful date as the 75th anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. I think holding the General Assembly under the theme of “Fight against COVID-19 and Multilateralism” is the right decision. As Turkey, we stand by our commitments and we are determined to maintain our support in the fight against COVID-19. The pandemic caught the world at a time when it was having difficulties in coping with various challenges. Globalization, rules-based international system and multilateralism, which were already the subject of discussions, are now even more questioned under the impact of the pandemic. When we look at the picture in front of us, we need to accurately and sincerely evaluate the full and empty parts of the glass. In the empty part of the glass, there is the need of a reform for multilateral organizations, in particular the United Nations. We have seen how ineffective the existing global mechanisms have been during this crisis. This was so much true that it took weeks, even months, for the Security Council, the most fundamental decision-making body of the United Nations, to include the pandemic on its agenda. At the beginning of the pandemic, a scene emerged where countries were left on their own. Thus, we have once again seen the rightfulness of the “The World is bigger than Five” thesis, which I have been advocating for years from this rostrum. The fate of humanity cannot be left at the mercy of a limited number of countries. In order to prevent the loss of reputation of international organizations, we must first review our mentality, institutions and rules. Effective multilateralism requires effective multilateral institutions. We must rapidly implement comprehensive and meaningful reforms, starting with the restructuring of the Security Council. We must provide the Council with a more effective, democratic, transparent and accountable structure and functioning. Likewise, we should also strengthen the General Assembly, which reflects the common conscience of the international community. Looking at the full part of the glass, the United Nations preserves its potential to be the turning point in humanity’s quest for peace, justice and prosperity. Considering that we have not yet overcome the pandemic crisis, we should try to use the institutions and mechanisms we have for multilateral cooperation in the most effective way. Where problems are global, local solutions can only save the day. International solidarity is essential for long-term solutions. In Turkey, since the early days of the outbreak of the crisis, we have called for cooperation in all international platforms. We have been in the forefront of efforts to combat the pandemic in the G-20, the Turkic Council, MIKTA, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and other platforms. We reached out to 146 countries and 7 international organizations that requested medical equipment assistance, with the understanding that “A sure friend is known in unsure times”. With the repatriation operations we carried out, we ensured the return of more than a hundred thousand of our citizens in 141 countries, to their homes. With the same flights, we carried more than 5,500 foreigners from sixty-seven countries to their homes. We did not do all these with the intention of carrying out a “coronavirus diplomacy”. We did not expect and still do not hope for any compensation from anyone for our aid and repatriation efforts. Standing with the victims and the oppressed is in the veins of our Nation and in the essence of our “Enterprising and Humanitarian Foreign Policy”. I once again call for the supply of medical equipment and drugs and vaccine development efforts not to be made an issue of competition. No matter which country they are produced in, vaccines to be made ready-for- use should be offered to the common benefit of humanity. Dear Delegates, With the pandemic, we have once again experienced together how vital elements such as State capacity, effective governance and resilience are. Behind Turkey’s success story lies effective governance mechanisms that we have established with the Presidential Government System, a high capacity developed by our infrastructure investments in the area of health, and qualified human resources. However, the pandemic adversely affected conflict dynamics around the world and increased vulnerabilities. We regret that the United Nations Secretary General’s call for a global humanitarian ceasefire, which we also support, has not produced concrete results. As Turkey, we are looking for ways to eliminate threats to our country and humanity, by taking any kind of initiative if required. The conflict in Syria, which entered its 10th year, continues to pose a threat to the security and stability of our region. As the country that struck the first and most serious blow against DAESH in the region, we continue to fight against the PKK-YPG terrorist organization. As the international community, we cannot find a permanent solution to the Syrian issue without adopting the same principled attitude and decisive stance against all terrorist organizations. This approach is also essential for ensuring safe and voluntary returns to Syria. The return of more than our 411,000 Syrian brothers and sisters to the regions we liberated from terrorist organizations in Syria is the most clear indicator of this. Likewise, thanks to the regions we made secure, we succeeded in preventing that millions of Syrians living in different parts of the country, particularly Idlib, left their homeland. Turkey hosts approximately 4 million Syrians on its own territory for years by addressing all their needs. We also meet the needs of approximately the same number of Syrians on-site, in the regions that we keep under control, especially in areas close to our border. Ultimately, we are building tens of thousands of briquette houses in Idlib and elsewhere for our brothers and sisters. We carry out all these activities with our own means and with the support of our people, without a significant support from the international community or international organizations. It should be a priority for all of us to resolve the conflict in Syria on the basis of the roadmap endorsed in the United Nations Security Council Resolution 2254 (2015). To this end, the political process initiated under the auspices of the United Nations, which is also Syrian-owned and Syrian-led, should be brought to a successful conclusion. This is the only way that Syria can achieve a lasting peace, while preserving its territorial integrity and political unity. Until this goal is achieved, we are determined to prevent terrorist organizations that intend to pose a threat to our national security, as well as to the political unity and territorial integrity of Syria. Today, countries like Turkey, which are hosting the highest number of refugees, save the dignity of all humanity through their sacrifices. However, some States, including some European countries, unfortunately violate the rights of refugees and asylum-seekers. It is time for the United Nations to take a firm stand against these violations that corrode the Geneva Convention and the international human rights system. The attacks launched by the coup plotters in Libya last year to overthrow the legitimate Government of National Accord have brought only pain and destruction to this country. The international community couldn’t ensure that neither the coup plotters nor their supporters have been made to account for the massacres, human rights violations and especially for the mass graves in Tarhuna. Turkey has been the only country to give a concrete response and provide support to the call for help of the legitimate Government of Libya. We believe that a permanent political solution in Libya can be established through an inclusive and comprehensive dialogue conducted by the Libyans. It is also under the responsibility of the international community to stop the bloodshed in Yemen, which has been continuing for more than five years, and stop the humanitarian crisis. History will not forgive those who covet Yemen’s sovereignty, political unity and territorial integrity with the intention of gaining influence in the region, and those who overlook the continued sufferings of Yemenis. It is our sincere desire that Iraq does not turn into an area of conflict for external powers and reaches a position to produce stability and prosperity for our region. While we support our neighbor Iraq in every field, we would like to cooperate more closely especially in the fight against terrorism. We expect a genuine cooperation from the international community and Iraq concerning the uprooting of PKK terrorist organization, which has been nested in Iraq, just as it has been the case for DAESH. Clearing the region from terrorist organizations will contribute to the enlightenment of the future of Iraq, which hosts the most ancient geography of humanity. We are in favor of resolving the issues about Iran’s nuclear program by taking into account international law, through diplomacy and dialogue. I would like to reiterate our call for all Parties to abide by their obligations under the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, which significantly contributes to regional and global security. The order of occupation and oppression in Palestine, which is the bleeding wound of humanity, continues to hurt consciences. The dirty hand that reaches the privacy of Jerusalem, where the sacred places of the three great religions coexist, is constantly increasing its audacity. The Palestinian people have stood up against Israel’s policies of oppression, violence, and intimidation for more than half a century. Upon rejection of the document of surrender, which was tried to be imposed on Palestine under the name of “Deal of the Century”, Israel this time accelerated its attempts to “have the inside track” with the help of its collaborators. Turkey will not support any plan that the Palestinian people do not give consent to. Participation of some countries of the region in this game does not mean anything beyond serving Israel’s efforts to erode basic international parameters. Countries that have declared their intention to open Embassies in Jerusalem, in violation of the United Nations resolutions and international law, only serve to make the conflict more complicated with their actions. The Palestinian conflict can only be resolved with the establishment of an independent, sovereign, and contiguous State of Palestine based on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital. Seeking solutions other than this are in vain, one-sided, and unjust. Armenia, who attacked the Azerbaijani territories in July, has once again proved that it is the biggest obstacle to lasting peace and stability in the South Caucasus. We are in favor of resolving the conflicts in the region as soon as possible, especially the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, in line with the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Azerbaijan and Georgia and resolutions of the United Nations and the OSCE. The Kashmir conflict, which is also key to the stability and peace of South Asia, is still a burning issue. Steps taken following the abolition of the special status of Jammu-Kashmir further complicated the problem. We are in favour of solving this issue through dialogue, within the framework of the United Nations resolutions and especially in line with the expectations of the people of Kashmir. Distinguished Delegates, Behind the tension existing in the Eastern Mediterranean for a while, there are countries acting with the understanding of “the winner takes it all”. The futile steps to exclude our country have no chance of success. We do not have designs on anyone else’s right, remedy and legitimate interests, neither in the Eastern Mediterranean nor in any other region. However, we cannot turn a blind eye on the violation of the rights of our country and the Turkish Cypriots and to the fact that our interests are being ignored. The reason for the problems existing in the region today is the one-sided steps taken by Greece and the Greek Cypriots since 2003 with maximalist demands. Turkey is a country that is compelled to shoulder the burden of any negative developments in the Eastern Mediterranean by itself. On the other hand, ignoring our country when it comes to the natural resources in the region can be explained neither by wisdom and conscience nor by international law. Our priority is to settle disputes in a sincere dialogue, based on international law and on an equitable basis. However, I would like to clearly state that we will never tolerate any imposition, harassment, or attack in the opposite direction. I would like to repeat here our call for establishing dialogue and cooperation between coastal countries of the Eastern Mediterranean. For this purpose, we would like to propose the convening of a regional Conference, including Turkish Cypriots, in which the rights and interests of all the countries of the region are considered. One of the reasons for the crisis in the region is the absence of a fair, comprehensive, and permanent solution to the Cyprus issue during the negotiations that have been continuing intermittently since 1968. The only obstacle to a solution is the uncompromising, unjust and spoiled approach of the Greek Cypriot side. Ignoring international agreements, the Greek Cypriot side aims to make the Turkish Cypriots a minority in their homeland, or even completely exclude them from the island. As a guarantor country, we have never left the Turkish Cypriot people alone in their rightful cause, and we will not leave them in the future. The solution to the Cyprus issue is possible only by accepting the fact that the Turkish Cypriot people are the co-owners of the island. We will support any solution that will permanently guarantee the security of the Turkish Cypriot people and their historical and political rights on the island. Distinguished Delegates, This year marks the 75th anniversary of the atomic bombings on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Disarmament is of vital importance for ensuring global peace and security. In contrast, the architecture of arms control has suffered significant damage in recent years. The international community must move forward on the basis of equality and justice in this regard, eliminating all weapons of mass destruction. Another important issue where we have an obligation to act together is climate change. We see how human interference in the balance of nature can lead to heavy costs. We must stop and reverse this bad course. As Turkey, we sincerely support the efforts in this struggle and fulfil our obligations, even though we have an almost negligible historical responsibility at this point. In the recent past, we hosted the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification. We have conducted fruitful cooperation with many regions and countries, especially in Africa. We also undertook to host the 16th Conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity to be held in 2022. And now, I want to draw your attention to a problem that threatens humanity, but for some reason is considered invisible. Racism, xenophobia, Islamophobia and hate speech have reached an alarming level. In the course of the pandemic, acts of violence against vulnerable people, especially migrants and asylum-seekers, accelerated while xenophobia and racism increased. Muslims are the most exposed to these dangerous tendencies fueled by prejudice and ignorance. Those who are primarily responsible for this dangerous course are politicians who turn to populist rhetoric for the sake of votes, and marginal segments who legitimize hate speech by abusing the freedom of expression. I urgently call on all international organizations to take more concrete steps in the fight against this mentality. I reiterate my call for March 15, the day of the terrorist attack perpetrated in New Zealand against Muslims, to be declared by the United Nations as “International Solidarity Day Against Islamophobia”. As the second largest international organization after the United Nations, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation has officially recognized this day. The pandemic and the escalating economic crisis associated with it also have negative effects on sustainable development, and on the 2030 goals. Developing countries and low-income countries are more affected by this crisis. In fact, what happened during the pandemic has shown us that Sustainable Development Goals can be an important guide in combating all kinds of global crises. We should also use the transformative power of digitalization in preparing economic prescriptions to survive the crisis. We support the United Nations Secretary General’s Roadmap for Digital Cooperation. We also set the theme of the first “Antalya Diplomacy Forum”, which we have designed to address global and regional issues, as “diplomacy in the digital age”. We also host the United Nations Technology Bank for the Least Developed Countries. Being the easternmost European and the westernmost Asian increases Turkey’s specific weight in all areas. With our “Asia Anew” initiative, we will give our relations a new dynamism, in our current time when the pendulum of history is shifting again towards Asia. We have also gained significant momentum in our relations with Africa, with which we have humanitarian and historical ties connecting our close geographies. We plan to implement projects aimed at strengthening Africa’s capacity at the third Turkey-African Union Partnership Summit that we intend to hold in Turkey next year. As I conclude my remarks, I would like to say that our strong support for multilateralism will continue during this sensitive period we are passing through. We must of course keep our distance from the pandemic, but we must also close ranks in our joint struggle and cooperation against all challenges that threaten the international community. We will continue our efforts to transform Istanbul, one of the most prominent cities in the world throughout history, into a regional hub of the United Nations. I wish success to the 75th General Assembly’s work. I greet you with respect on behalf of myself and my Nation. I wish you the best of health. Annex IV Address by Mr. Xi Jinping, President of the People’s Republic of China [Original: Chinese; English translation provided by the delegation] Mr. President, Colleagues, This year marks the 75th anniversary of the victory in the World Anti- Fascist War and the founding of the United Nations (UN). Yesterday, the high-level meeting to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the UN was held. The meeting was a significant one, as it reaffirmed our abiding commitment to the purposes and principles of the UN Charter on the basis of reviewing the historical experience and lessons of the World Anti-Fascist War. Mr. President, We humans are battling COVID-19, a virus that has ravaged the world and has kept resurging. In this fight, we have witnessed the efforts of governments, dedication of medical workers, exploration of scientists, and perseverance of the public. People of different countries have come together. With courage, resolve and compassion which lit the dark hour, we have confronted the disaster head on. The virus will be defeated. Humanity will win this battle! Facing the virus, we should put people and life first. We should mobilize all resources to make a science-based and targeted response. No case should be missed and no patient should be left untreated. The spread of the virus must be contained. Facing the virus, we should enhance solidarity and get this through together. We should follow the guidance of science, give full play to the leading role of the World Health Organization, and launch a joint international response to beat this pandemic. Any attempt of politicizing the issue or stigmatization must be rejected. Facing the virus, we should adopt comprehensive and long-term control measures. We should reopen businesses and schools in an orderly way, so as to create jobs, boost the economy, and restore economic and social order and vitality. The major economies need to step up macro policy coordination. We should not only restart our own economies, but also contribute to global recovery. Facing the virus, we should show concern for and accommodate the need of developing countries, especially African countries. The international community needs to take timely and robust measures in such fields as debt relief and international assistance, ensure the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and help these countries overcome their difficulties. Seventy-five years ago, China made historic contributions to winning the World Anti-Fascist War and supported the founding of the United Nations. Today, with the same sense of responsibility, China is actively involved in the international fight against COVID-19, contributing its share to upholding global public health security. Going forward, we will continue to share our epidemic control practices as well as diagnostics and therapeutics with other countries, provide support and assistance to countries in need, ensure stable global anti-epidemic supply chains, and actively participate in the global research on tracing the source and transmission routes of the virus. At the moment, several COVID-19 vaccines developed by China are in Phase III clinical trials. When their development is completed and they are available for use, these vaccines will be made a global public good, and they will be provided to other developing countries on a priority basis. China will honor its commitment of providing US$2 billion of international assistance over two years, further international cooperation in such fields as agriculture, poverty reduction, education, women and children, and climate change, and support other countries in restoring economic and social development. Mr. President, The history of development of human society is a history of our struggles against all challenges and difficulties and our victories over them. At present, the world is battling the COVID-19 pandemic as it goes through profound changes never seen in a century. Yet, peace and development remain the underlying trend of the times, and people everywhere crave even more strongly for peace, development and win-win cooperation. COVID-19 will not be the last crisis to confront humanity, so we must join hands and be prepared to meet even more global challenges. First, COVID-19 reminds us that we are living in an interconnected global village with a common stake. All countries are closely connected and we share a common future. No country can gain from others’ difficulties or maintain stability by taking advantage of others’ troubles. To pursue a beggar-thy-neighbor policy or just watch from a safe distance when others are in danger will eventually land one in the same trouble faced by others. This is why we should embrace the vision of a community with a shared future in which everyone is bound together. We should reject attempts to build blocs to keep others out and oppose a zero-sum approach. We should see each other as members of the same big family, pursue win-win cooperation, and rise above ideological disputes and do not fall into the trap of “clash of civilizations”. More importantly, we should respect a country’s independent choice of development path and model. The world is diverse in nature, and we should turn this diversity into a constant source of inspiration driving human advancement. This will ensure that human civilizations remain colorful and diversified. Second, COVID-19 reminds us that economic globalization is an indisputable reality and a historical trend. Burying one’s head in the sand like an ostrich in the face of economic globalization or trying to fight it with Don Quixote’s lance goes against the trend of history. Let this be clear: The world will never return to isolation, and no one can sever the ties between countries. We should not dodge the challenges of economic globalization. Instead, we must face up to major issues such as the wealth gap and the development divide. We should strike a proper balance between the government and the market, fairness and efficiency, growth and income distribution, and technology and employment so as to ensure full and balanced development that delivers benefit to people from all countries, sectors and backgrounds in an equitable way. We should pursue open and inclusive development, remain committed to building an open world economy, and uphold the multilateral trading regime with the World Trade Organization as the cornerstone. We should say no to unilateralism and protectionism, and work to ensure the stable and smooth functioning of global industrial and supply chains. Third, COVID-19 reminds us that humankind should launch a green revolution and move faster to create a green way of development and life, preserve the environment and make Mother Earth a better place for all. Humankind can no longer afford to ignore the repeated warnings of Nature and go down the beaten path of extracting resources without investing in conservation, pursuing development at the expense of protection, and exploiting resources without restoration. The Paris Agreement on climate change charts the course for the world to transition to green and low-carbon development. It outlines the minimum steps to be taken to protect the Earth, our shared homeland, and all countries must take decisive steps to honor this Agreement. China will scale up its Intended Nationally Determined Contributions by adopting more vigorous policies and measures. We aim to have CO2 emissions peak before 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality before 2060. We call on all countries to pursue innovative, coordinated, green and open development for all, seize the historic opportunities presented by the new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation, achieve a green recovery of the world economy in the post-COVID era and thus create a powerful force driving sustainable development. Fourth, COVID-19 reminds us that the global governance system calls for reform and improvement. COVID-19 is a major test of the governance capacity of countries; it is also a test of the global governance system. We should stay true to multilateralism and safeguard the international system with the UN at its core. Global governance should be based on the principle of extensive consultation, joint cooperation and shared benefits so as to ensure that all countries enjoy equal rights and opportunities and follow the same rules. The global governance system should adapt itself to evolving global political and economic dynamics, meet global challenges and embrace the underlying trend of peace, development and win-win cooperation. It is natural for countries to have differences. What’s important is to address them through dialogue and consultation. Countries may engage in competition, but such competition should be positive and healthy in nature. When in competition, countries should not breach the moral standard and should comply with international norms. In particular, major countries should act like major countries. They should provide more global public goods, take up their due responsibilities and live up to people’s expectations. Mr. President, Since the start of this year, we, the 1.4 billion Chinese, undaunted by the strike of COVID-19, and with the government and the people united as one, have made all- out efforts to control the virus and speedily restore life and economy to normalcy. We have every confidence to achieve our goals within the set time frame, that is, to finish the building of a moderately prosperous society in all respects, lift out of poverty all rural residents living below the current poverty line, and meet ten years ahead of schedule the poverty eradication target set out in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. China is the largest developing country in the world, a country that is committed to peaceful, open, cooperative and common development. We will never seek hegemony, expansion, or sphere of influence. We have no intention to fight either a Cold War or a hot war with any country. We will continue to narrow differences and resolve disputes with others through dialogue and negotiation. We do not seek to develop only ourselves or engage in a zero-sum game. We will not pursue development behind closed doors. Rather, we aim to foster, over time, a new development paradigm with domestic circulation as the mainstay and domestic and international circulations reinforcing each other. This will create more space for China’s economic development and add impetus to global economic recovery and growth. China will continue to work as a builder of global peace, a contributor to global development and a defender of international order. To support the UN in playing its central role in international affairs, I hereby announce the following steps to be taken by China. China will provide another US$50 million to the UN COVID-19 Global Humanitarian Response Plan. China will provide US$50 million to the China-FAO South-South Cooperation Trust Fund (Phase III). China will extend the Peace and Development Trust Fund between the UN and China by five years after it expires in 2025. China will set up a UN Global Geospatial Knowledge and Innovation Center and an International Research Center of Big Data for Sustainable Development Goals to facilitate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Mr. President, Colleagues, The baton of history has been passed to our generation, and we must make the right choice, a choice worthy of the people’s trust and of our times. Let us join hands to uphold the values of peace, development, equity, justice, democracy and freedom shared by all of us and build a new type of international relations and a community with a shared future for mankind. Together, we can make the world a better place for everyone. Annex V Address by Mr. Sebastián Piñera Echenique, President, Republic of Chile Mr. President of the United Nations General Assembly, Mr. Secretary-General of the United Nations, ladies and gentlemen, Heads of State and Government, dear delegates, Each generation has faced its own problems and challenges. It is up to our generation to face especially difficult and demanding problems and challenges. Some have emerged unexpectedly, such as the coronavirus pandemic and the global economic recession. Others already existed but have manifested themselves with greater force, such as climate change and global warming. The challenges of our generation are the mothers of all battles, because they are battles to ensure our survival. COVID-19 A year ago, nobody could have imagined that an invisible and microscopic virus was going to cause the worst health, social and economic catastrophe in 100 years. No country was prepared to face it, and, so long as there is no effective and safe vaccine, we will have to learn to live with this virus, which has changed our ways of working, studying, obtaining supplies and interacting — in short, the way we live our lives fully. This means a tremendous challenge and a great opportunity. How has Chile faced this formidable challenge? Our first priority and task is to protect the health and lives of all, especially those of our elderly and of at-risk groups. That is why we launched a Health Protection Plan that has made it possible to triple the capacity of our health system and carry out more than 3 million PCR tests, covering about 15 per cent of our population. But this task does not end with health protection. That is certainly necessary but not sufficient. Protecting the health and lives of our compatriots also requires ensuring that families have supplies of basic goods and services and protecting jobs, incomes, small and medium-sized enterprises and the functioning of our economy. Chileans have faced very tough and difficult months. For that reason, our Government developed a Social Protection Plan to protect the income and jobs of middle-class and vulnerable families that today covers more than 14 million Chileans. That means that almost three of every four Chileans are protected by this Special Social Protection Network, which we have built in these six months of emergency. But it is not enough to protect our compatriots only during this emergency. We must be able to look to the future and move towards lasting protection. To that end it is vital to recover the almost 2 million jobs we have lost, relaunch our economy and get our country back on track. Therefore, two weeks after the first coronavirus contagion in Chile, we promoted an Economic Recovery Plan that mobilizes about 12 per cent of GDP. [Original: Spanish] We must prevent this transitory health crisis from turning into a serious economic and social crisis of a more permanent nature. What must the world do to confront this pandemic effectively and emerge stronger? Only collaborative and multilateral solutions will allow us to overcome this crisis and emerge stronger. This pandemic, which does not recognize or respect borders, nationality or ethnicity, has shown us the need to strengthen international collaboration and governance as well as the tremendous interdependence of the international community. It is in these times of crisis that we most need leadership and multilateral cooperation. The great Powers, instead of permanently confronting each other in the economic and health fields, should lead the fight against this pandemic and global recession and not create a large and worrisome leadership vacuum. With respect to health issues, this includes sharing diagnoses and knowledge, coordinating border closures and openings, joining forces for the development and availability of an effective and safe vaccine, and cooperating with the most vulnerable countries. The trade war we are experiencing today has led to stagnation in international trade and investment, the weakening of free trade, sources of protectionism and a deadlock in the World Trade Organization. To promote free trade and integration, combat protectionism, eliminate non-tariff barriers to trade, harmonize regulations and rules, and prevent and sanction unilateral behaviour that contravenes the international order, we need to rebuild a multilateral economic order that is respected by all and rules-based. Furthermore, we must unite to prevent this global pandemic and recession from strengthening the authoritarianism and populism promoted by those who have tried to take advantage of this crisis. We cannot sacrifice the freedoms that we have won at so great a price, as this would pose a tremendous threat to democracy and to the development of our countries. What lessons and opportunities has this pandemic offered us? First, to be more humble. Despite all the scientific and technological advances made, this virus has taught us the vulnerability and precariousness of human life and our societies. Secondly, to learn to listen more attentively to the voices of science, local authorities and civil society, and always be ready to change course when necessary. Thirdly, the value of the family, which has been the main sustenance in facing and overcoming the consequences of this time of adversity. CLIMATE CHANGE AND GLOBAL WARMING The coronavirus pandemic and global economic recession have shifted the spotlight away from climate change and global warming. But these serious threats continue to increase, and our best option is without a doubt to confront them simultaneously. Human beings are the most intelligent and ingenious creatures on planet Earth. But they are also the only creatures capable of destroying their own planet. Let us tell it as it is. The threat of global warming is real and imminent. Science has spoken loud and clear. Citizenship demands a change of course as a moral imperative, technology provides us with the necessary tools, and common sense urges us to action. The scientific evidence is categorical — the concentration of greenhouse gases and the current average temperature are the highest in the past 800,000 years. We are being ravaged by intense heat waves, large floods, intense periods of drought and powerful hurricanes. In addition, we are suffering from severe landslides and melting ice at the poles, ocean pollution, sea-level increases, fires and forest destruction and many other worrisome phenomena. And the most serious thing is that these changes used to take millions of years. Now they occur in just decades. The time for diagnoses is over. The time for action is here. Chile is fully committed to fighting climate change, which has inspired and mobilized millions of citizens. We were one of the first 10 countries to significantly enhance our nationally determined contribution, thereby fulfilling the commitments we undertook in the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. We are moving forward with a framework law on climate change, already unanimously approved by the Senate, which sets the goal of carbon neutrality by 2050 and lays out strategies, plans and instruments to meet that goal. We have assumed the commitment to transforming Chile into a carbon-neutral country by 2050, with zero net emissions, which we will accomplish through several actions. The first is the total closure of coal-fired plants before 2040. Today, 44 per cent of our energy sources are clean and renewable, and by 2030 we will reach 70 per cent. Secondly, we will focus on electromobility. We are replacing the fossil fuels in our transportation system with electricity or other clean fuels. By 2040, 100 per cent of our urban public transport will be electric. Outside of China, our capital city now has the most electric buses in the world. Thirdly, we will promote energy efficiency in all sectors and special tariffs to gradually replace wood heating with electric heating. Lastly, we will ensure the protection of our forests and promote biodiversity and reforestation, favouring native species and nature-based solutions. In order to successfully fulfil that mission we are building a true Climate Ambition Alliance, incorporating the State, the private sector, civil society and our citizens. We are also replacing throwaway culture with the culture of recycling and are moving from a linear to a circular economy. We have eliminated plastic bags and have already prevented the production of 5 billion bags — used for only minutes — from polluting our planet for centuries. This is the great challenge of our generation — to make up for lost time and change the course of history to ensure the survival and quality of life of human beings on planet Earth. I want to share with the Assembly some reflections on our region of Latin America, which has all it needs to be a developed region — vast and generous territories and abundant and multiple natural resources. We have not seen the wars that destroyed Europe last century or the religious conflicts that have caused so much damage throughout history. And yet, despite the important progress made in many fields, we remain an underdeveloped continent, with almost one-third of our population living in poverty — a scourge that the coronavirus crisis will significantly worsen. We have not been able to take full advantage of the talents and opportunities of our people. We have not been able to move towards true regional integration. And we are behind in joining the technological and digital revolution, which has ushered in the knowledge and information society. We are undoubtedly making efforts to make up for lost time. Eight years ago, we created the Pacific Alliance, which is a regional benchmark for economic integration. A year ago, we created the Forum for the Progress and Development of South America, a body for coordination and collaboration among the democratic countries of South America, which has been very helpful in responding to the coronavirus pandemic. However, we have also had setbacks that threaten freedom, human rights, democracy, the rule of law and our quality of life. One example of where those principles are constantly violated is the tragic situation in Venezuela — a country suffering the most serious political, social, economic and humanitarian crisis in its history. The best solution to the Venezuelan crisis is the establishment of a transitional Government and the holding of free and democratic elections so that the Venezuelan people may freely choose their rulers and the path to follow. The whole world is being threatened by populism and irresponsibility, which always means the easy way — the path of rights without duties and achievements without effort, of progress without work, of asserting one’s rights without respecting those of others, and of promises of easy solutions to difficult problems. Democracies are founded on freedom, and freedom demands responsibility. That freedom and responsibility are especially needed in times of crisis, which tend to foment populism. In recent times, our region, too, has seen social outbreaks and waves of violence. Chile is no exception. Thirty years ago, with the firm will and commitment of our people, we peacefully regained our democracy and gave life to a new and modern republic based on three basic agreements: first, a deep commitment to democracy, the rule of law and the protection of human rights; secondly, a strong commitment to a free, open and competitive market economy; and thirdly, the firm determination to defeat poverty and promote equal opportunity. The facts show that these commitments were productive. During this period, we increased our per capita income fivefold. We reduced poverty from more than 60 per cent to less than 10 per cent, saving 8 million Chileans, more than half of our population, from the clutches of poverty. A large and diverse middle class emerged. Life expectancy increased, infant mortality decreased and the coverage, quality and access to education at all levels rose from 230,000 to 1.2 million students in higher education, most of them first generation. These achievements are the result of the work of many Governments and various political movements, which committed themselves to the mission of defeating poverty and achieving development in democracy and peace. However, over the past 30 years, we have not been able to leverage our growth potential to reduce inequalities, stop abuses, move towards equal opportunity or improve services in such important areas as education, welfare and health. Late last year, important social movements emerged in Chile and in other countries of our region and the world. In Chile, citizens of all ages and sectors took to the streets to demand better pensions, better health and better education. They also demanded fewer inequalities, improved and more affordable public services, greater equality before the law and better control of abusive behaviour. Despite certain progress, those demands had been accumulating for decades. The Government listened to those demands carefully, with sensitivity and with a sense of urgency, and quickly put in place a new social agenda to address them and promote solutions. Unfortunately, alongside demonstrations, our country also experienced a huge and unexpected outbreak of violence, fires, riots, destruction and crime, which respected nothing and no one, and gravely harmed Chile’s body and soul. In a democracy, we cannot tolerate any form of violence, be it physical or through social networks. Violence, threats and intolerance are incompatible with a democratic society, which must always be based on respect, dialogue and the peaceful resolution of disputes. During these difficult and violent months, while exercising our duty to restore public order and safeguard citizen security, for which we had to resort to the States of Constitutional Exception provided for in our Constitution, our Government took all possible and necessary measures and precautions to guarantee respect for the human rights of all. We applied strict norms to regulate the use of force by the police, in full compliance with international human rights standards. We adopted a policy of full transparency to our citizens in terms of human rights-related information, and we strengthened the public defender system. To support and facilitate their task of autonomously protecting human rights, we granted our National Human Rights Institute and the Office of the Children’s Ombudsperson full logistical support and access, upon their request, to all police, hospital and prison facilities, inter alia. We invited the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Inter- American Commission on Human Rights to monitor the situation in the country. All evidence of abuse or excessive use of force was placed at the disposal of the Office of the Prosecutor, which by constitutional mandate has the duty to investigate the facts and bring them, when appropriate, to the Courts of Justice so that they may be judged and sanctioned in accordance with the law, as befits a democracy and the rule of law. We will make every effort to ensure that there is no impunity in Chile, neither for those who violate human rights nor for the violators who attack society. In these difficult times, when our democracy has been threatened, our Government proposed — and Chile opted for — an institutional and peaceful solution to the conflict through constitutional reform that gave rise to a process that will begin this 25 October with a citizen plebiscite. I am convinced that the immense majority of Chileans want to perfect, modernize or change our Constitution. In the 25 October plebiscite, the citizens will democratically choose the way forward. This crisis is an opportunity to reach a constitutional agreement that will allow our Constitution to be a great framework of unity and stability and of projection into the future. It is also an opportunity to better connect with our citizens and move forward with greater strength and urgency towards a freer and more just society, with greater equality of opportunity, where everyone is equal in dignity and equal before the law, and where progress and development are more inclusive and sustainable. We must learn from the lessons of the past that have taught us the value of unity, dialogue, collaboration and agreement. After all, a house divided cannot prevail. We must also act with a sense of urgency because we have no time to lose and because there will be no social justice without growth and development, and no growth and development without social justice. Chile is a country proud of its history, traditions and identity. It is a country with a strong vocation for collaboration and international integration, a country where we always ask ourselves how we can, together with other nations, contribute to making the world a home with greater freedom, peace, prosperity and justice and where the environment is protected. That is why Chile contributes to the international community in many ways. First, Chile contributes by caring for and protecting the Antarctic, which is the largest freshwater reserve in the world and plays a fundamental role in combating climate change and mitigating temperature increase and ice melt. It is also a true natural laboratory for science. Secondly, Chile contributes to the development of astronomy. The unique combination of high peaks, low humidity and clear skies has meant that 70 per cent of the world’s astronomical observation capacity is located in our country. Thirdly, we are creating marine protected areas. With pride and effort, more than 42 per cent of Chile’s sea is protected. Further, 21 per cent of our land areas is protected, through parks, reserves and national monuments. Fourthly, we are developing the energies of the future. Chile was poor in fossil fuels and the pollutants of the past, but we are immensely rich in the clean and renewable energies of the future. The high solar radiation of our deserts gives them gigantic potential for generating solar energy. The intensity and regularity of the winds allow for high capacity in generating wind energy. In addition, we are making progress in the energies of tomorrow, developing green hydrogen, which, as a fuel that does not generate greenhouse-gas emissions, will benefit the whole world. The abundance of copper and lithium gives us great potential in terms of electromobility. Fifthly, Chile is connecting South America with Oceania and Asia through the trans-Pacific fibre-optic cable, which will promote regional integration, innovation and digital society. Sixthly, we are producing healthy and safe food to supply tables around the world with multiple products. Chile and the rest of the world have just lived through the hardest and most challenging months in recent history. I am sure that Chile will once again manifest the noble and supportive soul of our country and prove the resilience and mettle of its people. Together we will continue to build a country where it is good to be born, grow, study, work, raise a family and age — a common home, the home of all Chileans, where we can think differently, respect each other and together build a country and a better future that we can leave with pride and hope to successive generations. Annex VI Address by Mr. Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa, President of the Republic of South Africa President of the General Assembly, Secretary-General, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, seventy-five years ago, the United Nations was established to introduce a new world order to achieve peace in the world. It was the dawn of a new era of global cooperation, forged in the aftermath of one of the darkest periods in the history of humankind. In 1945, the world was in crisis. It was counting the devastation wrought by war, devastation and plunder. Today, we are in the throes of another crisis  — the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. If we are to build a common and inclusive future in the aftermath of COVID-19, it is this solidarity that must endure. In the words of Nelson Mandela: “It is human solidarity, the concern for the other, that must be at the centre of the values by which we all live.” As the African continent, our response to coronavirus has been swift and effective. We have a continental strategy to fight the pandemic being driven by the regional economic communities. The African Union has established a COVID-19 Response Fund and launched a ground-breaking African Medical Supplies Platform to ensure all countries have access to the necessary equipment and supplies. Nonetheless, the pandemic will inevitably set back our developmental aspirations. The resources we have had to redirect to fighting the pandemic have set back our efforts to provide housing, health care, water and sanitation and education to our people. When the Secretary-General António Guterres delivered the 18th Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture in July 2020, he called on the nations of the world to forge a New Social Contract and a New Global Deal. He said we must create equal opportunities for all, that we must advancea more inclusive and balanced multilateral trading system, that debt architecture must be reformed, and that there should be greater access to affordable credit for developing countries. It is a call we as South Africa wholly endorse. It is in the spirit of this New Global Deal, that we call on the international community and our international partners to support the rollout of a comprehensive stimulus package for Africa. This will enable African countries to not only mitigate the health impacts of COVID-19 but to aid us in the immense task of rebuilding our shattered economies. To ensure that no country is left behind we reiterate our position as the African Union that economic sanctions against Zimbabwe and Sudan be lifted to allow their governments to respond adequately to the pandemic. We also call for the suspension of interest payments on Africa’s external and public debt. As the African Union we are encouraged by the collaboration of the G20, the IMF, the World Bank and the UN towards finding solutions to debt sustainability in developing countries. This pandemic has highlighted the urgency with which we must strive to meet all the Sustainable Development Goals, but importantly Goal 1 — to end poverty in all its forms everywhere. For until we eradicate global poverty, we will always fall short of realising the vision of the founders of the United Nations . We must expand economic opportunities to all our people, but most especially to the young, to women and to vulnerable persons. We must boldly pursue avenues of redistribution and redress as a means of advancing shared prosperity. We must deal decisively with the rot of corruption that is robbing our people of the opportunities and services that are their right. Together, we must raise our level of ambition to ensure that every man, woman and child has an equal chance at a better future. It is a future free of hunger, disease, insecurity and war. It is a world that affirms the dignity and worth of all, regardless of race, ethnicity, gender, sexual orientation, religious affiliation or social circumstances. The year 2020 will be remembered for the massive groundswell to push back the frontiers of racism under the umbrella of the #BlackLivesMatter movement. As a country that has known too well the anguish of institutionalised racism, South Africa supports the demands for swift action against racism, whether committed by individuals, companies, officials or the state. South Africa calls on the United Nations to spare no effort to end prejudice and intolerance in all its forms and wherever it may be found. In the words of Dr Martin Luther King Jnr: “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.” As we mark the 25th Anniversary of the adoption of the Beijing Platform for Action, we must intensify our efforts to empower women and girls. It is the right of women and girls to be full and equal participants in the workplace, in political life and decision-making, in the economy, in obtaining an education and in society as a whole. South Africa is proud to be a member of the UN’s Generation Equality campaign and has prioritised the eradication of gender based violence and femicide. At a continental level, we are working to finalise and adopt an AU Convention on Violence against Women during the course of this year. AU member states are engaging on measures to promote financial inclusion, preferential procurement and preferential trade agreements for women. As African countries we continue with our effort to ‘silence the guns’ once and for all through conflict resolution and peace-building. Cooperation between the UN Security Council and the AU Peace and Security Council has contributed to improved peace and security in the Darfur region of Sudan, South Sudan, Somalia, Mali and the Central African Republic. It is imperative that this collaboration is institutionalised and that the financing of AU peacekeeping operations is addressed and resolved. South Africa is currently serving its second year as an elected non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. We have used ourtenure to promote international peace and security by advocating for the peaceful settlement of disputes and inclusive dialogue. The current composition of the Security Councildoes not reflectthe world in which we live. On this 75th anniversary of the UN we repeat our call for greater representation of African countries on the Security Council,and that this be taken up with urgency at the Intergovernmental Negotiations. It is only through a reformed and inclusive Security Council that we will be able to collectively resolve some of the world’s most protracted conflicts. As we celebrate the founding of an organisation dedicated to freedom and equality, the people of Palestine and Western Sahara continue to live under occupation. We repeat our call for an end to the illegal occupation of Western Sahara and for the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination. We further call for the lifting of the economic embargo and blockade of Cuba. Your Excellencies, We have no choice but to work together to address the climate change crisis. As we rebuild in the aftermath of this pandemic we have an opportunity to place the global economy on a low-carbon, climate resilient developmental path. We must advance the principles of the green and circular economies, not just for the sake of environmental sustainability but because of the opportunities for job creation and economic growth. The global recovery effort must place climate change adaptation, mitigation and support at its centre — in line with the Paris Agreement and other multilateral environmental commitments. As the founders of the UN stood at a crossroads in 1945, so do we 75 years later. They answered history’s call to craft a new order for a world in crisis. Today we battle the fires of a deadly pandemic, of racism and prejudice, of violence, war and extremism and, above all, of poverty and inequality. The order we seek to build must be rooted in solidarity, equality and unity of purpose. The coronavirus pandemic has presented us with a choice. It is a choice between the global cooperation envisaged in the UN Charter or the pursuit of narrow self-interest and unilateralism. It is a choice between tolerance or prejudice. It is a choice between economic justice or growing inequality. The path we choose now will defermine our collective destiny. Though we face the most daunting of prospects, we have at our disposal the most potent force. It is the solidarity and friendship upon which the United Nations was founded. When history faithfully records the global response to the worst health emergency of this century, let it be said that we stood and acted as one, that we provided leadership, and that we gave the peoples of all nations hope and courage. The best, and most fitting, legacy of this 75th Session will be that through our actions we gave true meaning to the term ‘United Nations’. South Africa reaffirms its commitment to the ideals and spirit of the UN Charter, and to sparing no effort to bring about a more just, peaceful and equitable world. May our cooperation deepen and may our solidarity endure. Let us make sure that all our efforts leave no woman, no child and no man behind, and that no nation is left behind. Annex VII Address by Mr. Miguel Díaz Canel Bermúdez, President, Republic of Cuba [Original: Spanish; English translation provided by the delegation] Mr. Secretary General, Mr. President, A global pandemic has changed everyday life drastically. From one day to the next, millions of people get infected and thousands die even when their life expectancy was longer thanks to development. Hospital systems with high-level services have collapsed and the health structures of poor countries are affected by their chronic lack of capacity. Drastic quarantines are turning the most populated cities into deserted areas. Social life is non existent except in the digital networks. Theaters, discos, galleries and even schools are closed or being readjusted. Our borders have been closed, our economies are shrinking and our reserves are dwindling. Life is experiencing a radical redesigning of age-old ways and uncertainty is replacing certainty. Even close friends cannot recognize each other due to the masks that protect us from the contagion. Everything is changing. Like finding a solution to the pandemic, it is already urgent to democratize this indispensable Organization so that it effectively meets the needs and aspirations of all peoples. The sought-after right of humanity to live in peace and security, with justice and freedom, the basis for unity among nations, is constantly under threat. Over $1.9 trillion are being squandered today in a senseless arms race promoted by the aggressive and war-mongering policies of imperialism, whose leader is the present government of the US, which accounts for 38 per cent of the global military expenditure. We are referring to a markedly aggressive and morally corrupt regime that despises and attacks multilateralism, uses financial blackmailing in its relations with UN system agencies and that, in a show of unprecedented overbearance, has withdrawn from the World Health Organization, UNESCO and the Human Rights Council. Paradoxically, the country where the UN headquarters is located is also staying away from fundamental international treaties such as the Paris Agreement on Climate Change; it rejects the nuclear agreement with Iran reached by consensus; it promotes trade wars; it ends its commitment with international disarmament control instruments; it militarizes cyberspace; it expands coercion and unilateral sanctions against those who do not bend to its designs and sponsors the forcible overthrow of sovereign governments through non conventional war methods. Along such line of action, which ignores the old principles of peaceful co-existence and respect of the right of others´ to self-determination as the guarantee for peace, the Donald Trump administration it also manipulating, with subversive aims, cooperation in the sphere of democracy and human rights, while in its own territory there is an abundance of practically uncontrolled expressions of hatred, racism, police brutality and irregularities in the election system and as to the voting rights of citizens It is urgent to reform the UN. This powerful organization, which emerged after the loss of millions of lives in two world wars and as a result of a world understanding of the importance of dialogue, negotiation, cooperation and international law, must not postpone any further its updating and democratization. Today´s world needs the UN just as the one where it came into being did. Something that is very special and profound has failed, as evidenced by the daily and permanent violation of the UN Charter principles, and by the ever- increasing use or threat of use of force in international relations. There is no way to sustain any longer, as if it were natural and unshakable, an unequal, unjust and anti-democratic International order where selfishness prevails over solidarity and the mean interests of a powerful minority over the legitimate aspirations of millions of people. Notwithstanding the dissatisfactions and the demands for change that, together with other states and millions of citizens in the world, we are presenting to the UN, the Cuban Revolution shall always uphold the existence of the Organization, to which we owe the little but indispensable multilateralism that is surviving imperial overbearance. More than once, at this very forum, Cuba has reiterated its willingness to cooperate with the democratization of the UN and the upholding of international cooperation, that can be saved only by it. As stated by the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba and Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, and I quote: “The international community shall always count on Cuba´s honest voice in the face of injustice, inequality, underdevelopment, discrimination and manipulation, and for the establishment of a more just and equitable international order which really centers on human beings, their dignity and wellbeing.” End of quote. Mr. President, Coming back to the seriousness of the present situation, which many blame only on the COVID-19 pandemic, I think it is essential to say that its impact is by far overflowing the health sphere. Due to its nefarious sequels, impressive death toll and damages to the world economy and the deterioration of social development levels, the spreading of the pandemic in the last few months brings anguish and despair to leaders and citizens in practically all nations. But the multidimensional crisis it has unleashed clearly shows the great mistake of the dehumanized policies fully imposed by the market dictatorship. Today, we are witnessing with sadness the disaster the world has been led to by the irrational and unsustainable production and consumption system of capitalism, decades of an unjust international order and the implementation of ruthless and rampant neoliberalism, which has widened inequalities and sacrificed the right of peoples to development. Unlike excluding neoliberalism, which puts aside and discards millions of human beings and condemns them to survive on the leftovers from the banquet of the richest one per cent, the COVID-19 virus does not discriminate between them, but its devastating economic and social effects shall be lethal among the most vulnerable and those with lower incomes, whether they live in the underdeveloped world or in the pockets of poverty of big industrial cities. According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) projections, the 690 million people who were going hungry in 2019 might be joined by a further 130 million as a result of the economic recession caused by the pandemic. Studies by the International Labor Organization (ILO) say that over 305 million jobs have been lost and that more than 1.6 billion workers are having their livelihoods at stake. We cannot face COVID-19, hunger, unemployment and the growing economic and social inequalities between individuals and countries as unrelated phenomena. There is an urgency to implement integrated policies that prioritize human beings and not economic profits or political advantages. It would a crime to postpone decisions that are for yesterday and for today. It is imperative to promote solidarity and international cooperation to lessen the impact. Only the UN, with its world membership, has the required authority and reach to resume the just struggle to write off the uncollectable foreign debt which, aggravated by the social and economic effects of the pandemic, is threatening the survival of the peoples of the South. Mr. President, The SARS-CoV-2 outbreak and the early signs that it would bring a pandemic did not catch Cuba off guard. With the decade-long experience of facing terrible epidemics, some of which were provoked deliberately as part of the permanent war against our political project, we immediately implemented a series of measures based on our main capabilities and strengths, namely, a well structured socialist state that cares for the health of its citizens, a highly-skilled human capital and a society with much people´s involvement in its decision-making and problem solving processes. The implementation of those measures, combined with the knowledge accrued for over 60 years of great efforts to create and expand a high-quality and universal health system, plus scientific research and development, has made it possible not only to preserve the right to health of all citizens, without exception, but also to be in a better position to face the pandemic. We have been able to do it in spite of the harsh restrictions of the long economic, commercial and financial blockade being imposed by the US government, which has been brutally tightened in the last two years, even at these pandemic times, something that shows it is the essential component of the hostile US Cuba policy. The aggressiveness of the blockade has reached a qualitatively higher level that further asserts its role as the real and determining impediment to the managing of the economy and the development of our country. The US government has intensified in particular its harassment of Cuban financial transactions and, beginning in 2019, it has been adopting measures that violate international law to deprive the Cuban people of the possibility to buy fuels they need for their everyday activities and for their development. So as to damage and demonize the Cuban Revolution and others it defines as adversaries, the US has been publishing spurious lists having no legitimacy by which it abrogates itself the right to impose unilateral coercive measures and unfounded qualifications on the world. Every week, that government issues statements against Cuba or imposes new restrictions. Paradoxically, however, it has refused to term as terrorist the attack that was carried out against the Cuban embassy in Washington on 30 April, 2020, when an individual armed with an assault rifle fired over 30 rounds against the diplomatic mission and later admitted to his intent to kill. We denounce the double standards of the US government in the fight against terror and demand a public condemnation of that brutal attack. We demand a cease of the hostility and slanderous campaign against the altruistic work by Cuba´s international medical cooperation that, with much prestige and verifiable results, has contributed to saving hundreds of lives and lowering the impact of the disease in many countries. Prominent international figures and highly prestigious social organizations have acknowledged the humanistic work done by the “Henry Reeve” International Medical Brigade for Disaster Situations and Serious Epidemics and called for the Nobel Peace Prize to be given to them. While the US government is ignoring the call to combine efforts to fight the pandemic and it withdraws from the WHO, Cuba, in response to requests made to it, and guided by the profound solidarity and humanistic vocation of its people, is expanding its cooperation by sending over 3 700 cooperation workers distributed in 46 medical brigades to 39 countries and territories hit by COVID-19. In this sense, we condemn the gangster blackmailing by the US to pressure the Pan-American Health Organization so as to make that regional agency a tool for its morbid aggression against our country. As usual, the force of truth shall do away with lies, and facts and protagonists shall go down in history as they should. Cuba´s example shall prevail. Our dedicated health workers, the pride of a nation brought up in José Marti’s idea that My Country Is Humanity, shall be awarded the prize their noble hearts deserve, or not; but it has been years since they won the recognition of the peoples blessed by their health work. The US government is not hiding its intention to enforce new and harsher aggressive measures against Cuba in the next few months. We state once again before the international community that our people, who take pride in their history and are committed to the ideals and achievements of the Revolution, shall resist and overcome. The attempts at imposing neocolonial domination on Our America by publicly declaring the present value of the Monroe Doctrine contravene the Proclamation of Latin America and the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace. We wish to restate publicly in this virtual forum that the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela shall always have the solidarity of Cuba in the face of attempts at destabilizing and subverting constitutional order and the civic-military unity and at destroying the work started by Commander Hugo Chávez Frías and continued by President Nicolás Maduro Moros to benefit the Venezuelan people. We also reject US actions aimed at destabilizing the Republic of Nicaragua and ratify our invariable solidarity with its people and government led by Commander Daniel Ortega. We state our solidarity with the Caribbean nations, which are demanding just reparations for the horrors of slavery and the slave trade, in a world where racial discrimination and the repression against Afro-descendant communities have been on the rise. We reaffirm our historical commitment with the self determination and independence of the sisterly people of Puerto Rico. We support the legitimate claim by Argentina to its sovereignty over the Malvinas, the South Sandwich and South Georgia islands. We reiterate our commitment with peace in Colombia and the conviction that dialogue between the parties is the road to achieving stable and lasting peace in that country. We support the search for a peaceful and negotiated solution to the situation imposed on Syria, with no foreign interference and in full respect of its sovereignty and territorial integrity. We demand a just solution to the conflict in the Middle East, which must include the real exercise by the Palestinian people of the inalienable right to build their own State within the borders prior to 1967 and with East Jerusalem as its capital. We reject Israel´s attempts to annex more territories in the West Bank. We state our solidarity with the Islamic Republic of Iran in the face of US aggressive escalation. We reaffirm our invariable solidarity with the Sahrawi people. We strongly condemn the unilateral and unjust sanctions against the Democratic People´s Republic of Korea. We restate our rejection of the intention to expand NATO´s presence to the Russian borders and the imposition of unilateral and unjust sanctions against Russia. We reject foreign interference into the internal affairs of the Republic of Belarus and reiterate our solidarity with the legitimate president of that country, Aleksandr Lukashenko, and the sisterly people of Belarus. We condemn the interference into the internal affairs of the People´s Republic of China and oppose any attempt to harm its territorial integrity and its sovereignty. Mr. President, Today´s disturbing circumstances have led to the fact that, for the first time in the 75-year-long history of the United Nations, we have had to meet in a non- presential format. Cuba´s scientific community, another source of pride for the nation that, since the triumph of the Revolution of the just, announced to the world its intention to be a country of men and women of science, is working non-stop on one of the first vaccines that are going through clinical trials in the world. Its creators and other researchers and experts, in coordination with the health system, are writing protocols on healthcare for infected persons, recovered patients and the risk population that have allowed us to keep epidemic statistics of around 80 per cent of infected persons saved and a mortality rate below the average in the Americas and the world. “Doctors and not bombs.” That was announced one day by the historical leader of the Cuban Revolution and chief sponsor of scientific development in Cuba: Commander in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz. That´s our motto. Saving lives and sharing what we are and have, no matter any sacrifice it takes; that is what we are offering to the world from the United Nations, to which we only request to be attuned with the gravity of the present time. We are Cuba. Let us strive together to promote peace, solidarity and development. Thank you very much. Annex VIII Address by Mr. Vladimir Putin, President of the Russian Federation [Original: Russian; English translation provided by the delegation] Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, This year, the international community celebrates two, without exaggeration, historic anniversaries: the 75th anniversary of the end of the Second World War and establishment of the United Nations. The importance of these two forever interlinked events cannot be overemphasized. In 1945, Nazism was defeated, the ideology of aggression and hatred was crushed, and the experience and spirit of alliance, as well as the awareness of the huge price that had been paid for peace and our common Victory, helped construct the post-war world order. It was built on the ultimate foundation of the UN Charter that remains the main source of international law to this day. I am convinced that this anniversary makes it incumbent upon all of us to recall the timeless principles of inter-State communication enshrined in the UN Charter and formulated by the founding fathers of our universal Organization in the clearest and most unambiguous terms. These principles include the equality of sovereign States, non-interference with their domestic affairs, the right of peoples to determine their own future, non-use of force or the threat of force, and political settlement of disputes. Looking back at the past decades, one can say that despite all difficulties of the Cold War period, major geopolitical shifts and all the intricacies of today’s global politics, the UN has been ably fulfilling its mission of protecting peace, promoting sustainable development of the peoples and continents and providing assistance in mitigating local crises. This enormous potential and expertise of the UN is relevant and serves as a solid basis for moving ahead. After all, just like any other international organization or regional entity, the UN should not grow stiff, but evolve in accordance with the dynamics of the 21st century and consistently adapt to the realia of the modern world that is indeed becoming more complicated, multipolar and multidimensional. The current changes certainly have an effect on the principal UN body, the Security Council, as well as on the debate concerning the approaches to its reform. Our logic is that the Security Council should be more inclusive of the interests of all countries, as well as the diversity of their positions, base its work on the principle of the broadest possible consensus among States and, at the same time, continue to serve as the cornerstone of global governance, which cannot be achieved unless the permanent members of the Security Council retain their veto power. Such a right pertaining to the five nuclear powers, the victors of the Second World War, remains indicative of the actual military and political balance to this day. Most importantly, it is an essential and unique instrument that helps prevent unilateral actions that may result in a direct military confrontation between major States, and provides an opportunity to seek compromise or at least avoid solutions that would be completely unacceptable to others and act within the framework of international law, rather than a vague, gray area of arbitrariness and illegitimacy. As diplomatic practice shows, this instrument actually works, unlike the infamous pre-war League of Nations with its endless discussions, declarations without mechanisms for real action and with States and peoples in need not having the right to assistance and protection. Forgetting the lessons of history is short-sighted and extremely irresponsible, just like the politicized attempts to arbitrarily interpret the causes, course and outcomes of the Second World War and twist the decisions of the conferences of the Allies and the Nuremberg Tribunal that are based on speculation instead of facts. It is not just vile and offending the memory of the fighters against Nazism. It is a direct and devastating blow to the very foundation of the post-war world order, which is particularly dangerous in view of the global stability facing serious challenges, the arms control system breaking down, regional conflicts continuing unabated, and threats posed by terrorism, organized crime and drug trafficking intensifying. We are also experiencing a whole new challenge of the coronavirus pandemic. This disease has directly affected millions of people and claimed the most important thing: the lives of hundreds of thousands of people. Quarantines, border closures, numerous serious troubles to citizens of almost all States constitute the present-day realia. It has been especially difficult for elderly people who, due to the necessary restrictions, have not been able to hug their loved ones, children and grandchildren for weeks or even months. Experts are yet to fully assess the scale of the social and economic shock caused by the pandemic and all its long-term consequences. However, it is already evident that it will take a really, really long time to restore the global economy. Furthermore, even the proven anti-crisis measures will not always work. We will need new innovative solutions. The only way to elaborate such solutions is to work together, which is the most important task for both the UN and G20 States, as well as other leading inter State organizations and integration associations that are also going through tough times due to the pandemic impact and need fundamentally new horizons and scope of development. This very idea of a qualitative integrative growth, the “integration of integrations”, is the one behind Russia’s initiative to form a Greater Eurasian Partnership involving all Asian and European countries without exception. It is purely pragmatic and increasingly relevant. Besides, I would like to draw attention once again to Russia’s proposal to create so-called “green corridors” free from trade wars and sanctions, primarily for essential goods, food, medicine and personal protective equipment needed to fight the pandemic. In general, freeing the world trade from barriers, bans, restrictions and illegitimate sanctions would be of great help in revitalizing global growth and reducing unemployment. According to experts, total or partial reduction in global employment in the second quarter of this year equals to the loss of 400 million jobs, and we have to do our utmost to prevent this unemployment from growing long- term and ensure that people return to work and can support their families instead of finding themselves imprisoned by poverty with no prospects in life. This is indeed a most acute global social problem, so the politics has a mission now to pave the way for trade, joint projects and fair competition, rather than tie the hands of business and discourage business initiative. The pandemic has also pinpointed a series of ethical, technological and humanitarian matters. For instance, advanced digital technologies helped quickly reorganize education, trade and services, as well as set up distant learning and online courses for people of different ages. Artificial intelligence has assisted doctors in making more accurate and timely diagnoses and finding the best treatment. However, just like any other innovation, digital technologies tend to spread uncontrollably and, just like conventional weapons, can fall into the hands of various radicals and extremists not only in the regional conflict zones, but also in quite prosperous countries, thus engendering enormous risks. In this regard, matters related to cybersecurity and the use of advanced digital technology also deserve a most serious deliberation within the UN. It is important to hear and appreciate the concerns of people over the protection of their rights, such as the right to privacy, property and security, in the new era. We must learn to use new technologies for the benefit of humankind, seek for a right balance between encouraging the development of artificial intelligence and justifiable restrictions to limit it, and work together towards a consensus in the field of regulation that would avert potential threats in terms of both military and technological security, as well as traditions, law, and morals of human communication. I would like to point out that during the pandemic, doctors, volunteers and citizens of various countries have been showing us examples of mutual assistance and support, and such solidarity defies borders. Many countries have also been helping each other selflessly and open-heartedly. However, there have been cases showing the deficit of humanity and, if you will, kindness in the relations at the official inter- State level. We believe that the UN prestige could strengthen and enhance the role of the humanitarian or human component in multilateral and bilateral relations, namely in people-to-people and youth exchanges, cultural ties, social and educational programs, as well as cooperation in sports, science, technology, environment and health protection. As to healthcare, just like in economy, we now need to remove, as many as possible, obstacles to partner relations. Our country has been actively contributing to global and regional counter-COVID-19 efforts, providing assistance to most affected states both bilaterally and within multilateral formats. In doing so, we first of all take into account the central coordinating role of the World Health Organization, which is part of the UN system. We believe it essential to qualitatively strengthen the WHO capability. This work has already begun, and Russia is genuinely motivated to engage in it. Building on the scientific, industrial and clinical experience of its doctors Russia has promptly developed a range of test systems and medicines to detect and treat the coronavirus, as well as registered the world’s first vaccine, “Sputnik-V.” I would like to reiterate that we are completely open to partner relations and willing to cooperate. In this context, we are proposing to hold an online high-level conference shortly for countries interested in cooperation in the development of anti- coronavirus vaccines. We are ready to share experience and continue cooperating with all States and international entities, including in supplying the Russian vaccine which has proved reliable, safe, and effective, to other countries. Russia is sure that all capacities of the global pharmaceutical industry need to be employed so as to provide a free access to vaccination for the population of all states in the foreseeable future. A dangerous virus can affect anyone. The coronavirus has struck the staff of the United Nations, its headquarters and regional structures just like everyone else. Russia is ready to provide the UN with all the necessary qualified assistance; in particular, we are offering to provide our vaccine, free of charge, for the voluntary vaccination of the staff of the UN and its offices. We have received requests from our UN colleagues in this respect, and we will respond to those. There are other critical items on today’s agenda. The issues of both environmental protection and climate change should remain the focus of joint efforts. The specialized multilateral UN conventions, treaties and protocols have proved fully relevant. We are calling on all states to comply with them in good faith, particularly in working to achieve the objectives of the Paris Agreement. Dear colleagues! I would like to underline again, that Russia will make every effort to contribute to peaceful political and diplomatic resolution of regional crises and conflicts, as well as to ensuring strategic stability. For all the disputes and differences, at times misunderstanding and even distrust on the part of some colleagues, we will consistently advance constructive, uniting initiatives, first of all in arms control and strengthening the treaty regimes existing in this area. This includes the prohibition of chemical, biological and toxin weapons. The issue of primary importance that should and must be promptly dealt with is, of course, the extension of the Russia-US Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty, which will expire shortly, i.e. in February 2021. We are engaged in negotiations with our US partners on the matter. We also expect that mutual restraint would be exercised with regard to deploying new missile systems. I would like to add that as early as last year, Russia declared a moratorium on deploying ground-launched medium and short-range missiles in Europe and other regions as long as the United States of America refrains from such actions. Unfortunately, we have not received any reaction to our proposal from either our US partners or their allies. I believe that such reciprocal steps on specific issues would provide a sound basis for launching a serious, profound dialogue on the entire range of factors affecting strategic stability. It would aim at achieving comprehensive arrangements, shaping a solid foundation for the international security architecture that would build on prior experience in this field and in line with both the existing and future politico- military and technological realia. In particular, Russia is putting forward an initiative to sign a binding agreement between all the leading space powers that would provide for the prohibition of the placement of weapons in outer space, threat or use of force against outer space objects. We are well aware of the fact that security issues as well as other problems discussed by this jubilee UN General Assembly call for consolidated efforts on the basis of values that unite us, our shared memory of the lessons of history, and the spirit of alliance which guided the anti-Hitler coalition participants who found it possible to raise above differences and ideological preferences for the sake of Victory and peace for all nations on the Earth. In the current challenging environment, it is important for all countries to show political will, wisdom and foresight. The permanent members of the UN Security Council — those powers that, for 75 years now, have been bearing particular responsibility for international peace and security, the preservation of the foundations of international law — should take the lead here. Fully realizing this responsibility, Russia has suggested convening a G5 summit. It would aim at reaffirming the key principles of behavior in international affairs, elaborating ways to effectively address today’s most burning issues. It is encouraging that our partners have supported the initiative. We expect to hold such summit — in person — as soon as epidemiological situation makes it possible. I would like to reiterate that in an interrelated, interdependent world, amid the whirlpool of international developments, we need to work together drawing on the principles and norms of international law enshrined in the UN Charter. This is the only way for us to carry out the paramount mission of our Organization and provide a decent life for the present and future generations. I wish all the peoples of our planet peace and well-being. Thank you. Annex IX Address by His Majesty King Abdullah II ibn Al Hussein, King of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful, Mr President, Mr Secretary General, Your Excellencies: These are indeed extraordinary times in our history and in the history of the United Nations, when we find ourselves meeting virtually for the first time in the UN’s 75 years, as our world continues to grapple with COVID-19 and its far-reaching implications, and as our peoples look towards us to navigate these uncharted waters, with bold statesmanship. It is incredible how a virus that infected a single person in one corner of the globe, has grown and expanded to hit the very foundations of our international system, our global economy, all of humanity. It would be equally incredible if the lesson of just how interconnected we really are, is lost on us. We cannot beat this virus by turning inwards. It does not stop at borders, and nor should our cooperation. We can only overcome COVID-19, and what comes beyond it, through a renewed integration of our world, a re-globalisation that makes the wellbeing of all our peoples the ultimate goal; a re-globalisation that capitalises on each country’s potential, its strengths, and resources, with regional safety nets keeping the flow of vital supplies open; a re-globalisation that better equips us for a post-COVID-19 world. My friends, Among the multiple challenges that our world will have to face is hunger, at a substantially larger scale than previous decades. Indeed, it has already begun to creep up on us. We see threats to food security in Lebanon. We see hunger threatening vulnerable refugee communities in our region. We see it threatening communities living in poverty across the Middle East, Africa, Latin America, and elsewhere. Preparing for this is a key priority for Jordan, and we also stand ready to do what we can for our region and our friends, by channelling our capabilities to operate as a regional hub for food security. And it is out of our belief in the importance of maintaining food security for generations to come, that we are also strongly committed to safeguarding the main source of humanity’s subsistence—our environment. Recognising that protecting our natural environment would ultimately protect all existence, Jordan has drafted a charter, to be submitted to the UNGA, that grants selected ecosystems and all species of flora and fauna the legal right to exist. And thus ensuring humanity itself continues to exist. This initiative would be in line with the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals, which contribute to safeguarding our environment for the prosperity of our world. My friends, The COVID-19 crisis has brought a mirror to our world, and shown us the cracks in our global system. In so doing, it has offered us what could be a historic moment to rethink the role of the United Nations and other multilateral organisations, to become more impactful in dealing with challenges, old and new—be they pandemics, or raging conflicts. As long as injustice and lack of peace persist, anywhere in the world, the UN must not rest; we must not rest. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict is the one conflict that started with the UN’s formation and that continues to fester to this very day. The only way towards an end to this conflict, the central conflict in my region, is through the two-state solution, in accordance with international law and UN resolutions. The only way towards just and lasting peace must lead to an independent, sovereign, and viable Palestinian state, on the June 4th, 1967 lines, with East Jerusalem as its capital, living side-by-side with Israel, in mutual peace and security. And we cannot resolve this conflict without working to preserve Jerusalem for all humanity, as a unifying city of peace. As Hashemite Custodian, I am bound by a special duty to safeguard Jerusalem’s Islamic and Christian holy sites, but the responsibility for the Holy City falls on us all. My friends, Jordan joined the United Nations a decade after its founding. Ever since, we have embraced our role as an active member state, working towards global peace and sustainable development. In the 75th anniversary of this important body, we remain deeply committed to its promise in building a more prosperous, inclusive, and peaceful world, and we see in these extraordinary times an opportunity to help fulfil that promise. Let us use this opportunity to be bolder in our ambitions. Bolder in our actions. And bolder, in believing in our ability to succeed. Thank you. Annex X Address by Moon Jae-in, President of the Republic of Korea Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General and Distinguished Delegates, Humanity has overcome a myriad of crises to date to build a civilization we live in today. Although we are now in the middle of the COVID-19 crisis, humanity will surely once again make astonishing strides toward a tomorrow that is different from today. I would like to offer my deepest sympathies to the victims of COVID-19 and their bereaved families, and all of those around the world who are fighting the disease. My gratitude also goes out to the medical staff, frontline workers, and staff members of international organizations who are putting themselves at risk to protect the health of humanity. The 75th Session of the UN General Assembly will go a long way toward triumphing over an unprecedented crisis. Let me extend my congratulations to you, Mr. Volkan Bozkır on your assumption of the Presidency. I have high hopes for your able leadership. I would also like to express my respect to Secretary-General Antonio Guterres for his tireless efforts to resolve numerous global challenges from infectious diseases to peace, the economy, the environment and human rights. Mr. President, The COVID-19 crisis we face is upending daily lives of humanity and agitating even the world economy and international order. Just as the far-sighted leaders created the United Nations 75 years ago, it is high time that we pool our wisdom again to find our guiding star in this time of great transformation. The Republic of Korea took key values of democracy and turned them into three main principles of infectious disease prevention — openness, transparency, and democracy, and the entire Korean people turned themselves into the main actors in infectious disease prevention efforts. Korea also combined multilateralism with its community spirit, enabling people to practice the spirit of “freedom for all”. The Korean people protected their own safety by protecting that of neighbors. The Korean Government extended the scope of neighbors beyond its borders. By sharing infectious disease prevention equipment with other countries without closing borders, Korea is keeping our country and economy intact. We learned that, in the end, what empowers Korea to weather the novel coronavirus was the very values cultivated by humanity and championed by the UN. The answer to overcoming COVID-19 is not far from us. It lies in returning to the spirit of the UN Charter, that is believing in universal values of humankind, and it lies in marching toward a more inclusive world through multilateral action. The far-sighted leaders in the past created the UN, dreaming of a better world, and achieved a brilliant feat of promoting universal values of humankind. In the post-COVID-19 era, the UN should be tasked with spreading these universal values even further to resolve complex global challenges such as cooperation in healthcare, economic cooperation for sustainable development and climate action. The battles each and every country has been fighting this year have clearly demonstrated that the crisis cannot be overcome by a single country alone, or without consideration of neighbors. Today, with the UN assuming a new job in the post-COVID-19 era, I would like to address the importance of strengthening inclusiveness in international cooperation  — a way to shape multilateralism in a way that makes everyone prosperous. Mr. President, Strengthening inclusiveness in international cooperation means leaving no one behind and achieving shared prosperity where everyone enjoys freedom. Domestically, it is reducing inequalities to ensure safety of one’s own and sustainable development together with neighbors. Internationally, it is taking into account the conditions and circumstances neighboring countries are put in while working with them to attain co-prosperity. Nothing is more important than life and safety of humanity. It is evident that the UN’s idea of inclusive multilateralism will first be tested by whether it can distribute COVID-19 vaccines to all nations or not. We must not only enhance international cooperation for developing vaccines and treatments but also guarantee their equitable access for all countries, once they are developed. Through global funding, we should facilitate advance purchase of sufficient doses of vaccines for international organizations to ensure that impoverished and developing countries can also share in the benefits. Korea is actively participating in the COVAX Facility led by the World Health Organization and Gavi. Home to the headquarters of the International Vaccine Institute, Korea will provide active support to various activities geared towards developing and distributing affordable vaccines for developing countries. As concerns remain over the possibility of the second and third wave of COVID-19, Korea will actively share its experiences accumulated from responding to COVID-19 and continue to work with the international community. Like a tsunami that follows an earthquake, economic aftershocks are sweeping us. Border shutdowns and atrophied exchanges of people and goods make the global economic recovery harder. Although it is indeed an extraordinarily difficult task, we must make the best of both worlds  — preventing infectious disease and reviving the economy. Even in the midst of the COVID-19 crisis, we should strengthen multilateralism characterized by solidarity and cooperation, and bolster free trade system built upon international norms. Korea has strived to safeguard global supply chain against disruptions and facilitate essential cross-border movement of people including business people. Korea will share its development experience with developing countries and join the concerted global efforts to achieve UN sustainable development goals. In order to enhance inclusiveness that drives sustainable economy, we should break the matter of course that crisis begets widening inequalities and revive our economy in a way that leaves no one behind. Korea has taken on a challenge of the Korean New Deal. Standing on the two pillars of Digital New Deal and Green New Deal, it marks a complete transformation of Korean economy and promises to render our society less unequal and more inclusive. Korea will work with all nations to minimize effects of COVID-19 and hasten economic recovery, and actively participate in international cooperation to promote inclusive multilateralism the UN is seeking to accomplish. September 7 was the International Day of Clean Air for blue skies, which was proposed by Korea and subsequently adopted at the United Nations. Once human activities came to a halt, blue skies re-emerged in parts of the world. The coronavirus has paradoxically given us hope that, with the efforts of countries and international society, humanity can restore a green Earth. With the UN playing a key role, I anticipate greater international cooperation take place in pursuit of building back better and greener. Korea is playing an active role in establishing a new climate regime, for instance, by faithfully implementing the Paris Agreement. By renewing nationally determined contributions, we will submit to the UN our fresh national greenhouse gas reduction targets by 2030 by the end of this year. By devising a long-term low greenhouse gas emission development strategy, we will work with the international community in realizing a low-carbon society by 2050. In order to respond to climate change with success, promoting inclusiveness in international cooperation is indispensable. It is impossible for developing countries still in the process of industrialization to instantly catch up with advanced economies that took centuries and decades in the making. Starting with recognizing the glaring gaps, developed countries should make greater efforts to find the optimal solution. As a bridging state connecting developed and developing countries, Korea will actively participate in climate action and faithfully share its unique development experience with developing countries. Next year, Korea will hold the 2nd P4G Summit in Seoul, which will serve as an occasion to affirm the importance of global solidarity in responding to climate change. The region in most urgent need of the spirit of the UN to realize world peace is the Korean Peninsula. The Republic of Korea has been steadfast in seeking inter- Korean reconciliation and is making relentless efforts to achieve denuclearization and establish permanent peace on the Korean Peninsula. With the support and encouragement extended by the international community, Korea was able to successfully host PyeongChang Olympic Winter Games as Peace Olympics joined by North Korea, and it led to three inter-Korean summit meetings. The US-North Korea summit brought by bold decisions from the leaders of the two sides proved that the peace process can progress through dialogue. At the UN General Assembly last year, I presented the three principles to resolve issues related to the Korean War — zero tolerance for war, a mutual security guarantee and co-prosperity, and set out my vision to transform the Demilitarized Zone into an international peace zone. However, peace on the Korean Peninsula is still in the making and changes that used to brimming with hopes have stalled. Yet, the Republic of Korea will continue the dialogue. What all of us need to do is to take one more step forward. My belief remains unchanged that we can achieve denuclearization and bring lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula with international community’s continued support and cooperation. At the end of the day, the South and the North are bound by a single community of life, intertwined by mountains, rivers and seas stretching across the two sides. When one is exposed to infectious diseases or natural disasters, so is the other, requiring the two to cooperate to overcome these challenges. Inter-Korean cooperation in disease prevention and control and public health will also trigger dialogue and cooperation in the process of building a peaceful Korean Peninsula. Today, the world is expanding the concept of security from traditional security of preserving territorial integrity to comprehensive security. The world has been joining forces to respond to non-traditional security threats from disasters and catastrophes to terrorism and cyber security, and to fight international crimes. However, in the face of the COVID-19 crisis that poses greater threat to humanity than a war, we came to be acutely reminded that the safety of neighboring countries is directly linked to that of our own. A single country can no longer manage the entirety of comprehensive security issues alone. As protecting peace of one country and saving life of one person now requires cooperation that transcends borders, we need to equip ourselves with a multilateral security architecture. So far, I have spoken about a peace economy that benefits both Koreas and makes everyone prosperous and stressed the need for inter-Korean cooperation in disaster response and healthcare. Hoping that the international community views the issues surrounding the Korean Peninsula through the lens of more inclusive international cooperation, I propose today launching a Northeast Asia Cooperation Initiative for Infectious Disease Control and Public Health, whereby North Korea participates as a member along with China, Japan, Mongolia and the Republic of Korea. A cooperative architecture that guarantees collective protection of life and safety will lay the groundwork for North Korea to have its security guaranteed by engaging with the international community. In particular, this year marks the 70th anniversary of the outbreak of the Korean War. Time has come to remove the tragedy lingering on the Korean Peninsula. The War must end, completely and for good. Peace on the Korean Peninsula will guarantee peace in Northeast Asia as a whole and, going one step further, bring positive changes to the world order as well. I believe it begins with declaring an end to the War, an act that can affirm mutual commitments to peace. I hope that the UN and the international community provide support so that we can advance into an era of reconciliation and prosperity through the end-of-war declaration. The end-of-war declaration will, indeed, open the door to complete denuclearization and permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula. It is not only Korea’s response to COVID-19 but also the invaluable lessons Korea will be gaining from institutionalizing peace that Korea wishes to share with the rest of the world. This way, we will be able to buttress UN’s efforts at the forefront to fulfill its purpose to maintain international peace through collective measures. Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General and Distinguished Delegates, COVID-19 has showed us how closely interconnected the world is, and humanity will, in the end, head into an era of solidarity and cooperation. We have to prepare for the future, and at the same time, change the world we live in today. If people start with small things, each and every one’s actions will unite and culminate in the “freedom for all” today. I would like to ask the UN, from this moment onward, to be the center of inclusive international cooperation in the new era. Thank you. Annex XI Address by His Highness Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani, Emir, State of Qatar [Original: Arabic; English translation provided by the delegation] In the Name of God, the Most Merciful, the Most Compassionate Your Excellency, President of the General Assembly, Your Excellency, Secretary-General of the United Nations, Ladies and Gentlemen, Assalamu’alaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh. At the outset, I congratulate His Excellency Mr. Volkan Bozkir on assuming the presidency of the Seventy-Fifth Session of the General Assembly, wishing him every success and favorable outcome. I also thank His Excellency Mr. Tijjani Muhammad-Bande, President of the previous session, for the appreciated efforts he exerted during his tenure, and I avail myself of this opportunity to commend the role of His Excellency the Secretary-General. Mr. António Guterres in promoting the role of the United Nations and achieving its goals. Mr. President, The convening of this session comes as we celebrate the seventy-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, and it is opportune on this occasion to remember that it is an institutional expression of our awareness that we belong to one humanity. There are many historical experiences that substantiate this fact and prove the risk of underestimating it. The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has reminded us that we live on the same planet, and that multilateral cooperation is the only way to address the challenges of epidemics, climate and the environment in general, and it’s also preferable to remember this when dealing with the issues of poverty, war and peace, and realizing our common goals for security and stability. Based on this understanding, and after the State of Qatar hastened to take all preventative actions and measures to protect the citizens and the residents on its territory, it has not seen any contradiction between its duty in this respect and providing aid to more than 60 countries and five international organizations, and participating actively in the international efforts to mobilize resources and potentials to address this epidemic and its repercussions, as well as supporting research centers in several countries to limit the serious negative ramifications of this pandemic and to expedite the development of a vaccine for this virus. Mr. President, After more than three years since the start of the unjust and illegal blockade on the State of Qatar, we have continued the march of progress and development in various fields. Despite the blockade, Qatar has strengthened its effective participation in the multilateral international action to find solutions to other crises. And during the unjust and unlawful blockade it is going through it also has securely established its policy founded on respecting the rules and principles of international law and the United Nations Charter, especially, the principle of respecting the sovereignty of states and rejecting intervention in their internal affairs. And based on our moral and legal responsibilities towards our peoples, we have affirmed, and we will continue to reaffirm, that unconditional dialogue based on common interests and respect for the sovereignty of states is the way to solve this crisis which had started with an illegal blockade, and whose solution starts with lifting this blockade. On this occasion, I reiterate my deep appreciation for the sincere efforts of His Highness Sheikh Sabah Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah, Amir of the sisterly State of Kuwait, and to commend highly the endeavors of brotherly and friendly countries to bring this crisis to an end. Ladies and Gentlemen, There is an international consensus on the fairness of the Palestinian cause, but despite this consensus, the international community stands helpless without taking any effective steps vis-à-vis the Israeli intransigence and persistence in occupying the Palestinian and Arab lands, besides imposing a stifling siege on the Gaza Strip, continuing a policy of expanding settlements, imposing a fait accompli policy in a flagrant violation of international legitimacy resolutions and the two-state solution agreed upon by the international community. A just and desired peace can only be achieved through Israel’s full commitment to the terms of reference and decisions of the international legitimacy accepted by the Arabs and upon which the Arab Peace Initiative is based, while Israel tries to circumvent it and acts as if the Palestinian cause does not exist. Any arrangements that are not based on these terms of reference will not achieve peace, even if they are called peace. It may have intents other than the just solution to the Palestinian cause, and other than achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace. The lingering of the Palestinian cause without a just solution, and Israel’s continued settlements and creation of pretexts on the ground without being deterred pose the biggest question mark on the credibility of the international community and its institutions. We call on the international community —especially the Security Council — to assume its legal responsibilities to obligate Israel to lift the siege on the Gaza Strip, put the peace process back on track through credible negotiations based on the international resolutions and not on force, to address all final status issues, ending the occupation within a specified time frame and establishing an independent Palestinian state within the 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, and to end the Israeli occupation of all Arab territories. And in the context of our endeavor to prepare the appropriate conditions to reach peace and to respond to the economic and humanitarian difficulties facing our brothers in Palestine, we, in coordination with our international partners, have continued providing humanitarian and developmental aid to cater for urgent and long- term needs in the besieged Gaza Strip, in addition to increasing our contributions to UNRWA. Mr. President Based on our firm belief in resolving disputes by peaceful means, and with the grace of God and thanks to Him, the State of Qatar’s mediation efforts have culminated in signing a peace agreement between the United States and the Taliban movement, in Doha, on 29 February, 2020, and was able to make an exchange of prisoners between the government of Afghanistan and the Taliban movement a success during the discussions held in Doha last month. Our efforts, along with our international partners, to convene the Intra-Afghan peace negotiations which began on the 12th of this month, in Doha, have culminated in success, and its ensuing success now depends on the Afghan brothers themselves. We will exert our efforts in cooperation with the international community to facilitate the dialogue, in the hope that peace and stability will soon prevail across Afghanistan, if everyone decides to completely renounce violence, and accept diversity, difference and equal citizenship in this country. Mr. President, After more than nine years since the Syrian crisis which witnessed unprecedented humanitarian tragedies, whose serious negative impacts are year after year, it is still impossible to reach an end to this crisis due to the intransigence of the Syrian regime and the inaction of the international community, especially, the Security Council, in assuming its duty to maintain international peace and security and protect civilians. The Syrian regime still obstructs even the process of drafting a new constitution, proposed by Russia, which, unfortunately, is all that was left of the international efforts to realize some sort of a peaceful solution. The regime deals with this effort with the same strategy of keeping up pace with the international community that it followed by ostensibly participating in negotiations to gain time without intending to make any change. On this occasion, I reiterate the firm stance of the State of Qatar that the only way to end the Syrian crisis is a political solution based on the Geneva Communique (1), and the implementation of Security Council Resolution 2254 (2015) . The State of Qatar also affirms that it will continue, with the international community, to support efforts to realize justice and holding accountable the perpetrators of atrocities, war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Syria. In the humanitarian field, we will continue to provide all forms of support and assistance to the brotherly Syrian people in areas of displacement and refuge till the end of this crisis. As for the raging war in sisterly Yemen which is still demolishing the urban buildings in Yemen, wiping out the necessities of life, and threatening security in the region, we affirm that the only way to resolve this crisis is through negotiation between the Yemenis in accordance with the outcomes of the National Dialogue, the Gulf initiative, and the relevant Security Council resolutions, particularly, resolution 2216 (2015). We affirm our firm position on the unity of Yemen and its territorial integrity. As for the brotherly Sudan, we value the signing of a peace agreement in Juba, between the Transitional Government in Sudan and a host of armed movements, and we express our appreciation to the state of South Sudan for sponsoring the signing of this agreement, and we look forward to the rest of the factions to join the peace process. We stress the firm stance of the State of Qatar beside the brotherly Sudanese people to successfully pass through this transitional period and achieve their aspirations for stability and development. We reiterate the call on the relevant countries to facilitate the efforts of the brothers in Sudan to remove the name of Sudan from the list of states sponsoring terrorism, as the difficulties and hardships they are facing have taken their toll on them. In this context, Qatar stood with the brothers by providing them with support to counter the flooding that severely inflicted serious damage to facilities and the people as well, and we call upon the international community to provide them with all kinds of necessary support to counter the natural disasters. Regarding the Libyan issue, we reiterate welcoming the ceasefire agreement and activating the political process in accordance with the Skhirat Agreement and all its outcomes, to achieve a comprehensive political settlement that will maintain Libyan sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence, and stem the bloodshed of its people and preserve its wealth. It is beneficial for all to understand the impossibility of imposing a military regime by force in Libya. We were pained by what Lebanon went through in the aftermath of the explosion at the port of Beirut. We stood beside our Lebanese brothers without conditions. It is not our habit to impose political conditions to show solidarity during disasters. But in the end, it will be incumbent on the Lebanese themselves, and not by a dictation, to find agreed upon ways for reform to fulfill the aspirations of an entire generation for a state based on citizenship rather than any other affiliations. This, incidentally, is an aspiration shared by the younger generation across the entire region. Ladies and gentlemen, Terrorism remains one of the most prominent challenges facing the world as it poses a real threat to international peace and security, and impedes achieving sustainable development for peoples. We in the State of Qatar spare no effort to actively participate in international and regional efforts to address this phenomenon and tackle its roots, especially by supporting education for millions of children, youth and women and creating job opportunities for young men. In this context, Qatar is strengthening the strategic partnership with the relevant United Nations agencies. I am referring here to the opening of a program office of the United Nations Counter-Terrorism Office in Doha next May to implement behavioral insights on combating terrorism and violent extremism. Mr. President, In the field of development assistance to developing countries and the least developed countries, and to support countries affected by the negative impacts of climate change, Qatar has fulfilled its pledge by providing a contribution of $100 million to support the Least developed countries and Small Island Developing States to deal with climate change. We are pleased to host in Doha from 23 to 27 January 2022 the Fifth United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries. We are confident that this conference will support their march towards achieving their development for the next decade in line with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In conclusion, we affirm the State of Qatar’s commitment to the declaration adopted by the General Assembly on September 21st with the participation of Heads of State and Government, and in which the State of Qatar assumed — in partnership with the Kingdom of Sweden — a role in facilitating the international negotiations for its adoption. We will continue to work with the United Nations to achieve its goals and address the common challenges to maintain the interest of our peoples and the good for humanity. Thank you, and may God’s peace, mercy and blessings be upon you. Annex XII Address by Mr. Rodrigo Roa Duterte, President of the Republic of the Philippines Mr. President of the United Nations General Assembly; Mr. Secretary-General; Heads of state and government; Excellencies: I am honored to address you today on behalf of the Filipino people on the 75th anniversary of the United Nations. The invisible enemy that is COVID-19 has brought about an unfamiliar global landscape and unleashed a crisis without precedent. It is the biggest test the world and the United Nations faced since the Second World War. While the United Nations has brought relief and hope to so many countries and peoples around the world, it now finds itself saddled by a virus that has taken many lives and wrecked economies and social order. We are at a crossroads. How we address COVID-19 will define our future. For the Philippines, this means putting up all of the peoples of our united nations at the core of this response. We will need to ask hard and fundamental questions about the vision and mission that the United Nations conceptualized 75 years ago. We need to ask ourselves whether or not we have remained true and faithful to the United Nations’ principles and ideals. Mr. President, in the light of the realities of the present, the Philippines grieves with all of the families all over the world who lost their loved ones to this horrible virus. We extend our heartfelt condolences. We salute all frontliners who put their lives on the line even in countries not their own. So also do we honor and recognize the healthcare professionals who selflessly answered the call to combat the COVID-19 pandemic despite its virulence and unknown characteristics. While each nation has its own strategy in fighting the pandemic, what the world needs are coordinated international plans and efforts to pursue a common purpose. COVID-19 knows no border. It knows no nationality. It knows no race. It knows no gender. It knows no age. It knows no creed. The Philippines values the role that the United Nations plays in its fight against the pandemic. As a middle-income country whose economic advances have been derailed by the pandemic, we welcome the launch of the UN COVID Response and Recovery Fund. Ensuring universal access to anti COVID-19 technologies and products is pivotal in the global pandemic recovery. The world is in the race to find a safe and effective vaccine. When the world finds that vaccine, access to it must not be denied nor withheld. It should be made available to all, rich and poor nations alike, as a matter of policy. The Philippines joins our partners in the ASEAN and the Non-Aligned Movement in raising our collective voice: the COVID-19 vaccine must be considered a global public good. Let us be clear on this. We call for a global health agenda with enough resources and policy space for the World Health Organization. We need a WHO that is quick to coordinate and quicker to respond. The Philippines will do its part in the pooling of global resources. Our health workers are among the best. Mr. President, just as we needed stability and confidence because of the pandemic, geopolitical tensions continue to rise. Escalating tensions benefit no one. New flashpoints heighten fears and tend to tear peoples apart. When elephants fight, it is the grass that gets trampled flat. Given the size and military might of the contenders, we can only imagine and be aghast at the terrible toll on human life and property that shall be inflicted if the “word war” deteriorates into a real war of nuclear weapons and missiles. I therefore call on the stakeholders in the South China Sea, the Korean Peninsula, the Middle East and Africa: if we cannot be friends as yet, then in God’s name, let us not hate each other too much. I heard it once said, and I say it to myself in complete agreement. Mr. President, Filipino migrant workers have been devastated by the pandemic. Many have lost not only their livelihood, but also their health and lives as well. Yet they go on in the frontlines, healing, caring for others in the different parts of the world. The Philippine Government has embarked on an unprecedented repatriation program. More than 345,000 overseas Filipino workers needed to come home then. We have brought back half and are bringing back the rest. We thank the countries that have provided Filipino migrants with residence permits, access to testing, treatment and related health services in this pandemic. We brought back most of our seafarers who were stranded because of COVID 19 restrictions. We pioneered with the IMO the Green Lane for safe changes of seafaring crews. In these times, we need stronger cooperation in promoting and protecting the rights of migrants, regardless of their migrant status. We must all adhere to the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. Unless states include all migrants in their response to this pandemic, “no one among us is safe, until everyone is safe”, as the Secretary-General has said. With the poverty rate reduced at 16.6 per cent; and a sustained economic growth rate of 6.4 per cent between 2010 and 2019, the Philippines was on track to becoming an upper-middle income country by the end of 2020. But the pandemic has placed our economy in recession. Despite this downward pressure on growth, the Philippines remains committed to the Sustainable Development Goals. Mr. President, the same urgency needed to fight COVID-19 is needed to address the climate crisis. This is a global challenge that has worsened existing inequalities and vulnerabilities from within and between nations. Climate change has worsened the ravages of the pandemic. Peoples in developing countries like the Philippines suffer the most. We cannot afford to suffer more. The Philippines joined the Paris Agreement to fight climate change. We call on all parties, especially those who have not made good their commitment to fight climate change, to honor the same. We call on all parties to strengthen communities and peoples for preparedness and resilience. We are talking about mankind and Earth, our one and only home. Mr. President, the Philippines will continue to protect the human rights of its people, especially from the scourge of illegal drugs, criminality, and terrorism. A number of interest groups have weaponized human rights; some well meaning, others ill-intentioned. They attempt to discredit the functioning institutions and mechanisms of a democratic country and a popularly elected government which in its last two years, still enjoy the same widespread approval and support. These detractors pass themselves off as human rights advocates while preying on the most vulnerable humans; even using children as soldiers or human shields in encounters. Even schools are not spared from their malevolence and anti-government propaganda. They hide their misdeeds under the blanket of human rights but the blood oozes through. To move forward, open dialogue and constructive engagement with the United Nations is the key. But these must be done in full respect of the principles of objectivity, non interference, non-selectivity and genuine dialogue. These are the fundamental bases for productive international cooperation on human rights. Mr. President, terrorism looms large. As I said at the Aqaba Process, the Philippines will do everything and partner with anyone who would sincerely desire to protect the innocent from terrorism in all its manifestations. The Marawi siege, where foreign terrorist fighters took part, taught us that an effective legal framework is crucial. Our 2020 Anti-Terrorism Act shores up the legal framework by focusing on both terrorism and the usual reckless response to it. Its enactment was done pursuant to our commitment, and the strict adherence to the relevant Security Council resolutions and the UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy. Most importantly, we remain committed to rebuild stricken communities and address the root causes of terrorism and violent extremism in my country. We must remain mindful of our obligations and commitment to the Charter of the United Nations and as amplified by the 1982 Manila Declaration on the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes. The Philippines affirms that commitment in the South China Sea in accordance with UNCLOS and the 2016 Arbitral Award. The Award is now part of international law, beyond compromise and beyond the reach of passing governments to dilute, diminish or abandon. We firmly reject attempts to undermine it. We welcome the increasing number of states that have come in support of the award and what it stands for — the triumph of reason over rashness, of law over disorder, of amity over ambition. This — as it should be — is the majesty of the law. Mr. President, the global health crisis has further complicated the global security environment. But no aspiration nor ambition can justify the use of weapons that destroy indiscriminately and completely. There is no excuse for deaths that a nuclear war could cause nor the reckless use of chemical and biological weapons that can cause mass destruction. These weapons of death put us all at mortal risk, especially if they fall in the hands of terrorists without a shred of humanity in their souls. We call on all Member States to fully implement the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and the Chemical and the Biological Weapons Conventions. I have asked the Philippine Senate to ratify the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. Importantly, we were among those to sign it first. Mr. President, the Philippines has a long history of opening its doors to the refugees — from the White Russians following the 1917 Revolution, the European Jews in the Second World War, the Vietnamese in the late 1960s, and the Iranians displaced by the 1979 revolution, among others. The Philippines continues to honor this humanitarian tradition in accordance with our obligations under the 1951 Convention on the Status of Refugees and the 1967 Protocol. But lest we forget: helping the most vulnerable — those displaced by conflict, persecution, and political instability — is a shared responsibility of all countries. As I have said many times: The doors of the Philippines are open, as they have always been, to everyone fleeing for safety, such as the Rohingyas. In the face of a mounting refugee crisis worldwide, let us work together towards ending the conflicts and conditions that force people to flee their homes. Mr. President, as our societies become more diverse yet interdependent, social cohesion issues come to the fore. Mutual understanding always accompanied by mutual tolerance between those of different faiths and cultures is the only foundation of societies at peace with itself and all others. Finally, I express gratitude to the gallant peacekeepers, including our own, who advance the cause of peace in the most difficult situations. From the Golan Heights in the Middle East to Liberia in West Africa, Filipino peacekeepers put themselves in the frontlines between the vulnerable and those who seek harm. We are committed to increasing the Philippine footprint in UN peacekeeping operations with increased participation of women. Again Mr. President: To defeat the COVID-19 pandemic and other challenges, we must work with seamless unity which demands complete mutual trust and the conviction that we will win or lose together. We cannot bring back the dead but we can spare the living; and we can build back better, healthier, and more prosperous and just societies. To this end, we rededicate ourselves to multilateralism. The UN remains humanity’s essential organization. But it is only as effective as we make it. To make significant changes, we need to be bold. We need the same collective courage that finally made the United Nations a reality 75 years ago. We need to act on long-standing recommendations to improve the Security Council’s composition and working methods; to strengthen the role of the General Assembly; and to streamline the processes and the operations of the UN. Indeed, to be ready for the new global normal, it cannot be business as usual for the UN. Let us empower UN — reform it — to meet the challenges of today and tomorrow. Let us strengthen it so it can fully deliver its mandate to maintain peace and security, uphold justice and human rights, and promote freedom and social progress for all. After all, we are the United Nations. Thank you. Annex XIII Address by Mr. Hassan Rouhani, President, Islamic Republic of Iran [Original: Farsi; English translation provided by the delegation] In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful All praise belongs to the Almighty God and peace and blessing upon His prophet and his household and companions Mr. President I am delighted to congratulate you, as the representative of our fraternal neighbor, Turkey, on your well-deserved election as the President of the Seventy-Fifth Session of the United Nations General Assembly. Allow me to wish every success for you, the honorable Secretary General and all your colleagues in your efforts to realize the goals and objectives of the United Nations. Excellencies The people of the world, having taken God-given blessings of health and security for-granted, were suddenly shaken by the outbreak of COVID-19. In spite of its tiny size, COVID 19 managed to challenge global management and national governance so seriously that the world’s most significant assembly is convening virtually through videoconference. COVID-19 is now a “common pain” for humanity—thanks to the rapid growth of science, technology and the media. This common pain has demonstrated that despite all progress, our ignorance as humans far outweighs our knowledge. COVID-19 is calling us to more humility and humbleness before the Almighty and the Truth of Creation. It is guiding human societies towards civil piety in promoting social and individual ethics as well as preventing environmental degradation and manipulation of nature and unhindered interference in the Creation. This universal plague that has crossed over the fabricated boundaries of power and wealth reminds us, once again as members of human society, that it would be impossible to confront common global issues without global participation. All of us across the globe are experiencing difficult times during the pandemic. However, my nation, the resilient people of Iran, instead of enjoying global partnership and cooperation, is grappling with the harshest sanctions in history imposed in blatant and gross violation of the Charter of the United Nations, international agreements and Security Council Resolution 2231 (2015). The footage broadcast to the world concerning the treatment of an African American by the U.S. police is reminiscent of our own experience. We instantly recognize the feet kneeling on the neck as the feet of arrogance on the neck of independent nations. For decades, the valiant Iranian nation has paid a similar high price for its quest for freedom and liberation from domination and despotism. However, the Iranian nation has not only resisted the pressure, but flourished and advanced while persistently pursuing its historical and civilizational role as the axis of peace and stability, the harbinger of dialog and tolerance and the champion of the fight against occupation and extremism: • We stood with the people of Afghanistan against Soviet occupiers, domestic warlords, extremists, Al-Qaeda terrorists and American occupiers. And we played a pivotal role in all peace and reconciliation processes, be it the 2001 Bonn Conference or regional initiatives. • In the Mid 1980’s, we called for collective security arrangements in the Persian Gulf, even as all global and regional powers were backing Saddam Hussein’s “tanker war”. In 2013, we proposed World Against Violence and Extremism (WAVE), which was unanimously adopted by this Assembly. In 2018, we offered a non- aggression pact to our neighbors and in 2019 we presented HOPE (Hormuz Peace Endeavor) to this General Assembly in an effort to enhance peace and stability in the Persian Gulf. • We were the first country in the region to stand with the people and government of Kuwait against occupation by Saddam; and it was Iran that foiled his dream of dominating all his former Arab allies. • We stood with the people of Iraq against Saddam tyranny, U.S. occupation and Daesh savagery. We supported all Iraqis — whether Kurd or Arab, Sunni or Shia, Yazidi or Christian — and supported democratic achievements of Iraqi people from the Governing Council in 2003 to all elected governments since. • We stood alongside the people of Syria against tens of terrorist Takfiri groups, separatists and foreign fighters. We presented our four-point peace plan — centered on self-determination by the Syrian people — in 2013 when others were seeking a military solution. In 2016, we formed the Astana process—in partnership with Russia and Turkey — aimed at achieving peace and political stability in Syria. • We stood with the people and government of Lebanon against Zionist occupiers, domestic warmongers and foreign plotters. • We never ignored occupation, genocide, forced displacement and racism in Palestine and we never made a deal over the Holy Quds and the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people. And in 2012, we presented a democratic solution through referendum in Palestine. • We vociferously called for justice against aggression for the besieged people of Yemen and presented a four-point peace plan at the outset of hostilities in 2015. • We fought alone against extremists and Daesh terrorists — who claimed to be fighting for Islam — in this sensitive region of the world; so that the international community would recognize the true face of Islam: the moderate and rational Islam; and not extremism and demagoguery. Our assassinated hero, Martyred General Soleimani, was the champion of the fight against violent extremism in the Middle East and fought to protect all citizens of this region — religious or secular, Muslim or Christian, Shia or Sunni — against medieval reactionaries. • And in 2015, we achieved the JCPOA as one of the biggest accomplishments of the history of diplomacy and remained faithful to it in spite of persistent violations by the United States. Mr. President Such a nation does not deserve sanctions. The response to peace is not war. The reward for combatting extremism is not assassination. The reaction to the choice of people through the ballot box in Iran, Iraq and Lebanon is not outside agitation and support for non-democratic processes and street riots. Words and claims are not our yardstick. Actions are: • They claimed they came to our region to fight Saddam Hussein — the very monster they had themselves created, nurtured, and financed in his imposed war against Iran, equipping him with chemical weapons and the most sophisticated war machine. • They boast to be fighting terrorism and Daesh, while it is, they themselves, who created this terror network. And they have the audacity to expect regional gratitude for such behavior. • They accuse us — without any foundation — of trying to build nuclear weapons, and they impose sanctions on others under the pretext of nuclear proliferation. This is while they have the infamy of being the sole user of atomic bombs in the history of humanity; and while the only possessor of nuclear weapons in West Asia is running their non-proliferation theatre. • They speak of human rights, while they have targeted — through their “maximum pressure” — heath, welfare and even the right to life of all Iranians. • They are directly involved — along with their regional accomplices — in every single case of occupation, war, and aggression — be it in Palestine, Afghanistan, Yemen, Syria, Iraq, Lebanon, Libya, Sudan, or Somalia. Yet they blame Iran for their own inevitable defeats in confronting the will of the people of the region. • They have sold hundreds of billions of dollars of weapons to their clients turning our region into a powder keg. Yet, they try in vain to deprive Iran of its minimum defense requirements, and disregard international law and global consensus in order to extend arms restrictions against Iran in contravention of the letter of UNSCR 2231 (2015). Here, I should express our appreciation to the presidents of the Security Council for the months of August and September 2020, as well as to thirteen of its members — especially Russia and China — who twice said a decisive and resounding “NO” to the unlawful US attempt to exploit the Council and its Resolution 2231 (2015). This is a victory not just for Iran, but for the global community—during the transitional international order in the post-Western world — that an aspirant of hegemony is humiliated in such self-created isolation. Ladies and Gentlemen Where can you find precedent for a government to renege, without any reason, on the outcome of 13 years of multilateral talks — also attended by its predecessor, shamelessly violate a resolution of the Security Council and even punish others for abiding by a UNSC resolution? And simultaneously claim to be seeking negotiations and a “big deal”? The United States can impose neither negotiations, nor war on us. Life is hard under sanctions. However, harder, is life without independence. Political freedom at home is important. We — as the oldest democracy in the Middle East — are proud of our people determining their destiny and will not trade domestic freedom with foreign interference. Democracy is the sovereign right of a nation, and not the right of interference by an outsider — let alone a terrorist and interventionist outsider that remains captive to the illusions of 19 August 1953, when its predecessors overthrew the only democracy in the Middle East through a coup d’état. Dignity and prosperity of our nation are essential for us; and they are attained through diplomacy relying on national will coupled with resilience. We are not a bargaining chip in U.S. elections and domestic policy. Any U.S. administration after the upcoming elections will have no choice but to surrender to the resilience of the Iranian nation. And for the world: Today is the time to say “no” to bullying and arrogance. The era of dominance and hegemony is long over. Our nations and children deserve a better and safer world based on the rule of law. Now is the time for the right choice. I thank you for your attention. Annex XIV Address by Mr. Emmanuel Macron, President of the French Republic President of the General Assembly, Secretary-General of the United Nations, Heads of State and Government, ladies and gentlemen, Last year, we met in New York for the General Assembly, and I called on each and every one of you to have the courage to build peace and shoulder our responsibilities together. Such courage, I must say, has been more than severely tested by a health, economic, social and security crisis of an unprecedented scale, which immediately became global, never before seen since the establishment of our Organization 75 years ago. That courage came first and foremost from those who were on the front line from the beginning, all around the world, and who are still there today, providing medical treatment, food, assistance and physical and moral support — our health-care personnel and humanitarian workers. With these opening words, I wish to place them in our thoughts. They are relying on us to commit to and build concrete responses together, since this crisis, clearly more than any other, requires cooperation and requires us to devise new international solutions. First of all, I believe in science and knowledge, and humankind will defeat this pandemic; a cure will be found. But, in the meantime, and no one knows how long that will be, each of our countries have no other choice but to learn to live with the virus, and the world will have to learn to live with this new reality that we cannot escape, revealing our weaknesses and placing us before our immediate responsibilities. That new global reality is clear, brutal and certainly dizzying, and we must approach it without giving in to despair and despondency, but with clear-sightedness. All the challenges that we faced were intensified and exacerbated within a few months. The successes achieved were hampered and setbacks accumulated. Years of progress in the fight against other infectious diseases, such as AIDS, malaria and tuberculosis, which we thought we could eradicate, have been delayed, or worse. More than 37 million people have fallen into, or fallen back into, extreme poverty. Food insecurity is a serious threat, and it has increased. More than 1 billion students have been affected by schools closing in more than 160 countries. Forty million children have been deprived of their first year of education. Women have been on the front line and have seen all forms of sexual, domestic and gender-based violence build up against them. In the light of that and the many other effects of the pandemic that has struck our planet and which continues to affect every continent, our means of collective action has further fragmented. While the only solution will be found through our cooperation, the international organizations that we crucially need, such as the World Health Organization, have been accused by some of complacency, while others manipulate them. Trusted third-party scientists and journalists, who are so essential to our understanding and ability to efficiently respond to the crisis, have been undermined by State propaganda, as well as the misinformation epidemic. Our Organization risked powerlessness. The Security Council, the guarantor of peace and stability, struggled to agree on a humanitarian truce that we supported with all our strength. Just imagine. We struggled so much to agree on so little. But the permanent members were unable, in such exceptional circumstances, to come together as we [Original: French] would have liked, because two of them chose to demonstrate their rivalry rather than collective effectiveness. All of fractures that existed before the pandemic — the hegemonic clash of Powers, the undermining and the manipulation of multilateralism and the trampling of international law — have only increased and deepened due to the global destabilization created by the pandemic. We can no longer turn a blind eye. We no longer have the option or, if I may say, luxury to dither. The pandemic must be a wake-up call for our Organization, and a moment of redemption. That is possible because, in this challenge, we have seen signs of hope. As a result of the crisis, the European Union, which many predicted would become divided and powerless, has taken a historic step towards unity, sovereignty, solidarity and a vision of the future. It was Europe that, together with its African partners, took the initiative at the Group of Twenty (G-20) to help the most vulnerable countries to tackle the pandemic and ease the debt burden that weighs on economies and jeopardizes the continent’s future. For the first time at a G-20 finance meeting, we agreed a debt moratorium for the poorest countries in Africa. It was Europe that, with its partners, created the ACT-A initiative so that resources to combat the pandemic would be accessible to all. Thanks to Europe, along with others, the World Health Assembly decided to learn lessons from the pandemic and improve early-warning and response systems to better prevent such crises. It was Europe that, together with its partners in Asia, America and Africa, has had the drive to develop, propose and provide tangible solutions through cooperation, solidarity and action. In the future, we will need to take into account these new balances that are currently taking shape. We will need to rely on the strength of goodwill, because the world, as it is today, cannot come down to rivalry between China and the United States, no matter the global weight of those two great Powers, no matter the history that binds us together, particularly to the United States of America. The crisis, the collapse of our cooperation frameworks and the fragilities that I have just mentioned mean that we must rebuild a new order and that Europe must accept its full share of responsibility. That means upholding its values and its affinity for the future and building new solutions because we are not collectively condemned to a dance of power, which would, in a way, reduce us to merely being the sorry spectators of collective powerlessness. We have room to manoeuvre; it is up to us to make use of that space and to define our priorities in such an environment. We need to establish our choices clearly and build new partnerships. In the coming weeks and months, there will be fundamental choices to be made and decisions to be taken before our peoples and the international community. Those choices will have an immediate impact on the life of our nations, the existence of our citizens and the global course. We must not shy away from them, because it is precisely when things become shaky that we must get back to what is important. And I have very strongly believed, since the start of the present COVID-19 crisis, that this is not some sort of parenthesis that has opened and will reclose; this is what arises in a world beset by deep-seated crises stemming from our very interdependencies. There will undoubtedly one day be a cure for the pandemic, but there will be no miracle cure for the destruction of the modern order. There will be no miracle cure for the sort of paradox in which we are immersed. Our societies have never been so interdependent. And at the very moment when all this is taking place, never have we been so out of tune, so out of alignment, so incapable of building quick solutions — so wrapped up in our own situations as even to destroy the frameworks for cooperation we managed to build throughout the past decades. This is why I wanted to lay out before this Assembly the five priorities on which France wishes — primarily with its European partners, but also with all the powers of goodwill, that is to say with all those prepared to engage in doing so — to lay the foundations for a new modern consensus that will allow us to act concretely in the world as it is. The first principle, or the first objective, is the fight against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and against terrorism, the leading threats to our collective security. The strategy of maximum pressure, pursued for several years, has not yet made it possible to put an end to the destabilizing activities of Iran, or to ensure that Iran will not be able to acquire nuclear weapons. That is why France, which, you will remember, was not the country that initiated the negotiations at the time, then designed the JCPOA. But France, with its German and British partners, will continue demanding the full implementation of the 2015 Vienna Agreement and will not accept the violations committed by Iran. However, we will not compromise on the activation of a mechanism that the United States, on its own, when leaving the agreement, is not in a position to activate. That would undermine the unity of the Security Council and the integrity of its decisions, and it would run the risk of further aggravating tensions in the region. But we need to build over time a useful framework for action, as I recalled before the General Assembly now more than two years ago — that is to say, the capacity to implement the 2015 agreement. First, promptly, to ensure that, in the long term, Iran will never gain access to nuclear weapons, but also to ensure that we will respond to Iran’s ballistic activity and destabilization of the region. On North Korea, we supported the efforts of the United States of America to pave the way for negotiations to begin. Even though tangible results are yet to be attained, these initiatives were important, and what we are waiting for now are concrete gestures of commitment from North Korea. It must comply with the resolutions of the Security Council and engage promptly and in good faith in a process of complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearization. This is the only possible way to achieve a political solution and lasting peace on the Korean peninsula. It essential for regional stability and security as well as for international peace and security. Likewise, we will not tolerate the use of chemical weapons in Europe, in Russia or in Syria. In the name of collective security, I repeat here to Russia the need for light to be fully shed on the attempted assassination of a member of the political opposition using a novichok nerve agent. This investigation must be swift and full, as we will enforce our red lines. And, in this area, France has always fully applied its red lines set since I have been President of the Republic. Our collective security also means fighting terrorism wherever necessary. Terrorism struck on French soil, and in our flesh, several times in recent years, with terrorist acts at times fomented in the very heart, at the epicentre, of Islamist terrorism. I am thinking, in particular, of the 2015 attacks planned in Syria. This is why France will always be strongly committed to the Levant and in support of Iraqi sovereignty, and stands alongside its Sahelian partners. In the Levant, we will remain committed members of the international coalition. We won an initial victory in ending the territorial caliphate. That victory did not signal an end to the war in the region. We will continue to fight against all terrorists in the context of the international coalition and alongside all our regional partners. Here I wish to recall the role Kurdish fighters played in Syria alongside the coalition against Da’esh and the terrorists. I also wish to recall the essential role that Iraq and its people played and continue to play in this fight. This is why France strongly supports all the initiatives Iraq is taking today and will continue to take for its sovereignty and its role in the fight against terrorism. In the Sahel, France is, as you know, deeply involved, primarily alongside the five States of the Sahel. The Pau and Nouakchott summits made it possible to lay the groundwork for a coalition to strengthen the fight against our two enemies in this region, the Islamic State and Al-Qaida. Both organizations have suffered unprecedented setbacks in recent months. The objectives set in Pau, to focus on the tri-border region and the ISGS, produced unprecedented tangible results. We will continue these efforts. With the support of Barkhane and our European and American partners, the G-5 Sahel armies have regained the advantage, reclaiming positions that had been lost. This dynamic must continue. This is the very purpose of the coalition we are building. Events in Mali over recent weeks further remind us of the obvious: democracy and the fight against terrorism go hand in hand. These two struggles are inextricable. And only democracy, justice, the rule of law and development will restore lasting peace to the Sahel. Those who entered Mali in the name of these principles must not now betray them. They must put Mali irreversibly on track towards the restoration of civilian authority and the prompt holding of elections. France, like its African partners in particular, can only remain engaged on this condition. I will say it and repeat it very clearly: France is only present on Malian soil, as on the soil of other countries in the region, at the request of sovereign States and regional organizations. The very second those States want us to leave or believe they can fight terrorism on their own, we will withdraw. I therefore asked for reiteration, in Pau then in Nouakchott, of that request, that need for our involvement, which was also reconfirmed by the junta in Mali. And we will remain highly vigilant on this point. I believe in the sovereignty of peoples, and I think that our fight against terrorism can be meaningful and sustainable only if it is combined with respect for that sovereignty, along with effective democracy and a genuine development policy such as the one we designed with the Alliance for the Sahel, which, along with our European and African partners as well as the World Bank, we are continuing to develop in order to undertake constructive action on the ground. The second priority for the coming months, in my view, is the demanding task of building peace and stability with respect for the sovereign equality of peoples. The grammar of peace and stability must be redefined, because the lines have shifted radically as a result of the crisis; in fact, they had changed well before it. The withdrawal of America, which acted as the guarantor of last resort of an international system that is now struggling; the hegemonic assertion of other Powers as a result of that disengagement; China’s projection beyond its borders; and the strengthening of European sovereignty are all underlying trends that should lead us to rethink the modalities of our collective action aimed at ensuring peace and security. Our policy principles in this respect must be clear, and we must no longer hesitate to apply them: respect for the sovereign rights of peoples, the consolidation of States based on the rule of law and of their means of implementation, and the requirement and responsibility to ensure the effective implementation of the decisions taken under the auspices of the United Nations. That is exactly what we are doing in Lebanon, where the aspirations of the sovereign Lebanese people must be respected, heard and supported despite the unacceptable transgressions of the Lebanese political class. I wish to reiterate here my full support for the Lebanese people and my determination to act from where I am and with full respect for Lebanese sovereignty, in a spirit of friendship and expectation, as I have so often said, so that Lebanon can recover, so that life there can improve and in order to chart the course towards conciliation and a more effective democracy. But Lebanon is a treasure for all humankind  — a treasure because it represents a form of exception, democracy and pluralism in a region that is caught in the grip of terrorism and hegemonic Powers. The United Nations, as it has been doing this summer and over the long term, must work together with civil society and non-governmental organizations in order to tackle immediate needs and begin reconstruction. Here too we will remain fully committed. In Syria, the resumption of talks in Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations is a positive step, but this process cannot be limited to the drafting of a new constitution. It will have to involve the holding of free, fair and transparent elections in order to ensure respect for the aspirations and sovereignty of the Syrian people. France and its European partners will therefore continue to base the financing of reconstruction and the normalization of relations with Damascus on the implementation of a credible political solution, which is the only sustainable solution and the only one that will make it possible to eradicate terrorism in the region. Peace in the Middle East remains a necessity, first and foremost for the Israelis and the Palestinians, but also for us all. I welcome the fact that Israel has been recognized by additional Arab countries. That is legitimate recognition. It is also a pledge of hope for the future. However, a just and lasting peace requires above all a path back to decisive negotiations that will allow the Palestinians to finally exercise their rights. There is no alternative to courageous negotiations, which will require agreement on the most difficult issues while respecting the legitimate aspirations of the parties to full recognition of their security and sovereignty. I do not believe in peace built on hegemony or humiliation, even if financial compensation is provided, because we know all too well that money cannot compensate for the humiliation of a people. It is up to us, collectively, to work towards that ambitious solution. In Libya, the crisis is now having a profound impact on regional stability and has been aggravated by increased outside interference. In my view, Libya is the perfect example of the mistakes that we ourselves could make if we fail to respect the sovereignty of peoples. No Power can seek the good of a people unless the people agree to it and build it themselves through their chosen paths of transition. So today we have no choice but to take very concrete action. That is what Europe is doing to effectively and universally enforce the arms embargo decided by the United Nations. That embargo is currently being violated by several Powers. The situation is not sustainable. Several Powers have also decided to continue importing fighters from the Syrian theatre, exporting terrorism to the region and disregarding the interests of Libya, its neighbours in the Sahel and Europe. Collectively, we have not sufficiently spoken out against those actions, and we must take a much harder line in the weeks to come. We are working together with all our partners in the countries neighbouring Libya to achieve a sustainable ceasefire and then to set in motion a process enabling a political resolution to the conflict under the auspices of the United Nations. That is the initiative that France wishes to undertake in the coming weeks along with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. We must bring together all neighbouring countries to help reach a solution for Libya. Such renewed involvement on the part of Libya’s neighbours is vital in the long term. In the eastern Mediterranean, we must resume effective and clarified dialogue to avert a fresh area of confrontation and the undermining of international law. The Mediterranean countries of the European Union expressed themselves clearly in that respect a few days ago in Ajaccio. We respect and are prepared to engage in dialogue with Turkey, but we expect it to respect European sovereignty and international law and provide clarification concerning its activities in Libya and in Syria. Insults are ineffective. Such words and actions have no place in responsible relations among States nor can they obfuscate Europe’s call for accountability. We Europeans are ready for dialogue and for the essential construction of a Pax Mediterranea, but not through intimidation or a bullying mentality. There must be respect for international law and cooperation and respect among allies. Those principles are non-negotiable. In continental Europe, regarding the Ukrainian crisis, this year the Normandy format allowed us, along with the Federal Chancellor of Germany, to make some initial progress. But the situation in Belarus could lead to further division within our continent. The courage of the people of Belarus commands the admiration of us all. Their aspirations must be fulfilled, and we stand alongside them. I cannot stress this enough. A national political dialogue must be established and any external interference avoided. Along with the German Chancellor and the President of the European Council, we had the opportunity to hold discussions with President Putin in which we advocated for the mediation proposed by the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. We see no other way forward. Neither interference nor guilty silence is a solution. Europe, in this area as well, will deliver with respect to its responsibility, its history and its geography. But believing in peace and stability in our region also means wanting to build a new grammar, as it were, for continental Europe, for lasting stability. That cannot be reduced to historical agreements or the dismantling of such agreements in recent years. When we speak of peace and stability, and of collective security for Europe, I cannot remain silent today about the fact that we are living in a situation where our security and stability greatly depend on agreements signed in the past between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and that such agreements have been gradually dismantled over the past decade. The end of the Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Elimination of Their Intermediate-Range and Shorter-Range Missiles marked an important step that we must not remain silent about. That is why I hope that we, as Europeans, can re-engage in a comprehensive and ambitious discussion with all our neighbours with regard to our collective security and build a new framework that takes into account the end of these historic treaties. I also want to be very clear when I say that we will not delegate our collective security to Powers other than Europe. Thirdly, we must protect our common goods. That is the responsibility of all, as it goes beyond our national interests and regional balances. Protecting our common goods is not at odds with the exercise of our sovereignty. On the contrary, it is the only way to truly preserve our sovereignty by maintaining control over our future. This is exactly what the crisis we face has unquestionably taught us once again. During an epidemic, the health of one is the health of all. We have a unique opportunity to make the means for combating the pandemic into global public goods to which everyone should have access. That is the meaning behind the action we are taking under the Access to COVID-19 Tools Accelerator, which we will consolidate in the coming months across all pillars, particularly with regard to improving health systems. Health, a global public good, is a battle we have been waging throughout the past year, as well as in Lyon, mobilizing the international community once again to finance the fight against historic epidemics. This is what we will continue to do and we must step up our efforts in the months ahead. Now more than ever, the climate and biodiversity must be central to our collective agenda — not in words, but deeds. This December marks five years since the signing of the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. We already know that the objectives we collectively set will not be achieved. The response to the pandemic can help us change course. The massive recovery plans adopted in all countries provide a historic opportunity to transform our economic and development models. That must be a core element of the European Union’s ambition, and I would like to thank the President of the European Commission for her strong commitment. It must also be a core aspect of the work of the Group of Seven and the Group of 20. It is vital. That is also why, to mark the five-year anniversary of the Paris Agreement, I want France to mobilize the international community anew so that each and every one of us can take stock of our commitments without changing them and without muddying the waters, but instead by transparently renewing the commitment of all of our countries and regions with revitalized determination. In the coming weeks, I am determined to see Europe reach a more ambitious agreement to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050. The President of the European Commission has set the objective of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by at least 55 per cent by 2030. That means we need to move more quickly and decisively towards an ambitious emission trading scheme, a carbon price floor and a carbon border tax. These measures must be taken together. One without the others would not be as effective. On this basis and alongside our British and European partners, we will seek out the commitments of the major emitters ahead of the twenty-sixth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, and we will stand by our partners, particularly in Africa, to achieve our common goals. The December meeting will be essential in that regard. In November, we will host a summit of development banks in Paris to ensure that all financial flows contribute to an environmental and inclusive recovery, in line with the Paris Agreement. On biodiversity, which we now know is clearly linked to climate change and human health, as has been demonstrated, we will be organizing a One Planet Summit in Marseilles with the United Nations and the World Bank. This One Planet Summit will enable us to build an agenda of concrete actions for protected land and marine areas, agroecology, biodiversity financing and the fight against deforestation, as well as the protection of ecosystems and species. The oceans, the poles and rainforests are part of the common heritage of humankind. It is our duty to protect them and we will do so ahead of the key events for the United Nations, including the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change on climate, biodiversity and the fight against desertification. As a show of commitment, I propose that we organize a summit next year in New York, ahead of the three Conferences of the Parties, so as to generate decisive impetus and produce tangible results. The digital space is also a common good — a unique, open and trusted common good, which requires a new type of governance so that it is not captured, pirated and exploited. That is the meaning behind the initiatives that we are championing as part of the International Partnership on Information and Democracy of the Christchurch Appeal and the Global Partnership on Artificial Intelligence. We must consolidate each of these partnerships and make progress on the Aqaba Process. In that regard, I would like to thank the Prime Minister of New Zealand and the King of Jordan for their commitment to that agenda. These are now concrete solutions, but what we need now more than simply commitments is the action of major stakeholders and platforms, as well as and a commitment on the part of all of us to legislate and to regulate in our regions if they do not honour their commitments. The fight against hatred, the fight against terrorism and the creation of a common public order on the Internet are as important as technological innovation and freedom, because there can be no freedom without public order. It is up to us to create it through international action. I do not believe that the protection of freedom of expression can tolerate the discourse of terrorism, hate speech and anonymity in a way that permits the loss of inhibitions and is a cover for the violence it spurs. This agenda is vital to us all, and we will continue to take decisive action. Finally, and I say this in the context of the epidemic that I just mentioned — education is an essential common good on which we will continue to work in the coming year. Hundreds of millions of our young people have dropped out of school because of the epidemic, but education, particularly the education of young girls, continues to be a priority, especially in Africa. Alongside President Macky Sall, we have committed to the Global Partnership for Education. We have raised new funds to finance the actions of the Partnership. The role today of the World Bank, of the United Nations, of the Global Partnership for Education, of UNESCO — the role also of our bilateral actions — must be strengthened in order to act even more effectively in the months and years to come in order to improve education, especially the education of young girls. This fight is not over — far from it — and we cannot forget that. In any event, it is at the heart of France’s commitment to defending and fighting for global public goods. The fourth priority is the construction of a new era of globalization. The first era of globalization was initiated by the travels of Christopher Columbus and Ferdinand Magellan; it was that of discovery. It was also the era for the first invasions, of a kind of trial and error, of a form of fascination or sometimes of mutual misunderstandings. The second era was that of the colonial empires and the industrial revolution of the nineteenth century, where globalization was through trade, the first opening up to the outside world, but also of the slave routes, the exploitation or development of some and the enslavement of others, the first population displacements and a reconfiguration of our world in the light of these acts of domination. The third era began in 1989 with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the opening of borders, the belief in the possibility that the circulation of goods and people and the subsequent generalization of the Internet would lead to convergences of interests, values and ideas. I have gone through a quick presentation of history in my address to the Assembly, when each of these eras could be separated into many other periods. But, basically, it is this third era of globalization that for the past 10 years or so has been called into question. That is because there was a deep conviction — the teleology that accompanied it — that this globalization would be one of peace, a rapprochement of values and a universalization of respect for others. That has been called into question by the financial crisis, the transformations of the world, the return of peoples, the awakening of national consciences and, finally, the global pandemic. Further, it has been called into question by a deep crisis — the crisis of the Western middle classes that at one point began to doubt what this new order, called by some the happy globalization, could bring to them, given that it was these middle classes that, everywhere in the West, were often the variables in the economic, and then cultural, adjustments required for the world to be so open. It would therefore be unjustifiable in a way to deny everything that the third era of globalization has made possible, to deny everything that this period has brought in terms of prosperity. It has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of extreme poverty, precisely through a redistribution of world trade and production. Openness has raised awareness of travel and circulation, which has also partly improved our relations. It would be dangerous to lock ourselves into a historical stuttering where we engage in generalized protectionism by enacting customs duties and starting trade wars, falling into a kind of doubt that would lead us to the isolation or logic of power struggles. In our view, the risk is responding to this crisis of globalization with a nationalist retreat, with the violence of populism and extremism, and with the return of dominant Powers. But it is clear that global value chains need to be rethought today because the crisis has shown that dependence on such strategic sectors as health, digital technology, artificial intelligence as well as food can call into question the free exercise of sovereignty in the world as it is. We have also seen that there are good dependencies and there are dependencies that weaken us. We need to preserve international trade and openness because it is good for us economically and socially, because we cannot reinternalize everything, because this approach leads to just dependencies that require cooperation. But complete dependence on certain forces, be they technological, food-related or industrial, creates vulnerabilities that no longer allow for the kind of balances the world order requires. Furthermore, the inequalities of this new world order have become unsustainable. We have lifted hundreds of millions of people out of the extreme poverty that could be found in some countries. We have partly reduced North- South inequalities, but within some of our countries we have deepened inequalities. Furthermore, this new order makes the course of things play out in ways that are democratically unsustainable. Moreover, we have created a globalized consciousness that is today a kind of globalization, no longer of the knowledge that formed the basis of the Internet, but of feeling and resentment. For each of these crises, we must provide a response. This is the strategy that the European Union, together with other Powers, is developing. It is imperative that our international rules be adapted to take account of these new realities and provide ourselves with the means for more balanced international cooperation anchored in respect for the sovereignty of each country and for the benefit of all. In this respect, the fight against inequalities must clearly be at the heart of this reconsidered globalization. France has taken initiatives that have yielded results on women’s entrepreneurship, on the Global Partnership for Education and on health for all, in order to fight against all inequalities of fate. But we must go further. In a way, it is clear that this world in which we have lived was based on an academic consensus that gave way to a political and market consensus, which has often been called the Washington Consensus. It has run its course. Together, we must lay the foundations for a more just, more balanced, fairer and more sustainable form of globalization. We must reflect upon the terms of a globalization that accepts revisiting and rethinking the meaning of just sovereignty and fair trade, integrating the fight against inequalities in all their forms at the heart of its model, be they in terms of gender, social or economic condition, as well as the fight against global warming and in favour of biodiversity  — one that allows for the sustainable integration of conditions for a new equilibrium in the world. In this regard, as well, at the Paris Forum in a few weeks’ time, we will also have to make concrete proposals, and the work undertaken with the European Commission, the International Monetary Fund and many other forces for good will be essential. Along with Europe, Africa will be the driving force behind this redefinition of the terms of globalization, which is why we will continue to pursue our efforts within the framework of the initiative we established to help African countries face the pandemic at all levels — health, economic, social and humanitarian. In addition, the Group of Twenty summit in November will be a decisive meeting for the implementation of the debt moratorium that we have agreed upon and for going further. We must also improve our support for the immense energies of civil societies and the youth of the continent, which are its strength and its future. This is the underlying meaning of the initiatives we will carry out in the coming months with the diasporas and in support of the African private sector. Finally, the fifth objective that I want to propose to the international community is enhancing respect for international humanitarian law and the fundamental rights of each individual. For me, this objective is essential to the very survival of the United Nations. Indeed, we have been witnessing a series of setbacks in this area and often too much silence. Since the United Nations established World Humanitarian Day, 5,000 personnel have been attacked and 1,800 have been murdered. The past year has been the deadliest yet. My thoughts go out in particular to these young French women and men who, within the Agency for Technical Cooperation and Development, worked in that very context, in the Niger, and were killed in atrocious conditions last August. No, the United Nations cannot sit idle in the face of such setbacks. This is why, with French non-governmental organizations and our international partners, we are building an initiative to ensure the effectiveness of international law, the protection of humanitarian personnel and the fight against impunity. The humanitarian space is a common heritage that we must protect by guaranteeing access to civilian populations and the protection of the personnel who support them. We have seen inexcusable setbacks on this subject. We have seen unacceptable practices, including on the part of permanent members of the Security Council, in Syria in particular. The neutrality of humanitarian action must be respected and its criminalization curbed. Taking up our responsibilities in the humanitarian field also means showing solidarity and humanity in the area of migration. The situation at Mória, in Greece, is very difficult today. France, alongside Germany and its partners, will shoulder its responsibilities to welcome refugees, and we must all act together in the management of migratory flows so as to put an end to the trafficking of human beings, fatal crossings and routes of necessity. This will be at the heart of the European agenda for the coming weeks. I will have the opportunity to come back to it. We must step up the fight against these traffickers and live up to our responsibilities. Finally, fundamental rights are not a Western idea that can be treated as interference on the part of all those who refer to them. These are the principles of our Organization, enshrined in texts that the States Members of the United Nations have freely consented to sign and to respect. That is the reason why, in particular, France has requested that an international mission, under the aegis of the United Nations, be dispatched to Xinjiang in order to take into account our collective concerns on the situation of the Uyghur Muslim minority. And it is because we cannot tolerate the fact that, 25 years after the Beijing Conference, the rights of women throughout the world are experiencing a deep decline that we will organize next summer the Generation Equality Forum, alongside UN-Women and civil society, for the emancipation of all, the education of girls and the real and effective respect of human rights. These are the five principles on which France wants to rebuild, with Member States, the foundations of the international order so that the foundations of our Organization are not washed away by the pandemic. On the contrary, as Winston Churchill said, if you do not take change by the hand, it will take you by the throat. This requires the establishment of functional international cooperation based on clear rules, defined and respected by all. Multilateralism is not just an act of faith; it is an operational necessity. No country will emerge from this ordeal on its own. International cooperation can be difficult, but it is objectively imperative. However, we can no longer settle for a multilateralism of words that merely serves to accept the lowest common denominator as a way of hiding deep differences under a facade of consensus. We have to change our methods, reverse the terms of the contract, raise our voices loud and clear when some people pride themselves on adhering to alliances and their principles, organizations and their principles, only to trample on them in reality. Let us be honest, clear-headed and demanding with one another. Contemporary multilateralism must also involve international organizations, private actors, businesses, non-governmental organizations, researchers and citizens so that everyone is involved in the actions undertaken. It will be built on the basis of solid, respected and verified agreements among partners in good faith, around clear objectives and rules, and with real responsibility and accountability mechanisms. This is why, at the Paris Peace Forum in November, we will strive with our European and African partners, and with all those in Asia, America and elsewhere who wish to join us, to consolidate the bases of this new international consensus, to the benefit of the future of our Organization. I do not believe in some great day of refoundation. I believe in determined, methodical, rigorous work to build a contemporary international order that will spare future generations the scourge of war, to assert human rights and equality between nations, and to promote social progress in greater freedom. That is the very promise of our Charter. It is timely. I believe in the strength of will and the value of sincerity and courage. And speaking to you at this very moment, despite the distance created by the screen, I remember the gaze of a Lebanese child I met a few days ago, who had lost everything — absolutely everything — but who had sworn to fight against all odds for what she believed in. I remember, too, the young French people murdered in the Niger because they believed in a world of humanity, solidarity and fraternity. But those I address today surely do and must have similar memories, which oblige us to act, excludes cynicism, and forbids us from losing hope or taking the easy way out. There are lives, but above all there are young girls and boys all over the world who get involved because they believe our words, because they live for and by our principles. If we betray them, it will be our fault above all if they are disillusioned or lose everything. So it is up to us. I know we can do it. In any case, wherever we are, we will do everything we can to act and I know that many of may counterparts are ready to do so as well. I count on each and every one of them. Thank you.