A/78/PV.11 General Assembly

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of Solomon Islands.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Manasseh Damukana Sogavare, Prime Minister of Solomon Islands, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I bring greetings from the people of Solomon Islands to this Hall. We reaffirm our commitment to the principles of this 78-year-old Organization for a world of peace and shared prosperity, progress through partnership and a sustainable future with dignity and liberty. The people of Solomon Islands extend our congratulations to a fellow islander from Trinidad and Tobago, His Excellency Ambassador Dennis Francis, on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session. We also acknowledge his predecessor, His Excellency Ambassador Mr. Csaba Kőrösi, for his stewardship throughout the seventy- seventh session of the General Assembly. I wish him every success in his future endeavours. I too would like to join the international community in conveying, on behalf of the people of Solomon Islands, our deepest condolences to the Government and the people of the Kingdom of Morocco and Libya, respectively. We pray for their speedy recovery and that the Almighty give strength and comfort to those who lost their loved ones, livelihoods and homes. The choice of this year’s theme is very interesting given our current state of world affairs, and it is one that resonates well with Solomon Islands. Eight years ago, in this very Hall, we made a pledge to save our planet, eradicate poverty and address the climate crisis (see A/70/PV.4). Collectively, we resolved to adopt the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in our bid to ensure that no one is left behind. The Paris Agreement on Climate Change is also a testament of that unified resolve. However, today the health of our planet has declined, and poverty has increased. We are also presented with a runaway climate crisis that threatens our very existence and questions our resolve. Those multiple predicaments, coupled with the toxic mix of geopolitical power posturing, conflicts and economic downturn, have called into question our collective commitments to the very purpose of our Organization and the effectiveness of multilateralism in our fast- changing world. Taking stock of our achievements, it is unacceptable that 85 per cent of the global Sustainable Development Goal targets are either off track or stagnant or have regressed. The gravity of that situation cannot be ignored, especially for least developed countries (LDCs) and small island developing States (SIDS). The theme presented not only highlights the failure of multilateralism, but also raises the immediate need for us to restore our trust and reignite our solidarity by upholding our global commitment within the principles and spirit of the Charter of the United Nations. The theme further presents an opportunity for us to take stock of our own shortcomings and to see where we can breathe new life into the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. If it means re-engineering our method of collaboration and raising our ambition to bolster and accelerate global action in the next seven years, then we must start today. As an LDC, we are heartened by the international community’s support to extend our preparatory period to graduate from such a status to 2027. We thank the international community for its solidarity and support. Solomon Islands remains committed to having our smooth transition strategy in place by the end of 2024. We are reviewing our 2016–2035 national development strategy, and we have prioritized infrastructure resilience, digital connectivity, technology transfer, investment, trade and energy reforms to ensure that our graduation is resilient, sustainable and irreversible. That is our effort to salvage and rescue the 2030 Agenda. To propel our economic recovery and build our resilience, we need bilateral and multilateral support to advance our development aspirations and address our vulnerabilities. In that vein, we once again reiterate our call for an enhanced United Nations in-country presence. We therefore call for the immediate implementation of the six priorities of the Doha Programme of Action for the Least Developed Countries 2022–2031 and for translating those commitments into reality. We also welcome the inclusion of Solomon Islands in the pilot phase of the early-warning systems through the resilience-building mechanism, and we look forward to the utilization of the sustainable graduation support facility to support our transition initiatives towards graduation. The world’s commitment to multilateralism must be strengthened. Solomon Islands calls for stronger political will from the “haves” to grant LDCs non-reciprocal trade arrangements and Generalized System of Preferences arrangements. Good-neighbourly relations means caring and striving for all. The 47 LDCs account for only 1 per cent of global trade. We acknowledge and value South-South cooperation because it is less restrictive and more responsive and is aligned to our national needs. We applaud the People’s Republic of China for its initiative in accelerating the implementation of the 2030 Agenda through its Belt and Road Initiative, the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative and the Global Civilization Initiative. During my discussions with President Xi Jinping in July, Solomon Islands and China reached an understanding to establish a comprehensive strategic framework that aims to achieve our National Development Strategy 2016–2035 and the 2030 Agenda through those transformative initiatives. Such initiatives carry significant importance in promoting, implementing and achieving the 2030 Agenda on the Sustainable Development Goals. We call on all partners to adopt that transformative partnership model. If we are to rebuild trust and reignite solidarity, then let us start by changing how we engage and by reforming our international financial architecture. Our appetite for transformative change has never been higher, and we look forward to working closely with all partners that are genuine to partner with us in our path to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. I call for the establishment of a permanent seat for SIDS in the decision-making body within the international financial architecture to ensure inclusivity. As a small island developing State, we support the fourth International Conference on Small Island Developing States, scheduled to be held in Antigua and Barbuda in May 2024. The gathering is expected to present a road map of collective action to succeed the SIDS Accelerated Modalities of Action Pathway. We have every confidence that that new partnership will be ambitious and will recommit global action to the unique and special needs of SIDS. On the matter of the development of the multidimensional vulnerability index. Solomon Islands supports the call for the adoption of the multidimensional vulnerability index and its implementation and operationalization during the seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly. That is a SIDS initiative, which takes into account the cross-dimensional vulnerability of SIDS to recover and build back better. Therefore, the modus operandi of the international financial institutions must be reformed to address our special circumstances of vulnerability. There can be no sustainable development without peace, and no peace without sustainable development. The world cannot achieve the Sustainable Development Goals with all the conflict and wars that are going on. The past seven years have shown us that. Solomon Islands reiterates its call for the cessation of all conflict, including the Ukraine war. We must restore faith in our Charter and give peace a chance. We must better understand each other, listen to each other more and seek diplomatic solutions to all conflicts. Wars have exacerbated our vulnerability, have broken our trust and undermine our solidarity. It remains a great distraction from our development agenda. Swords must now be converted into ploughs. It is time that we sow seeds of peace so that we can reap the fruit of progress, prosperity and sustainability. We continue to call for an expanded, democratic, equitable, transparent and accountable Security Council that represents today’s realities. That includes a dedicated seat for small islands developing States. Nine years ago, Solomon Islands registered its interest in serving on the Security Council for the period from 2031 to 2032. Today we continue to seek international support for our candidature, and we thank those that have given their support. We again reiterate our strong belief in multilateralism and reaffirm our commitment to the spirit and purpose of the United Nations Charter. Solomon Islands will host the 17th Pacific Games — the region’s largest and premium multi-sport event  — for the first time in our history from 19 November to 2 December. Our shores will be graced by the presence of more than 5,000 athletes from 24 countries and territories within the Pacific region, including Australia and New Zealand. We stand united and proud to deliver on that regional commitment. Solomon Islands is grateful and appreciates the ongoing support from our bilateral and multilateral partners, in particular the People’s Republic of China, which has become our leading infrastructure partner. We also thank Saudi Arabia, Australia, New Zealand, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, the Republic of Korea and Japan for their support. Countless voices have echoed the same sentiment, namely, that climate change remains the single-greatest threat to our people and planet. But have we seriously and truly taken heed? The ambition under the Paris Agreement remains low. We need to keep the 1.5°C target alive and close the mitigation gap. The global stocktake under the Paris Agreement is critical to keeping everyone honest and knowing where we are, what we need to do and how to keep the 1.5°C goal alive. The loss and damage mechanism needs to be resourced and operationalized. Global trust needs to be restored to uphold the credibility of the Paris Agreement. We must walk the talk by taking drastic climate action. Solomon Islands welcomes the deliberations of the International Court of Justice on the Vanuatu initiative for climate change. We must accelerate our transition to a low-carbon economy and further support the Port Vila initiative for a just transition from fossil fuels. Developed countries must take the lead in financing the construction of climate-resilient safe islands in SIDS. That must be a global priority. Solomon Islands is pleased to inform the General Assembly that we ratified the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The National Disability Inclusive Policy and the Mental Health Policy provide the implementation framework to ensure that the rights of persons with disabilities are promoted and protected at all levels. We are cognizant of our duty to provide an enabling environment and mechanisms that enable our people to exercise their fundamental rights, as provided for under our Constitution. Solomon Islands reaffirms the right to self- determination, as enshrined under the United Nations Charter. On the question of New Caledonia and French Polynesia, Solomon Islands notes with deep concern the credibility of the latest referendum in New Caledonia. We urgently call on the relevant body and stakeholders to look into that matter. Solomon Islands notes with deep concern the six- decade embargo imposed on Cuba. That unilateral action undermines the spirit of multilateralism and Cuba’s progress towards achieving the 2030 Agenda. We urge our friend and partner, the United States of America, to lift the unjust economic embargo placed on Cuba. That is an opportunity to rebuild trust and reignite solidarity. Embargoes do not auger well with the resolve of this organ to leave no one behind. On behalf of the people of Solomon Islands, I take this opportunity to thank Cuba for the support to our health sector through the training of our medical doctors in recent years. Two days ago, Solomon Islands became one of the first signatories to the agreement on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction, a subsidiary to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. In collaboration with the Pacific Islands Forum Fisheries Agency, Solomon Islands will host a summit on the implementation of SDG 14.4 in Honiara next year. That will be done in coordination with the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General for the Ocean. The summit will showcase Pacific leadership in tuna fisheries management. The outcome will feed into the third United Nations Ocean Conference, to be held in June 2025. We note the ongoing work of the current intergovernmental negotiating committee to develop an international legally binding instrument on plastic pollution, including in the marine environment. That is critical to maintaining the health, productivity and resilience of our ocean and is in line with 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. The Pacific had been a victim of power politics long before we became a member of this Organization. The Battle of Guadalcanal is recorded in history as one of the fiercest battles of the Second World War, a war that was not of our making. The lack of urgency eight decades ago to remove the unexploded ordnance (UXO) comes at a great cost to Solomon Islands in finance and in lives. At this juncture, I would like to thank the Government of the United States of America for their continued assistance to the efforts to date. However, more needs to be done to address that threat. I call on responsible countries to remove the UXO and compensate the lives affected and lost. Since the inception of the United Nations in 1945, the Pacific Islands has remained a stage for power projection by developed nations. As a consequence, from 1946 to 1996, approximately 300 nuclear devices were tested in the Pacific, including in the Marshall Islands, French Polynesia and Kiribati. Did we have a say in that? We did not. Those countries and their people must be compensated commensurably. The nuclear footprint of big Powers in the Pacific is intrinsically carved into our history and genes. To this day, certain populations continue to suffer from health issues because of nuclear testing and dumping in the Pacific. As a signatory to the 1985 Treaty of Raratonga and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, our commitment to keeping our blue Pacific continent nuclear-free is non-negotiable. We ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty earlier this year, which is a testament to our conviction and principle for a nuclear-free Pacific. We remain concerned about the development of military nuclear investment within the Pacific region, its potential to trigger a nuclear arms race and its implication for our nuclear-free status. Solomon Islands stands with like-minded Pacific islanders and is appalled by Japan’s decision to discharge more than 1 million tonnes of treated nuclear wastewater into the ocean. We note that the assessment report of the International Atomic Energy Agency is inconclusive and that the scientific data shared remains inadequate, incomplete and biased. Those concerns were ignored. If that nuclear wastewater is safe, it should be stored in Japan. The fact that it is being dumped into the ocean shows that it is not safe. The effect of that act is transboundary and intergenerational and is an attack on global trust and solidarity. The message is therefore clear: our lives and our people do not matter. The increased warming and acidification of the ocean against the discharge of treated nuclear water over a period of 30-plus years poses worrisome risks for our people’s well-being and future. We call on Japan to explore other options in addressing the treated nuclear wastewater and to immediately stop discharging it into the Pacific Ocean. If we are to rebuild trust and reignite global solidarity, we must be honest and frank in protecting our oceans, which are the lifeblood of our people. I am morally and ethically obliged to speak for humankind, the voiceless and our children’s children. We are the ocean. It is our past, our present and our future. It is the foundation of our very existence. It is our identity. Please stop the discharge of nuclear treated water, or history will judge us. In conclusion, in framing the future, we want, and we need, a reformed rules-based international system that is ready for the future and responsive to today’s reality. A change of attitude and approach is needed. The need to understand and reach out to the vulnerable is critical. We must restore our faith in the United Nations Charter and end all wars. We must renew and reaffirm our focus with vigour, matched with resources to deliver on our 2030 Agenda. We have only one life to live. Let us therefore right the wrongs of the past by rebuilding trust and reigniting solidarity to accelerate action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all. I conclude by paraphrasing Winston Churchill: Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duty and so bear ourselves that, if humankind and the United Nations last for 1,000 years, men and women will still say: this was their finest hour. Iu mi tugeda — you and me together — for a better United Nations. To God be the Glory, great things He has done. May God bless all present, and may God bless the United Nations.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Solomon Islands for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Pham Minh Chinh, Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

At the outset, I would like to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Dennis Francis on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy- eighth session. I am confident that, with his wealth of experience and excellent capability, he will help to ensure the success of this session. I also wish to voice my appreciation for the significant contributions of His Excellency Mr. Csaba Kőrösi, President of the General Assembly at its seventy-seventh session, and His Excellency António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations. Having endured great suffering, sacrifices and losses from wars, separation and the embargo of the past century, Viet Nam fully understands better than anyone, and profoundly appreciates, the value of peace, cooperation and development. With perseverance and tireless efforts in the spirit of putting the past behind, overcoming differences, harnessing similarities and striving towards the future to turn enemies into friends and confrontation into dialogue, and by contending and cooperating to turn adversaries into partners, Viet Nam is recognized by international friends as a model for post-war cooperation, recovery and reconciliation for the common development and prosperity of all parties concerned. It would therefore be remiss not to mention the three most important and decisive factors in international cooperation  — trust, sincerity and solidarity. Trust helps to erase animosity and bridge differences, and it is a prerequisite for solid, effective and substantive ties. Sincerity brings sympathy and reinforces at the national level hope, trust and solidarity, which make up the strength of a State, a nation and all its people. Solidarity enhances multilateralism at the international level and creates global strength. That is also the spirit that we wish to underscore and promote at this year’s session. Only by building upon trust, sincerity and solidarity around the world, strengthening of the role of the United Nations and mobilizing the active participation of all States can we together address difficulties, overcome challenges and promote peace, cooperation and prosperity globally, regionally and nationally and bring about happiness and well-being for all people. Over the past years, we have been facing tremendous hurdles. While peace and stability prevail at the macro level, hostilities, conflicts and tensions remain at the micro level. In addition, I would say that arms races and the increasing threats from weapons of mass destruction loom large. The consequences of the coronavirus disease continue to persist, while the global economy records a slow and unequal recovery, with high inflation and growing risk. At the same time, non-traditional security challenges, natural disasters, climate change, environmental issues, food, energy, water and cybersecurity are evolving in a complex and unpredictable manner. Moreover, the world today faces four critical crises. First, there is a crisis of trust amid the most intense geopolitical tensions since the Cold War. Secondly, there is a crisis of multilateral cooperation due to fragmentation and division. Thirdly, there is a crisis of legal principles, reflected through the undermining of international law and the Charter of the United Nations in certain corners. Fourthly, there is a crisis of resources to respond to global issues, such as poverty eradication, education, health, humanitarian assistance, diseases, natural disasters and climate change. Against that backdrop, the critical question is: as leaders of the world, what do we need to do to help our respective nations and the world as a whole to overcome the current obstacles? In my view, the answer is that we need to jointly build trust, showcase sincerity, bolster solidarity, enhance bilateral and multilateral cooperation, effectively respond to global and whole-of-population challenges and promote sustainable development, with the people as the centre, the actor, the goal, the driver and the resource for growth. I am of the view that global challenges require global solutions. In addition, as the issues affect each and every person, we should adopt a whole-of-population, comprehensive and holistic approach. In that spirit, I would like to outline the following five clusters of solutions. First, it is necessary to build upon sincerity, reinforce strategic trust and call on countries to uphold responsibility as the basis for our efforts. Sincerity and trust should be fostered and bolstered through candid dialogue on the basis of mutual respect, shared interests and joint efforts to address differences, as well as the prevention and containment of conflicts. Responsibility is showcased by complying with international commitments, international law and United Nations Charter. It is also reflected in refrainment from the use of force, power politics, unilateralism and divisive and fragmenting actions. In that regard, major Powers play a crucial and pioneering role in building trust, promoting sincerity and upholding responsibility through stronger commitments and more comprehensive support for global development. Secondly, a global solution is to enhance international solidarity and cooperation. Each country should place their interests in the broader picture of the international community’s interests and join hands to protect and promote multilateralism and enhance the central role of the United Nations. That can be achieved through new and more robust multilateral initiatives and actions in the interests of all countries and peoples. It is also necessary to support the Secretary-General’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) stimulus via vigorous, concrete, practical and effective commitments and actions. Let us pursue unity instead of division, dialogue instead of confrontation and cooperation instead of isolation and divergence. Once again, Viet Nam affirms its solidarity with other countries, including Cuba, and urges the United States to put an end to its embargo against Cuba. Thirdly, a whole-of-population solution is to promote policies that identify the people as the centre, the goal, the actor, the driver and the resource for sustainable development, while ensuring that no one is left behind. Development can be truly meaningful only when it brings about practical benefits for each and every person, particularly in prioritized areas such as investment in promoting education, creating jobs and ensuring that the people are the centre of the policy- making process. We must enhance and strengthen investment in education, creating employment, ensuring social security, providing health care, improving resilience and adaptation and preventing natural disasters and diseases. Fourthly, it is essential to implement holistic political, economic and social measures to ensure security and stability. We need to develop and transition into a green, digital, circular, sharing and smart economy, promote innovations and start-ups, reduce trade and investment barriers, facilitate market access and conclude more free trade agreements. Viet Nam supports the reform of international institutions. We need to expedite such reforms, particularly financial and monetary reforms, towards greater equity and equality for developing countries and less developed countries and improve their capacity to effectively manage risk. Fifthly, we need to mobilize and effectively utilize resources, in which self-reliance, resilience and the effective harnessing of our potentials and advantages are important factors underlying the success, prosperity and strength of each nation and region and the world at large. Developing countries, particularly least developed countries, are currently the most vulnerable to the severe consequences of climate change, natural disasters and diseases. They should receive substantive and effective assistance in terms of finance, technology, human resources, development and governance coordination. Viet Nam supports the Summit of the Future process to bring about important changes through a new mindset, a new modus operandi and new actions, with a view to helping multilateral institutions operate in a more synchronized and effective manner and better respond to the needs and interests of all countries and peoples. President Ho Chi Minh, the beloved great leader of Viet Nam’s people, a national liberation hero and a great man of culture, once said, “A country is rooted in its people; only when the root holds strong can the tree stand firm. We shall build the fort of victory on the foundation of our people’s efforts” and “Solidarity, solidarity, great solidarity; success, success and great success”. By building upon that philosophy, Viet Nam has recorded important and historic achievements after nearly 40 years of Doi Moi renovation across the board, particularly in terms of socioeconomic development and the improvement of the people’s living standards. The multidimensional poverty rate in Viet Nam has dropped to below 2 per cent. Viet Nam steadfastly pursues a consistent foreign policy of independence, self-reliance, multilateralization and the diversification of external relations. We remain a friend, a reliable partner and an active, responsible member of the international community for the peace, cooperation, development and prosperity of all countries worldwide. Viet Nam will continue to be a reliable and responsible partner of the international community. Vietnamese men and women from the People’s Army of Viet Nam and police forces have been participating in United Nations peacekeeping missions, conveying a strong message of peace, friendship, cooperation and development. We are also expediting energy transition to achieve net-zero emissions by 2050. In addition, Viet Nam maintains food security for a population of 100 million people, while striving to export approximately 7 million tons of rice this year, contributing to ensuring global food security. On this occasion, Viet Nam would like to announce its national commitment towards the SDG transition. From a region plagued by war and division, South-East Asia has emerged as a region of solidarity, friendship and cooperation and an epicentrum of growth. Moreover, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) matters, and ASEAN has affirmed its centrality in maintaining peace, security and prosperity in the region. We wish to reaffirm our commitment to working with other countries within and outside the region to safeguard peace, stability, security, safety and freedom of navigation in the South China Sea, in accordance with international law and the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. It is also necessary to exercise restraint, refrain from unilateral actions and address disputes and differences by peaceful means, including diplomatic and legal processes. The late Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld once referred to the United Nations as the new Santa Maria that can help us to brave tempestuous storms and explore uncharted seas of peace, stability, cooperation and development. Let us be responsible sailors, stand united, uphold trust and act in unison to steady our helm and take the United Nations vessel to new horizons of greater and more inclusive prosperity.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Head of Government, and Minister for Defence, National Security and Environment of the Kingdom of Lesotho.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Ntsokoane Samuel Matekane, Prime Minister and Head of Government, and Minister for Defence, National Security and Environment of the Kingdom of Lesotho, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

For the past 78 years, the world’s leaders have gathered together in this Assembly Hall in September every year because of their deep- rooted conviction that the nations of the world can, and should, cooperate to resolve conflicts peacefully and to change people’s lives for the better. That vision of our forebears, that of a united, peaceful and prosperous world, continues to resonate with us and will indeed transcend countless future generations. That is so because the strides of the United Nations are too glaring to deny. From preventing third world war to buttressing the foundations of global security, as well as advancing global economic development, the United Nations has left an indelible mark in the annals of history. Despite those remarkable achievements, the United Nations path towards the full realization of its aspirations has always been beset by numerous challenges. The world is currently in a state of turbulence, with intersecting crises growing in scale and severity. With the conflicts and insurgency in the Sahel, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mozambique and Ukraine, and the rising global tensions among nuclear- weapon States, the capacity of the United Nations to maintain global peace and security is put to the test. Climate change, poverty, hunger, diseases, lack of employment, mainly for the youth, and abuse of human rights threaten to overwhelm the international system. As if that is not enough, unconstitutional changes of Government have resurfaced again, while unilateralism and terrorism continue unabated. That state of affairs has given rise to perceptions that the multilateral system is no longer fit for purpose. The question now is how does one restore the confidence to the world population that the United Nations is still as relevant today as it was in 1945, when it was formed. The answer to that question squarely rests on us as the current leadership of the world. It is up to us to make this decade a turning point or a decade in which multilateralism lost its way. It is in that context that we hail as most appropriate the theme chosen for our general debate “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity: accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all”. At the heart of our problems lies the challenge of an uneven and uncertain economic outlook. The report of the Secretary-General on the work of the Organization (A/78/1) aptly captures the fact that the promotion of sustained economic growth and sustainable development has remained a major challenge during the reporting period. It clearly indicates that progress towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) has not only stalled, but reversed in terms of poverty, employment, health, education and other areas. Small and landlocked developing economies, such as Lesotho, bear the biggest brunt, as they are yet to fully integrate into the global markets. Reversing the current economic trajectory requires us to be intentional about multilateral cooperation and to remain true to the principles underpinning the formation of the United Nations. We need to be purposeful in working towards levelling the playing field with regard to the global financing architecture and thus speak with one voice in calling for the democratization and reform of the Bretton Woods institutions. Moreover, Lesotho continues to fully support the proposal of the Secretary-General on the SDG stimulus. At the same time, we would like to add our voice to the call for the Group of 20 (G20) countries to provide the SDG stimulus to the tune of at least $500 billion per year, to be delivered through a combination of grants and concessional and non-concessional finance. The international commitments undertaken must be fulfilled. We also welcome the recent G20 decision to accredit the African Union as its official member. Despite our challenges as least developed countries, we are not sitting back as spectators in the process of achieving the SDGs. Some of our efforts at the country level include the hosting of a high-level event on nutrition and food security by His Majesty King Letsie III in Lesotho in March this year. The aim of the event was to promote strong political momentum to mobilize commitments and investment in the fight against hunger and malnutrition on the continent. We are also making concerted efforts to sponsor the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals through our national fiscal allocations and actions. Two months ago, in collaboration with the United Nations country office in Lesotho, I launched the United Nations Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework, which is aimed at the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. While we hail the United Nations for that gesture, we wish to indicate that significant resource gaps still exist. We therefore call on our development partners to make more resources available towards that endeavour. Climate change is also one of the formidable challenges of our time. That is evidenced by the changing weather patterns, hurricanes, storms and catastrophes that we endure every year. The recent earthquake in Morocco and the floods in Libya are a case in point. Allow me at this point to convey our sincere condolences to the families that lost their loved ones in those disasters. We also express solidarity and support to those sisterly African countries and their peoples as they recover and rebuild. In the midst of the climate change crisis, we believe that there is a silver lining on the horizon that may enable us to turn around the fortunes of our people. In Lesotho, we have water, sunlight and wind in abundance, which provide opportunities for innovation and partnerships in renewable energy generation and the creation of jobs. In that regard, I wish to announce that on 12 and 13 October this year, Lesotho will host an international water and hydrogen conference and exposition that will showcase the steps that we are undertaking towards becoming the world’s first sustainable digital hydro nation. We are open to investments in that sector. I therefore take this opportunity to invite Member States and the private sector in their respective countries to attend that ground-breaking event. Our aim is to generate clean energy for domestic use and for export to the neighbouring countries. At the same time, we urge developed countries to meet their financial commitments to providing $100 billion a year to developing States for the implementation of the Paris Agreement. We need to work for implementation that puts people with disability, the youth, women and other vulnerable groups at the centre. We believe that the inclusion of all stakeholders in a programmatic and results-oriented action will bring about fundamental changes in the livelihoods and well-being of our societies. We live in a digital age that compels our countries to ensure broad access to digital tools. The coronavirus disease has taught us that technology is key to fighting diseases and pandemics. The challenges besieging our health systems require improvement in the use of telemedicine and technology. Global cooperation is key in that area. Even as we cooperate in that area, we need to ensure that access to health and medicine must continue to be a priority and adequately funded. We are gratified to share that in Lesotho, digital access has raised awareness among the youth, especially girls, and among women of their rights. That is evident in increased civic engagement and the expression of ideas and opinions by most Basotho women and girls in various sectors. That notwithstanding, full access to digital tools remains a challenge for our rural communities due to the lack of infrastructure and affordability, further perpetuating inequalities that we strive to eradicate. That is one area that needs close collaboration and cooperation with Member States. Even as we hail and support technological innovations, such as artificial intelligence and social media, I must however add that we should not lose sight of the need to address clear threats to people’s rights to safety and privacy. In our quest to achieve our development aspirations, we are also taking initiatives to stimulate medium, small and micro enterprises. That will help to accelerate trade and industrialization, as well as address the prevailing gender imbalances. Lesotho has also embarked on a comprehensive constitutional and legislative reforms process. While not being a one-stop solution for all problems, reforms nevertheless provide the hope that people’s lives will improve due to a new order of public resources management, improved checks and balances, political stability and a focus on the development agenda. As we transition to the implementation of the reforms, we will continue to bank on the support of the United Nations and the international community. The consolidation of peace will continue to be a prerequisite to development. While access to small arms and light weapons, which kill our people on a daily basis, remains unfettered, peace will continue to elude us. While a lack of political will to rid the world of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, including biological and chemical weapons, still exists, global peace and security will forever remain fragile. We call for the implementation of the Programme of Action to Prevent, Combat and Eradicate the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects and for the total elimination of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction, in line with the international commitments and obligations undertaken. As part of the global community, Lesotho will continue to play a role in fostering global peace, including peace in our region. We are grateful to report to this Assembly that our troops in Mozambique, under the umbrella of the Southern African Development Community, have made commendable strides in thwarting the threat of the deadly insurrection in that country. As we continue to ponder the most pressing issues and challenges facing the international community today, we should not forget the plight of the Sahrawi and the Palestinian people, who continue to live under oppression. Both the General Assembly and the Security Council have recognized their rights to self-determination and independence. Western Sahara should determine its own destiny and live in peace side by side with the Kingdom of Morocco. Equally, the solution to the Palestine question is the implementation of the two-State solution, with Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace, security and harmony. It would be remiss of me not to call for the lifting of the economic embargo against the Republic of Cuba, as well as the remaining sanctions against the Republic of Zimbabwe. At the same time, we call for the reform of the Security Council along the lines of the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration. We deserve a Council that is more transparent, representative and democratic. We have learned a lesson from exclusion, intolerance and war that selfishness in world relations is suicidal. We have also learned a lesson about the value of collective decision-making and inclusive development. As I conclude my statement, allow me to note that although the world may have changed since 1945, the United Nations remains the only universal intergovernmental institution that unites us in a global community of States. Yes, the Organization may have shortcomings, but it remains a beacon of hope for humankind. The responsibility to make the United Nations function optimally falls on all of us and must be discharged with a great sense of responsibility.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Head of Government, and Minister for Defence, National Security and Environment of the Kingdom of Lesotho for the statement he has just made.

The General Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Samdech Moha Borvor Thipadei Manet Hun, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

To begin, I would like to congratulate His Excellency Mr. Dennis Francis on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session. Our debate is timely and very relevant to the current global context, as its theme is “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity: accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all”. It is my great pleasure to address this gathering today as the new Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia. I am committed to working closely with all Member States within this body of the United Nations to realize our shared aspirations. I share the prevailing concerns over the growing global instability and geopolitical tensions that we are all witnessing at present. The escalation of the war in Ukraine — and its grave consequences — reflect a significant erosion of trust among Member States and a lack of confidence in multilateralism. The competition between super- and major Powers has diverted available resources to expand security capabilities amid widening gaps in funding to address the lingering effect of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) and achieve the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Climate change, meanwhile, is threatening the existence of humankind. Without bold and urgent action on our part, the world will see further increases in poverty, hunger and the risk of pandemics, as well as more entrenched cycles of instability and conflict. It is high time to restore strategic security trust among all nations and trust in the rules-based global system, in which all States fully respect international laws and norms as well as the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. We should strengthen and leverage the convening power of the United Nations system to help reignite global solidarity so as to build a safer and more prosperous world for all. First and foremost, we must more strongly emphasize the need to address development issues and prevent existing conflicts from widening. In that regard, Cambodia highly appreciates the Secretary-General’s New Agenda for Peace, with its ambitious recommendations for global stability, and his vision for the future of global cooperation as outlined in his report entitled Our Common Agenda (A/75/982). We strongly support his initiatives with respect to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the climate. I am confident that his call for an SDG Stimulus — to invest $500 billion a year in sustainable development and climate action between now and 2030 — will put the progress on SDG implementation back on track. The climate solidarity pact that he proposed will lead to a reduction of emissions in line with the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. With enduring peace and stability, Cambodia continues to make notable progress on every front. Over the past two decades, poverty has fallen steadily, at an average annual rate of 1.6 per cent. Our economy grew by more than 7 per cent a year until COVID-19 broke out. We were hailed as one of the most successful countries in controlling the pandemic and recovering from its impact. Economic growth returned to 5.2 per cent in 2022 and is expected to continue growing at 5.6 percent in 2023. As highlighted in our second voluntary national review, in July, 72.5 per cent of Cambodia’s SDG indicators and sub-indicators are well on track. The country is steadily transitioning from least developed to developing country status, in 2027. That is thanks to sound Government policies and our ability to maintain peace, political stability, high economic growth, equitable distribution of benefits from growth and forging good cooperation with all stakeholders. Our democracy-building process has steadily advanced. In July, Cambodia successfully held general elections, with 18 political parties contesting. More than 8.2 million people cast their ballots — a turnout rate of 84.59 per cent. That is the highest since the United Nations-supervised elections in 1993 and a clear indication of our people’s greater political maturity and enthusiasm in exercising their democratic rights. The election has been widely assessed as free, fair, credible and just by thousands of observers, including 333 from abroad representing 65 countries. Like many developing countries, Cambodia has a lot more to do to reach our goal of becoming an upper- middle-income country by 2030 and a resilient, vibrant and prosperous high-income country by 2050. To that end, and in line with the Secretary-General’s call for Member States to deliver a “Rescue Plan for People and Planet”, my Government is committed to taking transformative actions through our recently launched Pentagonal Strategy for Cambodia’s socioeconomic development over the next 25 years. The Pentagonal Strategy is being implemented from phase I in the five areas of growth, employment, equity, efficiency and sustainability. The five key priorities are people, roads, water, electricity and technology — especially digital technology, to address the fourth industrial revolution and the digital transformation of Cambodia’s economy. I would like to add that the main objectives of the strategy include, on the one hand, maintaining the positive momentum of peace, economic growth and development in general and, on the other, building and strengthening the foundations necessary to accelerate national development through resilience in five areas — the public sector, the economy, the financial sector, human and social capital, and the environment, including climate change response. For the success of the Pentagonal Strategy, Cambodia will accelerate its governance reforms to ensure that our public administration runs efficiently with a high level of integrity. We will safeguard peace, political stability, security and the social order, and maintain macroeconomic stability. To that end, Cambodia will further enhance partnerships and cooperation for development and keep welcoming the support of all friendly partners, both technical and financial, to help Cambodia achieve its SDGs while continuing to deepen its regional and global integration. Cambodia will continue on its present path of an independent and neutral foreign policy, based on the rule of law, equal mutual respect and adherence to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, to promote its national interests, strengthen existing friendships and build more amicable ties. Cambodia remains resolute against the threat or use of force in international relations, interference in the internal affairs of and aggression against other independent nations. Cambodia will not authorize any foreign military base on its territory, as clearly stated in its Constitution. Cambodia will not allow any country or any group to use its territory against another country. Cambodia will further endeavour to strengthen and expand good cooperation with nations around the world through bilateral, regional and international frameworks to contribute to global peace, security, stability, sustainable development and prosperity shared by all. In addition to the SDGs under the global framework, Cambodia has added its own specific goal related to mine action — namely, a “Mine-Free Cambodia by 2025”. In that effort, we call for continued financial and technical support. We also urge greater participation by the international community to raise awareness of the dangers of landmines and unexploded ordnance, the hidden killers that threaten human security even after armed conflicts end. Cambodia welcomes the Global Accelerator on Jobs and Social Protection for Just Transitions, initiated by António Guterres. We are proud to have been selected as one of the 10 potential pathfinder countries. To achieve the SDGs, Cambodia calls on the international community to intensify efforts, strengthen cooperation and rebuild trust and confidence to end wars, address the root causes of conflicts and reinvigorate solidarity for the achievement of the Goals. As a troop-contributing country, Cambodia fully supports increasing the portion of official development assistance for peacebuilding. Cambodia remains steadfast in its commitment to peacekeeping operations in contributing to international peace, security and stability, which are crucial to sustainable development. To further contribute to that process, Cambodia has decided to stand for membership of the Organizational Committee of the Peacebuilding Commission for the term 2025 to 2026. We seek the invaluable support of members for our candidature to that body. In conclusion, despite the many challenges and the prevailing instability, we can build a better world for all by working together towards our common goals with reinforced mutual trust and global solidarity. Cambodia fully supports the adoption of the SDG Summit political declaration and the draft decision of the Summit of the Future. Those documents will help keep progress towards the SDGs on track and ensure their achievement by 2030.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia for the statement he has just made.

The General Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of Georgia.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Irakli Garibashvili, Prime Minister of Georgia, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

It is an honour to address the General Assembly once again. I represent Georgia, a strong nation that values freedom, cherishes its rich heritage and embraces progress amid an ever-changing geopolitical landscape. As members are aware, my country experienced a full-scale military aggression in 2008 and continues to endure its destructive consequences. That is still evident in the occupation of 20 per cent of Georgian territory by the Russian Federation and the displacement of hundreds of thousands of people from their homes. I can confidently state that despite the devastation that we have endured, we have not hesitated to pursue our ambitions. We have transformed Georgia into a dynamic society, fully committed to the realization of the fundamental principles and values enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. Georgia understands the cost of war and recognizes the value of peace. Since 2012, our Government has built and maintained an uninterrupted decade of peace and stability. I would like to take this opportunity to express our deep appreciation to the international community for its unwavering support for Georgia’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. To ensure our continued peaceful existence, I call on the international community to persuade the Russian Federation to engage with the Geneva international discussions and fully implement the European Union (EU)-mediated 2008 ceasefire agreement. Thanks to our pragmatic foreign policy, we have sustained economic growth over the past decade. We continue to make critical investments to improve the quality of life for all Georgians. We have experienced double-digit economic growth for two consecutive years, with a gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate of more than 10 per cent in 2021 and 2022. That positive growth trend has continued in 2023, with an average rate of economic growth of 7 per cent. A substantial increase in GDP per capita is among my Government’s most significant achievements. Since 2012, GDP per capita has nearly doubled. We expect that that positive trend will continue. In addition, in July, our official reserve assets reached a historic high, representing nearly a 90 per cent increase in July 2023 compared with 2012. The unemployment and poverty rates are also at historical lows. The World Justice Project’s 2022 Rule of Law Index places Georgia as the top-ranking country in the Eastern Europe and Central Asia regions regarding the rule of law. According to the Fraser Institute’s annual report, “Economic Freedom of the World 2022”, Georgia is among the top 15 countries with the freest economies, while the Heritage Foundation Index of Economic Freedom 2023 places Georgia twenty-first in Europe, ahead of 11 European Union member States. The Crime Index 2023 positions Georgia as one of the safest countries in the world, ranking eighteenth in the world and eighth in Europe. My Government developed and approved “Vision 2030 - Development Strategy of Georgia”, our country’s first long-term policy framework, which outlines a comprehensive set of reforms covering areas such as economic functions, social progress, good governance, justice and human rights protection, to be implemented by 2030. While we work towards comprehensive, multifaceted progress, we also place significant emphasis on education and social welfare. The importance of robust education systems cannot be overstated, since they serve as the cornerstone for empowered, prosperous and productive societies. We embrace education by allocating resources to enhance digital literacy and bridge the digital divide. Our efforts extend to all levels of education. We have allocated up to $1 billion to rehabilitate and construct schools and kindergartens across the country. We have increased investments in health care and social welfare. Currently, 95 per cent of our population benefits from universal health care, and we are continuously improving the quality of those services. We are determined to ensure the best possible care for all citizens. Those successes are just a fraction of the progress that my country has made, but they clearly demonstrate our efforts to create opportunities for all our citizens, including those residing in the occupied territories of Georgia. I say to our Abkhazian and Ossetian brothers and sisters that it is our common adversary that opposes our unity. We are an ingenious people, capable of incredible accomplishments, but only together can we ensure lasting stability, attract increased investments and reach our full potential as a united nation. We must not let this opportunity for a peaceful, stable and prosperous future together slip from our grasp. Each step we take is aimed at bringing Georgia back into the European family, where it belongs. The remarkable achievements of our Government since 2012, including the EU association agreement, the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement and the visa-free regime with the European Union, demonstrate our geopolitical priority of becoming a State member of the European Union. The recognition last June of Georgia’s “European perspective” has opened a new chapter in our relationship with the European Union. Recent surveys show that nearly 90 per cent of Georgians support EU membership, and we have demonstrated an unwavering commitment to addressing the 12 priorities set forth for EU candidate status. Through a rigorous, inclusive and transparent domestic implementation process involving all stakeholders, we are on track to complete them this year. Our achievements deserve a favourable decision from the EU. As a front-runner among the so-called Associated Trio countries, Georgia has earned EU candidate status. We anticipate that Georgia’s performance and the current geopolitical context in the region will be fairly evaluated. Granting Georgia candidate status is the only course of action. Considering recent developments, I would like to emphasize the importance of the rules-based international order and the fundamental principles outlined in the Charter of the United Nations. Georgia is a responsible member of the international community actively contributing to global peace. For more than two decades, we have made substantial contributions to NATO missions worldwide, making Georgia one of the largest per capita contributors to the NATO missions in Iraq and Afghanistan. Thirty-two brave Georgian soldiers made the ultimate sacrifice in Afghanistan, while hundreds of others suffered injuries in the pursuit of freedom and peace. Georgia has sacrificed greatly to protect our shared values and common interests. Georgia reiterates its unwavering commitment in that respect. We have significantly contributed to EU- led missions and honour that commitment. As we strive for peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all, it is disheartening to witness aggression against a State Member of the United Nations. The war in Ukraine reawakens the trauma of the 2008 war in Georgia. We feel the pain and hardship that Ukraine currently faces and stand in full solidarity with the Ukrainian people. We have sponsored, joined and supported more than 500 resolutions, statements, joint statements and other initiatives by major international organizations and institutions to support Ukraine and the Ukrainian people. Our Western partners, including the United States, the European Union and the United Kingdom, have repeatedly praised our compliance with all international financial sanctions. My Government has been providing substantial humanitarian assistance to Ukraine and to its people since the beginning of the war, both in the country and to those currently residing in Georgia. Georgian schools have welcomed more than 2,200 Ukrainian students, ensuring that most of them receive education in the Ukrainian language while following the official Ukrainian curriculum. Let me be clear: the fundamental philosophy of our Government is to avoid war and secure peace. Despite the challenges posed by our geographic location, we have managed to keep our people safe while supporting Ukraine and the international community through prudent policies and close coordination with our partners. Through my Government’s Peaceful Neighbor Initiative, we are prepared to engage with our neighbours and friends from Armenia and Azerbaijan to finally bring lasting peace to the South Caucasus. Georgia is emerging as a multidimensional regional hub. Our financial services sector has garnered global recognition, and we are attracting international investors, infusing additional capital into our economy. We have also prioritized investments in our infrastructure to enhance connectivity, successfully harnessing the logistics and energy sectors. We are developing strategic transport corridors to establish crucial connections between Asia and Europe. Georgia’s participation in various international initiatives and infrastructure projects enhance connectivity, facilitating trade across the Black Sea region. The Middle Corridor has been emerging as a secure and reliable route connecting East with West. We have signed comprehensive road maps with Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan to eliminate bottlenecks and enhance the Middle Corridor, from 2022 to 2027. Those road maps provide for specific actions related to transport and logistics infrastructure development, operational optimization, the implementation of a unified tariff policy, corridor digitalization and improvements to the regulatory framework. In pursuit of enhancing East-West connectivity, Georgia established the Tbilisi Silk Road Forum in 2015, creating an international platform for dialogue among senior policymakers, businesses and community leaders. The upcoming Silk Road Forum is scheduled to take place in Tbilisi this year on 26 and 27 October, bringing together approximately 2,000 representatives, including high-ranking officials and business representatives from more than 60 countries. Georgia has launched significant infrastructure projects, including the railway modernization project. Upon its completion by the end of 2024, the throughput capacity of Georgian railways will double. The construction of a new Anaklia deep-sea port, which is expected to start soon, is a top priority for my Government. That greenfield public–private partnership project will create a state-of-the-art deep- sea port on the eastern coast of the Black Sea. Our Government is improving air connectivity by building a new international airport in Tbilisi that will serve as a world-class transportation hub, cementing Georgia’s status as a prominent player in global aviation. Furthermore, the EU flagship Black Sea submarine cable project, initiated by Georgia, is currently under way. That project involves the installation of a high- voltage submarine transmission grid to connect the South Caucasus region to South-East Europe through an underwater cable. The implementation of the project will strengthen energy security in Europe and in the South Caucasus region, foster the development of renewable energy sources and create new opportunities for transit between those two regions. While recognizing the increasing demand for energy as well as the need to address climate change, we are actively pursuing new ventures in the field of renewable energy, including hydropower, wind, solar and other sustainable sources. Our objective is to attract investors and create a favourable environment for the establishment of innovative power plants, utilizing Georgia’s abundant green energy potential. All those ambitious transformational projects will bring jobs, economic growth and prosperity to our people and the entire region. Georgia has made significant progress since regaining independence. We remain dedicated to achieving even greater results for the Georgian people while making significant contributions to the global community. We stand ready to strengthen international partnerships and collaboration to ensure a more peaceful and sustainable future. Our shared humanity binds us together, and it is our collective responsibility to uplift one another and leave a lasting legacy for the generations to come.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Georgia for the statement just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Taoiseach of Ireland.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Leo Varadkar, Taoiseach of Ireland, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

One hundred years ago, on Monday, 10 September 1923 — a year after Ireland became independent — we were admitted to the League of Nations. It was an early signal of what would become our unwavering commitment to multilateralism. One hundred years on, we are facing a moment of exceptional crisis. The threat of famine and food insecurity persists around the world. Increased conflict, insecurity, and violence affect the most vulnerable people on this planet. The devastating effect of climate change is contributing to increasing numbers of humanitarian crises, with record numbers of people in need of humanitarian assistance. We are experiencing deep gender inequality; more than 130 million girls are out of school, and less than 20 per cent of the world’s landowners are women. We have seen the stalling — and, in some cases, the reversal — of progress towards the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) that we collectively agreed to implement. The Goals represent a high point for international cooperation and the promise of a world that we can securely pass on to the next generation. Ireland is deeply proud of the role that we have played. In 2015, with Kenya, we led the negotiations that created the Sustainable Development Goals. This year, at the half-way point, we worked with Qatar to bring about the political declaration of the High- level Political Forum on Sustainable Development (resolution   78/1), which we unanimously adopted in this Hall on Monday. It is beyond time for us to demonstrate that the Sustainable Development Goals are more than a set of aspirations. It is time for all of us to turn our collective commitments into reality. In July, Ireland presented our second voluntary national review to the High-level Political Forum. Indeed, 80 per cent of our SDGs have been fully achieved. In respect of our international contribution, I am proud to confirm Ireland’s commitment to providing at least €225 million annually in climate finance for developing countries by 2025. This year alone, we will spend €149 million on climate finance. Recalling our own great famine, our particular focus on food, agriculture and nutrition will see almost €300 million for programmes in those areas in 2023. We allocate more than 90 per cent of our country- specific humanitarian expenditure to the most severe crises, and we have increased our expenditure on global health by more than 15 per cent in the past three years. We are also consistently among the top three donors in the proportion of our official development assistance allocated to promoting gender equality. Earlier this year, the Secretary-General spoke of a world hurtling towards disaster with eyes open. We know that those who have done the least to cause the climate crisis are those most vulnerable to its effects. It is also clear that much of this is now irreversible, particularly for the least developed countries and small island developing States. In responding to that crisis, we cannot leave behind those who are already at the front line. Adequate levels of finance for adaptation are urgently needed, and it is essential that the discussions this week on the loss and damage fund should make real progress. We need to be ready to take a definitive step at the twenty-eighth session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held in Dubai later this year. From our admission to the United Nations, in 1955, Ireland has committed to unequivocally upholding the Charter of the United Nations and to maintain a position of independence at the United Nations. Our term on the Security Council in 2021/2022 saw grave breaches of that Charter, none more flagrant than Russia’s imperialist and brutal invasion of Ukraine. It was an act of unprovoked and unjustified aggression by an expansionist power against its smaller, weaker neighbour. The brutality of those actions has caused unfathomable suffering for the people of Ukraine. As I stand on this most global of stages, I am deeply conscious of the wider suffering it has caused, increasing global food, energy and economic insecurity, particularly in the Global South. Russia’s inexplicable decision last month to collapse the Black Sea Grain Initiative has only made that bad situation worse. For many, including some here today, the war on Ukraine might seem like a European problem — a regional conflict in which there is little at stake for the rest of the world. But have no doubt that each of us in the United Nations has a deep interest in ensuring that Russia’s attempt to move borders by force should not succeed. For when one aggressor prevails, its peers elsewhere will take note and be emboldened. We know this from our history. When Europeans draw attention to the profound injustice of what is happening in Ukraine, there can be criticism, some of it justified, of the developed world’s failure to respond with the same intensity of feeling and action to conflict and suffering elsewhere. We must acknowledge that while we have fallen short, the people of Ukraine should not be the ones asked to pay the price for this. They have done nothing to bring down this war on their heads. They deserve the right we all claim: to determine their own future in peace and security. They deserve the unqualified support — and the action to back it up — of every single State Member of the United Nations. Equally, the Russian Federation and its leaders deserve our utter condemnation for what they have done and are continuing to do. They must be held accountable. This week, the Irish Government announced additional humanitarian assistance for Ukraine and Moldova, bringing our total so far this year to almost €40 million. (spoke in Gaelic; English interpretation provided by the delegation) It is a matter of real pride to the Irish people that Ireland stood firm, consistently, independently and impartially in defence of human rights, humanitarian principles and gender equality during our time on the Security Council. We are concerned at the ongoing threats to peacekeeping operations. We see even national authorities seeking the withdrawal of United Nations peacekeepers, compromising the security of their own people and creating further conflict. Those decisions fly in the face of the anniversary that we are marking this year: that of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Seventy-five years ago, we created the Declaration, which recognized the inherent dignity and the equal and inalienable rights of all persons. All of us in this Hall have the duty to recognize that dignity and to keep it at the heart of policy-making, and we need the active engagement of civil society to fulfil that duty. As we mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, Ireland urges all States to promote a safe environment both online and offline for a civil society. (spoke in English) Among the many horrors of the situation in Ukraine has been the threat — and, indeed, multiple threats — to use nuclear weapons. Such threats are in themselves outrageous. Russia knows, as we all do, that their use would result in devastating humanitarian and environmental disaster. Ireland has long been committed to building a world free of nuclear threats, but we see a world in which their place in security doctrines is growing rather than diminishing. That must be reversed. The stark alternative is a new nuclear arms race. That must not pass. The devastation on innocent civilians of the use of explosive weapons in populated areas cannot continue to echo down generations. We must never witness that again. That is why Ireland led negotiations on a political declaration to respond to the humanitarian consequences arising from their use. We are pleased that 83 States adopted the declaration in Dublin last year, and we urge all States here to join. As we look at today’s world, there are, sadly, too many areas of conflict. But there are few in respect of which we, the international community, have failed so recurrently as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It should not be so. We have known for decades the parameters of the only just solution: a two-State solution, with a viable Palestinian State based on the 1967 borders, living in peace and security alongside the State of Israel, whose own right to exist should be accepted and respected by all its neighbours. We have affirmed and reaffirmed that many times. Yet day after day, developments on the ground take us further from that vision and make a two-State solution much harder to achieve. We see acts of terrorism perpetrated against Israeli and Palestinian civilians alike; increasingly dangerous and provocative rhetoric; and clear violations of international law. The political and civic space for those who promote peace and reconciliation is rapidly diminishing, and the consequences are stark. My country, along with many others, wholeheartedly agreed with the Assembly’s adoption of resolution 77/247, seeking an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice on the legal consequences arising from Israel’s prolonged occupation. Alongside many here today, we have submitted a statement to the Court. To those who argue that having recourse to the Court undermines the search for a political solution, I can only ask, how does the clarification of international law do anything other than strengthen international peace and security? A just and sustainable peace can be based only on international law, accountability, human rights and on the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations. During Ireland’s recent term on the Security Council, we saw first-hand the positive effect that its work can have. But we also saw its efforts stymied, its mandate undermined and crucial decisions and actions blocked by the use of the veto. Our future requires a United Nations with a reformed Security Council, without the anachronism of the veto. It has no place in the twenty-first century. We also need a Security Council that properly reflects the world’s demography and politics as it is now, not as it was in the 1940s. We know what can be achieved through cooperation at the United Nations. We have seen it. We have lived it and participated in it. This is our institution, and it is a system that has real value. My country is proud to hold the longest unbroken record of service in United Nations peacekeeping missions. We are proud that the women and men of the Irish Defence Forces who work to protect civilians and sustain peace around the world — in United Nations-, European Union- and NATO-led missions — operate with the mandate of the Organization. Some have paid the ultimate price. We remember today in particular Private Seán Rooney, who was killed in Lebanon while serving in the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon last December. We think, too, of his family and his comrades, and of all the women and men who have lost their lives in the pursuit of peace. No one can doubt the need for the United Nations and the multilateral system to be reformed. Ireland fully backs the Secretary-General’s Our Common Agenda (A/75/982) process. We have contributed ideas and have listened to those of others. Our Common Agenda can be successful only if we collectively make it so, and I urge the Secretary-General to keep our ambition high and to challenge us as Member States as we prepare for the Summit of the Future next September. As members may be aware, this year also marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Good Friday Agreement, the agreement that helped secure peace and power-sharing in Northern Ireland. It was the culmination of years of brave political and civil leadership in Northern Ireland, of the Irish and United Kingdom Governments working in partnership, of steadfast backing from friends and partners abroad, and a sustained commitment to peace and a better life by the people of Northern Ireland. An entire generation on the island of Ireland has now grown to adulthood free from the shadow of violence. We know that peace is hard won and can never be taken for granted. We do not presume to know the solutions to the conflicts faced by many nations around the world. But we strongly believe that this body that we all belong to — this body that encapsulates hope and ambition, compromise and dedication — has given us the ability to build peace — a just, lasting and inclusive peace.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Taoiseach of Ireland for the statement just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister for Infrastructure and Physical Development, Public Utilities, Civil Aviation and Transportation and Minister for National Security, Home Affairs, Public Administration, Information and Disaster Management of Grenada.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Dickon Mitchell, Prime Minister and Minister for Infrastructure and Physical Development, Public Utilities, Civil Aviation and Transportation and Minister for National Security, Home Affairs, Public Administration, Information and Disaster Management of Grenada, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

My warmest greetings and congratulations go to Mr. Dennis Francis on his election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy- eighth session. I take this opportunity to commit my delegation’s fullest support for and cooperation with him and his Office as we work towards the fulfilment of the four priority areas that he has identified: peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability, all of which I also view as important areas in this challenging and dynamic global agenda. I also commend and thank his predecessor, His Excellency Csaba Kőrösi of Hungary, for his leadership and guidance of the previous session of the General Assembly. It is my privilege to once again speak from this centre rostrum from which one year ago I addressed the Assembly for the very first time as Prime Minister. It was exactly 15 months ago when the people of Grenada, Carriacou and Petite Martinique, exercising their democratic right through free and fair elections, voted my Government into office on a transformation agenda that promised to bring about fundamental change that would have a discernible and positive effect on the daily lives of all our citizens. So here we are, exactly one year removed from my own inaugural address to the Assembly, against the backdrop of this year’s seventy-eighth session’s theme of “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity: accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all”. But what does this all mean when we continue to live in a global environment and context in which our citizens are still plagued with issues such as hunger, poverty, gender-based violence, climate-related disasters and other such issues that affect our planet, especially those that touch on and concern such aspirations as the achievement of all 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)? Against that backdrop, I am pleased to take this opportunity to announce that Grenada will soon be celebrating its fiftieth anniversary of national independence, on 7 February 2024. In that regard, it could not be a more fitting occasion for my Government and our citizens to not only celebrate the upcoming jubilee milestone but also to take the occasion to reflect on and look ahead with respect to Grenada’s continued role in the United Nations, where we must have a reimagined and renewed commitment to upholding the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Looking ahead, particularly in a post-pandemic world, we can report that Grenada, like many others, was not spared the devastating and blunt-force trauma effects of the coronavirus disease pandemic coming to our shores, which took a deadly toll, resulting through the loss of many of the lives of our citizens in our Spice Island. Still, and notwithstanding the many traumatic experiences of that period, which saw the tragic loss of lives, lockdowns, mandates and, ultimately, some relief through the development and administration of vaccines; the resilience of the Grenadian people rang through and, ultimately, we prevailed as a people against an invisible enemy that during its reign took the lives of those whom we knew and called family, friends and loved ones. But we as a people survived. In that regard, and as the world and international community continue on their way to recovery and rebuilding, and as Grenada reflects on that particular experience, it would be remiss of me if I did not emphasize and remind us all of how important it is to have international cooperation, along with the sharing of resources and information and continued dialogue through such multilateral forums as the one in which we find ourselves gathered here today. To that end, it cannot be overstated how much these last three years have allowed us to, hopefully, learn from tragedy and adversity as seen during the crisis of the pandemic. We all must never forget that whenever and wherever there are severe challenges and especially human suffering, the United Nations and its Members must come together and respond to such crises with the greatest urgency through its multilateral efforts and cooperation, so that we can all come together in aid of our neighbours and citizens in their time of need. In that regard, and as Grenada looks towards to its future and casts its eyes upon its own embrace of its goals and pursuits, with hopes of achieving all 17 SDGs, I am pleased to highlight and speak briefly on SDG 4: quality education. On that front, Grenada, under my Government’s leadership, has made significant advancements in improving access to quality education for all citizens of Grenada. Also, to ensure that no one is left behind, our premier community college for youth exiting the secondary school system in Grenada, the T.A. Marryshow Community College, has implemented the Skills to Access the Green Economy Programme, in partnership with a significant member of this body, to allow many of our youth to receive job-related education and training in a variety of identified vocational disciplines. Additionally, my Government has developed and commenced a free tuition policy that allows all students access to a post-secondary-school and tertiary-level education at no tuition cost to them, as part of our commitment to providing a good-quality education to as broad a cross-section of our student and wider population as possible. Grenada can also speak to its engagement and implementation work with respect to SDG 5 and the very important issue of gender equality. In that regard, my Government continues to make numerous advancements towards achieving gender equality, including, but not limited to, having gender themes reflected in several policy frameworks, including our medium-term action plan. We have implemented the Spotlight Initiative, which aims to end violence against women and girls and which highlights the all-of-society approach required to advance the attainment of this very important SDG 5. This initiative has come with the assistance of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), which we thank, and which is designed to focus attention, coordinate human effort and strategically apply resources to the implementation of a well- conceived comprehensive national programme to contribute to ending family violence and all forms of violence against women and girls in Grenada, Carriacou and Petite Martinique. With respect to SDG 8, on decent work and economic growth for our citizens, given what we saw and experienced during the pandemic and now in the post-pandemic world, where there were disruptions to supply chains, economic inflation and recession in many areas, we acknowledge and recognize that our unemployment rates remain a challenge and that there remains much work to be done. Notwithstanding that, Grenada has sought to mitigate those harsh realities and push back against those shocks, with several projects being implemented, including our Land Bank Project, the Grenada Climate Resilient Water Sector project and the UNDP climate resilience in agriculture programme. Those initiatives and projects have served as critical activity areas that have created many forms of employment for our citizens, especially our young people, giving them a renewed sense of hope that they, too, can have equal access to employment and economic opportunities. Looking further, and as another example, on Goal 14, life below water, Grenada understands all too well how important our oceans are to countries like Grenada that are big ocean States and where many of our citizens, especially the fishing community, depend heavily on the ocean for their daily sustenance and livelihoods. As such, my Government has embarked on the Fiscal Resilience and Blue Growth Development Policy Credit project, which is aimed at giving support to Grenada’s transition to a blue economy. Additionally, Grenada has embarked on the creation of additional marine protected areas as well as legislative and policy frameworks, including the Integrated Coastal Zone Management Policy. Those are all geared towards protecting the integrity of our island and lending support to the management of its marine areas. I now turn to SDG 15, concerning life on land. With a ratio of forest to total land of only 35 per cent, Grenada has made progress with the measures that we have taken to protect our forests. Our forest policy provides an overarching framework to ensure the resilience and sustainability of that finite and precious green resource through a number of strategic directions. That leads me to SDG 17, which is perhaps equally important, on partnerships for the Goals. In that regard, I am pleased to state that multi-stakeholder partnerships have proved invaluable for us and have paved the way for the advancement of the SDGs in Grenada, as stakeholders recognize the need for an all-of-Government and all- of-society approach to advancing our progress towards sustainable development. Finally, allow me to further address the one subject that is arguably the most all-encompassing and predominant issue of our time. It relates to SDG 13, concerning climate action. We, the leaders of the 193 States Members of our Organization, gather here in New York every year to provide updates through our own lenses on the progress we have made in our countries and the future that we would like to see, reflecting the views of the various regions of the international community. In that context, if there is one thing that we can all be certain of, it is the likelihood of a climate disaster of some kind occurring in one or several of our Member States, with devastating impacts on their citizens and economies and inevitable effects on the state and progress of those countries’ development. Last year I called for accelerating the urgent task that our community of nations needs to focus on by redoubling our efforts on climate action (see A/77/ PV.12). In that regard, this year’s Climate Ambition Summit was an opportunity for Government leaders and other partners to present credible and concrete action aimed at keeping the 1.5°C goal of the Paris Agreement alive and deliver justice to those on the front lines of the climate crisis. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change has confirmed that global emissions are at their highest levels in human history and are only continuing to rise. Those increases will continue to wreak havoc on communities, economies and businesses and create a severe strain on public finances. The States that contribute the least to the climate crisis are the ones bearing the heaviest burden, and without immediate and deep emissions cuts across the board, I am afraid that we are on a trajectory to far worse outcomes if we do not take significant action today. As we look forward to the upcoming twenty- eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, my own region and fellow Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Heads of Government have emphasized the critical importance of making urgent efforts to address financing aimed at tackling the impact of climate change. Those Heads of Government have also agreed on the need for strong political advocacy from the region on key areas for action to keep the 1.5°C temperature goal within reach, focusing on finance for adaptation, loss and damage, improving access to financing for small island developing States, de-risking, debt sustainability and innovation. Grenada shares the concerns about those important issues and continues to remain vulnerable to our harsh climate crisis and its devastating effects. Grenada has implemented several policy frameworks, such as its national climate change policy and national adaptation plan, geared to assisting in advancing our strategic approach to climate adaptation and building resilience. Our adaptation efforts will be scaled up through initiatives such as our climate-smart agriculture programme and our second nationally determined contribution, which has set an emission-reduction target of 40 per cent below 2010 levels. Against that backdrop and further to our own efforts in Grenada, in my address to the Assembly last year I said, “I call on all young people to take action. It is not yet too late to do what is necessary to safeguard our planet for future generations, but the time for action is now. [We cannot continue to pay lip service to climate change when climate change is showing us every day what it is capable of doing.] The reality is that the leaders of today will not be around to feel the consequences of their decisions. It is therefore up to our youth to lead the charge for the future they want to see” (A/77/PV.12, p. 14). That remains as true today as it was last year, and it will remain true for many years to come. Today I am making a further clarion call to all Member States, through their leaders and high-level representatives, to take decisive action and do what is necessary to safeguard our planet for future generations — but the time for such action is now. Now is the time for global leaders to follow through on the commitments they have made at the multilateral level. Our goal as responsible global citizens should be to leave this planet in as good a condition as we found it, if not much better. Finally, on issues concerning the countries of the Caribbean archipelago that are part of the global South, conscious of the President’s first priority pillar of his presidency — that of peace — we renew our call for the Caribbean region to remain a zone of peace and an environment that contributes to facilitating the social, economic and environmental development of all Caribbean States and the world at large. In that regard, and in the light of the recently concluded successful summit of the Group of 77 and China, held in Havana, Grenada reiterates its call for the removal of the economic, commercial and financial blockade imposed by the United States on Cuba, for Cuba to be removed from the United States State Department’s list of countries that are co-sponsors of terrorism and for it to be recognized once again among the peace-loving nations of the international community. With regard to another issue in our Caribbean community, Grenada remains deeply concerned and must also raise awareness about the deteriorating situation of the rule of law in Haiti and the very troubling escalation of violence in our fellow CARICOM member State. The urgent support of the international community needs to be ramped up, in particular in the humanitarian and security areas, where the needs are greatest. The need for robust security assistance to counter the rampaging armed gangs is clear, yet the decision to enable it is meandering slowly through the Security Council. CARICOM welcomes the Government of Kenya’s willingness to lead such a multinational force and the offers of support and contributions of personnel from Rwanda, the Bahamas and Jamaica. The Caribbean Community hopes that the establishment of the multinational force will be endorsed by the Security Council as a demonstration of the international community’s commitment to supporting the restoration of law and order and improving humanitarian conditions for the people of Haiti. Inter-Haitian dialogue is key to any progress in addressing the multifaceted crisis. For its part, CARICOM is facilitating those efforts by providing its good offices through a group of eminent persons consisting of three former Prime Ministers of the region. A resolution of the political crisis in Haiti is also key to enabling the free and fair elections that are needed to put the country back on a constitutional path and open the door to an improved future for its citizens. The people of Haiti deserve no less. In that regard, Grenada calls on all friends of Haiti and on the Secretary-General to continue to use their good offices to support the people of Haiti. With respect to Venezuela, we further reiterate and remain resolute in our call for an end to the imposition on that country of unilateral coercive measures, which are contrary to the rules and principles of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. In conclusion, with a challenging and complex yet dynamic global agenda, it is still incumbent on us, as global leaders, to look to our world with a renewed sense of hope and sincere optimism. It is with that renewed sense of hope that we must continue to press forward and aim not only to achieve the 17 SDGS adopted by this multilateral forum but to dramatically affect for the greater good the lives of the people whom we have been entrusted to lead. I do not take that position for granted. Along with my Government, I envision the possibility that the pursuit of those Goals in accordance with the 2030 Agenda can and will be met. With steadfast commitment, a shared vision and cooperation from all of us, we can indeed achieve peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all our citizens and all peace-loving nations represented and assembled in this Hall.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister for Infrastructure and Physical Development, Public Utilities, Civil Aviation and Transportation and Minister for National Security, Home Affairs, Public Administration, Information and Disaster Management of Grenada for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of Tuvalu.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Kausea Natano, Prime Minister of Tuvalu, and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

I would like to congratulate the President of the General Assembly, His Excellency Mr. Dennis Francis, Ambassador of Trinidad and Tobago, as he takes over the helm of this organ at its seventy-eighth session. Tuvalu has full confidence and trust in his leadership in steering our canoe through the rough seas ahead of us. At this juncture, I would also like to acknowledge the outgoing President, His Excellency Mr. Csaba Kőrösi, for his stellar presidency, dedication and service to the Assembly throughout its seventy-seventh session. In less than two weeks, my island nation of Tuvalu will be celebrating a momentous occasion, the forty-fifth anniversary of its independence. That event has great significance in the history of our nation, symbolizing our journey through self-governance and sovereignty. It is with a deep sense of gratitude that I express my people’s heartfelt appreciation to the United Nations and its Member States for their unwavering support in recognizing Tuvalu’s independence. That recognition was further solidified 23 years ago, when Tuvalu officially became a Member State of the Organization in September 2000. Tuvalu’s membership in the United Nations serves as more than just a symbolic gesture — it represents a beacon of hope for our country, assuring us of the international community’s commitment to safeguarding our sovereignty, even in the face of multifaceted challenges and existential threats. The United Nations, with its noble values centred around peace, security and prosperity, radiates hope and assurance to small and vulnerable nations such as Tuvalu. Our membership in it gives us confidence in our ability to navigate these uncertain times and reinforces our belief that we are not alone in our pursuit of a prosperous and secure future. I would like to take a moment to express Tuvalu’s heartfelt condolences to all who have been affected by recent natural disasters. Our hearts go out to the victims of the earthquake in Morocco and the flash flooding in Libya this month, as well as the wildfires in Hawaii in August. We also want to express our sympathy to those who have suffered as a result of the conflicts in Africa and the war in Ukraine. Turning now to this year’s theme, Tuvalu wholeheartedly embraces the powerful narrative put forth by the President of the Assembly at its seventy- eighth session, as it aligns perfectly with our goal of creating a sustainable future for our nation and the world at large. It is imperative that we demonstrate unwavering commitment to the principles set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and prioritize the well- being of our planet and all its inhabitants. To fulfil that theme, we must first focus on rebuilding trust among nations and international institutions. The erosion of trust has impeded global cooperation and stymied progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). We must work to repair relationships, promote transparent and accountable governance and foster an environment of collaboration and mutual respect. By doing that, we can restore faith in international institutions and cultivate partnerships that will enable us to effectively address the challenges of our time. Similarly, reigniting global solidarity requires us to prioritize peacebuilding efforts. Peace is a fundamental prerequisite for sustainable development, as conflicts and instability hinder progress towards the SDGs. We must invest in conflict prevention, peacekeeping and post-conflict reconstruction to ensure that communities can thrive and work effectively towards achieving the Goals outlined in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals requires collective effort and collaboration on a global scale. We must recognize that we are all interconnected and that the prosperity and well-being of each individual nation ultimately impacts the entire planet. Tuvalu therefore welcomes this year’s theme because it entails rebuilding trust, promoting global solidarity, prioritizing peacebuilding, fostering prosperity and advancing sustainability, which can help us make significant strides towards a more equitable, peaceful and sustainable future for all. Let me now reflect on the important events of the high-level week that have been taking place alongside the general debate. Tuvalu applauds the two-day SDG Summit, which served as an important platform for Member States to collectively assess the progress made towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and provides an opportunity to recognize and address the specific challenges that every country faces in pursuit of the Goals. As a small island developing State, Tuvalu faces unique and pressing issues in meeting the targets set forth in the SDGs. The greatest challenge to the sustainable development that we are striving to achieve for our people is the fundamental threat of climate change and rising sea levels. As a low-lying island State, Tuvalu is particularly vulnerable to the adverse impacts of climate change, such as extreme weather events, which affect our ability to achieve our SDG targets. Despite those challenges, Tuvalu remains fully committed to the SDGs and acknowledges the importance of forging strong partnerships, particularly through SDG 17. Collaborative efforts with other Member States and international organizations and stakeholders are vital to mobilizing support and resources for addressing Tuvalu’s unique contextual challenges and achieving the shared objectives of sustainable development. By focusing on those central issues and utilizing the SDGs as a guiding framework, Tuvalu aims to build a resilient future while preserving its culture and environment and ensuring the welfare of its people. We commend the Secretary-General for convening the Climate Ambition Summit, a pivotal moment for global climate action. We are not calling for sympathy but rather for solutions. In hindsight, climate justice should be at the forefront of our efforts as we address the urgent need for mitigation, adaptation and support for the most vulnerable nations. We embrace the efforts and collective support for resolution 77/276, championed by Vanuatu, for an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice aimed at reinforcing States’ responsibility under international law to safeguard the climate system. It is the hope of Tuvalu that international law will provide the moral punch to enable us to phase out fossil fuels and hold polluters responsible. Furthermore, at this point I would like to mention that just last week, the Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda and I had the privilege of appearing before the judges of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea in Hamburg. Our purpose was to present our arguments and submissions regarding an advisory opinion similar to that of Vanuatu but relating to the obligations of States parties under Part XII of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, specifically in terms of protecting and preserving the marine environment in relation to the impacts of climate change, including ocean warming, sea level rise and ocean acidification. Tuvalu urges all Member States to support Vanuatu, Antigua and Barbuda and Tuvalu by submitting endorsements of the advisory opinions’ objectives. It is crucial for us to come together in pursuit of climate justice, as the urgency of the matter cannot be overstated. We eagerly anticipate swift action from the judicial branches of the Organization because justice delayed is justice denied. We applaud the Secretary-General for organizing the Summit of the Future, as it highlights the immense importance of ensuring a prosperous future for everyone. The world is witnessing a rapid and transformative shift towards a digital era, and we believe that embracing that digital transformation is crucial to the progress of the global community, particularly small island developing States such as Tuvalu. The vision for digital transformation under our Future Now project advocates the idea of creating a digital nation that maps and preserves Tuvalu’s identity and values for us and our future generations. That digital revolution will ensure that no one is left behind, as it empowers individuals and communities with knowledge, connectivity and access to essential services. For Tuvalu, the adoption of a digital nation approach will have a profound impact on our ability to address resource-related and geographic challenges. It will enable Tuvaluans to access education, health care and economic opportunities that were previously out of reach. By embracing digital technologies, Tuvalu will equip itself with the tools to implement innovative solutions that address climate and environmental concerns. Overall, the concept of a digital nation and the digital transformation that it entails are pivotal to harnessing progress, inclusivity and sustainability for Tuvalu and the entire world. Despite our vision of a digital nation, it is crucial to acknowledge that our ultimate future as a recognized sovereign State depends on our ability to strengthen our resilience. In pursuing that goal, Tuvalu has developed a comprehensive long-term adaptation plan. In serving as our flagship survival adaptation project, the Long-Term Adaptation Plan is aimed at addressing the imminent threat of rising sea levels by reclaiming and elevating our land territory. That ambitious endeavour is crucial to ensuring that Tuvalu can provide a sustainable habitat for its population well into the next century and beyond. By prioritizing the Plan, Tuvalu is taking proactive steps to secure the nation’s survival and create a resilient future for its people. I would now like to highlight our specific aspirations and initiatives. As a country whose physical existence, lives and livelihoods are at stake, Tuvalu cannot afford to take a back seat and be a spectator while others manoeuvre to satisfy their own interests in our multilateral process for addressing climate change, particularly sea level rise. On the heels of our successful Rising National Initiative, which we launched this time last year, we have proposed establishing a coalition for addressing sea level rise and its existential threats. The initiative is aimed at bringing together like-minded States and stakeholders to collectively address the pressing issue of protecting statehood, sovereignty, territorial integrity and livelihoods in the face of rising sea levels. Tuvalu believes that the coalition has a unique role in highlighting and addressing the impact of climate change and sea level rise on vulnerable nations. The aim is to attract greater attention and action from the international community by amplifying the voices of small island developing States and other nations facing similar challenges. Tuvalu expresses gratitude to countries and stakeholders, in particular Germany, who have already shown interest in joining this important endeavour. In addition to the coalition initiative, Tuvalu calls for stronger global action on phasing out fossil fuel production and consumption. At the Climate Ambition Summit on Wednesday this week, Tuvalu made a call for countries to join it, alongside Vanuatu and other Pacific nations, to negotiate a fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty, a new instrument that would reduce reliance on fossil fuels, promote sustainable development through accelerating the just transition to renewable energy sources and curb greenhouse gas emissions. Tuvalu, as an island State surrounded by the ocean, is fully committed to the signing and effective implementation of the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction. Our unison with others to sign the Agreement this week is a testament to our genuine commitment to the values and purpose of that international legal instrument. Given our heavy reliance on fisheries and marine resources, by signing the Agreement, Tuvalu pays tribute to the importance of preserving the health and diversity of the ocean ecosystems for both its own sustainability and the well-being of the global community. The Preamble of the Charter of the United Nations begins with “We the peoples…”. It is a powerful statement by this body to underscore respect for human dignity and human rights as equal peoples — men and women, boys and girls — of all races and colours. It entails the inclusivity, non-discrimination and oneness of humankind that the United Nations must uphold. Sadly, many people and communities have not been given the same treatment. Tuvalu therefore calls on this body to ensure the participation of everyone worldwide, including the people of Taiwan. We must make the necessary arrangements for Taiwan to meaningfully participate in relevant United Nations specialized agencies and mechanisms. Taiwan must be allowed to participate in key United Nations organizations because Taiwan is widely known for being an able, trustworthy and willing partner, greatly contributing to collective efforts that address pressing global issues under the purview of the United Nations agencies. It is unfortunate that the people of Cuba still endure the economic hardships imposed by long-standing unilateral economic blockades. Those blockades not only disregard human rights but also go against the principles of cooperation emphasized in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The decision to maintain those measures has deprived Cuba of much-needed international development assistance and partnerships crucial for its recovery and future development. For Tuvalu, peace is not merely the absence of conflict, it is the presence of justice, equality and opportunity. It is giving hope to our people by securing a prosperous future. And prosperity, for us, Tuvalu, is not just economic growth. It is the ability to protect the well-being of our people and our planet through social and environmental sustainability. To achieve those noble goals, Tuvalu is unyielding in its commitment to dialogue that entails representation and coalitions. We look at partnerships through this body for international cooperation that can establish tangible outcomes for the most vulnerable. By pooling our resources, sharing knowledge and standing in solidarity, we can overcome obstacles and accelerate meaningful progress. I would like to conclude by presenting a compelling challenge to this Organization. It is not enough for us to simply acknowledge our unique role; we must also actively demonstrate our commitment to defending and promoting the core values and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. It is of utmost importance that we remain unwavering in our dedication to collective action and inclusivity, embodying the Tuvalu cultural principles of kaitasi and falepili — the concepts of caring, sharing, being good neighbours and leaving no one behind  — all for the sake of the sustainable and secure future we envision to have for our young generation and their children. By embodying those noble concepts in our actions, we have the potential to create a brighter and more promising future for humankind and our planet. Let us always bear in mind that the choices we make and the actions we take today will echo through countless generations to come. Time is of the essence. The clock is ticking. The sun is setting. It is now or never.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Tuvalu for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister of Culture and Communication of Republic of Haiti.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Ariel Henry, Prime Minister and Minister of Culture and Communication of the Republic of Haiti, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister of Culture and Communication of the Republic of Haiti for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister for Education and Training, Minister for Police, Fire Services and Emergency Services, and Minister for His Majesty’s Armed Forces of the Kingdom of Tonga.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Siaosi ’Ofakivahafolau Sovaleni, Prime Minister and Minister for Education and Training, Minister for Police, Fire Services and Emergency Services, and Minister for His Majesty’s Armed Forces of the Kingdom of Tonga, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I bring warm greetings from the Kingdom of Tonga and congratulate the President on his assumption of the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-eighth session. I also thank his predecessor, Mr. Csaba Kőrösi, for his able stewardship in promoting solutions built on solidarity, science and seeking sustainability. Our delegation fully supports the President’s vision of peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for the seventy-eighth session. The Assembly’s essential work is in expert hands with his leadership, and we hope it will continue and improve. The theme for this session, “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity: accelerating action on the 2030 Agenda and its Sustainable Development Goals towards peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all”, is more urgent than ever, and I thank Secretary- General Guterres for his stewardship of the United Nations during these very challenging times. I would like to offer my heartfelt condolences to the Governments and the peoples of Lahaina, Hawaii, in the United States, and of Morocco and Libya. The people of my country feel for the families of the victims as they are dealing with the tragic losses of lives in the disasters that occurred recently in their countries. We are convening at a time when people, countries, regions and our world are confronting multiple challenges in quick succession. Climate change threats have reached an existential level. The heightened frequency and severity of cyclones, rising sea levels caused by melting polar ice, plastic and pollution in our oceans, heatwaves and fires are bringing suffering to my country and its people and to our Pacific region. There are many related consequences. We are confronted with ever-increasing rates of non-communicable diseases, persistent inequalities, declining basic living conditions and mounting violence against women and girls. There has also been a substantial surge in the trafficking and use of unlawful narcotics, cross-border criminal activities, disinformation and cybercrime. Many of those are borderless challenges that concern us all and call for collaboration. The increasing geopolitical mistrust and conflicts are worrisome, particularly given the pressing need for multilateral action. These disruptions affect the lives of millions, provoke excessive inflation and raise fuel and food prices. Many people worldwide have a growing sense of uncertainty about how they will meet their own basic daily requirements. Our window to engage in discussion beyond talks is closing rapidly. It is our responsibility to act. The way to retain people’s trust and inspire hope is by taking action and achieving results. This session demands that we take urgent and collective action. However, that can be achieved only in the presence of trust and enduring peace. Trust is the foundation for any productive and sustainable human interaction, including international cooperation. Trust and respect are the drivers of thriving and sustainable change. Without trust, or worse, when trust is eroding, our joint efforts to foster peace, security and sustainable development are rendered futile and become unattainable. It is therefore our duty to rebuild the trust on which the United Nations was founded. It will take more than dialogue. It calls for concrete action that demonstrates our commitment to shared values. Multilateralism has proved to be our most cost-effective instrument for fostering global solidarity and tackling global challenges, and it must continue to be. We must reflect on whether we are truly serving the intended goals of the Charter of the United Nations. Why have we fallen so far behind? What have we not done right? In my remarks I will delve into the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The challenge at hand is to prevent the SDGs from being relegated to the status of yet another unattainable goal. Despite the difficulties, it is imperative that we investigate the root causes of our significant lag in attaining our development targets. The Sustainable Development Goals Report 2023: Special Edition tells us that more than half of the world has been left behind. We deny people, we deny kids and we deny hope. More than 50 per cent of the SDG targets are considered weak and inadequate. Gender, poverty, hunger and climate targets make up 30 per cent of the targets that have either stalled or reversed. That is not acceptable. One key aspect of that relates to financing for development, of course. Tonga supports reviewing the international financial architecture to ensure that it is fit for purpose. It is imperative that we promptly provide predictable, stable and substantial support for nations struggling with financial difficulties. Tonga and other small island developing States (SIDS) require greater access to concessional finance to support our development endeavours and strengthen our resilience to external shocks. We fully support the call for debt relief for countries that find themselves in dire circumstances, particularly those that have been severely affected by natural disasters or other external shocks. We are firmly convinced that addressing the underlying reasons for debt vulnerability in small island States is critical. It is particularly relevant because SIDS are acutely vulnerable to the multifaceted and urgent challenges posed by climate change. We have been raising the issue for decades. The dangers are more pressing than ever, putting not only lives and livelihoods at risk but also our economies and our fundamental identity. We are running out of time. We call on the international community, both the public and private sectors, to collaborate with us on identifying sustainable solutions to these problems. Our collaboration is crucial, as it is the only way we can achieve our commitment to a more sustainable and robust future for all. Day by day, climate change becomes more of an existential menace to Tonga and the Pacific. Tonga has been making genuine efforts to combat the effects of climate change on our means of subsistence for a very long time. Our goals include decreasing the electricity sector’s reliance on fossil fuels by 70 per cent by 2025, planting a million plants by the end of this year and joining the 30x30 initiative. The Sixth Assessment Report of the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change underscores that the 1.5˚C goal is achievable if emissions peak by 2025 and are halved by 2030. It can therefore be done — but do we have the will? We urge all Member States to do their utmost to keep emissions below 1.5˚C and strongly encourage the completion of the first global stocktaking. Here and there we get glimpses of hope. The decision on the loss and damage fund announced at the twenty-seventh Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP 27) was a historic one. Yet it is now with a sense of urgency that we must operationalize the loss and damage fund. We urge for providing vulnerable SIDS countries with increased and streamlined admission to the loss and damage mechanism. While maintaining full accountability, we must establish more efficient and speedy means of accessing standard operating procedures. Owing to the magnitude and urgency of this issue in our region, we wholeheartedly back the formation of a Pacific fund offering direct assistance to Pacific small island States in their efforts to tackle the effects of climate change. Indeed, my country is determined to take a lead on the issue, having been appointed a champion of climate financing for the Pacific. I can only say it again — for decades now the Pacific leaders have been calling on the international community to take urgent climate action. Have our voices been acknowledged and our pleas earnestly addressed? The climate financing commitments made by developed countries fall significantly short of the promised $100 billion per year, starting in 2020. That brings me to climate justice. Tonga was encouraged by the General Assembly’s historic adoption by consensus of resolution 77/276, led by Vanuatu and a core group of countries, requesting an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice on the obligations of States regarding climate change. It marks an important milestone in our decades-long struggle for climate justice. Earlier this year, I attended the midterm review of the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030. Again, as my colleagues from the Pacific have already reiterated, our countries need to see more progress, as we remain at the forefront of the battle against climate-related hazards. Again, timely access to finance prevents small island States from making that progress on their own. Today, and as we have done frequently in the past, I therefore call for action to review the largely uncoordinated funding mechanisms, prioritize short-term post-disaster financing needs and address long-term risk reduction. I also call for far greater investments in increasing resilience, especially in the education and health sectors. Possessing the tools to demonstrate resilience is a significant part of that preparation. Long-term risk mitigation and reduction are also intrinsically linked to early-warning systems. We acknowledge the Secretary-General’s Early Warnings For All initiative announced at COP 27 last year and affirm Tonga’s commitment to its implementation. We reaffirm that strengthening multi-hazard early- warning systems is highly relevant in implementing the Sendai Framework. Tonga has taken the lead in that area for our region by implementing a nationwide early- warning system throughout Tonga with communication and siren systems. As has often been said, we are small land States and vast ocean nations. In fact, our very being and our identity cannot be separated from our precious ocean. The Secretary-General’s report on oceans and the law of the sea (A/77/331) emphasizes that the ocean remains under constant threat from human activities. Marine biodiversity is being disturbed due to overexploitation and ocean acidification. More than a third of fish stocks are being harvested at unsustainable levels and coastal waters are polluted with chemicals, plastics and human waste. Urgent remedial actions are imperative if we are to minimize the imminent threat and mitigate the damage we are currently facing. We are encouraged by the Assembly’s adoption through resolution 77/321 of the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction. We now have a foundation to ensure that our work on the conservation and protection of marine biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction continues into the future, and Tonga looks forward to joining States parties in its implementation. We are pleased that the new Agreement recognizes the special circumstances of SIDS such as those in the Pacific. It is now imperative to ensure that this recognition is translated into tangible capacity-building, the transfer of marine technology and sufficient support to enable the Pacific to emerge as an even more proactive leader on initiatives that safeguard, preserve and sustainably utilize the ocean and its resources. In support of the Pacific Islands Forum Declaration on Preserving Maritime Zones in the Face of Climate Change-related Sea Level Rise, Tonga has committed to securing the limits of the Blue Pacific continent. We are doing it to promote the stability, security, certainty and predictability of maritime entitlements, irrespective of the impacts of climate-change-related sea level rise. Along with Finland, Tonga had the honour of co-chairing the twenty-third meeting of the United Nations Open-ended Informal Consultative Process on Oceans and the Law of the Sea. Its theme — “New maritime technologies: Challenges and opportunities”  — highlighted the potential benefits of new maritime technologies. New technologies ought to help address threats facing the ocean, build resilient oceans and coastal communities and mitigate the impacts of climate change. That is a condition for achieving the goals of the United Nations Decade of Ocean Science for Sustainable Development. It is also essential to accomplishing the aims of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, notably Sustainable Development Goal 14. Tonga continues to be fully committed to the effective implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the 1994 Agreement on implementing Part XI of the Convention. We reaffirm the sovereign rights of States recognized and enshrined within UNCLOS and the 1994 Agreement. We attach the greatest possible importance to the sustainable use of ocean resources, whether living or non-living. Tonga recognizes the important role played by the International Seabed Authority (ISA) in administering and managing the Area in line with its legal mandate under Part XI of UNCLOS. As one of the evolving organs of UNCLOS, it is vital that States parties avoid instances of arbitrary interpretation of the Convention. Tonga is committed to engaging in good faith in the negotiations of the exploitation regulations to ensure their embodiment of good industry practices and best environmental management practices. We acknowledge the contribution of the ISA towards the advancement of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, contributing to 12 of the 17 SDGs. We commend its efforts to boost the capacity of developing States, including Pacific Small Island Developing States, through better access to critical data and support in consolidating national frameworks and regulations relating to activities in the Area. Tonga was honoured to host the small island developing States of the Pacific region in Nuku’alofa to prepare for the fourth International Conference on SIDS, to be held in Antigua and Barbuda in 2024. We live in times of profound paradigm shifts. Uncertainty characterizes the global political, financial and economic situation. The past few years have brought about multiple crises having a disproportionate impact on the scope for sustainable development in SIDS over the next decade. We, as a region, and as a country, are united and determined in our pursuit of inclusive sustainable development for our citizens. It is a course that we seek to pursue together with members, and we invite their partnership. We are grateful for the Assembly’s resolution calling for the development of an index capable of capturing our special circumstances and vulnerabilities on our road to resilient and sustainable development. We must ensure that the multidimensional vulnerability index is not another academic exercise. The index must be regarded, first and foremost, as an action tool, focusing primarily on ensuring a more comprehensive understanding of vulnerability. We need a tool that can provide meaningful and effective assistance, where and when needed. We therefore call for the adoption of the index by the Assembly and its operationalization, incorporating a criterion for access by Pacific small island States to low-cost and long- term financing. At a high-level event this week on unblocking blue Pacific prosperity, co-chaired by the leaders of Palau, Tonga and the Bezos Earth Fund, the conference called for development partners and stakeholders to transform the Pacific region, with three key goals: first, effective ocean management; secondly, healthy and happy communities; and lastly, fit-for-purpose sustainable financing. I stress the vital role of political champions and support them in the journey to secure the Blue Pacific continent’s contribution to global stability, biodiversity restoration, the promotion of healthy food systems and the improvement of people’s well-being. My term as President of the sixth session of the SIDS DOCK Assembly will end in December. I express my profound gratitude to our members for the confidence placed in me and for the support provided during my tenure. The essence of life, existence and advancement lies in hope. Our young generation must be given more than the bleak outlook of more than 50 per cent of our SDG targets being weakly and insufficiently met. Today’s young people are the future custodians of the planet. We must actively promote and engage youth in a substantial manner to propel the attainment of the SDGs. In commemoration of United Nations Day, on 24 October, the Kingdom of Tonga and the Family Office for Sustainable Development will host the Environmental Symphony here in the General Assembly Hall. The purpose of the event goes beyond celebrating and reaffirming the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, which have guided humankind for the past 78 years. We want to mobilize Partnerships for the Goals in the lead-up to the 2023 twenty- eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP 28), to be held in Dubai. I should like to add that we hope to welcome everyone to our region for COP 31, as we fully support Australia’s bid for a 2026 Pacific COP. This century is still young, but never has it been more urgent in this century to rekindle our commitment to the values and principles upon which the United Nations was founded. We must live up to our pledge to uphold the Charter and demonstrate through action the timeless relevance of its purposes and principles. That is what I call living by example  — global solidarity. Unless we breathe life and vigour into the Charter, we are helpless and condemned to relive the mistakes and horrors of the past. Let us draw inspiration and fortitude from the courageous actions of the founding members who established this esteemed institution, which we are now entrusted with for posterity. The theme of peace, prosperity, progress and sustainability for all is our road map for what we must deliver. It is about a world where every person can live with dignity, free from fear and discrimination. That requires courage, commitment, cooperation and recognizing with humility our shared humanity. Allow me to conclude by reminding the Assembly of how it was founded. The heart of the Charter lies in the determination to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. We therefore must do our utmost to build trust in multilateralism through action. We must maintain and disseminate our commitment to the principles of the Charter. History will judge us by this. Our greatest achievements from our unity. For united we stand, divided we fall. God bless everyone and the United Nations.

On behalf of the Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister for Education and Training, Minister for Police, Fire Services and Emergency Services, and Minister for His Majesty’s Armed Forces of the Kingdom of Tonga for the statement he has just made.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Oliver Dowden, Deputy Prime Minister, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and Secretary of State in the Cabinet Office of the United Kingdom.

As we meet here this evening, millions of people in Morocco and Libya continue to struggle with the aftermath of a devastating earthquake and catastrophic flood. Let me extend the sympathy of the British people to all those who have lost loved ones. Our search-and-rescue teams have been deployed in Morocco, and we have increased our humanitarian support for Libya. We will continue our support, alongside many other nations represented here, in the weeks and months to come. This week, nations have gathered here to recommit to addressing the biggest challenges we face: climate change, with catastrophic weather events telling us to act now; the Sustainable Development Goals and how to get them back on track after the coronavirus disease; migration, with millions crossing borders and dangerous seas, at the mercy of human traffickers; and Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine. The latter was an attack on a sovereign Member of the United Nations by a permanent member of the Security Council — the most heinous assault imaginable on everything that the Organization stands for and was founded to prevent, with consequences felt, not just by the brave people of Ukraine, but by millions across the globe. Those hit by food shortages, particularly in developing countries, are Putin’s victims too. Russia could end this war tomorrow. Putin could end this war tomorrow. That is what the world demands. But until that happens, the United Kingdom will stand alongside Ukraine. It will do whatever it takes for weeks, for months or, if necessary, for years, because if the United Nations, in which the United Kingdom believes and helped to found, is to count for anything it is surely for the cardinal principle that aggression cannot and must not pay. Those are the issues of the moment. But I want to focus on another challenge, a challenge that is already with us today and that is changing right now all of our tomorrows. It is going to change everything we do — education, business, health care, defence and the way we live. And it is going to change Government and relations among nations fundamentally. It is going to change the United Nations fundamentally. Artificial intelligence (AI) is the biggest transformation the world has known. Our task as Governments is to understand it, grasp it and seek to govern it, and we must do so at speed. Think how much has changed in a few short months, and then think how different the world will look in five years’ or ten years’ time. We are fast becoming familiar with the AI of today, but we need to prepare for the AI of tomorrow. At this frontier, we need to accept that we simply do not know the bounds of possibilities. We are as Edison was before the light came on or as Tim Berners-Lee was before the first email was sent. They could not surely have respectively envisaged the illumination of the New York skyline at night or the wonders of the modern Internet, but they suspected the transformative power of their inventions. Frontier AI, with the capacity to process the entirety of human knowledge in seconds, has the potential not just to transform our lives, but to reimagine our understanding of science. If, like me, Member States believe that humans are on the path to decoding the mysteries of the smallest particles or the farthest reaches of our universe, if Member States think that the Millennium Prize Problems are ultimately solvable or that we will eventually fully understand viruses, then Member States will surely agree that, by adding to the sum total of our intelligence at potentially dizzying scales, frontier AI will unlock at least some of those answers on an expedited timetable in our lifetimes. Because in AI time, years are days, even hours. The frontier is not as far away as we might assume. That brings with it great opportunities. The AI models being developed today could deliver the energy efficiency needed to beat climate change, stimulate the crop yields required to feed the world, detect signs of chronic diseases or pandemics and better manage supply chains so everyone has access to the materials and goods they need and enhance productivity in both businesses and Governments. In fact, every single challenge discussed at this year’s General Assembly and more could be improved or even solved by AI. Perhaps the most exciting thing is that AI can be a democratizing tool open to everyone. Just as we have seen digital adoption sweep across the developing world, AI has the potential to empower millions of people in every part of our planet, giving everyone, wherever they are, the ability to be part of this revolution. AI can and should be a tool for all. Yet any technology that can be used by all can also be used for ill. We have already seen the dangers AI can pose: teens hacking individuals’ bank details, terrorists targeting Government systems, cybercriminals duping voters with deepfakes and bots, even States suppressing their peoples. But our focus on the risks has to include the potential of agentic frontier AI, which at once surpasses our collective intelligence and defies our understanding. Indeed, many argue that the technology is like no other in the sense that its creators themselves do not even know how it works. They cannot explain why it does what it does, and they cannot predict what it will or will not do. The principal risks of frontier AI will therefore come from misuse, misadventure or misalignment with human objectives. Our efforts need to pre-empt those possibilities and to come together to agree a shared understanding of those risks. That is what the AI summit that the United Kingdom is hosting in November will seek to achieve. Despite the entreaties we saw from some experts earlier in the year, I do not believe we can hold back the tide. There is no future in which that technology does not develop at an extraordinary pace. And although I applaud leading companies’ efforts to put safety at the heart of their development and their voluntary commitments that provide guardrails against unsafe deployment, the starting gun has been fired on a globally competitive race in which individual companies, as well as countries, will strive to push the boundaries as far and fast as possible. Indeed, the stated aim of those companies is to build superintelligence, AI that strives to surpass intelligence in every possible way. Some people working on that think it is just a few years away. The question for Governments is how we respond to that. The speed and scale demand that leaders be clear- eyed about the implications and potential. We cannot afford to become trapped in debates about whether AI is a tool for good or a tool for ill; it will be a tool for both. We must prepare for both and insure against the latter. The international community must devote its response equally to the opportunities and the risks and do so with both vigour and enthusiasm. In the past, leaders have responded to scientific and technological developments with retrospective regulation. But in this instance the necessary guardrails, regulation and governance must be developed in a parallel process with the technological progress. Yet, at the moment, global regulation is falling behind current advances. Lawmakers must draw in everyone — developers, experts and academics — to understand in advance the sort of opportunities and risks that might be presented. We must be frontier Governments alongside frontier innovators. The United Kingdom is determined to be in the vanguard, working with like-minded allies in the United Nations and through the Group of Seven’s Hiroshima AI Process, the Global Partnership on AI and the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development. Our country is uniquely placed. We have the frontier technology companies; we have world-leading universities; and we have some of the highest investment in generative artificial intelligence (AI). And, of course, we have the heritage of the Industrial Revolution and the computing revolution. This hinterland gives us the grounding to make AI a success and make it safe. They are two sides of the same coin, and our Prime Minister has put AI safety at the forefront of his ambitions. We recognize that while, of course, every nation will want to protect its own interests and strategic advantage, the most important actions we will take will be international. In fact, because tech companies and non-State actors often have country-sized influence and prominence in AI, that challenge requires a new form of multilateralism — because it is only by working together that we will make AI safe for everyone. Our first ever AI summit, in November, will kick-start that process, with a focus on frontier technology. In particular, we want to look at the most serious possible risks, such as the potential to undermine biosecurity or increase the ability of people to carry out cyberattacks, as well as the danger of losing control of the machines themselves. For those that say that those warnings are sensationalist or belong to the realm of science-fiction, I simply point to the words of hundreds of AI developers, experts and academics, who have said: “[m]itigating the risk of extinction from AI should be a global priority alongside other societal-scale risks, such as pandemics and nuclear war.” I do not stand here this evening claiming to be an expert on AI, but I do believe that policymakers and Governments ignore this expert consensus at the peril of all of our citizens. Our summit will aim to reach a common understanding of those most extreme risks and how the world should confront them and, at the same time, focus on how safe AI can be used for public good. The speed of its progress demands that this cannot be a one-off or even an annual gathering. New breakthroughs are happening daily, and we will need to convene more regularly. Moreover, it is essential that we bring Governments together with the best academics and researchers to be able to evaluate technologies. Technology companies must not mark their own homework, just as Governments and citizens must have confidence that risks are being properly mitigated. Indeed, a large part of this work should be about ensuring faith in the system, and it is only nation States that can provide reassurance that the most significant national security concerns have been allayed. That is why I am so proud that the United Kingdom’s world-leading Frontier AI Taskforce has brought together pioneering experts like Yoshua Bengio and Paul Christiano, with the head of the Government Communications Headquarters and our national security advisers. It is the first body of its kind in the world that is developing the capacity to conduct the safe external red-teaming that will be critical to building confidence in frontier models. And our ambition is for the Taskforce to evolve to become a permanent institutional structure, with an international offer. Building that capacity in liberal, democratic countries is important. Many world-beating technologies were developed in nations where expression flows openly and ideas are exchanged freely. A culture of rules and transparency is essential to creativity and innovation, and it is just as essential to making AI safe. That is the task that confronts us. It is — in its speed, scale and potential — unlike anything we or our predecessors have known before. It is exciting, daunting and inexorable. So we must work, alongside its pioneers, to understand it, to govern it, to harness its potential and to contain its risks. We will have to be pioneers too. We may not know where the risks lie, how we might contain them or even the forums in which we must determine them. What we do know, however, is that the most powerful action will come when nations work together. The AI revolution will be a bracing test for the multilateral system, to show that it can work together on a question that will define the fate of humankind. Our future, humankind’s future and our entire planet’s future depends on our ability to do so. That is our challenge, and this is our opportunity to be, truly, the United Nations.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Vivian Balakrishnan, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Singapore.

I congratulate His Excellency Mr. Dennis Francis on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy- eighth session. We are delighted that a fellow member of the Forum of Small States has been elected to the highest office in the General Assembly. I also thank His Excellency Mr. Csaba Kőrösi for his adept stewardship of the seventy-seventh session during a very challenging year. Our world is a troubled place. The coronavirus disease pandemic was a global test of equity, governance and preparedness, but, quite frankly, the world came up short. We are still dealing with its sequelae — in health care and education and the long-term impact on the world economy and global solidarity. Recent natural disasters, in fact, underline our common vulnerability as nations on the same planet. Nature is a force that respects no borders. Our hearts go out to the victims of the earthquakes in Morocco and Türkiye and the floods in Libya. There are looming food and water crises, and if we miss our climate change targets, we will heap even more misery upon ourselves and on future generations. Beyond the devastation caused by pandemics and natural disasters, we have created purely human- made tragedies, as well. The Russia-Ukraine conflict continues to rage on. It is a full-frontal assault on the Charter of the United Nations and a flagrant violation of international law. Global food insecurity has been aggravated by the war in Ukraine, as well as by climate change, which will add to inflationary pressures everywhere. In the Association of Southeast Asian Nations — in my part of the world — the violent coup in Myanmar has deprived the people of Myanmar of the peace and development that they so need and richly deserve. Our hearts go out to our brothers and sisters in Myanmar. That perfect storm is aggravated by political dysfunction almost everywhere — fractious hyper- polarized domestic politics, disillusionment with globalization and multilateralism and a lack of strategic trust among countries, especially the superpowers. That dysfunction hobbles our ability to deal with planetary crises that go beyond the ability of any single superpower or even blocs of countries to overcome. In fact, all countries need to work together to build coherent and concrete multilateral solutions. Singapore is a tiny, vulnerable and open island city-State, and we therefore have to strongly support the United Nations and the indispensable rules-based multilateral system. It provides a stable framework for us to thrive, exercise our autonomy and chart our own future for our own people. I was glad to see the urgent focus on those issues during this year’s high-level week. The Sustainable Development Goals Summit has shown that we have fallen behind our targets. The Climate Ambition Summit, the three high-level meetings on health and the preparatory meeting for the Summit of the Future have helped us to recalibrate the multilateral system. I would like to put forward three principles that should guide our collective efforts to make the multilateral system more resilient and ready for the future. First, we should reaffirm our commitment to building a multilateral system that reflects our enlightened long-term interests as a global community. Unfortunately, the world today is marked by even sharper geopolitical rivalry. Free trade is in retreat, and supply chains are being fragmented. That unravels the gains that we have painstakingly made over many decades by competing and contributing to a common global technology stack. We must avoid turning competition into a zero-sum game. Whether we are addressing climate change, outer space or technology standards, it is important for all countries to balance their national interests with the collective long-term interests of our global community. That means that Member States should work constructively and in good faith within the multilateral framework, keeping our enlightened common interests in mind. The need for compromise and mutual understanding is a feature — not a bug — of the multilateral system. And in the light of the planetary challenges we face, there is no winner who can take all. Secondly, Member States should accept and respect the diversity of experiences, systems, concepts and ideas within the multilateral system. This is born out of our rich tapestry of cultures, religions and social norms. We must recognize that there is no one-size-fits-all template for how a country should organize itself. No one has a monopoly on culture or wisdom, and we should resist the arrogant temptation to remake others in our own image. The rich diversity of peoples and nations everywhere can in fact lead to a fruitful cross-fertilization of ideas and the development of even more policy options to deal with the many challenges we face. The United Nations is an indispensable platform in which countries can share our experiences in areas from sustainable development to human rights and in which we can learn from one another. The Summit of the Future gives us an opportunity to strengthen the multilateral system by taking into account diverse points of view and building a common framework for our future. Thirdly, in the midst of the digital revolution and especially the advent of artificial intelligence (AI), we must not only prepare for the risks of those technologies but also distribute their benefits more fairly. In the past year, generative AI such as ChatGPT has captured the popular imagination. But we are actually already on the verge of the next stage: AI agents with the ability to negotiate and transact with each other and humans, and often we will not be able to tell the difference. That has profound implications on all our societies, our politics and economies everywhere. And autonomous weapons systems without human fingers on the triggers are already with us — witness the wars around us. As Secretary-General António Guterres said at the opening of the General Assembly this week, “Generative artificial intelligence holds much promise, but it may also lead us to cross a Rubicon and into more danger than we can control.” (A/78/ PV.4, p. 5) That is especially so the theatre of war and peace. AI will fundamentally disrupt our assumptions on military doctrine and strategic deterrence. For example, the speed at which AI-enabled weapons systems can be almost instantaneously deployed and triggered will dramatically reduce decision times for our leaders. There will be many occasions when humans may not even be in the firing loop — but we will be on the firing line. That would inevitably heighten the risks of unintended conflicts or the escalation of conflicts. During the Cold War, the sense of mutually assured destruction imposed mutual restraint — although we now know that there were in fact several close shaves. That spectre of nuclear escalation has not disappeared. Yet the advent of artificial intelligence in conflict situations has actually increased the risks exponentially. We therefore must start an inclusive global dialogue, and we must start it at the United Nations. We need to urgently consider the oversight of such systems and the necessary precautions to avoid miscalculations. That is just one of the many facets to consider as we focus our minds on how to harness the potential and manage the risk of AI. Singapore welcomes the Secretary-General’s decision to convene a high-level advisory body on AI to explore those critical issues. Singapore is actually optimistic that the United Nations and the multilateral system will be up to the task of establishing norms on those fast-emerging critical technologies. The open-ended working group on security of and in the use of information and communications technologies 2021–2025, which happens to be chaired by Singapore, has made steady progress, and this offers some useful lessons for other areas, including AI. Singapore commits to continuing to support all efforts to promote international cooperation and strengthen global rules, norms and principles in the digital domain. We also look forward to the adoption of a global digital compact at the Summit of the Future in 2024. The reality is that many nations are not ready for the wave of digital transformation sweeping our world. We should not forget that even today, more than 2 billion people still have no internet access, and we need to work far harder to bridge that digital divide. As a tiny city-State, Singapore is committed to supporting other small States by raising awareness, sharing experiences and building human capacity everywhere. In 2022, Singapore launched Digital Forum of Small States (Digital FOSS), a platform in which members of the Forum of Small States can learn from one another and mutually support each other in the area of digital technologies. There is no doubt that those technologies are a powerful accelerator for sustainable development in developing countries, and all the more so in small States like mine. But many developing countries and small States will need help to deploy and harness the benefits of those technologies. As the most inclusive and universal body in the world, the United Nations has to be at the centre of our collective efforts to address those global challenges. We can do so, as shown, in fact, by the recent adoption of an international legally binding instrument on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction (BBNJ). Singapore is honoured that Ambassador Rena Lee served as the President of the Intergovernmental Conference on Marine Biodiversity of Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction. She worked tirelessly and closely with all delegations to bring that ship safely to harbour. This week, I was proud to sign the BBNJ agreement on behalf of Singapore, which intends to ratify it as soon as possible. We call on all Member States to sign and ratify the BBNJ agreement so that it can enter into force early, and I am glad that, as of today, 81 Member States have signed the BBNJ agreement. We need to bring the same constructive spirit to other areas of the global commons — AI, cybersecurity, digital technology and even outer space. We do not lack policy ideas on strengthening multilateralism, but we need commitment and action. The High-level Advisory Board on Effective Multilateralism has put forward six transformational shifts that will make the United Nations and the multilateral system future-ready. For many small States, our survival and our very success require a strong United Nations and an effective multilateral system founded on the Charter of the United Nations and international law, and complied with by all States in the world. The Forum of Small States, chaired by Singapore, will continue to work with all States, large and small, to make the United Nations stronger and ready for the future. The Summit of the Future next year will be a crucial milestone in terms of repositioning the United Nations and the multilateral system for our future. This Summit is also an opportunity to further accelerate the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. Singapore will work closely with all Member States and contribute constructively to that process. We call on all delegations everywhere to take a pragmatic and action-oriented approach to the Summit. It is not too late for us to work together to build a better, safer and fairer world for all countries and especially for our future generations.

I now call on Her Excellency Ms. Penelope Wong, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Commonwealth of Australia.

We created this institution recognizing that while our interests as countries may differ, we have shared purpose as people, because we can only solve our biggest problems together, because we determined after the last world war to prevent it ever being repeated, and because all of us can see the world as it is and, by listening to each other and by acting together, all of us can choose to shape it for the better. Australia is home to people from all nations of the world, and we draw on the knowledge of first peoples carrying forward the oldest continuing culture on earth. We know that at this time, when its success has never been needed by more of the world’s peoples, this institution and our shared multilateral system is falling short of the commitments we have made together, and we are collectively falling further behind. There are more people displaced, and more people hungry. There is more conflict, and greater risk that a nuclear weapon could be used. The climate is changing faster than our combined efforts to stop it. Already, African agricultural productivity has dropped by a third. Within just 22 General Assemblies from now, more than 900 million additional people in sub-Saharan Africa will have less water than they need. In many countries, including my own, floods or fires have overwhelmed communities. The most tourism-dependent region in the world, the Caribbean, faces the loss of half its tourism revenue because of extreme weather, and nowhere is the climate threat more profound than in the Pacific. Kiribati, Tuvalu and the Marshall Islands are only a few metres above sea level. Article 1 of the Charter of the United Nations speaks to maintaining peace and security, but there can be no security if the sea itself closes in. That is why the voices and experiences of the Pacific matter. Australia, as a member of the Pacific Islands Forum, believes in Pacific sovereignty and solidarity. The connections between the first peoples of our lands and waters and the peoples of the Blue Pacific stretch back through time. We share the Pacific Ocean, and as custodians of one-fifth of the earth’s surface, we understand our duty to amplify the collective Pacific voice and to act. We are determined to make Australia a renewable energy superpower. Within this decade, 82 per cent of Australia’s electricity generation will be renewable — a huge transformation from the 32 per cent when our Government came to office just last year. Australia is supporting the region’s transition to renewable energy, helping countries to build climate resilience and access our increased climate finance contributions. In Palau, for instance, up to a fifth of the country’s energy needs will be provided by new solar and battery storage through our Infrastructure Financing Facility for the Pacific. Australia is sharing our innovations in climate adaptation in the Pacific and beyond. We are supporting improved food security in some of the most vulnerable communities in the world, including with irrigation technology that has improved crop yields and reduced water usage by 30 per cent for farmers in countries including Malawi, Mozambique, South Africa, Tanzania and Zimbabwe. Climate is far from the only crisis the world faces. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic propelled 124 million people back into poverty, and humanitarian needs are burgeoning. Australia is part of the global response. In the last 12 months, we provided humanitarian assistance for more than 20 crises in which the United Nations requested international support. Those crises are making it harder to achieve our 17 shared Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), but they are not the only reason we are falling short, and many developing countries are rightly frustrated. Through the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the world committed to a shared blueprint for peace and prosperity for people and the planet, now and into the future. At the halfway point, we have seen stagnation or regression on nearly a third of the targets, and we are not on track to meet any of them. But we ought not be tempted to abandon some goals so that we might concentrate on others. The great wisdom of the 2030 Agenda is in its recognition of the connection between different aspects of social and economic development and environmental protection — and how, together, they enable prosperity and peace. We all invested years in negotiating this Agenda. It provides an irreplaceable framework for collective global action, and all Member States must protect it and deliver on what we have agreed. All United Nations officials, from the Secretary-General down, must guard against dilution, because the approaching climate tipping point means we simply cannot afford ongoing unsustainable development, nor will we ever maximize our development while leaving people behind or if we pick and choose between universally agreed human rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The drafters of the Universal Declaration — people like Bertha Lutz of Brazil, P.C. Chang of China, Minerva Bernardino of the Dominican Republic, H.J. Mehta of India, Eleanor Roosevelt of the United States and Jessie Street of Australia — were all seized of this simple fact: human rights apply equally to all people, no matter who you happen to be or where you happen to be born. This was a global charter for the whole human family from East to West and North to South. That was 75 years ago, and it was reaffirmed 30 years ago in the Vienna Declaration. Yet today approximately 2.4 billion women of working age do not have equal opportunities, when we know that if we closed the gender gap in economic participation, we would add at least $12 trillion a year to global gross domestic product, in other words, generating three times more than the cost of fully achieving the SDGs. However, to deliver the SDGs we must address systemic shortcomings and funding needs. Small island developing States, including Cabo Verde and Samoa, have advocated for reforms to international development financing to reflect the reality that income per capita is an imperfect predictor of development need. The tragic fact is that development gains can be quickly reversed by shocks such as extreme weather events. We still need income measures such as gross national income, but we also need to listen to what many countries are saying about other growing vulnerabilities they face, especially as a result of climate change. Therefore, Australia commends the work of the High-level Panel on the Development of a Multidimensional Vulnerability Index, led by the Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda and the former Prime Minister of Norway. That is but one tool that can be used to improve what the international development financing architecture delivers for the most vulnerable countries in the world. The world needs more from international financial institutions, especially the multilateral development banks. Their institutional capacity, their direct contributions and the multiplier effect of those contributions could be propelling the world much closer to realizing our shared development goals. As the Group of 20 Independent Experts Group has highlighted, to transform development, the multilateral development banks will have to transform themselves, and the window for action is closing fast. Australia welcomes the leadership of the Prime Minister of Barbados, Mia Mottley. And we are looking at how we can partner on the Bridgetown Initiative. With 22 of our 26 nearest neighbours being developing countries, we want to contribute to a region where all our countries and peoples can thrive. Therefore, we have instituted a new development policy and rebuilt our official development assistance programme with nearly 1.7 billion additional Australian dollars over five years, providing for ongoing growth over the long term. And we have re-channelled $3 billion of our International Monetary Fund special drawing rights allocation to support vulnerable countries. Therefore, today I call on all developed countries to increase their re-channelling of special drawing rights to boost concessional long- term investment critical to resilience-building and disaster response. Australia also recognizes that the multilateral development banks and bilateral donors need to do more to harness the capital, innovation and energy of the private sector. Therefore, last month, we launched Australian Development Investments, a 250 million Australian dollar impact investment fund to do just that. And we have launched Invested: Australia’s Southeast Asia Economic Strategy to 2040, responding to calls from our regional partners for Australia to play a bigger role in their pursuit of economic opportunity, development and growth, which will support our shared security and prosperity. All our efforts are aimed at helping countries to build their own resilience and sovereignty to ensure countries are not held back by unsustainable debt. Australia’s investments are a statement of its belief that social and economic progress are preconditions for peace, just as peace is a precondition for progress. Peace is not a gift, and it is never a given. We are called on to play our part in diplomatic reassurance, economic development and military deterrence, all contributing to keeping and building peace. Australia has always pursued a world where differences and disputes are settled through institutions, agreed rules and norms and not by power and size. We have been active in the United Nations peacebuilding agenda since its inception, focused on addressing the underlying factors that contribute to conflict. We are proud of our peacebuilding reform work with Angola in leading negotiations on parallel Security Council and General Assembly resolutions (Security Council resolution 2282 (2016) and General Assembly resolution 70/262) that shaped the sustaining peace agenda. We look forward to 2025 when Australia will have a seat on the Peacebuilding Commission, coinciding with the review point for those resolutions. Since the creation of the Peacebuilding Fund, we have been a consistent partner, and we are a top 10 donor. Our commitment to international peace and security is reflected in our history of involvement in peacekeeping  — some 62 operations over more than 75 years. We remain the eleventh largest financial contributor to the overall United Nations peacekeeping budget, in addition to operational support and regional troop training. We support a strong role for regional leadership on peacekeeping. We welcome Fiji’s proposal to establish a new Pacific peacekeeping network to strengthen our region’s capacity and cooperation, just as we welcome the call from African States for United Nations assessed contributions for African Union-led peace support operations. Our commitment to international peace and security is why Australia seeks a seat on the Security Council for 2029-2030, and it is why we pursue Security Council reform. We must ensure greater permanent and non-permanent representation for Africa, Latin America and Asia, including permanent seats for India and Japan. And we must demand more of the permanent members, including constraints on the use of the veto. With its special responsibility as a permanent member of the Security Council, Russia mocks the United Nations every day it continues its illegal and immoral invasion of Ukraine, just as Russia mocks the international community with its cynical games on food security that leave millions hungry, promising grain to vulnerable nations yet at the same time destroying Ukrainian grain silos along the Black Sea coast. The rest of the permanent members and all Member States must be unyielding in their response to Russia’s grave violation of Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations. If we waver in our response to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, we will be validating the most fundamental of breaches of international law. Who might be the next victim of State-based aggression? However, even with all the conflicts on the United Nations agenda, even as we face the existential threat of climate change, the world faces another existential threat, one risk that is consequential for every Member State. That is the risk of conflict between great Powers. This Assembly of nations knows that strategic competition is not new. Through the course of history, it has played out across the globe. Often small countries, vast distances from major Powers, have borne the brunt of a race for dominance, with legacies of those contests casting shadows across generations. But the modern arms race forever transformed the scale of great Power competition and pushed all of humankind to the brink of Armageddon. In 1962, one of those close calls spurred the construction of conflict prevention infrastructure between the United States and the Soviet Union: guardrails that responsibly managed Cold War competition and kept it from careering into conflict. Today’s circumstances mean we need to commit anew to building such preventive infrastructure to reduce the risk of crisis, conflict and war by accident. The Indo-Pacific is home to unprecedented military build-up, yet transparency and strategic reassurance are lacking. Tension is rising between States with overlapping claims in the South China Sea, and disputed features have been militarized. And North Korea continues to destabilize with its ongoing nuclear weapons programme and ballistic missile launches, threatening Japan, the Republic of Korea and the broader region. When one adds dangerous encounters in the air and at sea, including between nuclear Powers, we are faced with a combination of factors that give rise to the most confronting circumstances in decades. In short, military power is expanding, but measures to constrain military conflict are not, and there are few concrete mechanisms for averting it. So it is up to all of us to act to deploy our collective statecraft, our influence, our networks and our capabilities to minimize the risk of misunderstanding and miscalculation in order to prevent catastrophic conflict. Peacebuilding today must rise to that challenge. That is why Australia is contributing to a strategic equilibrium  — to help to maintain the conditions for peace through our diplomacy, while playing our part in transparent, collective deterrence of aggression. We seek to ensure that no State concludes that the benefits of conflict outweigh the risks. And we seek new measures for conflict prevention that reinforce the region’s existing economic and security architecture. The desire for peace is seen across our region. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is determined to develop practical ways to implement the ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific and play a leading role in promoting peace, security, stability and prosperity in our region. We support its aim. ASEAN is right to affirm that disputes must be resolved peacefully, in accordance with international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the ASEAN Charter and the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia. Consistent with that architecture and the need to address the growing risk of conflict, Australia welcomes President Widodo’s statement, as Chairman of the East Asia Summit, noting that the recent leaders’ meeting: “reaffirmed the need for all EAS-participating countries to promote open channels of communication to reduce risks of misunderstanding and miscalculation and prevent conflict in our region.” New measures to prevent great power conflict are an Australian priority, and we hope they are a priority shared by Member States throughout the General Assembly. Strategic trust is clearly in short supply. We would be wise to encourage modest steps, focused on mutual strategic reassurance, military risk-reduction measures and on opening lines of communication at all levels. Communication should never be withheld as a punishment or offered as a reward. Given how conflict could be sparked, there would be benefit in pursuing clearer arrangements among maritime countries  — all maritime countries equally — to prevent unsafe actions at sea. And given that it is nuclear weapons that most risk catastrophe, we must work harder to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons. Our Government is renewing Australia’s enduring commitment to a world without nuclear weapons. We will continue to work with others to strengthen the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons — the cornerstone of the global nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament regime  — despite those who seek to damage it for their own gains. This week Australia joined Japan and the Philippines to urge progress on a fissile material cut- off treaty. That would address a critical gap in our disarmament architecture, by stopping the production of material needed to create nuclear weapons. Australia is also working with the International Atomic Energy Agency to ensure the peaceful use of technology and combat proliferation and nuclear security risks. Australia wants a world where no country dominates and no country is dominated. We want a world where we achieve our shared Sustainable Development Goals for people, planet, prosperity, peace and partnership. We also see how all of that could be destroyed by crisis, conflict and war. Which path we choose is up to all of us. It is up to all of us to have the humility to listen. It is up to all of us to act — and act urgently — on what we hear. We must recognize that many developing countries are inadequately served by too much of the international system — a system that must be reformed as a matter of urgency. And we must take these steps because we need everyone to know that they have a stake in the success of these United Nations — our United Nations. All countries must have a stake in the United Nations Charter and exercise their agency to uphold it. Because in today’s world, there is no zero-sum game. In today’s world, there can never be just one winner. In this age of existential threats, there is either a shared future or no future. We can choose only between shared failure or shared success. Let us all choose success.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Bahrain.

It is my pleasure to congratulate the President of the General Assembly at its current session. I wish him every success in conducting its work. I also want to express my thanks and appreciation to his predecessor, His Excellency Mr. Csaba Kőrösi, for his remarkable efforts in leading the previous session, and His Excellency Secretary-General António Guterres for his continuous efforts to achieve the noble purposes and objectives of the United Nations. At the outset, I wish to express the condolences of the King, the Government and the people of the Kingdom of Bahrain to our brothers in the Kingdom of Morocco and the State of Libya over the victims of the earthquake that struck several regions in Morocco and the floods that swept through the Libyan city of Derna. We ask God Almighty to grant the deceased His mercy and wish a speedy recovery for the injured. The general debate of the current session is being held amid global challenges and crises that threaten the development of countries and affect the lives, security, stability and safety of peoples. Foremost among them are the escalation of wars and armed conflicts; the dangers of extremism, terrorism and organized crime; cybersecurity threats, food and water security, climate change and natural and health disasters. Under the leadership of His Majesty King Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa and the guidance of the Government, headed by His Royal Highness Prince Salman bin Hamad Al Khalifa, Crown Prince and Prime Minister, the Kingdom of Bahrain has demonstrated in all its diplomatic stances and practical efforts its adherence to its deep-rooted human and cultural values. Those values are in line with the objectives of the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of international law, as well as Bahrain’s commitment to establishing international cooperation and promoting strategic partnerships with friendly and allied countries in order to maintain peace, security and stability and to provide a safe, prosperous and sustainable environment for the benefit of the peoples of the world. The Kingdom of Bahrain has taken confident steps at key historical milestones to strengthen alliances. Those alliances have helped consolidate the international system based on the freedom of trade, ideas and individuals in a way that supports individual freedoms and responsibilities. My country has continued to strengthen its diplomatic relations with brotherly, friendly and allied countries with common interests. Under the leadership of His Majesty the King, it has been keen to deepen bilateral relations at all levels, and has played an important role in the efforts to promote international cooperation. A few days ago, in Washington, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister signed the Comprehensive Security Integration and Prosperity Agreement with our friend the United States of America. That attests to the Kingdom of Bahrain’s firm strategic approach, which supports peace and stability in the region and is based on the close link between security and prosperity to achieve the desired progress in every aspect of development, in a world where the number of challenges is increasing daily. The Kingdom of Bahrain understands that international cooperation based on mutual trust, good faith and mutual understanding is the best way to overcome shared challenges and has therefore included the following among its top priorities. The first such priority is prioritizing dialogue and a peaceful and civilized approach for ending wars and settling all regional and international differences and disputes, foremost of which is advancing a just, comprehensive and lasting peace process in the Middle East and supporting the rights of the brotherly Palestinian people to establish their independent State, with East Jerusalem as its capital; the strengthening of peaceful coexistence among the peoples of the region, while expressing our support for the extension of the United Nations humanitarian truce in Yemen; achieving sustainable peaceful solutions to the crises in Syria, Lebanon, the Sudan, Libya and Afghanistan, while preserving their unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity, supporting their development and alleviating the suffering of their peoples; and supporting international mediation efforts to achieving peace throughout the world. In that context, we reiterate our call for further efforts to end the war in Ukraine through peaceful negotiations and to avoid escalation in order to meet the interests of the two neighbouring countries and ensure the protection of civilians and respect for international humanitarian law in order to preserve security and peace on the European continent, while attenuating its devastating humanitarian repercussions and addressing its global impact on food security, energy supplies, the environment and nuclear safety. The second priority is establishing international relations based on the principles of good neighbourliness; respect for international law, the sovereignty, stability and territorial integrity of States and their religious and cultural values; and non-interference in their internal affairs. In that regard, we underscore the firm and supportive position of the Kingdom of Bahrain in support of the unity, cohesion, solidarity and unified path of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf and our appreciation of positive regional developments, such as Syria’s return to the League of Arab States and the resumption of Saudi-Iranian diplomatic relations. The third priority is promoting the values of tolerance and a culture of peace and dialogue among religions, cultures and civilizations, as essential pillars for achieving security, development and respect for human rights. In that regard, we call on the international community to respond effectively to the call of His Majesty the King to adopt an international convention to criminalize religious, sectarian and racial hate speech and prevent the abuse of freedoms on media and digital platforms to propagate religious hatred and to incite extremism, terrorism and intolerance. The fourth priority is galvanizing international efforts to overcome shared security challenges through cooperation and coordination in the fight against terrorism, while cutting off its financial sources and countering its ideologies; intensifying efforts to prevent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and ensuring the establishment of the Middle East as a region free of such weapons; cooperating in ensuring the security of commercial shipping and energy supplies in the Gulf region; and combating cybercrime. The fifth priority is deepening international partnerships and strategic dialogue towards building a more stable and just global political, security and economic order, based on solidarity, to achieve peoples’ aspirations to consolidate international peace and security and implement the Sustainable Development Goals. We call on the international community to shoulder its responsibilities by ramping up its efforts and channelling investments and financial resources towards achieving growth and prosperity, eliminating hunger, poverty and water and energy crises and supporting the least-developed countries. We must open markets for their exports without restrictions and alleviate their debt burden so as to ensure prosperity for all peoples, with no one left behind. In that regard, the Kingdom of Bahrain welcomes and endorses the India-Middle East-Europe economic corridor. We look forward to that ambitious strategic project’s contribution to the development and prosperity of the region for the benefit of all its peoples. My country also welcomes the announcement by the sisterly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia of its intent to establish a global water organization, aimed at developing and integrating the efforts of States and organizations to address water challenges in a holistic manner. My country’s Government is keen to promote an effective partnership with the United Nations and its specialized bodies in support of our common development goals. That has been done through the submission and discussion of the fourth national report under the Universal Periodic Review mechanism for human rights and the second report on progress made in implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development at the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development under the auspices of the Economic and Social Council. Through its own example, the Kingdom of Bahrain has provided a model for political development and the consolidation of the rule of law and institutions within the framework of the separation of powers and their cooperation under its Constitution. The Kingdom is proud of its Council of Representatives exercising its legislative and oversight powers and expressing the will of citizens following the success of parliamentary elections in six successive sessions, the most recent of which took place last year, with more than 73 per cent voter participation. We are also proud of having ensured justice within the framework of an impartial and independent judiciary, supported by independent human rights institutions, such as the National Human Rights Institution and Office of the Ombudsman, the Prisoners and Detainees Rights Commission and the Special Investigation Unit of the Public Prosecutor, as well as promoting the freedom of the press and media and the role of trade unions and civil society through 660 civil and political associations. The Kingdom of Bahrain is proud of the establishment of its pioneering modern legislative system, which has promoted respect for human rights and championed political and civil liberties, particularly through the enactment and implementation of the Alternative Sanctions and Measures Law, the open prisons programme and the substitution of non-custodial penalties for prison sentences. Those measures have benefited more than 5,500 convicted persons since their implementation in May 2018, keeping pace with the latest criminal justice systems in reforming and enabling convicts to be reintegrated into society. In addition, we have adopted the Law on Restorative Justice for Children and their Protection from Maltreatment, for which the Judicial Committee for Childhood, courts and the office of the Specialized Prosecutor for the Child were established. Within the framework of coordination between the legislative and executive authorities, my country is working to implement the government programme for the sixth legislative term. Its top priorities are promoting security, stability and justice; supporting the economic recovery plan; providing quality and competitive government services and integrating them with the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Thanks to the wisdom of its leadership, the awareness of its people and its commitment to the spirit of Team Bahrain in turning challenges into sustainable achievements, the Kingdom has set a humane and civilized example in combating the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic and overcoming its impacts. That was achieved through providing comprehensive health and treatment services and free examinations for all citizens and residents, which has been acknowledged by the World Health Organization, which cited Manama as the first healthy city in the Middle East. It was also achieved through the implementation of five financial and economic packages through 40 initiatives supporting individuals, the private sector and the most- affected sectors, amounting to $12 billion, the equivalent of one-third of the Kingdom’s gross domestic product. My country’s Government continues the implementation of the economic recovery plan and its programmes to accelerate the provision of employment opportunities for citizens; the construction of five new housing cities; the modernization of trade and financial legislation and procedures; economic openness and diversity; and the implementation of health, education, tourism and technical development strategies and projects. Over the past year, we have achieved a net economic growth rate of nearly 5 per cent; an increase to 83 per cent in the contribution of the non-oil sector to our gross domestic product; and a rise in foreign direct investment to $35.5 billion, according to a report by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. The Kingdom of Bahrain has also promoted its prestigious international standing according to international indicators, moving up to second place in the Arab world and thirty-fifth place internationally on the list of countries with very high human development, according to a report by the United Nations Development Programme. It ranks first in the Arab world and twenty- first internationally in the 2022 World Happiness Report, issued by the United Nations Sustainable Development Solutions Network. It also ranked thirty- fourth globally in the Logistics Performance Index of the World Bank and first in the Middle East and North Africa region in the Economic Freedom of the world index issued by the Fraser Institute. My country also shares its entrepreneurial experience with 48 countries, in collaboration with the United Nations Industrial Development Organization. The Kingdom of Bahrain has made great strides in the area of digital transformation by assuming the presidency of the Digital Cooperation Organization and becoming a member of the Council of the International Telecommunication Union. It has been classified among the leading countries in digital government, ranking first globally in Internet distribution, according to the World Bank. It also has a high e-government development rate according to the United Nations. That is evidenced by our provision of more than 600 Government services through online platforms and 100 per cent coverage of fifth-generation networks. That is evidenced also through our adoption of a national strategy to support the transformation of the fourth industrial revolution and the digital economy, and our investment in future sciences by establishing the National Space Science Agency and launching the first completely Bahraini- built satellite. In that regard, we are pleased to congratulate the sisterly United Arab Emirates on its outstanding progress in the space domain. We congratulate it on the successful return of Emirati astronaut Sultan Al-Neyadi to Earth, who achieved a significant scientific milestone as the first Arab to complete a spacewalk outside of the International Space Station. The Kingdom of Bahrain has maintained its first- place ranking among Arab countries on the Basel Anti-Money-Laundering Index, including with regard to terrorist financing, complementing its active role in establishing and hosting the Middle East and North Africa Financial Action Task Force. It has also retained its prestigious tier 1 status for the sixth consecutive year in the United States Department of State report on trafficking in persons. In addition, my country has garnered international acclaim for its human rights record, its cybersecurity readiness and its role in the fight against illicit drug trafficking and in tackling various economic and cyber-related crimes. The Kingdom of Bahrain is proud of the advancement of women and their contributions as active partners in the process of comprehensive development achievements, whether as ministers, parliamentarians, judges or ambassadors. Bahraini women represent 22 per cent of the Cabinet; 23 per cent of the members of the legislative authority; 56 per cent of the national workforce in the egovernment sector; 35 per cent of the private sector; and 34 per cent of diplomatic personnel. That is among other positive indicators that reflect the efforts of the Supreme Council for Women and its initiatives in the context of the national plan for the advancement of Bahraini women, along with other national plans, strategies and legislation to protect the rights of women, the family and children; to provide care, rehabilitation and employment for persons with disabilities; to ensure the rights of elderly people; and to protect against domestic violence and promote the social protection system. Proceeding from our belief in the right of people to a healthy, clean and sustainable environment, the Kingdom of Bahrain reaffirms its support for international initiatives in the field of climate change. We are committed to achieving net-zero carbon neutrality by 2060; reducing carbon dioxide emissions by 2035; doubling the number of trees and, in particular, quadrupling the number of mangroves, by 2035; improving energy efficiency and promoting renewable sources of energy; and protecting biodiversity. We would like to wish the United Arab Emirates every success in organizing and presiding over the twenty- eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change at the end of the year. Peace is our strategic choice for a safer, more stable and more prosperous world. We firmly believe that peace is the path to constructive cooperation and peaceful coexistence among nations and peoples. We recognize that, given the inevitability of living together, dialogue and harmony must prevail over disputes and conflict, based on our belief in the right of all human beings to freedom, justice, prosperity and human dignity without any discrimination pertaining to race, origin, language, religion or belief. In that regard, the Kingdom of Bahrain, in the light of the noble initiatives of His Majesty the King, is proud of its success in sharing its pioneering experience with the world in terms of tolerance, peaceful coexistence, respect for human rights and in encouraging the values of solidarity and international humanitarian and development work at various levels. First, I would mention the issuance of the Kingdom of Bahrain declaration on freedom of religion and belief, the establishment of the King Hamad Global Centre for Peaceful Coexistence and the continued wise initiatives of His Majesty the King to promote tolerance, dialogue and religious and cultural rapprochement. Secondly, the Kingdom has hosted regional and international conferences to promote regional security and dialogue among religions, sects and cultures, the most recent of which was the Bahrain Forum for Dialogue, held under the theme “East and West for Human Coexistence”, with the participation of His Holiness the Pope and the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar. We have also hosted the General Assembly meeting of the Inter-Parliamentary Union on promoting peaceful coexistence and inclusive societies, with a focus on combating intolerance. That reflects the firm and deep- rooted principles of the Kingdom of Bahrain with regard to respect for cultural, ethnic and religious diversity, as well as its historical and cultural heritage spanning more than 5,000 years. Thirdly, the Kingdom continues to actively contribute to supporting the objectives of the United Nations by offering international awards for the promotion of dialogue and peaceful coexistence, for the service of humankind, for digital transformation in the field of education and for the empowerment of women and youth in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. My country also established an initiative on the International Days of Conscience and of Islamic Art. Moreover, we have delivered humanitarian and relief assistance to many countries affected by the repercussions of wars, conflicts and natural disasters through the efforts of the Royal Humanitarian Foundation and the Bahrain Red Crescent Society. Under the reformist, humanitarian and diplomatic approach of His Majesty the King, with the support and follow-up of His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister and the commitment of its loyal and dedicated people, the Kingdom of Bahrain continues to maximize its developmental and civilizational gains, to reinforce its noble values and cultural achievements and to enhance its active role in strengthening international solidarity. Our aim is a stable and secure world free from tension and hatred that advances with affection, tolerance, brotherhood and cooperation for the benefit of humankind. We hope to build a bright future for generations to come.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Tobias Billström, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sweden.

Looking back, we — the international community — did not acknowledge the signs for what they were. The war in Georgia in 2008 and the aggression in Ukraine since 2014 and in Syria since 2015 clearly show that Russia has no scruples about using military force to reach its political ambitions, recreate its former colonial empire and undermine the European security order and the Charter of the United Nations. We open this year’s session of the General Assembly at a time when a permanent member of the Security Council, a body tasked with the maintenance of international peace and security, has proven its complete disregard for human life, in Ukraine and globally. Russia is weaponizing food and aggravating the global food crisis, most recently by reimposing its blockade against grain deliveries across the Black Sea, deliberately destroying Ukrainian grain and port infrastructure. In doing so, Russia is limiting the supply of food to many, including the world’s most vulnerable. Meanwhile, the European Union (EU) solidarity lanes — the efforts to build alternative export routes for food from Ukraine — have become a lifeline. Ukraine exports more than three million tons of grain every month through the solidarity lanes. Sweden and the EU have also increased our humanitarian food aid globally and boosted support for local food production. In blatant violation of international law, Russia is attempting to deny Ukraine its right to exist as a sovereign nation. If we allow that to happen, Russia will only continue its imperial ambitions. This will not stop with Ukraine. Ukraine’s soldiers are fighting not only for Ukraine’s survival, but also for our security and for the respect of territorial integrity. It is the sovereign right of every State to make its own security policy choices. Exercising that right, Sweden has applied for NATO membership — a historic decision that ends Sweden’s military non-alignment, which dates back to 1812. Our NATO membership will increase the security of our country and — together with Finland’s membership — improve the stability in the entire Euro-Atlantic area. Sweden will fulfil its commitments under the North Atlantic Treaty and to all other allies. The General Assembly has repeatedly condemned Russia’s blatant violations of international law, including the United Nations Charter. The Ukrainian people have suffered from attacks against schools, hospitals and civilian infrastructure. Russia has abducted thousands of Ukrainian children. The list of Russia’s crimes against international law in Ukraine is long. Russia must, and will, be held to account. Accountability, including for the crime of aggression, is a condition for justice to the victims and a deterrent against future violations. Sweden supports the establishment of a tribunal for the crime of aggression committed against Ukraine. The United Nations Charter also forms the basis of Ukraine’s peace formula, which is receiving support from a growing group of countries in all regions. We welcome initiatives that will contribute to a just and lasting peace based on international law. That is in the interest of all of us. The world is indeed in a very different place compared to when the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development was adopted eight years ago. The pace of poverty reduction has slowed down, humanitarian needs are rising, and climate change is accelerating. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) Summit earlier this week was a much-needed opportunity to regain momentum towards achieving the 2030 Agenda and the Sustainable Development Goals. Sweden is a committed partner of and contributor to the United Nations development system and a substantial donor of humanitarian assistance. It is imperative that the United Nations development system continue to strive for increased effectiveness and efficiency, especially at the country level. Swedish official development assistance is generous. We are one of only a handful of countries in the world that reach the United Nations target of 0.7 per cent of gross national income in development assistance. Development assistance must work catalytically alongside trade, private investment, improved access to capital and domestic resource mobilization. Strong national institutions remain a precondition for development. Multilateral development banks play a critical role in achieving the SDGs, working with innovative financing and mobilizing financing at scale — both private capital and domestic resources. We support the adaptation of their business model to better address global challenges, while keeping poverty reduction and climate change at the core of their mandate. Sweden’s international development assistance responds to the multiple challenges the world is confronting today and contributes to positive development. Sweden’s development assistance is relevant, long-term, efficient and transparent. The Swedish Government focuses on poverty alleviation and health interventions for the most vulnerable, providing democracy assistance to defenders of human rights and democracy on all continents. We invest in women’s and girls’ rights and opportunities across the globe. Climate change is accelerating. This July was the hottest month on record, with extreme weather causing widespread damage. When the world meets for the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP) in Dubai in November, we must unite around higher ambitions. Sweden welcomes the Secretary- General’s strong personal commitment to push the global climate agenda forward. We are pleased that the incoming United Arab Emirates presidency is framing climate action as a driver for prosperity and growth. We must mobilize more climate finance, both public and private, and enhance support to local resilience and climate adaptation. Sweden will continue to do its part, and we call on other countries to increase their contributions. Climate finance is a key element of Swedish development assistance. The ground-breaking solutions provided by Swedish businesses in such areas as battery production and fossil-free steel are driving climate action in Sweden and supporting the climate transition globally. The synergies between innovation, trade and the private sector are fundamental to achieving the green transition and reaching the Sustainable Development Goals. Emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, are transforming our world. They offer unprecedented possibilities, including to accelerate our efforts on climate change, global health and the Sustainable Development Goals. This fast-moving development also entails challenges for international security and human rights. Shaping a shared vision of new technologies, based on the values of the United Nations Charter, will be key to harnessing their potential and mitigate the risks. Together with Rwanda, Sweden is co-facilitating the process in the General Assembly of developing a global digital compact that will outline shared principles for an open, free and secure digital future for all. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adopted 75 years ago. We know for a fact that human rights, democracy and the rule of law are determinants of development. Countries with high levels of democracy have 94 per cent lower infant mortality, provide 40 per cent more electricity and have 23 per cent more access to safe water than autocracies. Building societies that are democratic, respect human rights and uphold the rule of law will be crucial to how fast we achieve the 2030 Agenda. Let me underline in particular that women’s and girls’ enjoyment of human rights, including sexual and reproductive rights, is a key condition for development and a prerequisite for democracy. Human rights are — and must be — universal. They are not a privilege for the few. They belong to everyone, everywhere. In recent months, Sweden has witnessed disrespectful burnings of the Qur’an. Those acts of desecration are being carried out by extremists and provocateurs who seek to sow division between Muslims and non-Muslims. We must not let those provocateurs succeed. The Swedish Government is firm in strongly rejecting any act of intolerance. Those offensive acts committed by individuals at demonstrations in Sweden do not reflect the opinion of the Swedish Government or that of the majority of the Swedish people. Over the years, Sweden has received a great number of Muslims and has strived to integrate the newcomers and their children into our society. Sweden remains in close dialogue with the Muslim world and has invited the Secretary-General of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation to visit Sweden. The rights to the freedom of religion, the freedom of assembly, the freedom of expression and the freedom to demonstrate are constitutional rights in Sweden. Those freedoms have served our society and our social cohesion well and made us an open and free society. The Swedish Government has decided to carry out an inquiry to review its public order act, which governs the Swedish Police Authority’s scope to deny a permit application to hold a public gathering. We must stand together to combat all forms of racism, intolerance and hatred. Russia’s illegal war of aggression against Ukraine jeopardizes nuclear safety and security in Ukraine and beyond. Russia’s threats to use nuclear weapons, declared readiness to conduct a nuclear test and announcement about deploying nuclear weapons in Belarus are all deeply irresponsible. The expansion of nuclear arsenals without transparency, the abandonment of arms control agreements and the threats to engage in regional proliferation give cause for serious concern. Multilateralism is our best chance to address those challenges and realize the objectives enshrined in the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. All States must help to drive that progress. Our geographies are linked, and our challenges shared. And as much as our challenges are shared, so too are our opportunities. We must strive to fulfil them together. This is not the first time that the world has faced numerous and difficult challenges. Those challenges will demand a lot from us: extensive collaboration, pragmatism, hard work, compromises and shared determination. History shows us that dark times can be overcome. Next year’s Summit for the Future provides us with the opportunity to confirm our commitment to the United Nations Charter and a rules- based international order as we tackle the challenges ahead. Succeeding generations should, to a greater extent, be able to live in security, enjoy human rights and live in prosperous societies. It is our job and our responsibility to make that happen.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Frederick Audley Mitchell, Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Public Service of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas.

It is an honour and a privilege to return to this rostrum this year. This is my tenth appearance here. I am proud to be back to this most important forum, but doubly so because a son of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) and the wider Caribbean region sits as its President. I therefore wish Ambassador Dennis Francis well, and suffice it to say that the Bahamas stands ready to assist and support him. The Bahamas National Statistics Institute reported this year in the national census that there are now 399,314 people living in the Bahamas — let us call that 400,000. We are a small country of 700 islands, cays and reefs — that is clear. We have 4,000 square miles of land in 100,000 square miles of ocean — that is clear. We are therefore a small island developing State — and that is very clear. Our Prime Minister Philip Edward “Brave” Davis says that the number one foreign policy issue for the Bahamas is climate change. He has expressed the existential fear we face along with other island peoples, in the Atlantic and the Pacific alike, as to whether we will become climate refugees or face a watery grave. Tonight I am wearing a gift from the people of the Marshall Islands to share our solidarity with those in the Pacific. Given that our Prime Minister has expressed those sentiments in many forums around the world throughout his years in office, it was indeed shocking to hear the national position of one of our developed- nation partners on reparations for loss and damage from climate change. He stated that there would be no such reparations under any circumstances. Small island developing States such as the Bahamas have been negotiating for loss and damage for more than 30 years. That therefore raises the question: how much are 399,314 lives worth? The word “reparations” means so much in another context as well. Millions of African peoples were ripped from the continent of Africa, brought to the West and worked for free for 200 years. In the British Empire, they were so-called “freed” in 1834 and worked for another four years under an apprenticeship scheme for free. The British Government paid £20 million — then 40 per cent of the national budget — to the slavers for the loss of their property. That is £17 billion in today’s money, and we are advised that the bonds were just paid off in 2015. Yet not one penny was paid to the slaves or to their descendants. And not even an apology has been offered for the moral tragedy that slavery represents. That means a “no” to reparations on climate damage and a “no” to reparations on slavery — “no” over and over again. However, the generation of our leaders that came before us did not accept no for an answer. That is why we are freer today than we were a generation ago, just as they were freer than the generation before them. When Prime Minister Michael Manley of Jamaica stood before this very rostrum after his historic victory at the polls in 1972 and demanded a new international economic order (see A/PV.2049), his call for economic and social justice did not at first succeed, but it has been taken up by his successors, who continue that call throughout the Caribbean. Mr. Manley was taking up the call by Marcus Garvey of Jamaica before him and Joseph Robert Love of the Bahamas, who belonged to the generation preceding Mr. Manley. Moreover, Marcus Garvey was taking up the calls of W. E. B. DuBois and James Weldon Johnson, who had Bahamian roots, before him. Lynden Pindling, our founding Prime Minister, did not accept “no” when the Nassau Accords were forged to say “let Nelson Mandela go”. Clearly, then, “no” is not an acceptable answer to give an unfree people. We in this generation take up the call — Brave Davis and the Bahamas say that “no” is not an acceptable answer. Therefore, the Bahamas wants the world to know that, whether it be on reparations for slavery or on climate change, “no” is not the correct answer. We must use our collective voices to reject the gospel according to “no”. As long as we have our voices, we will pass our message on to the next generation, and so on, until we succeed and justice is served. We do not accept the gospel according to “no” when it comes to Haiti. As the first Black republic and the first independent Caribbean State, Haiti has paid dearly for daring to declare and assert its independence from colonial rule back in 1804. First, they were forced to pay some $20 billion in today’s money to be let alone by their former colonial masters. Then, in the twentieth century, they were ruled for two decades by an invading military that took all the wealth from their treasury and forced the payment of sums back to Washington, D.C. And today we wonder why the situation is as dire as it is. The Western world owes Haiti and the Haitian people, and we must fight to help them resolve their issues. The security situation in Haiti today is untenable. I thank all the Governments in both the developed world — namely, the United States and Canada — and in CARICOM for their work in trying to resolve the political and security issues there. I urge the people of Haiti, especially the leaders of Haiti today, to do all that they can to continue to work towards a Haitian-led political settlement, and it will require compromise to do so. In response to this humanitarian crisis in our region, the United Nations has received many humanitarian pledges that can barely meet the humanitarian needs of the Haitian people on the ground. We must approve without delay a Security Council-backed draft resolution on a multinational force for Haiti. First, I would like to thank the Government of Kenya for pledging to lead a multinational force to improve the security issues in Haiti. We in the Bahamas plan to join them, as does Jamaica, and other Caribbean countries have pledged humanitarian support. They, along with all other States, have pledged support, but a Security Council resolution is required to take action. As I said, both the Bahamas and Jamaica have pledged troops, and other CARICOM States have pledged humanitarian support. A geopolitical settlement must also be possible in Cuba. What a magnificent country, with a rich heritage and a smart people who have suffered from economic measures that seem imposed upon them, externally grounded in ideology. However, if one can do business with Viet Nam, there is no logic that prevents doing business with Cuba. The irony of the situation is that money in United States dollars is difficult to process across Cuban borders, yet nine or more flights per day leave Miami for Havana and fly back again, and the largest Embassy in Havana is that of the United States. We appreciate all the steps that have been taken by the present United States Administration to revert to the status quo ante to 2016 as a starting point, but the most sensible thing to do is to drop all the restrictions and normalize relations with Cuba post-haste. The continuation of the status quo represents a security problem for the Bahamas. Finally, I wish to repeat a favourite theme of our Prime Minister, and it is this: the pathologies resulting from the asymmmetric relationship between our trading partners in the European Union and the Americas on the question of financial services. The Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) and the European Union have arrogated to themselves to be the moral police of the world on taxation issues. The result is that free trade no longer exists, but a tax process is being imposed by our former colonial masters, making banking so difficult within our domestic spheres, and international trade is made even more difficult. Moreover, they have gone one step farther by now imposing the requirement for what they call an electronic travel authority for one to enter their countries, even when they say there is no visa required for entry. The Prime Minister therefore joins other developing States in supporting a United Nations convention on tax that will govern standards on taxation frameworks, including financial services. The OECD cannot declare legitimacy for developing universal outputs while decision-making and membership remain exclusive. Therefore, in our view, the United Nations is the appropriate and universal body to design and build an equitable and inclusive international tax administration architecture with representation on equal footing. The Bahamas is 50 years old this year. On 10 July 1973, we became independent, and this year, 50 years later, it was a very proud moment for our citizens. At the Sandilands Primary School in my constituency in Nassau, if one says the words of a popular song, even the little children know the song, and I bet members of the delegation know it as well. A man named Elkin Outten sang this song, and it says, “Nassau is the capital”, and the children say, “Bahamas”; “Bimini is the gateway”, and the children say, “Bahamas”; “1492, Columbus landed”, and the children will reply, “Bahamas”. “1973, we were free”,  — “Bahamas”. Happy anniversary, Bahamas  — golden jubilee, Bahamas. We are proud of our country. I leave the song with all present and invite them to come visit us. Eight million people will join us as tourists this year — we are 400,000 strong. Stay and enjoy our beauty; understand our climate vulnerability. In our work, we ask all to join us to help reverse the tidal rising. Now, more than ever, we need the United Nations.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Arnoldo Ricardo André Tinoco, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Worship of the Republic of Costa Rica.

Costa Rica congratulates the President of the General Assembly on his election and reiterates its commitment to work to achieve the goals we have set for this session. We face old and new challenges, in the form of conflict that is spreading like wildfire throughout every corner of the globe. With regard to the war against Ukraine, Costa Rica urgently calls for concrete and immediate steps to be taken to establish a ceasefire and draw up a peace plan under which the Russian Federation is to withdraw its troops and be held accountable under international law for its actions. My country regrets Russia’s suspension of the Black Sea Grain Initiative. It is clear to Costa Ricans that this conflict has implications beyond Ukraine’s borders, including food insecurity for States that rely on Ukrainian wheat and Russian fertilizers. In such an interconnected world, it is imperative to recognize that there are no longer geographical boundaries when it comes to both the consequences of conflict and climate catastrophe. And the poorest and most vulnerable bear the heaviest burden. Nevertheless, there is still time to correct the course of our inaction. I have therefore come to propose that we use this new session to promote actions in four areas. The first is strengthening our collective security architecture. The second is a new global social compact. The third is the reform of the international financial system. And the fourth is to reframe our relationship to the planet. Exceptional circumstances require courage and leadership to prevent our collective security architecture from collapsing before us like a house of cards. Courage is needed to reach compromises to enable us to overcome the status quo and undertake positive reforms. We are faced not only with the paralysis of the Security Council but also with the clear violation of the Charter of the United Nations itself by one of the permanent members and the almost generalized non-compliance with international treaties on disarmament, non-proliferation and arms control by those who are supposed to guarantee our security. In addition, we urgently need new governance frameworks on cybersecurity, cybercrime and artificial intelligence. The militarization of new technologies poses specific problems. Therefore, in accordance with what was agreed in the Belém communiqué and, together with Austria and Mexico, we will submit a draft resolution to the General Assembly that addresses the issue of autonomous weapons systems. For Costa Rica, it is clear that the responsibility for the sustainability of the financing of peace should be mostly borne by those who violate it. And I say that because almost 15 years ago military spending was slightly over $1 trillion. Ten years later, global military spending has more than doubled, exceeding $2 trillion, despite the fact that Article 26 of the Charter of the United Nations prescribes the pursuit of international peace and security with minimum spending on arms. Costa Rica calls for the mandate of Article 26 to be honoured and calls on all Member States to commit to the intentional and sustained reduction of military spending. Our only weapon should be international law. Therefore, Costa Rica welcomes the fact that the General Assembly is assuming the functions granted to it by the Charter with a more active role in international peace and security. My country is also proud to be at the forefront of that trend and is committed to continuing on that path, because we cannot afford to wait for a dysfunctional Security Council to fulfil its obligations. Human security is the foundation of a new global social compact, a compact that refocuses our development efforts and international cooperation on the needs of people. That means a concerted effort must be made to address transnational challenges such as migration, organized crime and policies and patterns that are at the root of inequality and environmental degradation. Solidarity, shared responsibility and respect for human rights must be our compass. In Costa Rica, 11 per cent of our inhabitants are migrants. We are the Latin American country with the greatest proportion of migrants in relation to its total population. And according to data from the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, we are the third country in the world in receiving asylum applications, reaching more than 270,000 as of September of this year. But, as a middle-income country, our resources are limited and our current and emerging needs have been rendered invisible. In that regard, Costa Rica calls on the international community to take immediate action so that it can manage migratory flows in a safe and orderly manner. We require financial support for the effective integration of those people into our social fabric. Multilateral organizations and international financial institutions must recognize that middle- and upper-income countries cannot be excluded from international cooperation and a fair distribution of resources based on the countries’ needs. My third call to action must be the reform of the international financial system. The redesign of the international financial system must be aimed at peace, human security and sustainable development, beyond geopolitical reorganization. And that change must occur in each and every international financial institution, including regional and global development banks, which must be aligned with that common goal. This is nothing less than a systemic reform. There can be no reform without a radical rethinking of the criteria for access to official development assistance, under which sustainability and peace would be given priority, alongside new mechanisms aimed at closing gaps and asymmetries. We need countercyclical solutions to the systemic failure that forces us to choose between our human security and the payment of our debts. We need more investment, more cooperation and more financing now, when we can still make transformative decisions and generate safety nets for those most affected. Fourthly, we are running out of time to save our home. We need to rethink our relationship with the planet. Costa Rica is an example showing that it is possible to promote development while protecting the environment. Its commitment to urgently addressing the interconnected environmental crises is beyond doubt. That requires action, ambition and resolve to reach our 30x30 conservation goal of no more than 1.5°C of global warming. We continue to lead the way in reversing deforestation through our protected areas programme and payments for environmental services programme, in which through new modalities, resources are made available and agreements are put in place under the reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation programme to recognize all of our 22 indigenous territories for their guardianship of our forests. However, because of our geographic location in one of the regions most vulnerable to the impacts of extreme weather, we have focused on prevention and preparedness to ensure that natural disasters have the lowest human cost. But their economic impact, in particular on infrastructure, continues to be devastating and disproportionately affects the poorest and most vulnerable, including rural and coastal communities. That is why, for Costa Rica, resilience has always been a smart investment when it is based on prevention, preparedness and a rapid and inclusive response. That must be our compass in renewing our relationship with the planet. As a major ocean State, we also call for a wake-up on the health of the ocean and better governance. The ocean is being affected by global warming, sea level rise, an alarming increase in marine pollution, the overexploitation of fish stocks, decreasing biodiversity and the loss of coral. It is therefore a genuine honour to be the next co-hosts, along with France, of the United Nations Conference to Support the Implementation of Sustainable Development Goal 14: Conserve and sustainably use the oceans, seas and marine resources for sustainable development, to be held in June 2025 in Nice. Costa Rica, for its part, will host a high-level event, on 7 and 8 June 2024, to increase our level of ambition and, above all, implementation and action for the ocean. It will be a space for integration, in which countries and other stakeholders can share good practices and successful examples of conservation and sustainable use. We are proud to be the second country to sign the agreement on the conservation and sustainable use of marine biological diversity of areas beyond national jurisdiction. We will continue to vehemently lead the application of a precautionary extension to the commencement of deep seabed mineral exploitation in international areas, pursuant to article 145 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Costa Rica is an example that dialogue can be more powerful than guns, that the criteria of inclusion and fair competition are stronger than the obsessive race driven by spurious and selfish criteria. Our people have no fear from dissociating themselves from the principle that might makes right. It is we who depend on the international system that understand the urgency of having a global system in place that meets the needs of the most vulnerable. The proposals that Costa Rica has made seek to accelerate the decision-making process so that we can get out of the stupor that our Organization has fallen into. We find ourselves at a turning point. If ever there was a time for a call to action, it is now.

We have heard the last speaker in the general debate for the meeting. We will continue the general debate tomorrow at 9 a.m. in the Hall. The exercise of the right of reply has been requested. May I remind members that statements made in the exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and five minutes for the second intervention, and should be made by delegations from their seats.

I take the floor to exercise my delegation’s right of reply to the statement delivered earlier in the general debate by the representative of Pakistan. Pakistan has become a habitual offender when it comes to misusing this forum to pedal baseless and malicious propaganda against India. The Member States of the United Nations and other multilateral organizations are well aware that Pakistan does so to deflect the international community’s attention away from its own abysmal human rights record. We reiterate that the union territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh are an integral part of India. Matters pertaining to the union territories of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh are purely internal to India. Pakistan has no locus standi to comment on our domestic matters. As a country with one of the world’s worst human rights records, particularly when it comes to minority and women’s rights, Pakistan would do well to put its own house in order before venturing to point a finger at the world’s largest democracy. A glaring example of the systemic violence against minorities in Pakistan was the large-scale brutality perpetrated in August against the minority Christian community in Jaranwala, in Pakistan’s Faisalabad District, where a total of 19 churches were gutted and 89 Christian houses were burned down. Similar treatment has been meted out to the Ahmadiyyas, whose places of worship have been demolished. The condition of women belonging to minority communities in Pakistan, notably Hindus, Sikhs and Christians, remains deplorable. According to a recent report published by Pakistan’s own Human Rights Commission, an estimated 1,000 women from minority communities are subjected to abduction and forced conversion and marriage in Pakistan every year. Pakistan has been the home and patron to the largest number of internationally proscribed terrorist entities and individuals in the world. Instead of engaging in technical sophistry, we call upon Pakistan to take credible and verifiable action against the perpetrators of the Mumbai terror attacks, whose victims await justice even after 15 years. In order for there to be peace in South Asia, the actions that Pakistan needs to take are threefold — first, stop cross-border terrorism and shut down its infrastructure of terrorism immediately; secondly, vacate Indian territories under its illegal and forcible occupation; and thirdly, stop the grave and persistent human rights violations against the minorities in Pakistan.

In the previous statement delivered by the representative of the Solomon Islands, there were some references not based on fact about the discharge of the water treated through an advanced liquid processing system (ALPS) into the sea. The Government of Japan has always been transparent in providing detailed explanations on this matter to the international community, including members of the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF), based on scientific evidence. The Government of Japan has continued such efforts while undergoing review by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), which is authorized to establish or adapt and apply international safety standards in the field of nuclear energy under the IAEA Statute, and was recognized as the authority on nuclear safety by the PIF Foreign Ministers’ statement, on 15 September. The IAEA positively noted that Japan has provided information and has engaged in consultations with the interested parties, in Japan and abroad, and has conducted significant outreach activities to ensure transparency. The Government of Japan would never allow the discharge of water into the sea that would endanger human health and the marine environment. The Government of Japan has been taking measures in strict compliance with relevant international law, while giving due consideration to international practices, and will continue doing so. The Government of Japan will never discharge “nuclear wastewater” that exceeds regulatory standards into the sea, as the representative of the Solomon Islands claimed. The water being discharged is water further diluted from ALPS-treated water, which has been sufficiently purified until the concentration of radioactive materials other than tritium is far below the regulatory standard. As for tritium, which is found in water discharged from nuclear facilities around the world in normal operation, the concentration level, after dilution, will be one seventh of the drinking water standards of the World Health Organization. To avoid public confusion, it is important to have a correct understanding of the terminology. Since February 2022, IAEA officials and international experts selected by the IAEA visited Japan and have conducted a series of safety and regulatory reviews on the ALPS-treated water based on the Terms of Reference between Japan and the IAEA. On 4 July, the IAEA published its comprehensive report summarizing the outcome of the review missions from an objective and professional standpoint, based on scientific evidence. In the report, the IAEA concluded that, first, the approach to the discharge of the ALPS- treated water into the sea and associated activities are consistent with relevant international safety standards, and secondly, the radiological impact on humans and the environment will be negligible. The report also states that additional review and monitoring by the IAEA will continue after the start of discharge. The discharge of ALPS-treated water started on 24 August. The Government of Japan and the Tokyo Electric Power Company, with the involvement of the IAEA, are conducting monitoring, but have found no anomalies. If an event were to occur, such as the detection, through monitoring, of radioactivity levels exceeding standards, appropriate measures would be taken, including not discharging, or suspending, the discharge. The IAEA has confirmed and publicly stated that the level of tritium in the discharged water is below the standard. The Government of Japan will continue to provide necessary information, including the results of monitoring, to the international community, which obviously includes Pacific Islands Forum members, in a timely and transparent manner and will continue efforts to gain further understanding from the international community regarding the handling of water treated by the Advanced Liquid Processing System.

My delegation is obliged to exercise its right of reply in response to the statement just made by the representative India. What we have heard from India is pure political fiction. Let me list the lies. First, Jammu and Kashmir is not part of India. It never was and never will be. Just ask the people of Jammu and Kashmir. The Security Council has done just that. It has decided that the final disposition of Jammu and Kashmir will be decided by its people through a United Nations-sponsored plebiscite. India has accepted the relevant Security Council resolutions. It is obligated to implement them under Article 25 of the Charter of the United Nations. It has failed to do so through fraud and force. Instead, India has sought to suppress the Kashmiris’ demand for their right to self-determination and freedom by imposing its cruel occupation. Since 1989, more than 100,000 Kashmiris have been martyred. On 5 August 2019, India gave up all pretence and announced the annexation of Jammu and Kashmir. It enlarged its occupation army to nine lakhs and imposed a complete lockdown, turning the beautiful valley of Kashmir into the largest open-air prison in the world. The entire Kashmiri population is the victim of India’s brutal tactics. Innocent Kashmiris are routinely killed in faked encounters and cordon-and-search operations. Collective punishments are imposed, with the destruction of entire villages and neighbourhoods. The entire Kashmiri political leadership remains incarcerated; 15,000 Kashmiri boys have been abducted, many of them disappeared and tortured. An information blackout has been imposed by closing media houses and charging independent journalists with terrorism. Indeed, a classic colonial settler project is under way. Yet the oppressed Kashmiris have not capitulated. They have not given up their demand for freedom from Indian occupation. At all political celebrations, they fly the flag of Pakistan, not India. They cheer on the Pakistani cricket team and they shout Pakistan Zindabad, “Long live Pakistan”. India may forcibly occupy the land of Kashmir, but it has lost its people forever. The second lie is to describe the Kashmiri freedom struggle as terrorism, which is a familiar colonial ploy. Under international law, Kashmiris’ resistance to foreign occupation is just and legal. It is India’s occupation that is illegal. It is India that must be held accountable for its war crimes and human rights violations in the occupied territory. The two reports of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees document those crimes and violations. More than a dozen Special Rapporteurs of the Human Rights Council have called for an investigation into human rights violations in Jammu and Kashmir. India has consistently denied them access to the occupied territory. The third Indian lie is to portray India as the victim of terrorism. On the contrary, India is a serial sponsor of terrorism. It has perpetrated terrorism against every one of its immediate neighbours. Now India’s terrorist franchise has gone global. Pakistan has solid evidence of India’s sponsorship of Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan, which has carried out repeated terrorist attacks against Pakistani civilian and military targets. The Balochistan Liberation Army insurgency is also financed and operated by India. The captured Indian spy and naval commander, Kulbhushan Jadhav, comprehensively listed India’s terrorist activities in his confession. India must be held accountable for its terrorist activities. If a Government is capable of brutally persecuting its own people, one can imagine what it is capable of doing to the people of other nations. The Bharatiya Janata Party-Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh Government, which has ruled India since 2014, is guilty of imposing a reign of terror, not only against the people of Jammu and Kashmir, but also against its own 200 million Muslims, 2 million Christians and millions of Dalits and other low-caste Hindus. India’s crimes are well documented. They include pogroms in Gujarat, Mumbai and Delhi, the frequent lynching of Muslims by cow vigilantes, the bulldozing of Muslim houses and shops, hate speech, including calls by political leaders and Hindutva priests for the genocide of Muslims. In an orgy of Islamophobia, Muslims have been forcibly converted or disenfranchised. Bans have been imposed on the hijab, “love jihad” laws have been adopted and hundreds of mosques, including the Babri Mosque, have been destroyed in the campaign to obliterate Muslims and their cultural heritage — the very legacy of India. In the first eight months of 2023 alone, 525 attacks took place against Christians, including the recent inhuman massacre of Christians by members of Hindu tribes in north-east India. Since 2018, 100,000 criminal cases were registered against Dalits. Thousands of Sikhs were killed at the Golden Temple in organized riots in 1984, and have been killed since then. India will not halt its violations of international human rights law and international law until its sense of impunity is eliminated. The world must stop giving India a free pass for strategic reasons.

I take the floor to exercise the right of reply in response to the statement by the Prime Minister of the Israeli regime during this morning’s general debate. Before addressing those funny remarks, my delegation would like to express its great appreciation to the protocol and security officers of General Assembly Hall, who in line with their duties immediately responded to arrest and expel the so-called Ambassador of the Israeli regime, who was indeed hell-bent on disrupting the high-level general debate Tuesday afternoon. The dedication of the officers is a model for the United Nations and for all of us to never compromise on enforcing the law on criminals, as the international community, and primarily the Security Council, has the responsibility of addressing the dark record of brutalities and wrongdoings by the Israeli regime. What we heard today from the Israeli Prime Minister is nothing but floundering by a totally isolated regime. The baseless allegations made by Israeli officials no longer fool anyone. Iranophobic campaigns and the widespread systematic dissemination of disinformation and unfounded allegations against Iran have always been one of the main elements of the statements, or, better to say, comedy shows made by Israeli authorities in this Hall. The Islamic Republic of Iran categorically rejects and strongly condemns unfounded and unsubstantiated claims levelled against it, including those regarding its involvement in, or attribution of, unmanned aerial vehicles used in the Ukraine war. Such baseless allegations, which are solely based on false flags and fabricated assumptions, are nothing more than a propaganda campaign launched by certain States to further their political agendas. Indeed, the Israeli regime desperately attempts to distract attention away from its dark and abysmal record in harbouring, financing, inciting and arming the most dangerous terrorist networks, disseminating hate speech and extremist ideology, pursuing destabilizing policies and practices and continuing to commit crimes for more than seven decades against the Palestinians, all of which are perpetrated in flagrant violation of the basic principles of morality, humanity and the rules of international law. In possessing all types of weapons of mass destruction, the Israeli regime continues to jeopardize peace and security in the region and beyond, while brazenly defying constant international calls to join legally binding international instruments banning weapons of mass destruction. As such, the regime continues to seriously hamper the establishment of a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East, proposed by Iran in 1974. Nevertheless, the regime attempts to portray Iran’s conventional weapon capabilities and its exclusively peaceful nuclear programme — one that is under the most robust verification by the International Atomic Energy Agency — as a challenge to regional stability. That is but a hypocritical move to distract from the real danger the regime poses to regional peace and security, particularly through its nuclear-weapon arsenals, as well as its clandestine and unsafeguarded nuclear installations and activities. The Israeli regime has taken advantage of every opportunity to threaten the use of force against other United Nations Member States. The representative of that regime has now abused this high-level meeting in flagrant violation of Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations, threatening the use of force against my country by its military capabilities, including its nuclear weapons. It should be noted that the Islamic Republic of Iran reserves its inherent right to self- defence under international law and the United Nations Charter to decisively respond to any threat or wrongful action perpetrated by the Israeli regime. It cannot be ignored that the Israeli occupation and its racism lie at the heart of all conflicts in the Middle East. The repulsive Israeli occupation has caused many crises and much instability throughout the region. As such, it is ironic that the Prime Minister of the Israeli regime spoke about developing a regional peace initiative while his bloodthirsty regime planned to annex even more of the already occupied Palestinian territories. It goes without saying that the Israeli regime— the last of the apartheid regimes and the only one openly practicing and legalizing racism  — seeks to ride the wave towards international legitimacy. It is a dreadfully regressive regime pretending to be progressive. Suffering from a lack of international legitimacy, the Israeli regime’s representative addresses every irrelevant issue to distract attention from the political motives behind its racist policies. Condemning in the strongest possible terms all crimes committed by the Israeli regime against Palestinians, the Islamic Republic of Iran reiterates its support for the just cause of the Palestinian people and the full realization of all their inalienable rights, particularly their inherent right to self-determination, and to establish an independent Palestinian State throughout Palestine, with Al-Quds Al-Sharif as its capital. The United Nations must put an immediate end to such an unjustifiable and unacceptable trend and compel the Israeli regime to immediately and completely cease all its crimes against Palestinians and its occupation of all Palestinian territories and of the occupied Syrian Golan and parts of Lebanon. The United Nations must hold that regime accountable for committing the gravest international crimes over the past seven decades.