A/79/PV.11 General Assembly

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Malawi and Commander-in-Chief of the Malawi Defence Force.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Lazarus McCarthy Chakwera, President of the Republic of Malawi and Commander-in-Chief of the Malawi Defence Force, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Chakwera: Every State Member of the United Nations relates to other nations in the world on three dimensions — cooperation, competition and conflict — and how we manage our relationships on those dimensions will ultimately determine the kind of world we will create for the children of tomorrow. So when we sit in the Hall to deliberate on cooperation, competition or conflict among Member States, we are actually designing and deciding our future. I am therefore glad that the theme of our debate this year touches on all three of those dimensions, because the bottom line is that in all three we can and must do better. This year’s theme calls on us to act together to advance peace, sustainable development and dignity. That is a call to stronger multilateral cooperation, but if we are serious about cooperation then we must act with a sense of urgency in fixing and reforming the United Nations and other multilateral institutions. One fix that we from Africa demand is for the United Nations to embrace democracy in the Security Council by giving Africa two permanent seats with veto power. When I first made that call in my inaugural address in the Hall (see A/77/PV.9), I was delighted to hear President Biden also announce that the United States was in favour of that reform. Similarly, when I met with President Xi Jinping of China three weeks ago, I was delighted to hear that he, too, was in favour of stronger representation of the interests of developing countries in the Security Council. So the time to fix that is now. We need that fix to strengthen our voice on the issues that matter to us in Africa. In the four years that I have been President, I have declared a state of natural disaster every year because of climate change impacts that we cannot solve without multilateral cooperation. For one of those years, I was Chair of two development communities — the Southern Africa Development Community and the group of least developed countries — and I learned first-hand that no nation can survive a global crisis or develop in the face of shocks without strong multilateral cooperation to sustain it. Even this year, I see how challenging it has been for my country and for Malawians. Coming off the back of the state of natural disaster that I declared last year to secure international cooperation in response to the devastation caused by Cyclone Freddy, I have had to declare another state of natural disaster this year to secure international cooperation in response to the El Niño weather conditions that have destroyed crops in three-quarters of the country’s districts, leaving a fifth of the Malawian population without enough food to last the year. That is happening in the face of the devastating trauma we have suffered as a nation for the past three months from the tragic death of our Vice President, Mr. Saulos Claus Chilima, in a plane crash whose cause is yet to be established by the German experts we have asked to investigate the accident — yet another example of the necessity of international cooperation. Even the great strides of development we have made over the past four years have been facilitated by strong international cooperation. Whether it be the four road corridors and hundreds of secondary schools we are constructing through our cooperation with the United States; or the M1 road we are rehabilitating and expanding through our cooperation with the European Union; or the railway system we have revived for the first time in 40 years through our cooperation with China; or the orthopaedic and neurosurgery hospital we have developed through our cooperation with Norway; or the Makanjira Road we are ready to develop through our cooperation with Saudi Arabia; or the investments we are making to strengthen education and governance institutions through our cooperation with the United Kingdom; or the solar power plants we have developed through our cooperation with Japan; or the Extended Credit Facility from the International Monetary Fund that has unlocked our access to the World Bank’s budgetary and International Development Association support through our cooperation with development partners; or the life- saving food assistance we mobilized for the people of Mangochi, following the impact of Tropical Storm Ana, through our cooperation with Iceland; or our implementation of social protection programmes to help rural women enjoy economic empowerment through our cooperation with Ireland; or the procurement of emergency food, fertilizers and climate-resilient seeds for climate-ravaged Malawian communities through our cooperation with Tanzania, Ukraine, Egypt, Iceland, Russia, Morocco and many others, Malawi is a testament to the power of cooperation to move a nation’s development forward into an inclusively wealthy and sustainable future that is brighter than the past. It is in fact that foundation of international cooperation that we have built on to actively engage in intergovernmental negotiations on the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) that we are fully endorsing at the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly. It is also that foundation of international cooperation that we have built on to host 80 international organizations and institutions for our second annual Malawi Partners Conference, right here in New York, to get investor alignment for our “ATM” strategy of boosting productivity and value addition in the sectors of agriculture, tourism and mining that hold the greatest promise for Malawi’s economic transformation. If the future belongs to nations that know how to leverage the power of international cooperation, then the future belongs to Malawi. If the future belongs to nations with an unapologetic commitment to multilateral collaboration, then the future belongs to Malawi. If the future belongs to nations that are driven by the moral conviction to uphold the values of servant-leadership, shared prosperity, ending corruption and the rule of law, then the future belongs to Malawi. If the future belongs to nations that have adopted a no-retreat and no-surrender attitude towards the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030, then the future belongs to Malawi. If the future belongs to nations that put their children first, the way that Malawi has done by resolving to end child marriage and the poisoning of children with lead products by 2030, that future belongs to Malawi. But our efforts to move forward in fifth gear are being significantly slowed by a global system of multilateral agencies and financial institutions that are too slow, too inefficient, too monolithic and too undemocratic for the kind of speedy and tailor- made interventions we need. As a result of the refusal to practice the democracy of equal representation here in the United Nations, our calls for Member States to practice democracy in their own jurisdictions are beginning to fall on deaf ears. As a result of the refusal to honour climate financing pledges or link them to debt relief, the debt-to-gross domestic product ratios in developing countries like Malawi are growing at an alarming rate, posing a significant threat to global financial stability. If that is not fixed, those who keep us in a state of perpetual debt when they have the resources to cancel those debts should make no mistake — the spreading debt crisis in the developing world is a cancer that will make their own economies unsafe. So the time to fix that is now. I said that the second dimension of international relations is competition, and again in that area we all can and must do better. There is nothing wrong with healthy competition among nations because competition fuels innovation, improves quality and multiplies options for citizens, which is the essence of freedom. But as we have done in global sports, we must make competition among nations fair by regularly reviewing and revising the rules on which our international system is based so as to ensure that the way nations compete and what they compete for is not rigged to disenfranchise some countries as we compete for natural resources, international markets, financial support and new technologies, which are currently skewed against the global South. Even with the era of artificial intelligence being fully upon us, I worry that the rules for regulating that arena are already being written to empower some nations and give them unfair advantages over others. We need more than a rules-based system; we also need the rules themselves to foster fair competition. Of course, what that means is that we need stronger governance institutions that can enforce fair rules for accessing education, markets, technology, financing and natural resources. It is therefore my central contention that the one place where we must have strong governance is here. If governance is weak here, there will be no one to regulate the collaboration and competition among nations in an equitable manner, and it is that absence of equity that is at the root of unwinnable conflict in Eastern Europe, in Palestine, in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo and counting. So we need governance reform to make the United Nations stronger, because the world needs a strong United Nations that can be good and peaceful, not a weak United Nations that can only be harmless — and we need it now.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Malawi and Commander-in-Chief of the Malawi Defence Force for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Kenya and Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. William Samoei Ruto, President of the Republic of Kenya and Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Ruto: I congratulate Ambassador Philemon Yang on his well- deserved election as President of the General Assembly at this session. I welcome the choice of his theme, “Unity in diversity, for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for everyone everywhere”, which resonates with the core principles of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and aligns closely with the core values and mission of the United Nations. The world is at a challenging moment and in a most precarious international security dispensation. The promise of the Charter of the United Nations to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war has been profoundly shaken. From land to sea and from the air to outer space, global peace, security and stability are increasingly under threat. Conflicts and tensions pervade every frontier, undermining the collective security that international cooperation seeks to uphold. Cases of polarizing narratives, factionalism, social upheavals, organized crime, war and the stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction are at an all-time high. Great Power rivalry is intensifying and provoking regional competition and generating geopolitical and geoeconomic realignments and tensions. The subtle nuances of them versus us have produced negative coalitions, wars and tensions eroded trust and confidence in the global multilateral system. From Gaza to Darfur, Ukraine, Yemen, eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Sudan, the Sahel and the criminality in Haiti, conflict is inflicting a trail of destruction of life and livelihoods in historic proportions. Those conflicts have become battlegrounds for armed factions, external interventions and proxy wars, resulting in unprecedented anarchic situations and long-lasting negative repercussions on global stability and economic development. The world cannot realize durable peace, security and shared prosperity when emphasis is being put on what divides rather than on what brings us together. We must therefore promote approaches that support positive competition for all. The perilous security landscape is further complicated by emerging threats arising from human advancements. Cybersecurity threats and sophisticated cyberattacks on critical infrastructure pose significant threats to national security and global stability. Furthermore, the proliferation of advanced technologies, such as artificial intelligence in the military domain and autonomous weapons systems, has introduced new challenges for arms control and international regulations. Regrettably, the world’s most powerful States have increasingly chosen unilateralism and militarization over dialogue and diplomacy. As a consequence, the capacity of our multilateral institutions to maintain and enforce peace, even in national crises with significant regional impacts, is severely undermined. Even worse, a resurgence of the nuclear arms race, buoyed by intensifying geopolitical rivalries and tensions, has made the possibility of catastrophic nuclear warfare a real possibility. Our vision of a world free from nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction is dying incrementally. We must not sit back and leave the future of upcoming generations to fate. We must intentionally rise to the occasion to meet the challenges of our time by reaffirming the core values of the United Nations Charter. We need to muster political will and collectively reinforce our diplomatic efforts to confront the security threats through comprehensive, multipronged and context-specific approaches. Kenya’s commitment to international peace and security is unwavering. We continue investing in efforts that promote stability and harmony both within our region and beyond. We are committed to continuing to mediate, facilitate and support peace initiatives and processes in our region, contributing to regional peace operations and United Nations peacekeeping missions. Through our participation in the African Union Transition Mission in Somalia, we have stood side-by-side with our sisterly neighbour, Somalia, in its fight against Al-Shabaab. We are proud that Somalia will soon take up a seat as a non-permanent member of the Security Council, underscoring the tremendous progress achieved in consolidating peace and stability in that country. The United Nations must, however, continue to support Somalia in forging an agreement on the post-2024 security support. Kenya welcomes the adoption of Security Council resolution 2719 (2023), establishing a framework for financing African Union (AU) peace support operations through United Nations assessed contributions, thereby enhancing our collective peacekeeping efforts. Well-funded AU peace operations are not only an African priority but a global good, considering the complexity and interconnected nature of emerging threats to international peace and security. Earlier this year, at the request of the leadership of South Sudan, I launched the all-inclusive Tumaini Initiative, bringing together the warring parties and the political leadership of South Sudan to address the root causes of the protracted conflict. I commend the leadership of South Sudan and all the participating parties for their commitment to the peace process. I also thank all regional and international partners for their unwavering support, both political and financial, to the South Sudan Tumaini Initiative. At the previous session of the General Assembly (see A/78/PV.8), I announced Kenya’s readiness to lead a multinational security support mission to Haiti, at the Haitian Government’s request. Following the Security Council’s authorization under resolution 2699 (2023), Kenya has deployed 382 specially trained police officers. Just a few days ago, I had the opportunity to visit Haiti, witness the work of our officers in the field and observe their remarkable progress on the ground. Our support for the Haitian National Police has significantly advanced the pacification of cities and towns, protected critical infrastructure and relieved many communities previously held captive by criminal gangs. I also commend Haiti’s political leadership for forging an agreement and a promising road map towards free, fair and democratic elections. We are deeply grateful for the financial and logistical support of the United States, Canada and other Member States that are shouldering the burden. That has been critical to the deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission (MSS) thus far. However, Kenya and other Caribbean and African countries are ready to deploy but are hindered by insufficient equipment, logistics and funding. I appeal to all Member States to stand in solidarity with the people of Haiti by providing necessary support, either directly to MSS-contributing countries or through the United Nations Trust Fund for Haiti. I must emphasize however, that Kenya will deploy the additional contingent towards attaining the target of deploying all 2,500 police officers by January next year. The progress made so far in Haiti demonstrates that what was once deemed mission impossible is indeed a present and undeniable possibility. We must candidly acknowledge that international cooperation in its current form has clear limitations. It is constrained by entrenched systems and structures that prevent effective action and meaningful progress. Since the previous session of the General Assembly, the global situation has deteriorated across multiple fronts. Conflicts have deepened, economic disparities have widened, and the climate crisis has intensified. To address those challenges, we must rethink and reform global collaboration mechanisms, making them more responsive, adaptable and impactful. The existing international security architecture, represented by the Security Council, continues to hamper efforts to maintain international peace and security. The Council is, for all intents and purposes, dysfunctional, undemocratic, non-inclusive, unaccountable, autocratic and, at best, opaque. In the twenty-first century, an institution that excludes 54 African countries and their 1.4 billion people, while allowing one nation to veto the decisions of the remaining 193 Member States, is simply unacceptable. We must urgently seek to make the Security Council representative, inclusive, transparent, democratic, effective and accountable. In Africa, we are not advocating for reform and collective action solely at the United Nations. In fact, we are also in the process of comprehensively reforming the AU to become a fit-for-purpose institution that can effectively represent African nations globally and deliver prosperity. Peace and development are inseparable pillars; one cannot flourish without the other. Yet, the Sustainable Development Goals Report 2024 paints a bleak picture. Only 17 per cent of targets are on track; nearly half show minimal or moderate progress and over one-third have stalled or regressed. The coronavirus disease pandemic, escalating conflicts, geopolitical tensions and climate change have severely impacted progress towards the SDGs and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change goals. Inadequate and unsustainable means of implementation, particularly in financing, technical support and capacity-building, continue to obstruct our efforts to realize the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The biased methodologies employed by credit rating agencies further disadvantage African countries, making it more difficult to access affordable financing from international capital markets. Additionally, unilateral economic, financial and trade measures not only impede the full achievement of economic and social development, but also undermine the principles of international cooperation, mutual respect and sovereignty. Let us pause and reflect on the true significance of that predicament. Many countries of the global South are forced to choose between buying medicine and hospital equipment or paying off their debt obligations, and between buying textbooks or paying off their debt obligations. They are forced to choose between hiring teachers and making sure schools are equipped or paying off their debt. I could go on and on. This is not an abstract illustration detached from daily reality, but the normal experience of billions of ordinary people. One must wonder what goes on in the minds of those who prioritize economic returns over people. What happened to humanity? Addressing those deep-rooted challenges requires transformative changes to build a more equitable and resilient global framework. We have outlined many of those solutions in the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), demonstrating our clear understanding of what needs to be done. However, we have yet to muster the political will necessary to turn those commitments into action. It is a fundamental principle of development that no nation can achieve lasting prosperity if its neighbours remain impoverished. Our economies are interconnected and the well-being of one directly impacts the others. We must ensure that developing countries have the necessary foundations to claim their rightful place in the twenty- first century global economy. That is not just a moral and fairness imperative; it is a strategic necessity to address systemic challenges such as migration, labour market disparities, climate change and global security. Strengthening those foundations requires reforming the international financial architecture. Facilitating debt relief, concessional, long-term, at-scale financing, grants and de-risking lending instruments is essential to increasing investment to develop vital infrastructure and expand critical sectors. Let us consider Africa’s immense untapped potential in clean energy resources. Harnessing that potential is critical not only to the continent’s economic growth and social resilience, but also to global priorities like accelerating the energy transition, combating climate change and diversifying supply chains. Energy-hungry industries, such as data centres, mineral processing and manufacturing, are seeking clean and affordable sources, which Africa can provide in abundance. Yet, out of the 500 gigawatts of renewable energy added to the global mix in 2023, Africa accounted for less than 3 gigawatts. How is that possible, given the continent’s vast natural resources, skilled workforce and massive energy needs? We cannot allow Africa to be left behind this time around. Affordable financing is essential, but so are transformative policies that include fair trade practices, market access, inclusive international tax cooperation, technology transfer and capacity building. That is why, at the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP28), we launched the Africa Green Industrialization Initiative, aimed at unlocking investments for the continent’s immense opportunities. That pan-African initiative promotes large-scale, high-impact and bankable green industrial and infrastructure projects. Next month in Nairobi, we will host an investment forum for the Accelerated Partnership for Renewables in Africa to attract investments for the untapped potential in solar, wind, geothermal and hydropower. Globally, we also need to improve the tools we already have. The Sustainable Development Goal Stimulus Fund, initiated by the Secretary- General in 2023, requires our joint support to succeed, including from multilateral development banks. Similarly, replenishing the International Development Association (IDA) is essential to providing concessional loans to the world’s poorest countries. Earlier this year, I hosted the IDA21 replenishment summit in Nairobi, where African leadership reaffirmed the critical importance of IDA to developing countries and called for an ambitious replenishment of $120 billion. Our collective efforts must include trust and accountability to ensure that we fulfil our promises and commitments. Additionally, we launched the Africa Club, an alliance of African multilateral financial institutions to strengthen and support Africa’s position in the global financial architecture. That body will serve as a powerful negotiator on behalf of the continent, coordinate with global financial institutions and leverage African countries’ balance sheets to increase investment and create jobs. We believe that African institutions, such as the African Export-Import Bank, the Trade and Development Bank and the Africa Finance Corporation, among others, understand the continent even better. As part of the reform of the international financial architecture, we must not only reform the multilateral institutions but also support and stop bias against those African institutions. Climate change remains one of the greatest challenges of our time. Biodiversity loss and pollution have created environmental crises that upend lives, reverse progress in poverty reduction and strain ecosystems to their breaking point. Extreme weather conditions continue to hinder the development aspirations of many countries, especially in Africa, where severe climate-related hazards are becoming more frequent and intense. In 2022, over 110 million people in Africa were directly affected by climate-related disasters, resulting in more than $8.5 billion in economic damages. According to the Emergency Event Database, there were approximately 5,000 fatalities, though the true toll is likely higher due to under-reporting. We are at a crossroads, and the path to correcting the climate course is clear. COP29, to be held in November in Baku, presents a critical milestone in ensuring that the solutions we implement are rooted in fairness and opportunity for everybody. However, the new climate finance goal expected at COP29 faces significant hurdles, as deep disagreements persist over who should contribute and how much funding is needed. Without swift resolution, those divisions risk derailing our collective progress on climate action, just as the global situation becomes increasingly urgent. Let me be clear — political posturing and inaction will neither protect the vulnerable from the consequences of a runaway climate crisis nor save our civilization from ecosystem collapse. It is therefore critical that all nations step forward to meet this moment with ambition and responsibility. As we confront the escalating impacts of climate change, we must also recognize the interconnected environmental challenges we face, such as plastic pollution, which continues to wreak havoc on ecosystems and threatens global sustainability. It is imperative that we adopt a robust global plastics treaty during the fifth round of negotiations in Busan, in the Republic of Korea, in November. Kenya fully supports an ambitious outcome and the African proposal to establish the treaty secretariat in Nairobi, thereby reinforcing the role of the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP). It is indeed unfortunate and regrettable that UNEP is the only body where secretariats of conventions created under it are increasingly being carved away and located elsewhere. UNEP, as one of only two United Nations headquarters in the global South, must not be cannibalized for whatever purpose, reason or excuse. As the host country for UNEP and the United Nations Human Settlements Programme, I take this opportunity to thank the Assembly for approving the upgrade of infrastructure at the United Nations Office in Nairobi (UNON), the largest United Nations campus in the world. That project includes the construction of new office spaces and the design of ultra-modern conference facilities. Those developments mark a significant milestone towards enhancing the quality and accessibility of the Secretariat’s services to Member States. Not only will they serve current needs, but they will also strengthen the future success of multilateralism. We look forward to the Assembly’s continued support as construction begins in 2025. It will be critical to ensure that UNON receives sustainable and predictable resources in order to guarantee the timely completion of the upgrade. Kenya will continue to play its part in ensuring that UNON fulfils its mandate. Accordingly, the Government of Kenya has undertaken extensive improvements and the expansion of physical infrastructure around the complex and will continue working towards making Nairobi a regional and humanitarian hub for the United Nations. As we reflect on the theme of the President of the General Assembly, the call for unity in diversity in the pursuit of peace, development and human dignity, it is evident that we must re-imagine international cooperation to align with the complex realities of the twenty-first century. Our actions must reflect our ambition and commitment to a world where progress is measured not just by economic growth but by the well-being, rights and dignity of every person. The challenges we face, from climate crises to economic inequality, demand a bold rethinking of how we work together, grounded in mutual respect and shared responsibility. The achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals cannot be reserved for a privileged few; it must be a shared success that uplifts all nations, transcending borders and disparities. Our collective efforts to combat climate change must be rooted in fairness and equity, ensuring that no nation or community bears a disproportionate burden. This is our shared journey, and we must have a say in the choices we make. We must move beyond outdated paradigms of power and influence to create a system of international cooperation that reflects the aspirations and dignity of every human being. We must embrace a new vision of global solidarity, one that upholds the principles of equity and inclusivity. It is within our power to build a world that embodies the true spirit of the United Nations — a world where every voice is heard, every life is valued, and global progress is shared by all. That is the cooperation our peoples expect and our future demands, and it is the commitment we must deliver.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Kenya and Commander-in-Chief of the Defence Forces for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Presidential Leadership Council of the Republic of Yemen.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Rashad Mohammed Al-Alimi, President of the Presidential Leadership Council of the Republic of Yemen, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Al-Alimi (spoke in Arabic): It is a good omen that I am addressing the General Assembly today as we celebrate a glorious national occasion for the Yemeni people. Sixty-two years ago, on 26 September 1962, our people made history by overthrowing the racist Imamate regime and declaring the Republic. This is an occasion for me to reiterate my congratulations to the Yemeni people everywhere and to express my pride and appreciation for the courage of those young men and women and opinion leaders who every year on this glorious day challenge the Houthi oppression machine supported by the Iranian regime. The Yemeni Government remains committed to comprehensive and just peace in line with national, regional and international references, but it is necessary in the meantime to strengthen its position to confront any other options in light of the continued escalation by the Houthi militias at the local and regional levels and their threat to international navigation. To prevent the expansion and prolongation of that escalation, there is an urgent need for a collective approach to support the Yemeni Government and enhance its institutional capabilities to protect its territorial waters and secure its entire national territory. If we fail to address those needs and to implement relevant international legitimacy resolutions that prohibit the flow of Iranian weapons and stem the sources of funding, the militias will not engage in any effort to achieve comprehensive and just peace or refrain from blackmailing the regional and international communities. History teaches us that leniency with the enemies of peace leads to the most heinous, costly and complex wars. Despite the truce agreed by the Government of Yemen in April 2022, the militias have pursued their military violations and gross violations of human rights and national and international laws. In October 2022, the Houthi militias bombed oil export ports in Hadhramaut and Shabwa governorates, depriving the Yemeni people of the revenues needed to pay salaries and basic services, exacerbating humanitarian suffering and leading to an unprecedented devaluation of the national currency. Recently, the Government suspended its decisions to relocate bank headquarters from Sana’a, which is under the control of the militias, to the interim capital, Aden, in response to the request of the United Nations and the international community to de-escalate, provided that the Houthis engage in serious talks to address the economic crisis and revive peace efforts in line with the road map mediated by our brothers in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Sultanate of Oman. However, the militias responded by hijacking three Yemenia Airways planes, attacking the FSO Safer oil facility in Ma’rib governorate with drones and issuing racist laws and regulations to nominate specific categories of their affiliates to public office, most notably in the judiciary, indicating that they intend to take further repressive measures against public freedoms and civil work. The ongoing pattern of reckless escalation in response to de-escalation initiatives requires the international community to adopt firm policies to push the militias towards the option of peace in accordance with international resolutions, especially Security Council resolution 2216 (2015), instead of their senseless escalation. Almost four months have passed since the terrorist Houthi militias arrested dozens of United Nations employees, adding them to the thousands of innocent women, children, young people and elderly who have disappeared into its prisons over the years, most notably the activist Mohammed Qahtan, who is covered by the Security Council resolution. There is a widespread belief that the United Nations is responsible for allowing the militias to kidnap that unprecedented number of relief workers, non-governmental organization staff, activists and civil society leaders, due to its failure to respond to the Yemeni Government’s request to move its headquarters from Sana’a to the temporary capital, Aden. By not taking the militia threat seriously and by maintaining its headquarters in Sana’a, the United Nations inadvertently enabled those terrorists to take its staff and assets hostage and to use them as bargaining chips to blackmail the international community and extract negotiating concessions that are unacceptable under any circumstances. The continuation of that situation cannot be defended or justified, because the presence of the United Nations headquarters in Sana’a emboldens the militias, which are designated on the terrorist list, and endangers relief workers and human rights defenders. It is therefore necessary to reconsider those policies and arrangements immediately. Through their ongoing terrorist attacks on global trade in the Red Sea and surrounding waterways, the Houthi militias have proven that they pose an increasing threat not only to Yemeni, as some believed a decade ago, but also to the stability of the entire region and the safe flow of international trade, valued at more than a trillion dollars. Today they are strengthening their position as the first rebel group in history to use ballistic missiles and drones against civilian commercial ships. Late last month, Houthi militias hit the tanker MV Sounion, carrying about a million barrels of crude oil, causing fires that threatened one of the largest oil spills in history before the ship was barely saved by the international coalition. That is not the first incident caused by the militias, as they have previously boasted of sinking two other ships and have for years obstructed efforts to unload the decaying FSO Safer, which was carrying a similar amount of crude oil, confirming that their terrorist acts will remain a permanent threat to maritime security. The Yemeni economy has faced complex challenges for years, but the Houthi terrorist attacks on oil facilities have deepened the severity of the financial crisis in an unprecedented manner, depriving the Yemeni people and their Government of the revenues necessary to pay salaries and provide services. The economic war waged by the militias is part of a broader aggressive strategy aimed at weakening the Government’s ability to provide basic services and pay public sector salaries, further exacerbating the humanitarian crisis for more than 14 million Yemenis. It is therefore important for the international community to seriously consider the disastrous effects of those terrorist acts, secure vital infrastructure and protect shipping vessels in Yemeni ports, in support of the right of Yemenis and their Government to benefit from their own national resources and improve their living conditions. Protecting the arteries of the Yemeni economy is essential not only to the country’s recovery and future, but also to the stability of the region and global energy security in the long term. The Republic of Yemen therefore reiterates its call on the international community to provide urgent and comprehensive support to address the catastrophic humanitarian situation and lay the foundations for long-term economic recovery. That should include not only immediate humanitarian assistance to alleviate suffering and strengthen accountability mechanisms, especially in areas controlled by militias, but also greater investments in infrastructure, health care, education and sustainable development, and the enhancement of national capacities to mitigate the effects of climate change, which have claimed hundreds of victims and displaced thousands over the past two months. Yemen’s recovery is not just a national issue, but a regional and global need, as its stability is crucial to maintaining peace, regional security and trade routes in the Red Sea, the Arabian Sea and surrounding waterways, including the Suez Canal. We have appreciated international support in the past and we will continue to express our gratitude to the international community — especially the Coalition to Support Legitimacy in Yemen, led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates — for assuming its moral responsibility to fulfil the aspirations of the Yemeni people to stability, peace and prosperity and provide the resources we need to rebuild their institutions and social fabric. Today the Arab region faces a difficult test in the battle to build statehood and catch up with the progress of civilization, in accordance with the theme of the seventy-ninth session. However, whenever the countries of the region achieve true transformations towards development, peace, prosperity and empowering their peoples with their political, economic and social rights, the forces of evil emerge with their destructive agendas, encouraged by international leniency towards rogue groups and their supporters, who understand that response as indicating that they are on the right track to achieving their illegitimate aims. The outcome of that battle between the forces of peace and the axis of evil will determine who will survive and develop in that part of the world, cradle of the earliest human civilization, or whether the region will descend into further chaos, civil wars, the dominance of militias, weapons, oppression and backwardness. The road to peace requires support for the efforts of the forces of moderation in the region, led by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which has shouldered with our brothers in the Coalition to Support Legitimacy in Yemen the responsibility of defending international resolutions, extended a helping hand and opened its doors to receive millions of people fleeing war and armed conflicts. We are grateful to those countries, and the world should rely on them to lay the foundations of peace and stability and maximize the benefits our peoples derive from their amazing economic and social development. Accordingly, the false narratives about the Yemeni issue must end, especially those that minimize the role of Iran and the destabilizing effects of its weapons on the security and stability of Yemen, the region and the world. The brutal Israeli war on the Palestinian people must end immediately, because that is the first step towards achieving the desired peace and exposing the pretexts of Iran and its proxies, which are exacerbating the situation in the region. Iran’s exploitation of the just Palestinian cause is not a recent development but arises from a history of blackmail and propaganda that have only led to disrupting the peace process and squandering the gains of the Palestinian people and their right to establish their independent, fully sovereign State. As is the case for Yemen, the way to end the suffering of the Palestinian people must be based on the implementation of resolutions of international legitimacy, especially the Arab Peace Initiative. As is the case for both Yemen and Palestine, the only way to deter the brutal Israeli aggression against Lebanon will be through a firm stance of the international community, the unity of the Lebanese themselves, the independence of their decision-making and non-interference in their country’s internal affairs. I recall that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights begins by affirming that, Those values, ethics and national and international norms have been undermined by the grave violation perpetrated by the leaders of Al-Qaeda, the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham and the Houthi militias, who promise the world further destruction.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Presidential Leadership Council of the Republic of Yemen for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Transition, President of the Republic and Head of State of the Gabonese Republic.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Brice Clotaire Oligui Nguema, President of the Transition, President of the Republic and Head of State of the Gabonese Republic, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Oligui Nguema (spoke in French): On behalf of the Gabonese people, I am pleased to take part in the work of the General Assembly. In speaking for the first time before the Assembly, I would first like to extend my warmest congratulations to Mr. Philemon Yang on his outstanding election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session, as well as my most ardent wishes for his success. I express those compliments as much to the seasoned diplomat that he is as to the representative of a brother country, Cameroon, linked to Gabon by geography, history and culture. He can rest assured of my country’s full support throughout his term. I would also like to pay a well-deserved tribute to Secretary-General António Guterres for his tireless dedication and commitment to the ideals of the United Nations. I take this opportunity to call attention to the fact that these meetings are being held at a time when my country, Gabon, has just celebrated the first anniversary of the liberation coup. Indeed, the march towards the construction of a new Gabon has to this day kept the promises we pledged from this rostrum at the previous session of the General Assembly (see A/78/PV.10), including the establishment of the institutions of the Transition, the release of prisoners of conscience, permanent inclusiveness, the holding of an inclusive national dialogue and the drafting of a new Constitution. The next step is the organization of the referendum in the coming months, the adoption of an electoral code and the revision of the electoral register, in accordance with the timetable adopted during the inclusive national dialogue. All those advances, supported by the Gabonese people, greatly contribute to a gradual return to constitutional order through a free, transparent and peaceful election, to be held as soon as possible. In addition to the points I have just raised, significant reforms have been undertaken in sectors that directly affect human development: roads, health centres, schools, the restoration of scholarships, the opening of competitive examinations for the major educational institutions, the unfreezing of recruitment and the payment of pension arrears, all while respecting our international commitments. I take this opportunity to thank all the partners, friendly countries and national and international donors that are supporting us in the Transition, despite the difficulties that characterize it. This session of the General Assembly, under the President’s theme “Unity in diversity, for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for everyone, everywhere”, is being held in the context of the construction of a global community and in harmony with the principles set out in the preamble to the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Gabon, faithful to its tradition of peace, fully supports that project, which seeks a more just, inclusive and interactive world. In the aftermath of the liberation coup of 30 August 2023, which was carried out without bloodshed, we advocated the maintenance of peace and national unity by calling on all the vital forces of the nation, regardless of their origins, beliefs or social status, to join in efforts to build a more equitable and prosperous Gabon. Respect for life, territorial integrity, the sovereignty of States to freely choose their partners and the rejection of violence promote the building of peace. In terms of sustainable development, my country maintains a firm and consistent position in favour of environmental protection. I recall that Gabon has for several years now dedicated 13 national parks to the service of humankind, contributing thereby to the absorption of more than 100 million net tons of carbon dioxide per year and the preservation of endangered species. However, there can be no question of putting the expectations of our people, who remain focused on meeting basic needs, on the back burner. That is why this platform offers an opportunity to once again remind the industrialized nations of the need to truly respect their commitments by supporting the countries that are home to the largest carbon reservoirs in the world. On the security issue, like many of us, I believe that it is urgent to provide appropriate responses to the countless conflict situations that persist in the world, particularly in Africa. I would like once again to welcome the adoption by the Security Council, on 21 December 2023, of resolution 2719 (2023), on the financing of peace support operations led by the African Union. In line with the Secretary-General’s New Agenda for Peace, that resolution, jointly presented by Gabon, Ghana and Mozambique, is today a crucial element of the architecture of international peace and security. Its implementation is a categorical imperative. This is the right moment for me to express my support for the efforts of the Secretary-General to achieve a realistic, pragmatic and lasting political solution on the Moroccan Sahara. I would also like to welcome the official announcement by the United States of America of its support for the admission of two African States as permanent members of the Security Council. However, Africa expects broader support from the other permanent members of the Security Council for that initiative, along with access to the right of veto for African members, in accordance with the Ezulwini Consensus. That would only be fair for our continent. Beyond the African continent, I invite us to keep our focus on Gaza. It is more than ever time for a definitive peace to be established with a view to the harmonious coexistence of the Palestinian and Israeli States. Similarly, I reiterate Gabon’s position in favour of lifting the economic, commercial and financial embargo imposed on Cuba in light of its negative impact on the well-being of the population. As President Félix Houphouët-Boigny once said, “Peace is not just a word, but a behaviour, a true state of mind”. That legitimate aspiration of peoples is an ideal. It recommends that developed countries, which have experience in conflict resolution, share their know-how with other States for a fairer and more balanced world. Unity in diversity for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity everywhere and for all is, in my opinion, the culmination of a true society of dialogue, tolerance and respect for others. It should help us build a world of peace where development would be adapted to the needs of all people and nations. Concerning the economic and financial issue, the Sustainable Development Report 2024 once again underlines the urgent need to mobilize massive financing in order to fill the financing gap in the global economy, estimated at several billion dollars per year. It is a reality that the current international financial system does not allow investments to be directed towards development and thus to ensure the dignity of our populations, to which our theme this year calls us. I therefore share the firm determination of several of my peers to achieve the reform of global financial institutions that is crucial to free up financing for developing countries. My country, Gabon, resolutely engaged in its march towards happiness, intends to fully play its role for the effective advent of the more concerted, humane community that is strongly desired by all. Together, let us pool our efforts for the hope of a better destiny, by acting differently for the preservation of the human race.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Transition, President of the Republic and Head of State of the Gabonese Republic for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Central African Republic.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Faustin Archange Touadera, President of the Central African Republic, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Touadera (spoke in French): It is with renewed honour that, on behalf of the Central African Republic, my dear and beautiful country, I speak before the entire world represented here to make my contribution to the general debate on the theme of the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly. By participating in the General Assembly, the Central African Republic reaffirms its commitment to contributing to the common search for the trust, peace, security, international solidarity and mutual understanding that are essential to the reconstruction of a peaceful world conducive to sustainable development and respect for the human dignity of present and future generations. Before doing so, I would like to extend to Mr. Philemon Yang my warm congratulations on his outstanding and historic election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. His election is the symbol of an honour and a well-deserved tribute to our continent, Africa. It is also a source of immense pride and inspiration for the 51 million citizens of the Economic and Monetary Community of Central Africa, whose Conference of Heads of State I have the honour of chairing, and in particular for the sister Republic of Cameroon, his beautiful country. His perfect knowledge of the international scene and his great personal qualities are an asset and a guarantee of the success of our work. I am convinced that he will best serve the interests of the United Nations and all its Member States and implement the vast United Nations reform programme to make it more effective, more inclusive, more representative and better adapted to the evolution of the world and to the resolution of the serious and immediate problems that are shaking all humankind. He can rest assured of the full support of the Central African Republic in that regard. I would also like to commend the excellent work done and the results obtained by President Dennis Francis during the seventy-eighth session. I offer him the recognition and satisfaction of the Central African people. To Secretary-General António Guterres, I reiterate the gratitude of the Central African Republic and the full support of its Government for his various initiatives aimed at making the United Nations, more than ever, a place where the efforts of nations can develop and harmonize. As all know, on 30 July the Security Council decided (see S/PV.9695) to completely lift the unjust, illegitimate and iniquitous arms embargo imposed on the Central African Armed Forces, which had caused the country so much irreparable harm over the course of a decade. From this rostrum, I express the gratitude of the Central African people to the Security Council for that wise decision which, although overdue, has allowed my country to pursue its work to restore peace and national security and to act, alongside the other States of the world, for peace, sustainable development and the human dignity of present and future generations. I take this opportunity to reiterate the full gratitude of the Central African people to all who have kept the Central African Republic in mind and supported that noble fight. A country with strong mining potential, the Central African Republic will, I am convinced, continue to benefit from their support for the total lifting of the embargo on diamonds imposed by the Kimberley Process, which limits its action for peace, sustainable development and the human dignity of present and future generations. The theme of the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development, and human dignity for present and future generations”, contains particularly important recommendations that will be of great weight in the discussions for the reform of the global architecture of peace and security and for the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. Peace, we know, is inexorably linked to sustainable development. Unfortunately, as we gather each year in this great house of the world or in other circumstances, each as important as the other, the world continues to be confronted by serious existential threats and is becoming increasingly unstable and vulnerable. Our seventy-ninth session is being held in very turbulent global circumstances, undermined by growing geopolitical crises, including the wars between Russia and Ukraine, between Israel and Hamas, in the Sudan and in the East of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, terrorism, the deterioration of economic conditions that is stifling growth in Africa, and the rise in fuel prices. Convinced that only dialogue can put a lasting end to conflict, the Central African Republic urges the parties in conflict in various regions of the world to favour dialogue and diplomacy in order to find a solution to all the disagreements at the origin of those conflicts and save thousands of human lives. In the Central African Republic, the security situation in 2024 is relatively stable. The country is preparing to strengthen its democratic anchoring through the upcoming organization of municipal and regional elections, which have not been held for four decades. In that perspective, special measures are being taken to defang the residual armed groups that, no longer able to control a portion of the territory, engage in acts of serious banditry and the illegal exploitation and fraudulent trafficking of natural resources in order to acquire military equipment and materials. The nineteenth session of the Strategic Committee on disarmament, demobilization and reintegration and the commemoration in Bangui a few days ago of the Month of Amnesty in Africa by the Peace and Security Council of the African Union made it possible to appreciate at their true value the significant progress made thanks to the ownership and participation of all stakeholders in the global peace and security process, based on the Political Agreement for Peace and Reconciliation in the Central African Republic and the joint Luanda road map. Despite those advances, the Central African Republic faces many challenges, in particular the construction of barracks for the garrisoning of units in defence zones closer to threats, the acquisition of military equipment and materials for the Defence and Security Forces. Climate change and its tragic effects, such as the deadly floods, drought and gigantic fires observed throughout the world, pose threats ranging from food and water insecurity, competition for natural resources to loss of livelihoods and population displacement. Those interdependent and cascading risks can have significant implications for peace, security and development across continents. In sub-Saharan Africa, the epicentre of humanitarian crises, environmental disasters have this year caused more than 1,000 deaths and 4 million climate refugees, as well as inestimable material damage, particularly in neighbouring Chad, where the death toll has risen after days of heavy rains that have caused widespread flooding and forced evacuations. From this United Nations rostrum, the symbol par excellence of human solidarity, I express the solidarity of the Central African people with all the peoples of the world who have been hard hit by natural disasters. In this world tormented by bloody conflicts and periodically threatened by deadly and devastating weather phenomena, the developing countries, impoverished by centuries of slavery, colonialism and neocolonialism — characterized by protean interference in their internal affairs, injustice in the remuneration of raw material prices and strong conditionalities imposed by the international financial architecture — are helplessly enduring the security, financial, economic, food and environmental challenges. The promises of financing for vulnerable countries are slow to take shape and the mitigation measures taken at the Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in the face of the worrisome rise in temperature change like the weather, depending on the political, geopolitical and geostrategic interests of the major Powers. Aware of the danger of the climate phenomenon, my country has put in place sectoral policies whose effectiveness depends in part on climate financing that is still uncertain. The Central African Republic urges the United Nations to work more towards the implementation of the climate, peace and development nexus by creating synergy between climate adaptation and peacebuilding, in order to holistically absorb vulnerabilities linked to climate change, as well as fragility and the risks of conflict. The world is dangerously close to the abyss. The current United Nations peace and security architecture is under enormous pressure. The reasons given by Africa in support of its legitimate request for reform of the Security Council and a right of veto are irrefutable. A step has just been taken by the United States of America, which supports the creation of two permanent seats for Africa on the Security Council and a rotating seat for small island developing States. That proposal is certainly commendable, but in view of the evolution of the world, Africa, long left aside, should not indulge such a proposal, which can only be analysed as a perpetual denial of the right of veto. It is also time to accelerate the reform of the governance of the international financial architecture to address inequalities, mobilize adequate financing to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), meet the financing needs of developing countries and reform the implementation of and compliance with multilateral environmental agreements in order to realize our common ambition to protect the planet. Demographers estimate that by 2050 half of the world’s young people will live in Africa and half of the 54 African countries will have seen their populations almost double. I welcome the Pact for the Future and its annexes, the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1), adopted at the Summit of the Future. It is time to accelerate the implementation of the SDGs in the field of science, technology, innovation and digital cooperation, with a focus on equity, rights and universality. Today young people, key agents of positive change and important contributors to sustainable development, respect for human rights, global peace and security, face a number of vulnerabilities that prevent them from realizing their full potential and exercising their fundamental rights. We must therefore commit to transforming investment levels in favour of young people, women, girls and people living with disabilities in order to guarantee a better future for all. As for the Central African Republic, its ambitious National Development Plan for the period 2024-2028 establishes a better balance between the needs and interests of present and future generations by retaining the development of human capital as one of its strategic axes. In conclusion, I hope that the spirit that led to the creation of the United Nations will continue to tirelessly exert its influence and help create a climate that will make it possible to resolve the problem of attacks on international peace and security and to achieve sustainable development in a manner satisfactory to all humankind.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Central African for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the State of Palestine.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Mahmoud Abbas, President of the State of Palestine, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Abbas (spoke in Arabic): We will not leave. We will not leave. We will not leave. Palestine is our homeland, the land of our fathers and grandfathers, and it will remain ours. If anyone is to leave, it should be the usurping occupiers. I come here today as, for almost a year now, my people have been subjected and are still being subjected to one of the most heinous crimes of our era, a comprehensive war crime and genocide committed by Israel, the occupying State, that has claimed the lives of more than 40,000 martyrs in Gaza alone. Thousands more remain under the rubble. More than 100,000 others have been injured to this day, and the situation is deteriorating. Hundreds of Palestinian families have been wiped out entirely, more than 100 families removed from the civil registry and no longer exist, and thousands have lost their lives due to the spread of diseases and epidemics and the lack of medicine and water. Moreover, more than 2 million Palestinians in Gaza have left their homes multiple times in search of safety from the systematic killings carried out by the Israeli occupation army. As the war of aggression drags on, it continues to kill dozens every day and injure many more of our afflicted people in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and Jerusalem. I am not here to respond to the lies disseminated by the Israeli Prime Minister in his speech before the United States Congress in July, when he claimed that his army does not kill innocent civilians in Gaza. For God’s sake, who then has killed more than 15,000 children out of the 40,000 victims and an equal number of women and elderly persons from our people? And who is it that continues to kill them? For God’s sake, I demand an answer. That crime must stop and it must stop now. Israel must stop killing children and women and end the war of extermination. Weapons must stop being sent to Israel. This madness cannot continue. The entire world bears responsibility for what is happening to our people in Gaza and the West Bank, which is exposed to continuous daily Israeli aggression and a vicious settlement campaign. Israel is building everywhere in Palestine, as if all of Palestine were its own. Settler gangs are waging a terrorist campaign sponsored and supported by the Israeli Government and the occupation army that is destroying hundreds of houses on Palestinian lands. In addition, Jerusalem, our eternal capital, is being exposed to a Judaization campaign and aggression against the city and its holy sites and landmarks, aimed at altering its historical and legal status. We have recently heard a terrorist Israeli minister call for the building of a synagogue in Al-Aqsa Mosque. We must condemn the stance of that reckless minister and his ilk, who want to ignite a religious war that will burn everything in its path. Al-Aqsa Mosque and its surroundings are the exclusive property of Muslims, as endorsed by a 1930 resolution of the League of Nations. We will accept nothing less, no matter the circumstances. We have repeatedly warned the Assembly that the situation in the occupied Palestinian territory is on the verge of an eruption, and it is now erupting. That eruption occurred on 7 October last year and continues. Since day one, I have stressed the need for an immediate cessation of the war and condemned the killing of civilians, regardless of who they are, on what side they are on or what nation they belong to. I have demanded the release of prisoners and detainees on both sides. There is no need to detain children, women and the elderly. We have said that repeatedly to everyone who has detainees. I have called for immediate negotiations to implement the two- State solution on the basis of resolutions of international legitimacy. Instead of listening to the voice of reason, the Israeli Government has exploited what happened to launch an all-out war of genocide on the Gaza Strip and committed and continues to commit war crimes, as recognized by the international community. Its crimes are war crimes. Again today, Israel has launched a new aggression against the Lebanese people, who are now also being subjected to a war of extermination. Israel must stop the war in both Lebanon and Palestine. We condemn that aggression and demand that it be stopped immediately. Israel has reoccupied the entire Gaza Strip and destroyed it almost completely, making it uninhabitable. Most homes, buildings and health and educational facilities have been destroyed. Economic facilities, roads, churches, mosques, water and electricity stations, wastewater treatment — anyone who had been to Gaza and knew it before would not recognize it today. Seventy-five per cent of everything in Gaza is completely destroyed. If Israel believes that it can avoid accountability and punishment for those crimes, it is delusional. The international community must immediately impose sanctions on Israel. The massacres, crimes and genocide that Israel has committed against our people since its establishment in 1948 to this day will not go unpunished, nor will it expire with the passage of time. Rights will never be lost so long as those who claim them remain. Despite our urgent and repeated demands, the world has not succeeded in forcing Israel, the rogue State, to stop the war of genocide and its war crimes against innocent civilians. We regret that the United States Administration, the largest democracy in the world, has three times blocked Security Council draft resolutions calling on Israel to cease fighting. The United States alone stood up and said, “the fighting continues”. It did so by resorting to the veto, and on top of that it provided Israel with the deadly weapons it used to kill thousands of civilians, innocent children and women, which further encouraged Israel to pursue its aggression. So long as the United States supports it, why not keep going, since it is already the aggressor? The United States was also the only member of the Security Council that voted against granting the State of Palestine full membership of the United Nations. We do not deserve full membership in the eyes of the United States, so it used the veto. I do not understand how the United States insists on opposing our people and depriving them of their legitimate rights to freedom and independence like the rest of the peoples of the world. They are 194 countries, and we are no less than them. Israel, which refuses to implement the United Nations resolutions, is not worthy of membership of our international Organization. The Permanent Representative of Israel to the Organization has said that the very Headquarters of the United Nations, where we are sitting at this very moment, must be wiped off the face of the Earth. That country does not deserve to be a Member of the Organization. From the outset, it has failed to meet the conditions for membership, as it was required. In 1949, when it submitted its application for membership of the United Nations, the United Nations imposed two conditions. It was required to accept and implement resolution 181 (III), the partition resolution, and resolution 194 (III), on the return of refugees. So long as those two conditions were unmet, Israel would not be accepted as a Member of the United Nations. Moshe Sharett, the Israeli Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time, wrote a pledge that he and Israel were committed to implementing the two resolutions, yet from 1949 until today nothing has happened. We will submit a request to the General Assembly on that issue to the effect that if they return, we will return, and if they do not back down, we will do more. I take this opportunity to praise the State Member of the United Nations that voted by a majority of more than two-thirds in favour of resolution 78/78, submitted by the State of Palestine, which was supported by a large number of friendly and sisterly countries, to endorse the historic advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice, issued on 19 July 2024, to end the illegal Israeli occupation of the State of Palestine within a period of 12 months. For the very first time, there is a specific time frame. We demand the implementation of that particular requirement, including the immediate cessation of annexation and settlement activities, the dismantling of existing settlements and the removal of settlers from Palestinian lands. We have 600,000 settlers living on our land. Why do they not stay on their own? We must redress the damage and compensate the Palestinians for what they have suffered as a result of the illegal policies and practices of the occupation and many other issues raised in the Court’s advisory opinion. We want what the International Court of Justice requires and what the world has recognized and accepted in the General Assembly by a large majority of well over two-thirds. Israel must be made to implement it. We count greatly on that resolution, which embodies the international will, the principles of international law and the mechanisms adopted in that regard to ensure implementation. We hope that, of the thousands of resolutions adopted with respect to the Palestinian people since 1948, not one of which has been implemented, this one will be implemented. I also feel grateful today as I see this great shift in the positions of the State Member of the United Nations towards support for the Palestinian right to obtain an independent State and to recognize and grant it full membership of the international Organization, like the rest of the peoples of the world who yearn for freedom and love peace. On behalf of the Palestinian people, I thank them for that support of truth and justice to achieve peace in our region, and I call on them to apply the provisions of international law, in line with their responsibilities and sovereignty. We do not ask for more than they can do. We ask every State to lend us its support within the scope of its responsibility and sovereignty. I also express our gratitude and appreciation for the demonstrations against the war of extermination on Gaza and in support of the Palestinian cause that have been held all over the world, including the in the United States. I acknowledge that the American people are marching in the streets. We are grateful to them and thankful for the European activists who come to Palestine and risk their lives under Israeli aggression. In that context, I offer my condolences for the martyred Turkish- American citizen Aisha Noor Ezgi, who was killed in cold blood by the occupation army. The Palestinian people will not forget their honourable stand, and we will remember them with pride and honour on the day when the occupation ends and our people gain freedom and independence. There has been much talk lately about the day after. What do we want to do on the day after? What is our policy for the day after the end of the war in the Gaza Strip? I take this opportunity today to present our vision of what will need to be done immediately on the day after the war ends. This is our proposal to the General Assembly. Members can accept it, amend it or change it — we are ready for all of that. First, we need a comprehensive and permanent ceasefire in the Gaza Strip and an end to the military aggressions and attacks of the terrorist settlers in the West Bank and East Jerusalem first. Second, relief assistance must be delivered urgently, systematically and in sufficient quantities, because there is nothing in Gaza. They need everything, from water to anything else, because there is nothing. They need everything. Humanitarian assistance must be delivered throughout Gaza. Third, Israel must withdraw fully from the Gaza Strip. We reject the establishment of buffer zones or the confiscation of any part of Gaza. The entire Gaza Strip is only 7 kilometres wide and 40 kilometres long, and Israel wants to cut it up. It wants a piece from here and a piece from there. We will not allow a single centimetre of Gaza to be taken. We demand an end to forced displacement inside or outside the Gaza Strip, the return of the displaced to their areas of residence and the provision of shelter for them. Netanyahu’s goal is to remove the people of the West Bank and the people of the Gaza Strip, some to Egypt and some to Jordan. We refuse. The Palestinian people refuse. I thank the Jordanian and Egyptian Governments for insisting that they will allow no displacement of Palestinians from their lands. Fourth, we demand protection for the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) and humanitarian organizations from Israel’s arbitrary acts, and the provision of political and material support to the Agency so that it can perform its role and provide services to Palestinian refugees until they return to their homes. UNRWA was established to do its duty until the refugees return, and every day Israel finds an excuse to convince others that UNRWA’s mission must be ended. Fifth, we demand international protection for Palestinians on the lands of their occupied State. We need protection because we are not fighting Israel, we cannot fight Israel and we do not have the desire to fight, but we need to protect our children, families and women. We want international protection. Sixth, the State of Palestine must assume its responsibilities in the Gaza Strip and exercise its full jurisdiction over it, including the border crossings, most notably the Rafah international border between Egypt and Palestine, as part of a comprehensive plan. Such an arrangement existed earlier between us and Egypt, and it must go back to the way it was. Seventh, and within the framework of the comprehensive national reform process that we are carrying out — which most countries have reviewed, supported, endorsed and thanked the Palestinian Government for, and which we will pursue to the very end — we are rebuilding the infrastructure and State institutions that have been destroyed by Israel, reviving the economy, seeking sustainable development, reconstructing the Gaza Strip and holding the State of Israel responsible for it all. Eighth, the authority of the State of Palestine, the Palestinian Government and the Palestine Liberation Organization, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, must be extended throughout all Palestinian territories in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank and East Jerusalem, as stipulated under international legitimacy. We do not demand more, but we do not accept any less than the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and East Jerusalem. We do no ask for more but will not accept anything less. That is in preparation for the general elections. We are ready to hold elections and have been ready in the past, but Israel has refused to allow us to hold them in Jerusalem. If that were to change, however, we are ready to hold elections and form a Palestinian Government pursuant to their results. Ninth, we will continue to mobilize the greatest possible international support for the State of Palestine to obtain full membership of the United Nations as soon as possible. What do we lack so that we can sit here in the General Assembly? What do we lack to be on the same footing as the 193 official Member States of the United Nations? We have the land, we have the power, we have the people, we have the culture, we have the science, we have everything. We ask for the international community’s assistance. Tenth, we require the full implementation of the General Assembly resolution on the legal advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice to which we referred earlier. That will end the occupation within 12 months, pursuant to the Assembly resolution and pursuant to the advisory opinion. Eleventh, an international peace conference must be held within a year under the auspices of the United Nations to implement the two-State solution and resolve all the problems pending between us and Israel. By the way, we recognize the State of Israel, but Israel does not recognize us. We want a solution that protects both countries, the State of Palestine and the State of Israel, live side-by-side in security, stability and peace. Twelfth, we call for the establishment of an international peacekeeping force, under a resolution of the Security Council, between the State of Palestine and Israel to ensure the security of the two States. We call for guarantees for the security of the two States. Those are the elements of our vision for today and for the day after the war ends in the State of Palestine in general. I call on the General Assembly to adopt the plan and to provide all means necessary to make it a success. I announced several weeks ago that I had decided to lead a Palestinian leadership delegation to the Gaza Strip to stand with our people, who have been exhausted by the Israeli war of genocide. I call on Members to support that decision by adopting a resolution in that regard and pressuring the occupation Government not to obstruct our endeavour. On this occasion, I welcome any country and any party that wants to join our visit. We will be happy to go together to Gaza to see all the effects of the tragedies that have occurred. I salute our heroic people, who have given all that is precious for the sake of Palestine in selfless Gaza, the steadfast West Bank and our crown jewel and capital, Jerusalem. We salute our people in the refugee camps and diaspora, and our valiant 6,000 prisoners in Israeli prisons. Israel arrests whomever it wants and violates the human dignity of its prisoners on a daily basis. Palestine will be free in spite of those who do not want it to be. Our people will continue their lives in the land of their fathers and grandfathers, as they have done for more than 6,000 years, and pursue their legitimate struggle for independence. The occupation will inevitably, inevitably, inevitably come to an end.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the State of Palestine for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of the Gambia.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Adama Barrow, President of the Republic of the Gambia, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Barrow: It is an honour for the Gambia to participate in the seventy- ninth session of the General Assembly and to engage in meaningful dialogue with global leaders and partners on the vision of shaping a more prosperous future for humankind. Allow me to express my heartfelt congratulations to Mr. Yang on his assumption of the role of President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. I similarly wish to register sincere gratitude to Ambassador Dennis Francis for his exemplary leadership and accomplishments during the seventy-eighth session. As we undertake to chart the future we envision, we welcome the initiative presented by Secretary-General Guterres at the Summit for the Future, under the theme “Multilateral solutions for a better tomorrow”. My delegation firmly believes that the path to a better tomorrow lies in multilateralism and closer international cooperation. Through our collective responsibility and inclusive participation, we can decisively confront and overcome our challenges and bottlenecks. The high-level Summit for the Future has determined that human actions are largely responsible for the challenges we face today. Therefore, it is within our power to ably address the disasters that continuously trouble our nations. To succeed, however, the international community must recommit to implementing the outcome of the Summit for the Future to tackle such critical global challenges as climate change, poverty, transnational crime and conflict. Those problems underscore the urgent need for comprehensive reforms within the United Nations system, particularly the Security Council, and the international financial institutions. We must equally strive for a more representative, just and inclusive United Nations to shape the world we so dearly want. The Gambia’s perspective on the theme “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations” aligns closely with the principles and aspirations of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the theme serves as a crucial reminder to the international community of the need for solidarity and renewed commitment. With specific reference to the Gambia, the framework of the Sustainable Development Goals is central to our national agenda, and we are committed to ensuring that our development efforts are both sustainable and impactful. Like many least developed countries, the Gambia faces huge challenges that pose serious threats to our survival as a nation and therefore require collective international efforts to resolve. Consequently, the global community needs to assist the least developed countries, especially to address the burden of inequality, build more robust economies and create policy space for economic growth. To tackle the debt burden and internal State weaknesses, we need to increase investment in capacity-building. We must also jointly endeavour to bridge the digital divide and support technology transfer to advance development. We live in a world with widening inequalities. Suppressing the weak and making the conditions of the poor worse grossly violates the expressed ideals and spirit of the Summit of the Future. The Gambia is fully committed to the global call for gender equality and recognizes the indispensable role women play in socioeconomic development. We firmly believe that empowering women translates into community empowerment and, ultimately, inclusive development. For those reasons, my Government places great emphasis on women’s rights and is dedicated to protecting and empowering women. As President, I will continue to ensure that women and girls are protected and given the necessary space to contribute meaningfully to our national development agenda. On youth matters, at a recent consultative summit stakeholders recommended a sharper focus on innovation and climate change, gender equity, bridging the digital divide and global governance that promotes youth empowerment through employment, education and health. The summit recommendations will inform endeavours to fill policy gaps and expand funding opportunities for better youth engagement. Furthermore, my Government commits to aligning our national priorities with global benchmarks and, in partnership with youth-led organizations and other stakeholders, we also resolve to use transformative solutions to create greater opportunities for all. The Gambia believes in collective international efforts to combat global challenges. On that basis, last year the Gambia joined the international community in co-sponsoring the consensus resolution 77/276, which sought to engage the International Court of Justice on the obligations of States regarding climate change. Last August, the Gambia submitted its written statement to the Court, and we look forward to participating in the oral hearings later this year in The Hague. At the national level, the Gambia remains steadfast in its commitment to promoting human rights and establishing a vibrant democratic environment. The establishment of a National Human Rights Commission and the entrenchment of a free, independent and impartial judiciary provide a solid framework and a sense of security for our citizens, thereby ensuring that they have a place to seek redress for injustice. I am happy to report that, since 2017, the Gambia has not recorded a single political prisoner, and no journalist or human rights activist has been jailed. Proudly too, in August the Gambia was recognized as one of Africa’s leading defenders of freedom of expression and ranked third in Article 19’s Global Expression Report 2024. We will continue striving to better our situation. As committed advocates of peace and security, respect for basic rights and freedoms, and the application of international law, we stand firmly against injustice, no matter where it occurs. No doubt, as a nation of peace guided by democratic principles, we have learned valuable lessons to act upon and share. With the help of the international community, we are steadily taking steps to bring closure to the saga of the victims of dictatorship in our country. So far, we have successfully managed the transitional justice and reform processes. Moving forward, we count on the General Assembly’s support in the next critical stages of ensuring justice, reconciliation and reparation, where necessary. The Gambia will continue advocating preventive approaches to peacebuilding to avert future conflicts. I take this opportunity once again to express our appreciation of all the support the Peacebuilding Commission has been extending to us. The ongoing conflicts in Palestine, the Sudan, the Sahel, Ukraine and Russia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Libya and other conflict zones demand the international community’s immediate intervention. We must explore all diplomatic means to restore lasting peace worldwide and free all innocent people, particularly women and children, from the calamities of war. We call on the international community to prioritize support for the post-conflict reconstruction of Gaza and the improvement of economic conditions in the West Bank. Even though the situation in that region is extremely serious, the intense destruction of lives and property continues. The Israeli occupation, expansion of settlements, blockade of Gaza and restrictions in the West Bank, together with the threat of the war intensifying into a regional conflict, continue to exacerbate the ongoing tensions in the Middle East. Accordingly, I call on the United Nations, the international community and the States members of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to join forces and urgently bring about permanent peace in Palestine. Through recognized structures, I am, as Chair of the OIC, committed to stepping up efforts and exploring every possible diplomatic and peaceful channel to resolve the Middle East crisis. The OIC has been very active and, under my leadership, will continue to promote and pursue peace in that region. Our common objective is to create a situation wherein Israel and Palestine can coexist in peace and security under a two-State arrangement and within the recognized pre-1967 borders. With the sustained support of the OIC, the Gambia has stood as a beacon of hope for the oppressed Rohingya Muslims of Myanmar. Despite relentless efforts over the past five years, the oppressive regime in Myanmar has intensified its oppressive campaign through forced exile and unspeakable acts of violence. During my current three-year tenure as OIC Chair, my office will be available also for dialogue to bring lasting, peaceful relations between Iran, its immediate neighbours and our Western partners. Globally, we have the collective responsibility to act speedily to peacefully address the situations in Palestine, Sudan, Ukraine and the Sahel region. We commend the efforts of the Kingdom of Morocco and the viability of the Moroccan autonomy initiative. The initiative aligns with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and provides a platform for all parties involved in the Moroccan Sahara conflict to engage in a United Nations-led dialogue for a permanent, mutually agreed political solution. With regard to recognition and respect for the one-China principle, we continue to stand with China. The People’s Republic of China represents renewed hope for a global rebalancing towards justice, peace and development. China’s generous support to its southern neighbours, through its numerous development cooperation initiatives, has proven usefully impactful and strategic. Migration has ever been a fundamental aspect of human development, and it contributes significantly to the growth of both home and host countries. The international community should address migration in a regulated manner and decriminalize it. Indeed, human beings should not risk losing their lives in pursuit of a better future. In that regard, the Gambian Government is collaborating with relevant countries to improve the plight of migrants. Although we must discourage irregular migration, we are duty-bound to respect the rights of migrants and ensure that they are treated with dignity. We recognize that dictatorship, conflict, climate change, poverty and lack of opportunities are part of the root causes of migration. Economic sanctions imposed on States also contribute to forced migration. The long-standing United States embargo against Cuba is an example. My view is that the embargo should give way to renewed good-neighbourliness and cooperative relations between the two nations. The international community should address inequality with compassion and fulfil the commitment to the official development assistance pledge made by donor countries. As regards the original countries of migrants, we must uphold the ideals and principles of democracy, good governance and wise resource management approaches. In conclusion, the international community must prioritize diplomacy, dialogue and mutual understanding as we confront challenges of global concern. I also urge the private sector to collaborate with our Governments in taking concrete action towards our common goals. Simple yet impactful steps, such as supporting local initiatives, promoting inclusive policies and engaging in global partnerships, can make a significant difference in the world order. Despite the challenges we face, there is immense potential for positive change through collective endeavours. Let us embrace a message of hope, resilience and optimism for the future. Together, we can create a world where peace, sustainable development and human dignity are not mere dreams but a reality for all.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of the Gambia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Presidential Council of the Transition of the Republic of Haiti.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Edgar Leblanc Fils, President of the Presidential Council of the Transition of the Republic of Haiti, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Leblanc Fils (spoke in French): I have the immense honour of representing here, at the rostrum of the General Assembly, at a special crossroads in its history, the dignified and proud Haitian people, who, despite storms of all kinds, have always been able to rise again. The first black Republic in the world, Haiti carries in its depths the pride of a heroic struggle for freedom and human dignity. It finds itself today at a decisive crossroads. It is therefore with the weight of that history and the hope of a better future that I address the Assembly, calling for the active solidarity of the international community. Allow me to extend my warm congratulations to Mr. Philemon Yang, former Prime Minister of Cameroon, on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. Haiti stands firmly by his side and assures him of its full support throughout his mandate in order to make this session a success for the entire international community. Allow me also to commend the excellent quality of the work accomplished during the seventy-eighth session by his predecessor, Mr. Dennis Francis of Trinidad and Tobago, who was able to conduct the work with dexterity, wisdom and leadership. I also take this opportunity to express, on behalf of the Haitian people, our gratitude to Secretary-General António Guterres for his visit to Haiti. His presence on our soil, his unwavering support for our approach to the Security Council, in particular to strengthen the Haitian National Police, and his recent interventions in favour of Haiti have been greatly appreciated and will remain engraved in our memories. I would like to express my deepest gratitude to the international community for the support provided to my country in these times of crisis. That solidarity, whether it is demonstrated through security initiatives, humanitarian aid or development support, is greatly appreciated. Through that continued and better-adapted cooperation, Haiti will recover stronger and more resilient and will confidently embark on its assured march towards development and progress. I salute here all Haitian compatriots throughout the world who, while remaining attached to their native country, are obliged to seek other, more clement skies to earn their living. Everyone recognizes that they are hard workers. I want to tell them, wherever they are, that the Transitional Presidential Council and the Government are thinking of them while waiting for the conditions to be met for them to return home. I take this opportunity to salute Amnesty International and other organizations operating in the field of human rights defence that closely monitor violations of the rights of Haitian migrants throughout the world. On behalf of the Haitian people, I would like to extend a fraternal greeting to all friends of Haiti who have shown solidarity with the migrants of our country, especially those residing in Springfield, Ohio, in the United States. The long-standing history of friendship and mutual solidarity between our two nations, dating back to our participation in the Battle of Savannah in 1779, allows us to say with confidence that the American people reject any incitement to hatred against our community. The active participation of Haitian immigrants at various levels of American life is tangible and significant. In that regard, the passions that naturally emerge during an electoral campaign should in no way serve as a pretext for xenophobia or racism in a country such as the United States, a nation forged by immigrants of all origins that has established itself as a model of democracy on a global scale. The theme of the seventy-ninth session, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development, and human dignity”, resonates deeply with the major challenges facing the world today. The theme is an urgent call for unity and international cooperation in a context where inequalities, conflicts and the climate crisis exacerbate the vulnerability of millions of people across the globe. As many nations struggle to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, it is more necessary than ever to ensure that all voices, especially those of the most marginalized, are included in global decision-making processes. The theme is also of paramount importance in the context of the current crisis in Haiti. It embodies the very essence of our struggle to restore peace and stability, while ensuring that every Haitian citizen can enjoy her or his rights fundamentals. Acting together, as the theme underlines, is essential for Haiti, because our recovery cannot be fully achieved without that international solidarity. Today our world is facing challenges of unprecedented magnitude that are of deep concern to the entire international community. The United Nations, in its historic mission to promote peace, security and sustainable development, finds itself on the front lines facing crises that threaten not only isolated nations but all of humankind. Climate change is undoubtedly one of the greatest perils of our time. According to recent data from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the global temperature has already increased by about 1.1° C since the pre-industrial era. That rise has led to an increase in extreme weather events such as hurricanes, droughts and floods, disasters that particularly affect the most vulnerable nations like Haiti. In 2023, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) estimated that more than 100 million additional people are at risk of falling into poverty by 2030 owing to the effects of climate change. For Haiti, which is among the lowest emitters of greenhouse gases but suffers their most devastating impacts, the global crisis exacerbates our challenges in ensuring food security, access to clean water and economic stability. Armed conflicts also continue to wreak havoc and destroy human lives. According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, the number of forcibly displaced people reached 110 million in 2023, a figure that has never been higher in human history. Whether in Syria, Ukraine or the Sahel region, those protracted conflicts are exacerbating poverty, destroying vital infrastructure and causing massive refugee flows. The world cannot stand by as millions of men, women and children flee violence in search of safety and dignity. The commitment of the international community is needed more than ever to find diplomatic solutions and promote peacebuilding initiatives. Another major challenge is the ongoing broadening of economic inequalities. According to the UNDP Human Development Report 2023, nearly 1.2 billion people still live in multidimensional poverty, meaning that they lack access to essential services such as health care and education and decent living conditions. The coronavirus disease pandemic has amplified those inequalities, pushing millions more people into poverty. For nations like Haiti, the impact has been devastating. With one of the highest poverty rates in the world, the country faces deep structural challenges. But those inequalities are not just a Haitian problem; they are a global problem that requires comprehensive economic reforms. In addition, food insecurity challenges have intensified in recent years. According to the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, more than 735 million people worldwide suffered from hunger in 2022, an alarming increase that reflects disruptions caused by conflict, economic crises and climate change. Haiti, unfortunately, is no exception. The World Food Programme recently highlighted the fact that nearly half of the Haitian population is acutely food insecure. The situation is not only a humanitarian emergency, but a threat to the stability of our nation. We must work together to strengthen agricultural systems, ensure equitable access to food resources and fight hunger in a concerted and sustainable manner. Finally, technological advances bring new opportunities, but also new threats. The acceleration of the development of artificial intelligence, the proliferation of cyberattacks and disinformation endanger the stability of democracies around the world. A report issued by the International Telecommunication Union shows that the digital divide remains a major challenge, with nearly 2.7 billion people still without access to the Internet in 2023. Haiti, as one of the least connected countries, must imperatively receive support to bridge the digital divide and fully participate in the global economy of the twenty-first century. This year, Haiti reaffirms its commitment to the preservation of our common heritage, the oceans. That is why I am proud to announce today that Haiti will sign the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction, adopted on 19 June 2023 and open for signature since 20 September 2023. The Agreement is a crucial tool for guaranteeing the protection of marine biodiversity, promoting sustainable exploitation of marine resources and strengthening the resilience of island States like ours to the challenges of climate change. Haiti is committed to working with the international community to ensure that the Agreement benefits all humankind, while helping to protect the marine ecosystems on which we all depend. Those global challenges can be addressed only through a renewed commitment to multilateralism, solidarity and collective action. Haiti, despite its challenges, stands ready to work with the international community to overcome those crises and build a future in which peace, justice and human dignity prevail. But we cannot do it alone. We must act together to ensure that no one is left behind. By proclaiming Haiti’s independence on 1 January 1804, General Jean-Jacques Dessalines, the founding father of our homeland, gave human rights their universal character. In other words, with the triumph of the Haitian Revolution of 1804, which launched the process of dismantling the colonial and slave order, human rights ceased to be solely the rights of the white man to become the rights of all men and women, that is to say, the rights of humankind as a whole. In that regard, as representative of the Republic of Haiti and official spokesperson of the Haitian people, I feel obligated to draw the attention of the leaders of the great Powers to the danger of nuclear war threatening the existence of peoples on all continents. In that light, on behalf of the Republic of Haiti, I launch a vibrant appeal to the Heads of State of all States Members of the United Nations to ask them to spare the human race the peril of the end of civilization on Earth. I speak today with the experience of several years dedicated to the service of my country. My political career, deeply rooted in the history of Haiti, has allowed me to go through many trials, always with the objective of promoting the progress of my country and the pride, restored dignity and well-being of the wounded Haitian people. Having presided over the Senate of the Republic from 1995 to 2000, and then having witnessed critical moments in our political history, I have seen up close the challenges that our nation has faced. My political commitment dates back to a time when struggles for stability and democracy were omnipresent. Today, as President of the Transitional Presidential Council, I find myself once again at a pivotal moment in Haiti’s history. My career has taught me that resilience and collective will are the only ways to guarantee a stable and prosperous future. It is with that vision and dedication and the strength that this rich political experience confers that I commit to leading the Transition, determined to lead Haiti towards peace, security and participatory democracy by holding the national conference and the renewal of political personnel through free, credible and transparent elections. The Haitian people, despite the trials they are facing, refuse to be overwhelmed by despair. Challenges of unprecedented magnitude — devastating violence, persistent political instability, almost general precariousness and degrading poverty — are up against their intelligence and their capacities for action. In the midst of that storm, they have understood that they have to make the courageous decision to come together and unite despite their profound differences in order to get back up and set out with confidence towards the end of the multidimensional crisis that has afflicted them for too long. The creation of the Transitional Presidential Council was a materialization of that decision, a tangible example of the desire for reconciliation. The Council, which brings together civil society organizations and all political movements in the country, is the result of long negotiations. It embodies the plurality of Haitian society. Its road map to restore public security, organize free and transparent elections at the end of 2025 and rebuild confidence in State institutions is clear. To that end, we, those responsible at the highest level of the State, know that we will need the support of the international community, but first we must count on ourselves, our resilience and our ability to overcome our differences and internal divisions. It is important to emphasize that the resolution of Haiti’s problems rests above all on the shoulders of the Haitian people. It is our duty as a sovereign nation to take charge of our destiny, overcome divisions and build together a future of peace and prosperity. However, that responsibility does not fall on us alone. The international community, the United Nations and the foreign Powers that have often played a decisive role in Haiti’s history also have an essential part to play in the process of restoring peace, economic recovery, institutional development and establishing a rule of law. In that sense, Haiti’s failure to recover is not only that of a nation; it reflects a collective failure and a global inability to fully respect the principles of solidarity, justice and international cooperation. It is together, with a sense of shared responsibility and renewed commitment, that we can transform the crisis into an opportunity and chart a lasting path towards peace. Today Haiti is facing a security crisis of unprecedented gravity. The rise of armed gangs, widespread violence and political instability have plunged the nation into a state of extreme vulnerability. Citizens live in fear, unable to move freely throughout the national territory, go to work or send their children to school without risk, particularly in the metropolitan region of Port-au-Prince, the capital. The situation affects all aspects of Haitian society, weakens institutions, paralyses the economy and undermines hope for a better tomorrow. The future of the country is threatened. Fifty per cent of the gangs in the capital region are made up of children and adolescent girls and boys. They often serve as cannon fodder during operations against the police. They are the object of serious violence of all kinds, including sexual violence. The abuses and violence against children and adolescents must be considered a crime against humanity, given their impact on future generations. The restoration of national security is an absolute priority for the Haitian authorities. They are fully committed to putting an end to the spiral of violence and restoring order in order to guarantee every citizen the fundamental right to security. They are aware that peace and stability are the essential foundations for allowing Haiti to recover, restoring confidence in its institutions and ensuring the socioeconomic development of the people. In that regard, the decision of the Security Council to authorize the deployment of the Multinational Security Support Mission through resolution 2699 (2023) was a direct response to the calls of the Haitian people. The Mission, although not a classic United Nations force, embodies the commitment of the international community to supporting Haiti in its fight against insecurity. On behalf of the Haitian people, I express my deep gratitude to the contributing States, particularly Kenya, for agreeing to assume the leadership of the Mission, as well as to all countries that have provided support. The national security forces, with the support of the Mission, have already achieved concrete results on the ground, enabling the population to gradually return to a certain normalcy. Much remains to be done, however. Haiti has hosted several United Nations missions over the past three decades, including the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti. While some of those missions have contributed to temporarily stabilizing the country, they have also left a heavy legacy of consequences. Allegations of serious human rights violations, including sexual abuse, have shaken the trust of the Haitian people. The lack of prosecutions and reparations for victims has reinforced a certain sense of impunity, thereby undermining reconstruction efforts. However, it is never too late to do the right thing and to learn from the past. By rethinking our approach, we have the opportunity to restore the image of international missions in Haiti and build a better future for the Haitian people. It is in that spirit that we would like to see the start of a reflection on the transformation of the Multinational Security Support Mission into a peacekeeping operation under a United Nations mandate. That transformation would not only secure more stable funding and expand the Mission’s capabilities but also strengthen the commitment of Member States to security in Haiti. I am convinced that such a change in status, while ensuring that the mistakes of the past are not repeated, would guarantee the full success of the Mission in Haiti. I stand before the Assembly today as the voice of the Republic of Haiti, a country whose history is inextricably linked to the ideals of freedom and justice that we all celebrate here. But Haiti, the world’s first independent black nation, is also the great victim of a historical injustice that not only stunted its development but also burdened its people with a burden whose repercussions are still being felt. In 1825, barely 21 years after winning its freedom through a heroic struggle, Haiti was forced to pay a colossal debt to France, the colonizing country, in exchange for recognition of its independence. That ransom, imposed under threat, drained the resources of the young nation, plunging it into a vicious cycle of impoverishment from which it is still struggling to emerge. The debt was a form of punishment for Haiti’s boldness in freeing itself from the chains of slavery and raising Haitians to the dignity of humankind. It was an unjust penalty that suffocated the economic and social potential of the black people of Haiti for generations. In today’s context, where attention is more focused than ever on efforts to restore security without delay and meet the immense humanitarian needs in Haiti, I feel it incumbent upon me to draw the Assembly’s attention to the aftermath of the colonial past and the ransoms paid to certain Powers that have largely mortgaged Haiti’s development. It is relevant to recall that Haiti is the only country ever to have paid for its independence, obtained in fire and blood. On the eve of the bicentennial of that unprecedented event in world history, has the time not come to return the assets paid? In that regard, my country welcomed the proposals made by a number of Governments and some United Nations agencies for concrete actions towards the recognition, reparation and restitution of past wrongs. Haiti has unreserved confidence in the United Nations, whose pillars are the struggle for equality among peoples and the maintenance of peace among nations, to play its role, particularly in the establishment of appropriate mechanisms to facilitate dialogue between countries that were victims of colonization and the former colonial Powers. Here at this seventy-ninth session, Haiti is, through me, not merely demanding reparations, but raising a question of principle, that of immanent justice. My approach is resolutely committed, structured and well documented. The National Committee for Restitution and Reparation, in collaboration with the Caribbean Reparations Commission, has already undertaken exhaustive work on that subject. We call for the recognition of a moral and historical debt and the implementation of just and appropriate reparations that will allow our people to free themselves from the invisible chains of that unjust past. History teaches us that nations do not rise again in isolation, but in the union of forces and the resolute commitment to building a common future. Haiti, a land that has offered the world a symbol of unwavering freedom and that has helped several nations to free themselves from the yoke of barbaric colonialism, seeks not charity but justice, respect for its dignity and its right to a dignified and prosperous existence. The challenges we face today are certainly immense, but they are not insurmountable. They require from us all a shared vision, a deep sense of our common humanity and the determination to transform crises into opportunities for renewal. Every nation, large or small, wealthy or vulnerable, holds a share of the collective future in its hands. It is in that interdependence that the true strength of multilateralism lies. Let this general debate be the moment when we reaffirm our unwavering commitment to peace, human dignity and sustainable development, because what we do today will resonate for centuries to come. History will judge how we have responded to the challenges of our time. Together, in a spirit of solidarity and cooperation, we can and must build a future where no people, no nation, will be left behind. Long live Haiti! Long live international cooperation! Tomorrow, another country! Tomorrow, another world!

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Presidential Council of the Transition of the Republic of Haiti for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Transitional Sovereign Council of the Republic of the Sudan.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Abdel-Fattah Al-Burhan Abdelrahman Al-Burhan, President of the Transitional Sovereign Council of the Republic of the Sudan, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Al-Burhan (spoke in Arabic): I address the General Assembly today on behalf of the people and the Government of the Sudan. I congratulate the President of the Assembly at its current session and his team, wishing them success in addressing the increasing threats to security and peace, which have put our Organization to the test, undermine the principles of freedom, peace and justice, and violate the national law. The Sudan believes in and supports the role of the United Nations and all initiatives to promote the reform and development of the work of its organs, especially the Security Council, with a view to strengthening multilateralism and collective security, protecting human rights and confronting the challenges of climate change and ethnically and ideologically motivated terrorism. The Sudan welcomes the theme of this session, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development, and human dignity”. It also welcomes the priorities set out by the President of Assembly and believes in the need to implement the outcomes of the Summit of the Future, especially with respect to reforming the United Nations and the Security Council, allowing them to put an end to the protracted crises that are threatening international peace and to achieve consensus and harmony among nations and peoples; the increasing number of unilateral measures taken outside the framework of the United Nations, in complete violation of the Charter and international law; and the use of political and economic coercion to achieve political goals. All of those factors contribute significantly to instability in the security, political and economic spheres and to fuelling wars. Moreover, selectivity and double standards have become the dominant features of international relations. The Sudan is facing very serious challenges as a result of a war launched by a group that has long rebelled against the State, with local and regional political and logistical support. All of us have witnessed the crimes, atrocities and violations committed by that rebel group against the Sudanese people and the Sudanese State. The war began with an attempt to seize power by force of arms and soon grew into an all-out war against the Sudanese people and their State. Countless crimes have been committed, including ethnic cleansing, forced displacement and genocide by the Rapid Support Forces, which should be classified as a terrorist group. Unfortunately, that militia continues to commit its crimes with the support and assistance of countries of the region, which provide them with money and mercenaries for their own political and economic benefit, in a blatant challenge to international law and will. The crimes of that terrorist group have even extended to the headquarters of diplomatic missions and organizations and their property. Even the United Nations offices and property in the Sudan have been targeted. The Dagalo family has continued to defy international laws and obligations with impunity, refuses to comply with the Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to Protect the Civilians of Sudan, and rejects Security Council resolutions on the arms embargo imposed on Darfur. Their crimes of ethnic cleansing in Darfur continue. Their latest challenge to those resolutions is their non-compliance with Security Council resolution 2736 (2024), concerning El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur state. That begs the question of why the international system has not taken decisive and deterrent action against that group and its supporters, despite everything I have mentioned and all its crimes against humanity, war crimes and failures to implement the resolutions of the Security Council and regional organizations. That is all the more reason to call for the reform of the Security Council so that double standards, impunity and lack of accountability do not become key characteristics of the Organization. The devastating aggression led by the Rapid Support Forces, with the support of States of our region, which have provided them with financial support and facilitated the recruitment and importation of mercenaries and weapons, has resulted in the deaths of tens of thousands and the displacement of millions of Sudanese from their homeland as they flee the armed groups to seek refuge in various regions. Millions more Sudanese now live in peace in other parts of the country. The systematic attacks led by the militias increase the suffering of our citizens everywhere and every day. As a result, we have been seeking solutions to the situation. The Jeddah Declaration of May 2023 should have been enough to end the war and return life to normal, but the political and regional Powers supporting the war have a different take on the situation, leading to the circumstances we are enduring today. In order to alleviate the suffering of our fellow Sudanese and facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid, we have opened our borders and airports and lifted all restrictions and procedures that could disrupt or hinder the entry of aid to those in need. The Government of the Sudan is determined to facilitate humanitarian work and protect humanitarian and medical convoys and crews, and affirms its full commitment to international humanitarian law and measures to protect civilians. Protecting civilians is our responsibility, especially when women and children in areas controlled by the militia are subjected to all kinds of violations and have even been sold in the markets. The humanitarian crisis affecting a large portion of our population, owing to the aggression of the Dagalo militia, requires the concerted efforts of the international community and organizations to fulfil the declared international obligations to provide the required and necessary aid to millions of those fleeing, displaced persons and refugees. For our part, we have done and will do everything possible to deliver aid to those in need. In that regard, we thank all the neighbouring countries that have received those fleeing, displaced persons and refugees and the countries and organizations that have provided assistance to the Sudanese people. We are facing a great challenge, and the United Nations must assume its responsibilities for protecting developing countries from the avarice of countries that still believe that they can control peoples’ resources through the use of force and money. We tell them that the will of our people is stronger than all that and that it will ultimately prevail. Many crises, including that in the Sudan, are the product of double standards, political coercion, economic blackmail and the inability of the international system entrusted with maintaining international peace and security to deter those who defy the will of the international community. Some marketplace incentives serve the interests of certain parties or States, and those methods have become unacceptable and ineffective for our developing countries, where artificial conflicts are growing in number. Therefore, national ownership of solutions is the best way to address them. Since the start of the crisis, we in the Sudan have sought to end the war and to spare the country the destructive attacks of the Dagalo militia on the Sudanese people and the country. We have thus engaged in many constructive initiatives, and we still harbour hopes of ending the conflict so as to guarantee the dignity of the people and the sovereignty of our State. We are working to ensure that the war will not resume and that accountability will be uphold. The road map for ending the war in the Sudan is clear. First, combat operations must end, and that will happen only when the rebel militia withdraw from the areas they currently occupy and from which people have been displaced. The militias must lay down their weapons so that citizens can return to their homes, where it is easier for assistance to reach them. That will also facilitate the reopening of roads and airports and the resumption of production. Secondly, the end of the hostilities must be followed by a comprehensive political process that restores the path of the democratic political transition and puts in place sustainable solutions with national ownership that will prevent the recurrence of wars and military coups. I confirm that the Sudanese Armed Forces, which is one of the oldest institutions of the State, is fully professional, non-politicized and fully committed to the democratic transition process and the right of the Sudanese people to choose who governs them. Therefore, it is keen to fulfil the first commitment it made after the glorious December Revolution in 2019 to hand over power to any consensus or elected Government. It will never accept the return of the previous regime, which was rejected by the people, and affirms its commitment to contributing positively to facilitating the transition to civilian rule. The Government of the Sudan also reiterates its commitment to seeking peace with all groups that still bear arms and willing to respect the 2020 Juba Agreement for Peace. Throughout the war, the Sudanese Armed Forces have remained committed to international humanitarian law, the Geneva Conventions and its Protocols, and efforts to protect civilians and facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance to various regions of the Sudan. We in the Government of the Sudan are ready to engage in any initiative that could help to end the war, so long as it upholds national ownership and ends the control and occupation of our territories by the militia. We are also in favour of all initiatives that guarantee the dignity of the Sudanese people and the unity and sovereignty of the State over its lands as a first and necessary step towards restoring the democratic path. It is unacceptable for the Government and he people of the Sudan to engage with any country that has supported the war and participated in the killing and displacement the Sudanese, whether by supplying weapons or facilitating their delivery, or by provided political or any other kind of support for the aggression against the Sudanese State and people. I confirm that we are proceeding to defeat the aggressors no matter what support, assistance and political cover they enjoy. I thank the countries, organizations and human rights and volunteer groups that have sought to paint an accurate picture of what is happening in the Sudan. I welcome the outcomes of the Manama summit, the Great Lakes summit in Rwanda and the meeting of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation in Yaoundé. I commend them for their decision to describe what is happening as a rebellion by a militia against the Sudanese State. We want the United Nations to rein in the armed groups and deter any future attempt to act in similar fashion in other countries. We must rightly portray the Rapid Support Forces as an armed force that has rebelled against the State and committed crimes that necessitate their classification as a terrorist group. That is one of the most important duties of the Organization. Before I conclude, the Government of the Sudan affirms its firm position on the Palestinian cause and the right of the Palestinian people to establish their independent State within the borders of 1967. We call for the immediate end to the hostilities in Gaza and Lebanon, and we recommend that Palestine’s be granted full membership of the Organization. In conclusion, I reiterate my thanks and those of the people and the Government of the Sudan to all those who have stood by us in this ordeal. Millions of Sudanese still need their help. May the will of the Sudanese people prevail.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Transitional Sovereign Council of the Republic of the Sudan for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Carlos Manuel Vila Nova, President of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Vila Nova (spoke in Portuguese; interpretation provided by the delegation): It is with a great sense of honour that I address the Assembly as a representative of Sao Tome and Principe, a small island State that, like so many others, faces the complex challenges of our time. On behalf of the people of Sao Tome and Principe, I congratulate President Yang and offer Secretary-General António Guterres our warmest congratulations. It is easy for me, as it is for anyone present in the Assembly, to say that what stands out in relation to international issues is the uncertainty and insecurity that mark both the present and the future. As a small island State, my country is on the front line of the consequences of climate change and the climate crisis represents the greatest existential threat to our populations. Although we are responsible for only a tiny fraction of global greenhouse gas emissions, we are among those who suffer most from its impacts. Sea level rise, more frequent and intense storms, coastal erosion and loss of biodiversity threaten not only our livelihoods but also our very existence. It is therefore imperative that the international community strengthen its commitment to the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and ensure that the voices of the most affected nations like ours are heard and integrated into concrete actions. We call for global action that is not only ambitious but also urgent. The twenty-ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, to be held next November in Baku, will be a crucial opportunity to reaffirm the collective commitment to limiting global warming to 1.5° C. However, commitments are not enough. We need concrete, immediate action to mitigate the impacts of the climate crisis. We call on the largest emitters to meet their historical and moral obligations by drastically reducing their emissions and honouring the climate financing promised to developing countries, which are paying the price for a crisis they did not cause. In addition, we call for an expansion of financing mechanisms for adaptation, as we need to strengthen our resilience. We are already investing in innovative adaptation solutions, such as sustainable use of our marine resources and the implementation of renewable energies. However, our efforts need to be scaled up and that requires the support of the international community. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) remain a beacon for our progress. For us, sustainable development is not a choice but a necessity. Our vision of the future is based on the Sustainable Development Goals, and it is in that sense that we strive for a balance between economic growth, environmental protection and social justice. However, the deadline for achieving them is fast approaching and for many of us there is still a long way to go. Support for development must be renewed and new models of partnership among nations must be explored. We reaffirm our commitment to the SDGs, but without an international environment that promotes fair trade, accessible financing and peace our efforts will be limited. We ask for the support of the international community so that our transition to a green economy can be accelerated and so that together we can be examples of how sustainable development can transform societies and ensure prosperity for future generations. On the other hand, we cannot fail to mention the importance of strengthening multilateral institutions and ensuring that all States, regardless of their size or economic power, have a voice in global decisions. Multilateralism is our best tool for tackling collective challenges that transcend borders. Global peace and security face growing threats, from armed conflicts to the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. The African continent continues to be the scene of protracted conflicts that result in deep and unacceptable suffering. Those conflicts demonstrate the need for greater diplomatic intervention and African solutions to African problems. Sao Tome and Principe calls on the international community to step up its efforts to mediate and support the peaceful resolution of conflicts in Africa while respecting the sovereignty of nations. Peace is the foundation on which we build development. Unfortunately, we continue to witness the escalation of conflicts in various parts of the world, such as the recent deterioration of the situation in the Gaza Strip and Lebanon. Sao Tome and Principe reaffirms its firm commitment to the principles of peace and human rights and calls for respect for the sovereignty of States and the intensification of diplomatic efforts for the peaceful resolution of conflicts. There can be no development without peace and peace is possible only with justice. The future we want must be built on the foundations of cooperation, solidarity and mutual understanding. The coronavirus disease pandemic highlighted the interdependence of nations and the need for joint responses to global challenges. We need to continue strengthening multilateralism and promoting the sharing of knowledge, resources and innovative solutions. Sao Tome and Principe reaffirms its unwavering commitment to the principles that govern the Organization. We believe that, through dialogue and cooperation, we will be able to tackle the greatest challenges of our time, from climate change to poverty to the promotion of human rights and equity. This year, the United Nations celebrates 79 years of existence. That lifetime gives the United Nations a special status. Indeed, that observation cannot be taken lightly. In fact, it has been almost eight decades of intense work and unrepeatable experiences, the likes of which no other organization has achieved in its efforts to obtain and maintain peace and achieve other global public goods. On this occasion, we must praise the ineluctable commitment of the Secretary-General, whose action on all fronts touches us deeply. Faced with our persistent dilemmas, it is imperative that we bring new hope to the world stage. That is an unavoidable objective and role of the United Nations, but that mission is also ours. The world’s current afflictions are not inevitable. If we gut the United Nations and if each State adopts the spirit of everyone for themselves, the result will be to leave unanswered such global problems as wars, economic crises, environmental crises and other ills. The world has changed since the creation of the Organization. The international system, like its institutions, must evolve to reflect the realities and needs of today. We advocate for the reform of the Security Council to make it more representative and effective in its mission of maintaining global peace and security. The multipolar world we live in today demands a more inclusive and dynamic United Nations. In saying that, I emphasize the need to think of Africa as a part of the world. We cannot go on with a Security Council that reflects the power structures of 1945, a time when most of the current African States were still under colonial rule and therefore had no voice in international affairs. That underrepresentation of the continent is also evident in other structures of global governance, such as the international financial institutions, and we urgently need to change that. I take this opportunity to echo a call that has resounded here in the Assembly for decades — the need to put an end to the economic, commercial and financial blockade imposed against the Republic of Cuba. The blockade is outdated and contrary to the principles of peaceful coexistence and solidarity among nations. The Cuban people have shown resilience, but it is time for the international community, in particular the United Nations, to intensify its efforts to correct that injustice in the name of peace and human dignity. We also reaffirm our support for Morocco’s sovereignty and commend the political initiatives developed in the search for a peaceful and credible solution to the dispute. We also welcome the strategic projects launched by the Kingdom of Morocco, such as the Morocco-Nigeria Gas Pipeline and the Royal Atlantic Africa Initiative, which reflect the vision of regional integration and sustainable growth. In conclusion, we reaffirm that our presence here is a testimony to our faith in the United Nations and its ideals. Despite our limited resources, we bring to the global table our tireless will to contribute to a fairer, safer and more sustainable world. Sao Tome and Principe is ready to do its part and continues to work hand-in-hand with all the nations represented here to build a better future for all.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Democratic Republic of Sao Tome and Principe for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the King of the Kingdom of Lesotho.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Majesty King Letsie III, King of the Kingdom of Lesotho, and to invite him to address the Assembly. King Letsie III: I wish to congratulate Mr. Philemon Yang on his well-deserved election to the office of President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. I am confident that with his vast experience and wealth of knowledge, he will successfully guide the Assembly to live up to its commitments. I therefore assure him of my delegation’s full support and cooperation in all his endeavours. I would also like to pay my tribute to his predecessor, Mr. Dennis Francis, for the excellent manner in which he discharged his duties as President of the Assembly during the seventy-eighth session. To Secretary-General António Guterres, I express my country’s deep gratitude and unwavering support for his exceptional work on behalf of humankind, especially amidst the significant challenges facing multilateralism today. Under his leadership, the United Nations has navigated numerous obstacles, including the coronavirus disease pandemic, escalating debt crises and the impacts of climate change. In his address to the General Assembly (see A/79/PV.7), he highlighted the importance of peace within communities, peace with justice, peace with dignity and peace with nature, emphasizing that building peace is humankind’s greatest responsibility. The United Nations was founded on the belief that nations can and should live together in peace and work with each other to resolve conflicts peacefully for the betterment of our lives. It also established the framework for justice, respect for international law and the promotion of global socioeconomic development. As the United Nations celebrates its seventy-ninth anniversary this year, we must reaffirm the enduring conviction of our founders and reassert their sense of purpose. As I stand here today, I resonate with those sentiments, drawing from our nation’s history and experiences. This year, Lesotho commemorates 200 years since the founding of the Basotho nation, with the pinnacle of that celebration occurring on 4 October 2024. What, then, can we, as a smaller nation, contribute to the global discourse on peace? Lesotho was founded on the principle of peace, “khotso”. Our founder, Morena Moshoeshoe I, cherished peace as one of his core values. Writers and researchers have described him as, “no common man, as someone who stands out clear in the light, original, able, enlightened and upright. His humanity, his mildness, his love of peace and justice, his horror of war, his forbearance under extreme provocation, are conspicuous upon every occasion”. Those are qualities that have inspired us as Basotho. Morena Moshoeshoe I was able to bring together different tribal groups, avert conflicts and negotiate lasting peace that to this day we strive to maintain. The Basotho are a nation built on tolerance, inclusion, and unity, which are also the key principles enshrined in the Secretary-General’s New Agenda for Peace. It is in that context that we hail as most appropriate the theme chosen for our general debate this year, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development, and human dignity for present and future generations”. The relevance of the theme at the present juncture in international relations is beyond doubt. Through collective action, we can conquer the challenges facing humankind and realize a sustainable future for all. However, that will require leaders with humanity, mildness, a love of peace and justice, a horror of war and forbearance under extreme provocation. Those are ideals that can be achieved. My ancestor, as testified by many, was the embodiment of those traits, which built a nation that stands to this day. Business as usual will not preserve our world as we know it. The enjoyment and exercise of human rights and the attainment of sustainable peace and development require a deliberate fundamental shift and commitment by the world’s leadership. In the words of another of my ancestors: “Always be slow to take arms. At all times, I beseech you, lean upon this rod of peace. Always keep it clear in your mind that it is far more profitable to harvest food in the grain fields than to kill men in the battlefields.” In today’s rapidly changing world, the United Nations has continued to forge peace in conflict-ridden areas around the world, promoting human rights and lifting thousands out of poverty. Lesotho reaffirms its commitment to advancing that collective vision of an effective United Nations to ensure a prosperous and lasting future for all our people. The world faces significant challenges as the deadline for achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) approaches. The Sustainable Development Goal Report 2024 indicates that only 16 per cent of the targets are on track to be met by 2030, while 84 per cent show limited or reversed progress. The 2024 Trade and Development Report highlights a troubling trend wherein 48 developing countries spend more on loan interest payments to developed nations than on essential services like education and health. That economic inequality drives migration as refugees seek better opportunities, often leading to xenophobia and conflict in host countries. Addressing that inequality is crucial to fostering inclusive development and ensuring global peace and stability. To enhance the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, my Government plans to present its third Voluntary National Review on sustainable development in 2025. Achieving that goal requires stronger partnerships and increased financial support, particularly for vulnerable countries that are both least developed and landlocked. The current crises of hunger, poverty, disease and climate change threaten to reverse the progress made over the past century. In Lesotho, climate change exacerbates environmental degradation, impacting agriculture, water resources and energy supplies, leading to food shortages that have compelled the Government to declare a state of emergency in food security. However, we are committed to responding to those challenges by pursuing opportunities that will enable greater self-sufficiency for the country. Lesotho’s stock in trade is a high-quality suite of renewable energy resources of sun, wind and a plentiful supply of the purest mountain water. We are therefore in a position to establish a sustainable renewable energy and water economy. Our priority is to satisfy the deficit in our domestic energy demand and to export clean energy and high-quality water to the region. Our goal to fully meet the commitments to the Paris Agreement on Climate Change well in advance of 2050 will be attained, with the potential of Lesotho being among the first countries in Africa to be a fully carbon-neutral electricity generator. We seek our own opportunity to navigate our own way in this complex world. It is essential to restore dignity and hope for women, young people and marginalized communities, who continue to experience a disproportionate level of vulnerabilities and disadvantages. Gender equality and the protection of women and girls from violence are fundamental human rights that must be prioritized. The Government of Lesotho has implemented policies and laws to address those issues, in line with regional and international commitments. Additionally, we continue to combat diseases like HIV/AIDS and have achieved significant progress, with 95 per cent of those living with HIV knowing their status, 94 per cent receiving treatment and 98 per cent of those on treatment virally suppressed. Since 2010, we have successfully reduced new HIV infections by 74 per cent, demonstrating our commitment to public health and social equity. Global peace and security are under threat from terrorism, illicit arms flows, organized crime, cybercrime and financial crimes, hindering progress towards sustainable peace. That worrisome state of affairs demands collective and resolute action to protect global peace, security and stability for the benefit of all humankind. Mediation has proven effective in saving lives, minimizing resource costs and preventing infrastructure destruction, while facilitating reconciliation between opposing parties. Despite the United Nations focus on peaceful dispute resolution, political tensions among Member States have limited its mediation efforts. It is therefore essential for the Security Council to take a proactive leading role in the mediation of disputes. To achieve that, the Council must adopt a multilateral approach, as we believe that is the only way to ensure transparency, impartiality and a sense of ownership of the mediation process by the wider United Nations membership. For that reason, we warmly welcome the Secretary-General’s New Agenda for Peace, which emphasizes the urgent need to rebuild mechanisms for managing disputes and enhancing trust among Member States and regional frameworks. Respecting and upholding human rights is a fundamental obligation of all States, as outlined in the Charter of the United Nations. Self-determination and independence are essential rights that should be accessible to all people. We urge the full implementation of United Nations resolutions aimed at ending all forms of colonialism and occupation, particularly emphasizing the need for the self- determination of the people of Western Sahara. The situation in the Middle East, especially the ongoing human rights violations in Gaza, requires urgent attention. We reiterate our call for a ceasefire, as both the General Assembly and the Security Council have repeatedly advocated. The high cost of war is a burden that humankind should not bear. We believe in a two-State solution that allows Israelis and Palestinians to coexist peacefully and securely. Genuine dialogue and mediation, respecting the rights and concerns of both parties, are crucial to resolving the Palestine question. Additionally, we call for a mediated solution to the unilateral coercive measures on Cuba, as the international community has consistently demanded the lifting of the economic and commercial embargo. Cuba, like all Member States, deserves the right to participate freely in international trade, and we also reiterate our call for the lifting of sanctions on Zimbabwe. To conclude we would like to reiterate our belief in the principle of subsidiarity, recognizing the Security Council’s primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. We therefore call for greater and more effective cooperation between the Council and regional organizations, as outlined in Chapter VIII of the United Nations Charter. The strengthening of that cooperation is crucial for the swift resolution of regional conflicts. We believe that the Security Council should become more representative of the United Nations membership to ensure that its decisions enjoy greater legitimacy. Therefore, we advocate for a comprehensive reform of the Security Council, supporting the Common African Position known as the Ezulwini Consensus. We also believe that the United Nations should continue to be a place where all our aspirations to a better and secure life for humankind must be championed. Let us work together to build a United Nations that reflects a broad consensus among Member States, reinforcing its central role in global governance and fostering collaboration with regional organizations while ensuring that all Members respect its Charter.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the King of the Kingdom of Lesotho for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of North Macedonia.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations Her Excellency Mrs. Gordana Siljanovska- Davkova, President of the Republic of North Macedonia, and to invite her to address the Assembly. President Siljanovska-Davkova (spoke in Macedonian; interpretation provided by the delegation): Those familiar with the Macedonian case know about the Scyllas and Charybdis’ that my homeland, a small Balkan State, has endured and continues to endure. Although indirectly, as one of the six constituent republics of the former Yugoslavia, Macedonia participated in the creation of the United Nations, yet upon our admission in 1993 we faced a great injustice — namely, the country was admitted under the temporary reference of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, along with the additional condition “to negotiate until a final solution to the name issue is found”. The Prespa Agreement was signed and ratified in 2018, a process that was followed by an unsuccessful referendum and constitutional changes, following which the Republic of Macedonia legally and formally became the Republic of North Macedonia. As a professor of constitutional law and a former member of the Venice Commission, I know that what is legal is not always what is just and legitimate, because in the case of my country the decision was not enacted in accordance with international and national law, in particular the right to self-determination of every nation, guaranteed by the Charter of the United Nations, and the 1974 Constitution of federal Yugoslavia was set aside. The line that divides the legal from the just is sometimes merely a crack, but at other times it is a deep gap and even an abyss. That gap, that abyss, most often and most severely affects the small nations and States, which are the first victims of the clash between force and justice, which can be an insurmountable obstacle to realizing the right to progress. The new name is indeed a formal, legal reality and my country, as a responsible State Member of the United Nations and NATO, is meeting its international obligations. Still, the membership of the European Union (EU) for which we went through all of that not only did not materialize, but Macedonian citizens are now facing a new, repeated final condition for another constitutional amendment — this time not for membership but for the start of a second round of negotiations. For us, membership of the EU, after 20 years of negotiations and 16 positive European Commission reports, resembles Mr. Godot, because we have been waiting for him since 2005, encouraged by international representatives with the refrain “just this one condition more, just this one concession more, just this one constitutional amendment more”. Thus, we have become a sui generis State, with 36 constitutional amendments in 30 years, anchored in the geopolitical region called the Western Balkans. As a peace-loving country committed to good-neighbourliness and regional cooperation, we expect understanding and cooperation with our neighbours, without the threat of a veto. Where there is a veto, there is often no justice. The veto has turned into an instrument for the bilateralization of European integration, or rather its stagnation. In conditions of conflict on European soil, the stagnation of European integration not only demotivates Macedonian citizens and slows reforms, but also destabilizes the region of South-East Europe, leaving room for the infiltration of malignant imperial and great Power influences. Enlargement must be tied to the meritocratic Copenhagen criteria and freed from the veto linked to the attempt to revise history and disrespect national and cultural identity. From our European and strategic partners, we expect understanding and the fair unblocking of the process of negotiations for membership of the European Union, the rejection of double standards and respect for our own principles and values embedded in fundamental constitutional documents. Without us, European reunification is like an unfinished symphony. The European Union is not only a political system but also a political philosophy in which the largest number of Macedonian and Balkan political actors and citizens believe. Integration is a powerful motivator and key force for democratic development. The full integration of the Balkans into the EU will put an end to the endless redrawing of borders and so-called balkanization as a phenomenon. However, the Balkan States must of course behave in compliance with European standards by connecting and cooperating at the regional level. The experience is valuable and the help of the countries of the region that have already joined the EU, as well as those that are on the European path, is highly appreciated. We must learn to support each other, as we have done with the coronavirus disease pandemic, floods and fires, instead of blocking each other on the European journey. Homo Balkanicus can be homo Europicus whenever we want. The line that divides the legal from the just is intertwined not only in the case of Macedonian, but also in almost all issues that are on the United Nations agenda, including those covered by the topic of this year’s general debate, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”. We are faced with big questions. Let me start with the most important one — peace. Is a just peace possible when we are faced with more and more wars and flagrant violations of the Charter of the United Nations? Is a just peace possible with the deepening militarization of politics and the new arms race? Is human dignity possible in an environment of double standards where human lives are not valued equally and where the sufferings of innocent victims in conflicts are not treated equally? How can we achieve fair and just development when we are plunged into the race for profit at the expense of nations and the planet and when global public goods are sacrificed, marginalized, stuck at the periphery and forsaken in national and corporate policies and actions? How can we achieve social justice in conditions of growing economic, educational, gender and digital disparity among States and within the States themselves, with fewer and fewer winners and more and more losers in the context of globalization and digitalization, the former sinking into decadence and the latter into pauperization? How will we ensure generational justice if we pursue the irresponsible and uncontrolled exploitation of limited resources? How will we create a safe and sustainable future for our descendants if we continue to engage in ecocidal production practices and consumer habits that leave a world choked with air pollution, poisoned with pesticides and littered with plastic? With the alarming level of greenhouse gas emissions, which are rapidly leading to climate change with catastrophic consequences, can we even talk about responsibility, or should we start thinking about survival or our ability to live? The main problem is that all those injustices are systemic, which means that while they are not legal, they are tacitly tolerated. What is legal, unfortunately, is not always what is just and moral, if I may say so once again. Why is that so? In the most famous dialogue about power and justice, Thucydides recalls that, “justice is a word that has value in disputes only when both sides are of equal strength; in other cases, the strong do what they can and the weak suffer they must”. But the United Nations exists to ennoble the cruel Thucydean world by securing legal equality among nations, taming the power of the great and protecting the small nations. That legal equality is a prerequisite for achieving the highest goals of the United Nations: peace and security, human rights and sustainable development. The United Nations exists to bridge or at least narrow the gap between the legal and the just. We are facing a big challenge. How can the legal become just, or how can the just become legal? And how can the legal and the just be implemented? There are no simple, inexpensive or painless solutions to that dual challenge. Here in the General Assembly Hall, world leaders have for years shared their expectations of and disappointments with the United Nations, which not infrequently oscillate between the two extremes of utopian optimism, on the one hand, and nihilistic pessimism, on the other. Still, reality is complex and contains both successes and failures. The United Nations has prevented another world war, but it has failed to prevent and preclude regional conflicts, including the war in Ukraine and the bloodshed in the Middle East, the scenes from which resemble Picasso’s Guernica. The world Organization has lifted millions of people out of poverty, but it still fails to eradicate hunger. With the right to self-determination, it accelerated the process of decolonization but failed to bridge the gap between the rich North and the poor South. The United Nations is the main driver for resolving global security, migration, health, environmental, energy and climate crises, but hardly any of them are fully and justly resolved. The resolutions of the General Assembly reflect the will of the majority of nations but are not always consistently respected. The International Court of Justice is the ultimate instance of justice among States, yet its judgments are not always implemented or even treated as advice. The world is going through a turbulent geopolitical, economic, scientific, technological and industrial transformation in which the human species has a huge impact on the planet. I fear that humankind is destroying the Garden of Eden and will be kicked out of it again unless the United Nations supports it. But the competences, structures and procedures of the United Nations seem to have been frozen at the time of its founding in 1945. Instead of increased cooperation and action on pressing issues, geopolitical rivalries and a new arms race are intensifying and rapidly pushing us towards a state resembling a new, second Cold War and Orwell’s world, too. We have rarely needed the United Nations as we do today, and yet the United Nations has rarely been as politically marginalized as it is today. To overcome that political marginalization, a new spirit of multilateralism is needed that will alleviate geopolitical rivalries and increase trust and cooperation among States around shared challenges. That multilateralism rests on three pillars. The first pillar is consistent compliance with the Charter of the United Nations and international law, which exists to protect the weaker from the predatory instincts of the stronger. In that context, the Macedonian State firmly maintains its insistence that territorial claims and attempts to acquire territory by force are flagrant violations of the Charter of the United Nations. When dangerous precedents go unchallenged, they become tolerated practices that threaten world peace and security. Therefore, we support efforts for a sustainable, just and lasting peace in Ukraine, based on international law, including the United Nations Charter. In that regard, we fully comply with the Common Foreign and Security Policy of the European Union. That is important for us, since wars and conflicts also affect peace and stability in South-East Europe and the Western Balkans. Multilateralism also depends on respect for international treaties. As a country committed to good- neighbourliness and regional cooperation, we respect bilateral agreements with our neighbours and expect our neighbours to respect those agreements without abusing the right of the veto. The second pillar of multilateralism is the consistent implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals and the related Paris Agreement on Climate Change and the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction. At the national level, with the support of the United Nations and its agencies, we are incorporating the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development into our long-term development strategies, policies and laws. High on our agenda are climate action, a green and just transition, gender equality and the fight against discrimination against women and girls, as well as the inclusion of young people in decision-making processes. Two-thirds of the Sustainable Development Goals are directly related to European legislation, so the United Nations helps us implement European reforms as well. We are indeed grateful for that. I see the third pillar of the new multilateralism in a greater commitment to the reform of the United Nations, which must be substantive, not cosmetic and corrective, unlock the potential of the United Nations and enable the voice of every State, large or small, to be equally heard and valued. The first set of reforms should help align the United Nations with new challenges and new development priorities. The more frequent extreme weather phenomena caused by climate change are just a prelude of the kind of future that awaits us and our descendants if humankind’s attitude towards nature and the planet does not fundamentally change. We need not only a new social contract, as per Rousseau, but also a natural contract, as per Michel Serres, on the basis of which we will treat nature as a partner. The second set of reforms would cover the structures and procedures of the United Nations, starting with the voting rules and extending to financing and the autonomy of the Secretary-General. As I said, where there is a veto there is often no justice. It is an indisputable fact that the right of the veto is legal, but the question is: How just can it be when it is used to paralyse processes on which the attainment of the goals of the Charter and the expectations of the peoples of the world depend? The General Assembly just be given a greater role in decision-making as a representative body of the nations, in the spirit of we the peoples and we the nations. The legitimacy of the Security Council derives from the General Assembly, so it should function as a kind of coalition Government of nations. The third set of reforms would strengthen the United Nations mechanism to protect vulnerable populations and groups, which is especially important today, when the number of victims and refugees is at its highest level since the Second World War. Next year, we will celebrate the eightieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations. This year is the last call. The United Nations will either become an engine that moves the world towards a more humane, more just and sustainable order, based on inclusive and accountable governance, or be reduced to a passive, bureaucratized structure completely dependent on the main actors in geopolitical processes and relations. Only a fundamentally reformed United Nations can bridge the gap between the legal and the just and contribute to a truly transformed world in which no one is left behind and forgotten.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of North Macedonia for the statement she has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Eastern Republic of Uruguay.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Luis Lacalle Pou, President of the Eastern Republic of Uruguay, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Lacalle Pou (spoke in Spanish): As today is my last speech here as President, I take this opportunity to greet everyone and in particular the delegation of Uruguay, which has worked all these years as a team at the United Nations. For my last statement, I was looking over previous statements I have delivered, in which there was a common thread in how I laid out my vision for our society in Uruguay and how States relate to each other. That is the concept of freedom with responsibility — responsible freedom. I would venture to say that the first cannot exist without the second. Life in society is about the development of the individual and at the same time the common good. That is what our Constitution has said ever since our country became independent. Of course, it has evolved over time with the changes in social customs. It is impossible to understand humanity without understanding the concessions that individuals make for the common good. Essentially, we are social beings, and that ultimately impacts everyone, or at least it should. That is what has inspired me as President of my country and the spirit with which I have come to the Assembly. I am convinced that globalization will become further entrenched, which represents an excellent opportunity to understand and know ourselves better and to take advantage of the synergies created by the encounter of different cultures. That is possible when we are tolerant and respectful of those who may think differently from us. At the same time, we must also deepen the criteria of freedom and justice, in particular here on the international stage. For that to happen, we must all strive to the best of our abilities to make concessions. Of course, that does not entail the loss of freedom, independence or sovereignty. At the same time, we also need fair mechanisms in which international law is applied to all equally, regardless of a country’s size or economic power. We must work together to build credible and robust international law. Agreements, treaties, conventions and documents that are signed but not implemented only weaken international law. Of course, no country is obliged to participate in or belong to such organizations. That means that we can be and are critical of how our organizations work in certain ways. But what is the other option? It is to isolate ourselves. In this interconnected world, that would make no sense, so a large part of the freedom within our countries and in the international community and our ability to uphold justice falls on those who govern and leaders. In the modern world, where speeches lead to action, an important leader can with words alone generate positive or negative repercussions in her or his country or the international community. That means that we must be much more careful when we try to stimulate unity and not division within and beyond nations. Political dynamics have led some leaders to exploit divisions as a tool to attain and stay in power. Clearly, it is one thing to defend one’s own beliefs and values or those shared by a group of individuals, and it is quite another thing to attack the beliefs and way of life of other communities. In some countries, that can undermine the practice of formal democracy in terms of elections, constitutions and laws, as well as the material democracy that citizens experience on a daily basis, and freedom can be affected. I cannot fail to mention what is happening in Venezuela because, among other things, our position is not new. Fortunately, we have always kept our distance from that authoritarian and intolerant regime, which has attacked freedom and the common good. We all know what has been going on for some time in that country, while many Governments and world leaders have turned a blind eye, some out of a lack of interest, and some, regrettably, out of self-interest. I shall not go into the situation of the elections. Ultimately, one has to condemn the entire regime and not merely the distorted electoral process. We must also condemn the political persecution, the violations of human rights and the arbitrary detentions. I know that many Heads of State and Government have raised that issue. It seems to me that now is the time to act. We need to act for Venezuela and the Venezuelan people. If the international community tolerates such attitudes, it will only be a matter of time until the next country is subjected to a similar fate as the Venezuelans. Another matter that I have touched upon in my previous statements here is the environment and the economy. In our vocation of caring for the environment, there is always a separation between the economy and the environment. I am pleased to see that, since I first came to the Assembly and heard speeches delivered by Heads of State on that matter, there has been a rather rapid evolution in that regard. We are now seeing how the economy and the environment are interlinked and that is excellent news for humankind. As to sustainable financing, my country has been a pioneer in issuing instruments, such as green bonds or access to loans, pursuant to which fulfilling environmental goals and caring for the environment is tied to the performance of those financial products. That has had a very interesting domino effect because it helps States to access financing and also to care for the environment, but Governments can also reward producers and industry for creating a clean economy, or compel them to do so, and that will ultimately lead to greater prosperity in the future. I mentioned a few minutes ago the concept of justice in international law. The law is sometimes applied differently in different cases, depending on who is involved. There are countries that pollute indiscriminately and others that are making major efforts to improve their processes and revive the ecosystem. If that path is to be sustainable in the medium and long terms, the domestic goals of each country must be met and their process improved, while at the same time countries need to shoulder their economic commitments. They must do more than assume commitments; they have to fulfil them, because their failure to do so would disincentivize environmental protection. Lastly, I wish to raise one other point that I have also touched upon previously and on which there has been little positive change. I am convinced that it is not possible to fully enjoy freedom in the international community if there is no freedom of trade. Protectionism has hindered the development of our peoples and led to a vicious cycle in which isolation is stimulated by the erection of barriers. We have to aim for a world that is more open to other countries, goods and services. That in no way means neglecting the domestic economy. It is possible to have open trade policies that also stimulate the domestic economy. We have to build a more open world if we really believe in the equality of opportunities. If we fail to do so, it is clear that we will not be able to generate wealth, jobs and, ultimately, prosperity. I wish to reiterate today a concept that I have mentioned in one of my previous statements to the Assembly. We are all one. At the time, I was referring to the lessons of the pandemic. Some people have yet to learn that lesson. Ultimately, this is an affirmation of common sense, and I believe that it should also be a compass for us in our daily exercise of power, both domestically and in our bilateral and multilateral relations. I am convinced that we will progress much more quickly and much more united if we learn that lesson.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Eastern Republic of Uruguay for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Fiji.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Ratu Wiliame Maivalili Katonivere, President of the Republic of Fiji, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Katonivere: I bring greetings from the people of Fiji. I would also like to offer sincere congratulations to Mr. Philemon Yang on his election to his high office. We wish him well in the discharge of his important duties. As this is my first appearance before the General Assembly, I begin by reiterating the words of the first Prime Minister of Fiji, the late Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, in his inaugural address to the Assembly in 1970: “We do not live by bread alone, and it is only from the firm base of sound moral and spiritual standards that we can go on to meaningful economic progress… [Q]uality should not take second place to quantity especially when we are estimating a society, its life and accepted values. Quality is measured by standards, and these standards must be observed by larger nations as well as by smaller… But it is for the United Nations to set the standards and to disseminate them widely…” (A/PV.1876, paras. 210- 211). That statement was made when the United Nations was celebrating its twenty- fifth anniversary under the theme “Peace, justice and progress”. Fifty-four years later, the theme of the President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session — “Unity in diversity, for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for everyone, everywhere” — echoes similar sentiments. It resonates with us in its importance, its relevance from when Fiji first joined the United Nations and its urgency in today’s precarious global context. Climate change, sea level rise, pandemics, poverty, unsustainable development, conflicts, inequalities and injustices everywhere — the challenges are daunting. From Gaza to the Sudan, Ukraine, Afghanistan and beyond — conflicts rage on as humanitarian needs escalate. Those are the challenges we have been fighting since time immemorial. They are the background against which the United Nations was established in 1945. Today the rapid evolution of technology has made us more connected than ever before in history. However, the more connected we are, the wider grow the gaps between the rich and the poor, the developed and the developing world. Small island developing States, which are on the front lines of climate change and sea level rise, continue to grapple with the impacts of climate-induced disasters, with devastating consequences for the ecosystem and for vulnerable communities. This year, at least 72 countries, whose combined population comprises almost half of the world’s total population, have already elected or will soon select their own leaders at the polls. The world is in need of courageous leaders who are willing to garner the political will and mobilize the resources to bridge the divide and seek solutions that benefit humankind. We have two choices before us: to give up and go home or to stay the course, renew and redouble our efforts and rethink and reform together. The choice we make will be our legacy. We choose the latter, not for ourselves but for those coming after us. Strong international cooperation, diplomacy and a commitment to upholding the principles of the United Nations are not only important but indispensable. It is time to go back to the basics — the foundation and purpose of the Charter of the United Nations. We must invest in the empowerment of humankind and the protection of human rights. Next year the United Nations will turn 80. The United Nations is only as strong as its Member States. For 79 years, the global community has placed its trust in multilateralism and in the United Nations to foster cooperation, uphold human rights and promote global stability. We now live in an age of distrust, fuelled by the increasing disconnect between people’s expectations and the inadequate responses of the multilateral system. It is our collective responsibility to counter misinformation and disinformation. Trust is a prerequisite for effective multilateralism. The continued success of multilateralism is critical. There is more to be done to ensure that the voices of all countries are heard. An inclusive and responsive multilateral system must be able to respond and adapt to the challenges of today. The stakes are high for developing countries, including small island developing States and least developed countries, which continue to be left behind in the development race as we grapple with multiple crises. Despite our limited resources, the unfairness of the global governance system and obvious inequalities, small island developing States continue to forge ahead. We do not have the luxury of time, nor can we justify inaction. Building economic resilience is a requirement for sustainable development in small island developing States. Recovery from the frequency and magnitude of climate-related shocks, including disasters, is a costly affair. Mobilizing the up-front funding needed for adaptation remains a challenge as resources are focused on recovery and reconstruction. The adoption of the multidimensional vulnerability index for small island developing States opens a new chapter in the ongoing effort to safeguard the future of vulnerable developing countries. Mainstreaming the multidimensional vulnerability index into existing practices and policies will help ease the economic burden for small island developing States when it is needed the most. Cultivating a culture of peace is now more urgent than ever. The blue Pacific continent knows the value of peace, having lived through the horrors of its absence. Our oceans and its diverse and vibrant lands were the theatre of the two World Wars and a testing ground for the most dangerous weapons, the impacts of which are still felt today. Yesterday, 25 September, there was a unilateral test firing of a ballistic missile into the Pacific ocean. We urge respect for our region and call for the cessation of such action. Under principle 4 of the Ocean of Peace, as endorsed by the Pacific leaders in Tonga last month, our statements reinforce the Pacific’s peaceful example to uphold international law and urge others to refrain from actions that undermine peace and security in the blue Pacific. Under principle 12, the Ocean of Peace sets and champions rules of responsible, peaceful and deconflicting behaviour. Fiji may be a small State, but through our leadership and stewardship roles in the region, we make a profound contribution to regionalism and multilateralism. Fiji’s first-ever foreign policy white paper builds on the three interconnecting themes of Fiji’s foreign policy: sovereignty, security and prosperity. Fiji’s National Development Plan 2025-2029 envisions empowering the people of Fiji through unity, based on the pillars of economic resilience, people empowerment and good governance. True to the spirit of multilateralism, our bilateral, regional and multilateral development partners are a key part of our efforts. We commit to the principles of the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent and to the Pacific leaders’ vision of a prosperous blue Pacific continent. As a large ocean State, Fiji is a proud advocate for the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Fiji has signed and will ratify the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction in the lead-up to the third United Nations Ocean Conference in France. Fiji has ratified the World Trade Organization Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies, which is aimed at eliminating harmful subsidies that contribute to illegal, unregulated and unreported fishing. We call for concerted efforts at the World Trade Organization to finalize part two of the Fisheries Subsidies Agreement, which addresses subsidies to overfishing and overcapacity. Fiji reiterates the importance of understanding the vast ocean space, guided by science and data, in order to undertake risk-informed decisions. As the global community prepares for the twenty-ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP29), in Baku, we call on countries to work together with the United Nations to implement the outcomes of the global stocktaking undertaken at COP28. Deep, rapid and sustained reductions in greenhouse gas emissions, in line with the 1.5° C target, must be vigorously pursued and accelerated. The phase-out of unabated coal power and the transition away from fossil fuels in energy systems will contribute to the achievement of net zero targets by 2050. Both adaptation and mitigation financing require a substantial increase. We call on States to commit to finalizing the new collective quantified goal and address glaring gaps in climate finance. The momentum from COP27 and COP28 on the Loss and Damage Fund and the Santiago Network must be accelerated in order to protect vulnerable communities that stand to lose the most from the climate crisis, particularly in small island developing States and least developed countries. By 2050, around 240 of our coastal communities will be displaced by sea level rise. Forty-two communities are in urgent need of relocation. With the limitations of the multilateral climate financing architecture, Fiji has established the world’s first national relocation trust fund to support our relocation costs. We have issued domestic and international green and blue bonds, piloted low-cost parametric insurance products for rural communities and engaged the private sector in climate resilience- building. We call on our development partners to support our efforts. The Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), adopted at the Summit of the Future earlier this week (see A/78/PV.3), opens pathways to new possibilities. The world deserves a future of peace, dignity and prosperity. It is never too late. Fiji’s commitment to multilateralism is unwavering. We will continue to work closely with the United Nations and all Member States to advance efforts towards building a better, safer and fairer world for all.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Fiji for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Vice- President in charge of National Defence and State Security of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, Vice-President in charge of National Defence and State Security of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

On behalf of Mr. Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, President of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea, I would like to begin by congratulating Mr. Philemon Yang on his unanimous election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session, as well as the other members of the Bureau. We assure him of the absolute certainty that he will enjoy the support and cooperation of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea during the term of his presidency. We also congratulate outgoing President Mr. Dennis Francis, whose presidency marked the adoption of very important resolutions that summarize the brilliant leadership and outstanding dynamism that he was able to bring to his presidency. The theme of the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development, and human dignity for present and future generations”, is a topic that is in line with the current global situation, which faces such enormous global challenges as armed conflicts, the exacerbation of the existence of armed groups, terrorism, crises generated by climate change, organized criminal gangs, the prospect of new health crises and discrimination, as well as the food crisis arising armed conflicts that cause or are likely to cause famine in various countries. Indeed, that panorama obliges us all to recognize the need and importance of giving greater priority to the multilateralism and international cooperation that are so necessary to addressing the global challenges that humankind faces today, as well as to promoting sustained economic growth and sustainable development, in accordance with the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and recent United Nations conferences. Equatorial Guinea remains unchanged in its position regarding the conflicts that are currently taking place in all regions and some countries and the need to prioritize the search by all possible means for the end of hostilities and the prevalence of peace in the world through preventive diplomacy, negotiations and inclusive dialogues. We call on the countries engaged in ongoing conflicts and all Governments that are directly or indirectly involved in them owing to geostrategic, economic, neocolonialist or other interests to prioritize dialogue and inclusive negotiations in a realistic and pragmatic manner to resolve those conflicts. The proliferation of so many conflicts in all regions of the world is the greatest evidence of the obsolescence, incapacity and ineffectiveness of the Security Council today. What we are seeing in that decision-making body are the struggles for geostrategic interests that make it increasingly difficult to take unanimous decisions to resolve conflict situations and alleviate the suffering of populations and the loss of innocent lives. That is why there is a justification for the urgent need to reform the Security Council to put an end to its obsolete configuration, which dates back to 1945 and prevails to this day, with Africa as its main victim, suffering from a grave historical injustice and the lack of application of international law, as it is the only continent that lacks permanent representation on the Security Council. Africa, within the framework of the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration, has been demanding for more than 20 years the correction of that injustice through the allocation to Africa of two permanent seats, with all the prerogatives and rights reserved for members of that category, and five additional non-permanent seats in the Security Council. We hope that the contacts that are taking place between the permanent members and the African Union Committee of Ten in the context of that issue will achieve satisfactory results that benefit all the interested parties in order to create a Security Council capable of promoting a more just, peaceful, equitable and prosperous world for all. Equatorial Guinea is deeply concerned about the increasingly serious situation that the countries of the Sahel are enduring, with very negative implications for the development of those countries and which directly and indirectly affects the countries of the subregion. The situation is the result of interference, pressure and blockades that countries of the global South are subjected to by some countries, whose sole purpose is to cause destabilization and paralyse the efforts of African countries to achieve prosperity for their people. No country is exempt from internal problems. However, some countries have insisted on being judges and arbitrators to intervene and give lessons to other countries on sovereign equality, meddling in their internal affairs with manifest interference. All countries of the world, as sovereign States, have the right to decide with which country they wish to maintain relations and sign bilateral agreements that benefit their respective Governments and peoples. We do not understand why the embargo against Cuba has not been completely lifted or why the economic, commercial and financial blockade that has been imposed on that country for several decades has not been ended. Equatorial Guinea calls for the immediate lifting of the embargo imposed against Cuba and its exclusion from the notorious list of States that allegedly sponsor terrorism. The lifting of the embargo is even more necessary now that we have adopted by consensus the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), which advocates leaving no country behind. It is more than clear that African economies can become important players in global supply chains, taking advantage of their vast resources of raw materials needed for high-tech sectors and their own growing consumer markets. That is why Africa deserves priority attention in development support and financing initiatives, with a decisive materialization of sustainable development financing commitments for the implementation of the objectives contained in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the African Union’s Agenda 2063, and in order to leave no one behind. Equatorial Guinea is committed to the promotion and protection of human rights as a global issue, including the plan for the rights of children; the elimination of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related forms of intolerance; the rights of disabled people; the right to food and housing; and the right of countries to exploit and commercialize their natural resources to meet the needs of their populations. In that context, we have also seen the systematic violation of humanitarian rights in ongoing armed conflicts, depriving populations in conflict zones of the necessary humanitarian aid in the form of food and health care. Equatorial Guinea expresses its great concern about the crisis in Haiti and recognizes the need to carry out an in-depth analysis of the chronic crisis situation that has been ravaging that country in order to find a sustainable solution. To that end, we continue to propose the holding of a United Nations international conference for Haiti. I conclude by reiterating our congratulations to our brother Mr. Philemon Yang, wishing him every success during his presidency of the General Assembly and assuring him of the full support of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice-President in charge of National Defence and State Security of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Vice- President and Minister of Justice of the Republic of Palau.

I have great pleasure in welcoming Her Excellency Ms. Uduch Sengebau Senior, Vice-President and Minister of Justice of the Republic of Palau, and inviting her to address the Assembly.

Allow me to begin by congratulating Mr. Philemon Yang on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy- ninth session. We also extend our deep gratitude to former President Dennis Francis for his leadership over the past year. We commend Secretary-General Guterres for his tireless efforts in advocating for a more secure, prosperous and sustainable world. It is that shared vision that unites us today. This year, Palau proudly celebrates 30 years of independence. On 1 October 1994, Palau became a sovereign nation, and shortly thereafter the 185th Member of the United Nations. To honour the journey that has brought us here, we have chosen the theme “The people are the anchor of Palau’s conservation and identity”. That phrase encapsulates what has sustained us through decades of challenges and progress alike. Our people are the foundation of our efforts to protect our environment, culture and way of life. That was further underscored during our Voluntary National Review presentation this year, which centred around the theme “Harnessing our cultural heritage to build back better for a sustainable future”. It highlighted the pivotal role of our culture and people in shaping a future that not only fosters development and enhances quality of life, but also safeguards our natural resources, homes and the environment that has sustained us for generations. Palau begins its pursuit of equality with the critical role that women play in our society. It is crucial to leverage our recent advancements and collective experiences. That was highlighted at the first-ever Meeting of Women in Elected Leadership, held in Palau on 20 September 2023. Over the past four years, we have undertaken initiatives that empower women in their traditional roles, such as the keepers of the mesei — the taro patch — enabling them to scale their entrepreneurial ventures and raise their profiles. Those efforts are giving our women a pathway into entrepreneurship and business, amplifying their voices in new arenas. Food security is central to Palau’s long-term resilience. We have set a national goal to reduce food imports from 80 per cent to 60 per cent by 2030. By promoting local food production, we not only preserve our traditions but also combat non- communicable diseases linked to overreliance on imported, processed foods. As a small island developing State (SID), Palau, like many others, confronts unique challenges that threaten our economic development, environment and survival. While SIDS contribute less than 1 per cent of global greenhouse gas emissions, we bear the brunt of the climate crisis. Palau has experienced the unmistakable signs of climate change first-hand. More intense storms, landslides and prolonged droughts are becoming the new normal. The ripple effects of climate disasters globally have caused the cost of imported goods to skyrocket, further jeopardizing our food security and economic stability. The global response to climate change is a matter of life and death. Through the Paris Agreement on Climate Change and other international frameworks, we have underscored the vulnerabilities of island nations like ours. One of the most urgent challenges for SIDS is sea level rise. Many of our islands sit just a few metres above sea level, leaving us vulnerable to coastal erosion, flooding and storm surges. That is not only a present threat but an existential crisis for future generations. In Palau, we are taking steps to relocate critical infrastructure, including our national hospital and schools, to protect our people from rising waters and climate-related disasters. Adaptation is vital to our survival. Our National Adaptation Plan prioritizes both immediate and long-term actions to build resilience. We focus on protecting our mesei, vital ecosystems and sustainable development, guided by our traditional conservation practice, bul, which has sustained us for generations. Mitigation is equally important. Palau is committed to reducing carbon emissions and transitioning to renewable energy. Solar, wind and ocean energy provide opportunities to reduce reliance on imported fossil fuels and secure a cleaner, more sustainable future. Our nationally determined contributions reflect that commitment and we remain mindful of the environmental impacts of renewable energy waste, such as solar panels and batteries, which require responsible management. As co-Chair of the High-Level Panel for a Sustainable Ocean Economy, alongside Norway, Palau plays a vital role in shaping global ocean governance. The Ocean Panel, now composed of 19 nations with the addition of the United Arab Emirates, remains committed to advancing the sustainable use of oceans through science-driven policies. We expect the 2025 United Nations Ocean Conference in Nice, France, to be a pivotal moment for accelerating ocean action, and we encourage more nations to join us in that mission. As the first to ratify the international legally binding instrument under the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ), Palau remains steadfast in conserving and sustainably using marine biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction. The treaty symbolizes global unity in safeguarding our oceans and we urge international solidarity to ratify the BBNJ treaty swiftly so it can enter into force. Palau has also declared a national moratorium on deep-sea mining, reaffirming our unwavering commitment to preserving marine ecosystems. We call on the global community to exercise vigilance in protecting marine resources until we have a thorough understanding of the impacts of deep-sea mining. Our commitment to a sustainable blue economy is reflected in the Unlocking Blue Pacific Prosperity (UBPP) initiative, launched at the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The UBPP unites Pacific island nations in addressing the dual challenges of climate change and ocean health. Supported by the Bezos Earth Fund and other partners, we aim to achieve 100 per cent effective ocean management and to protect 30 per cent of the blue Pacific continent, covering over 1 billion hectares. Palau is set to assume the Chair of the Alliance of Small Island Developing States from 2025 to 2026. We are committed to leading the group of 39 member States in advancing the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS, ensuring that our voices remain central in global discussions. Our priorities will include expanding access to climate finance, strengthening resilience and promoting a sustainable future for all island nations. Palau highlights the importance of the multidimensional vulnerability index (MVI) in assessing the challenges faced by SIDS. Traditional metrics like gross domestic product do not capture the economic and environmental shocks that disproportionately affect our nations. The MVI offers a comprehensive assessment to help us advocate for the support we need from financial institutions and global partners. We must address the urgent need for Security Council reform. The world has changed dramatically since the United Nations was founded and the Security Council must evolve to meet today’s realities. Equitable representation, including permanent and non-permanent members, is essential. We support Japan’s bid for a permanent seat and believe that SIDS should also be represented on the Council to provide a voice for those on the front lines of global challenges. Finally, we continue to strengthen our national security through partnerships with allies, including the United States, Australia, Japan and Taiwan. As Vice- President and Minister of Justice, I emphasize the need for robust law enforcement and maritime cooperation frameworks. With INTERPOL membership and enhanced cyberdefence capabilities, we are better equipped to protect our borders and our people. Palau reaffirms its strong and enduring relationship with Taiwan and calls for its meaningful participation in international organizations. Taiwan’s exclusion undermines the principles of inclusivity and cooperation that the United Nations represents. Resolution 2758 (XXVI) does not preclude Taiwan’s involvement in efforts related to the Sustainable Development Goals and we urge the Assembly to support Taiwan’s rightful inclusion. Today I stand here with a call to action. We must unite to confront the existential threat of climate change, protect our oceans and ensure that no nation, no matter how small, is left behind. We must prioritize science, conservation and the well-being of our people. As President Whipps said earlier this year, “The road ahead requires unity, resilience and collective action”. Palau cannot mitigate the climate crisis alone. We need global cooperation to reduce emissions and safeguard our planet for future generations.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice-President and Minister of Justice of the Republic of Palau for the statement she has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Crown Prince of the State of Kuwait.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Highness Prince Sabah Al-Khaled Al-Sabah, Crown Prince of the State of Kuwait, and inviting him to address the Assembly. Prince Al-Sabah (Kuwait) (spoke in Arabic): At the outset, I would like to extend the greetings of His Highness the Amir of the State of Kuwait, Sheikh Meshal Al-Ahmad Al-Jaber Al-Sabah and the best wishes of His Highness for the success of the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly. I congratulate Mr. Philemon Yang and his country on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. I am confident that his vast experience in international affairs will enable him to lead its work with wisdom and leadership. His vision of “Unity in diversity, for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for everyone, everywhere” is of great importance and urgent necessity in today’s world. I would also like to commend the efforts of his predecessor, Mr. Dennis Francis, during his presidency at the previous session. I highly appreciate the wise leadership and fruitful endeavours of the Secretary-General, which are evident in the light of accelerating international changes. His efforts have been guided by his determination to fulfil the mission of the United Nations, adhering to the principles of its Charter, which are based on the preservation of international peace and security, through ever accelerating preparations to meet the world’s challenges and by creating innovative mechanisms founded on the protection of human rights and dignity and the promotion of justice and international law. Maintaining the effectiveness and productivity of the Organization is the responsibility of the Member States and the international community in facing all challenges. The Summit of the Future was held a few days ago, mirroring the reality of today’s world. The Summit shed light on the grave challenges that require a moment of reflection and a genuine and serious will to reform our institutions, most notably the Security Council and international financial institutions. History is replete with milestones. We would not want the Summit of the Future to be a global milestone that does not enjoy optimal investment. The Secretary- General has worked tenaciously, which is highly commendable, and encouraged us to stop and reflect together on the path of our joint multilateral action. He has been committed to bringing together the leaders of Member States to highlight the fact that the threats we face are confronting all of us and that no country is immune to their repercussions. There is no way forward other than in cooperation towards our joint objectives. We cannot speak of renewing international solidarity without the genuine international political will for reform, especially reform of the Security Council and the mechanisms of international action that will enable us to keep abreast of global developments and repel any threats to the security and stability of our world. Unfortunately, that will remains lacking. We have seen very clearly that there can be no political will without an environment of trust and effective participation. We believe that the Security Council bears the primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. Decision-making in the Security Council must be based on the principle of democracy and the equitable representation of all Member States. The Security Council must be able to respond to a world that is completely different to that of 1945. We need a Security Council that is inclusive, transparent, efficient, effective, democratic and accountable. Technological innovations, artificial intelligence and social media are increasingly being used for incitement, terrorist recruitment and spreading hate speech, misinformation and disinformation, with adverse effects on cybersecurity. We must give due attention to that issue. Many young people have fallen victim to those negative practices. All of this proves that confronting that scourge requires international cooperation. To fulfil the aspirations and hopes of our peoples to secure a brighter future, we need accountability. It is not reasonable to expect such a bright future when those who violate the Charter of the United Nations and the principles of international law and international humanitarian law are not held accountable. There can be no justice or equality so long as double standards prevail. There will be no bright future unless everyone is fully committed to the principles and values of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. This year, we are celebrating the forty-third anniversary of the establishment of the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC). Throughout its blessed journey over the past four decades, it has proven to be a pillar of stability and prosperity in our region. In that context, I convey our deepest appreciation to the brotherly State of Qatar for its efforts as current Chair of the GCC to enhance the Council’s work at the bilateral and multilateral levels. In December, the State of Kuwait will assume the chairmanship of the GCC. We reiterate our firm commitment to pursuing that blessed journey and to enhancing strategic partnerships with regional and international organizations. We are committed to achieving the noble goals to which we all aspire. The GCC has always been and will remain a voice of wisdom and moderation and a beacon for constructive dialogue in a region fraught with challenges and where change is rapid. The State of Kuwait looks forward to the regional and international events to be hosted by the GCC. In that context, we congratulate once again our brethren in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia on being selected to host Expo 2030 and the 2034 Fédération Internationale de Football Association World Cup. The State of Kuwait will spare no effort to contribute to the success of those events in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The State of Kuwait believes in the principle of good-neighbourliness. For some two decades now, we have been committed to working closely with the brotherly Republic of Iraq and helping it to reclaim its rightful place in the regional and international arenas and to fulfil the hopes and aspirations of its people. We call on the brotherly Republic of Iraq to take concrete, resolute and urgent action to settle all outstanding files between our two countries, most notably the demarcation of the maritime border beyond marker 162, in accordance with international laws and conventions. We also call for the settlement of the file on Kuwaiti prisoners, missing persons and Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives, with the United Nations and specifically the Security Council following the progress on that file. We call upon our brethren in Iraq to respect bilateral security and technical agreements on the Khor Abdullah maritime corridor. Those agreements ensure environmental protection, regulate navigation and contribute to combating terrorism and illicit trafficking in arms, drugs and persons. Continuous dialogue is important to lay the foundation for promising relations and a bright future based on understanding and mutual respect between our two brotherly nations. The whole world is witnessing practices that are not acceptable to any religion, law or human nature. The whole world has been witness to the dangerous escalation of military operations by the Israeli occupation forces against our Palestinian brethren in the Gaza Strip and the other occupied Palestinian territories, including Jerusalem and the West Bank. Our Palestinian brethren are subjected to collective punishment. Ongoing air strikes are targeting defenceless civilians, claiming the lives of tens of thousands of innocent children, men and women, amounting to more than 41,000 martyrs. The occupying forces persist in targeting the facilities of international organizations and critical infrastructure and in forcibly displacing the residents of Gaza. Peace in our region will not be achieved until the independent State of Palestine is established, with East Jerusalem as its capital, within the borders of 4 June 1967, pursuant to international resolutions and the Arab Peace Initiative. The State of Kuwait welcomes the recognition of the State of Palestine by a number of countries over the past few months. We call on other countries to follow suit and take similar steps. The State of Kuwait will remain supportive of Palestinian rights and the Palestinian people. We were proud to have provided oral and written submissions to the International Court of Justice on the legal consequences arising from violations by the occupying Power in the occupied Palestinian territories. Alongside the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the Republic of Slovenia and 120 other United Nations Member States, we were proud to sign the shared commitments document to support the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA). What has befallen UNRWA is further proof that the other side has no serious desire to achieve genuine peace. The brotherly Sudan is witnessing unfortunate events as a result of armed clashes. That is a cause for significant concern. We call for an immediate cessation of hostilities, a resumption of dialogue and a return to the peaceful political track in order to maintain the security, stability and territorial integrity of the Sudan. We support all ongoing regional and international initiatives to reach a political solution that will end the crisis, provide the necessary protection to civilians and facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid. It is important to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Sudan. Regarding the situation in the brotherly State of Yemen, the State of Kuwait reiterates its support for United Nations efforts, through the Special Envoy of the Secretary-General, to reactivate the political process and reach a comprehensive settlement in accordance with the three agreed terms of reference to maintain the stability, security and territorial integrity of Yemen. We commend the efforts made by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Sultanate of Oman to revive the political process and reach a comprehensive and lasting solution in Yemen. We express our concern over the developments in the Red Sea. It is important to ensure the safety of maritime navigation pursuant to international law and the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Regarding the situation in Syria, the State of Kuwait believes that it is necessary to step up efforts to reach a political solution that is Syrian-led and Syrian-owned, in line with the relevant Security Council resolutions, most notably resolution 2254 (2015). Such a solution must fulfil the aspirations of the Syrian people to security and stability and preserve the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Syria. Regarding the situation in Lebanon, the State of Kuwait condemns in the strongest terms the airstrikes and military operations launched by Israeli occupation forces against the brotherly Republic of Lebanon. Those operations have claimed the lives of hundreds of innocent civilians who had nothing to do with the dangerous escalation of the Israeli aggression, which is expanding day after day, in flagrant violation of all norms and international law, including international humanitarian law. We have always warned against that aggression and its repercussions on the countries of the region and neighbouring countries. We also condemn violations by the Israeli occupation forces of Lebanese sovereignty and any attempt to drag Lebanon into the ongoing conflict in the region. The Israeli occupation forces ignore international calls and relevant Security Council resolutions. We call for the full implementation of Security Council resolution 1701 (2006). We are following with great concern the latest developments in the brotherly country of Libya. We call for reason and wisdom to prevail and for political dialogue to settle disputes, in accordance with relevant Security Council resolutions, maintain the stability, sovereignty and security of Libya and fulfil the aspirations of the Libyan people to development and prosperity. At the regional level, we believe in strengthening good-neighbourly relations, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. We call on the Islamic Republic of Iran to take serious steps to build trust and to engage in dialogue based on respect for other countries and non-interference in their internal affairs. Through the Kuwait Vision 2035, we are focused on responding to international financial and economic indicators in order to predict opportunities and make the State of Kuwait a financial, commercial and cultural hub that responds to regional international developments. Foreign policy plays an important role in that expanded development process. Our diplomacy relies on digitalization to move from traditional frameworks so as to ensure that our diplomacy responds continuously to evolving developments on the global landscape. Our actions are based on a proactive approach, the result of an enduring legacy of providing relief and humanitarian assistance bequeathed to us by our forefathers. In conclusion, the State of Kuwait is committed to multilateral actions and the Charter of the United Nations in order to ensure global governance that is strong enough to fulfil the noble mission of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security and serving humankind as a whole. The State of Kuwait looks forward to cooperating with brotherly and friendly countries to fulfil the aspirations of all peoples so that they can live in a prosperous world where peace and security prevail.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Crown Prince of the State of Kuwait for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Portuguese Republic.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Luís Montenegro, Prime Minister of the Portuguese Republic, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I congratulate the President of the General Assembly at its seventy- ninth session, Mr Philemon Yang, on his election and wish him every success. I express special appreciation for the tireless work of Secretary-General António Guterres. The reforms he has promoted since 2017 have contributed to the effective improvement of the functioning of the United Nations. He knows that he enjoys Portugal’s full support. As this is the first time I am addressing the Assembly, I can only recognize the weight of responsibility that falls on all of us, the representatives of the peoples of the United Nations. I do so at a particularly demanding time, marked by the confluence of multiple global challenges and crises and growing geopolitical tensions. But I also do so with hope and confidence — hope, because this year we are celebrating 50 years of freedom in my country. The Portuguese people, in freedom, clamoured for democracy, peace and development, and thus the arc of history was bent. At a time when autocracies in many parts of the world are threatening democracy, we have confidence in the strength of freedom. At a time when we are facing major threats to peace, we have confidence in the strength of multilateralism and collective responsibility. At a time when development challenges are becoming more acute, we have faith in economic growth as the engine of fair and sustainable progress. Portugal is an uncompromising advocate of multilateralism as a way to cooperate and organize the international system. That is why we support the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), adopted within the framework of the Summit of the Future, which illustrates the vision and reforming spirit of Secretary-General António Guterres. The Pact reflects a renewed source of hope in multilateralism and in the three central pillars of United Nations action: sustainable development, human rights and international peace and security. It is with that confidence in multilateralism that Portugal, with the continuity and coherence that characterizes our foreign policy, is a candidate for a seat as a non- permanent member of the Security Council for the 2027-2028 biennium. We are guided by the will to work to prevent conflicts, promote a spirit of partnership and protect people in the face of traditional threats such as terrorism and emerging threats such as biosecurity. We are determined to contribute to a more just, peaceful and inclusive international order, founded on international law and based on the Charter of the United Nations. The Secretary-General has said in Our Common Agenda (A/75/982) that multilateralism faces a fundamental dilemma — “a breakdown or a breakthrough”. We do not hesitate. We want to move forward with the reform of the global governance system to guarantee greater representativeness, transparency, justice and cooperation. That is the path that the Pact for the Future shows us — redesigning the international financial architecture and promoting greater alignment with the Sustainable Development Goals. With Burundi, we led the fourth International Conference on Financing for Development to ensure that no country has to choose between fighting poverty or saving the planet. On another front, we are in favour of reforming the Security Council to make it more representative, agile and functional. Its composition is outdated and the absence of representatives from some regions hampers its functioning. Portugal supports the African Common Position and the aspirations of Brazil and India to become permanent members. Small and medium-sized countries, including small island States, should also have their representation strengthened. As far as working methods are concerned, we support the limitation and greater scrutiny of the use of the veto. Before being a power, the right of the veto represents a responsibility, and that is how it should be exercised, preventing a party to a conflict from being both judge and judged. While the war continues, with terrible consequences inside and outside Ukraine, the Security Council has sat by in silence on several occasions. With respect to Lebanon, we hope that the Security Council can be effective in preventing increasing escalation. Even when resolutions are adopted, they often remain unimplemented. It is imperative that, in Gaza and the Sudan, all parties do their utmost to ensure the full implementation of the resolutions adopted by the Council. The world is now more prosperous overall, but socioeconomic divides are widening. Eradicating poverty and hunger are the first two Sustainable Development Goals, but chronic hunger is on the rise, affecting one in ten people globally. Acute food insecurity has increased almost threefold since 2016. In that context, we welcome the Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty, proposed by the Brazilian presidency of the Group of 20. The hope we are talking about can be realized only if we are able to respond to the needs of millions of people affected by conflict. The situations in Ukraine, Gaza, the Sudan, Myanmar, the Sahel and now Lebanon are examples of the suffering of millions of people forced to leave their homes and families. I am also talking about climate refugees. Rising temperatures, forest fires — which tragically hit my country recently — drought and other extreme weather events have forced millions to move. At the same time, disrespect for the rights of women and girls and persecution on religious or sexual grounds have become more and more widespread in various parts of the world. The context of human rights protection has been severely weakened and threatened. It is our collective responsibility to guarantee respect for and the protection and realization of human rights. New technologies, such as artificial intelligence, are an opportunity, but they also create risks. The Pact for the Future points the way to a virtuous balance in that area. We must act to combat all forms of discrimination and hatred that undermine the cohesion of our societies. In that context, we will continue to defend the rights of young people. The high-level meeting of the General Assembly on youth, which, at Portugal’s request, will be held here next year time to mark the thirtieth anniversary of the World Programme of Action for Youth, will be an opportunity to move forward on that front. That is a priority for Portugal at home and abroad. Peace is the primary objective of the United Nations, and here too we must see a sign of hope. The Russian Federation’s war of aggression against Ukraine is a flagrant violation of international law, which we strongly condemn. The negative effects of the war — the food, energy and inflation crises — are echoing around the world, with the greatest impact on the most fragile regions. We are also deeply concerned about the humanitarian situation and the dangerous escalation in the Middle East region. In view of the events in Lebanon, we call on the parties to exercise maximum restraint to avoid escalation. We firmly condemn the horrific terrorist attacks perpetrated by Hamas on 7 October 2023 and demand the release of all hostages. We will not stand by idly in the face of the humanitarian disaster and the growing number of civilian victims in Gaza. It is imperative to unconditionally cease hostilities, guarantee the entry of humanitarian aid and respect international humanitarian law. It is also imperative to resume negotiations with a view to implementing the two-State solution, the only one that can bring peace and stability to the region. Portugal is opposed to the expansion of settlements, the confiscation of land in the occupied Palestinian territories and the actions of settlers that constitute violations of international law and obstacles to peace. It is our common interest and shared responsibility to ensure strict respect for international law and humanitarian law. We need to step up our commitment to conflict prevention and mediation, particularly in Africa. I highlight Portugal’s consistent presence in United Nations peacekeeping operations and European Union missions, with national forces deployed in Mozambique, Somalia, South Sudan, the Central African Republic and the Gulf of Guinea. I would also emphasize the contribution of the Economic Community of West African State and the African Union to efforts to promote stability in the region. Only African solutions will provide sustainable answers to the challenges facing the continent. Portugal supported Security Council resolution 2719 (2023), which allows for the establishment of regular United Nations contributions to the financing of African Union peace operations mandated by the Security Council. We also support the Secretary-General’s proposals to establish regular contributions to the Peacebuilding Fund. Portugal is a maritime country; 97 per cent of our territory is ocean. We understand the vital role of the ocean in the global economy and in combating climate change. We strongly support the sustainable management and governance of the oceans and the development of a new, sustainable blue economy, in line with the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We consider capacity-building in ocean-related issues to be a matter of priority and have designed a scholarship programme aimed at developing countries, with a special focus on small island developing States (SIDS). The Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction was a victory for multilateralism. We will remain committed to its entry into force. Portugal calls for a joint effort to finalize an ambitious treaty to eliminate plastic pollution by the end of this year. Climate change is the existential threat of our time. Portugal remains committed to investing in renewable energies and phasing out fossil fuels. We want to incorporate 47 per cent renewables into final energy consumption by 2030. We have also favoured the introduction of innovative financial mechanisms, including for SIDS. An example of that is the agreements signed by Portugal with Cape Verde and Sao Tome and Principe to transform debt into climate investment, thus supporting the energy transition. The success of the 2030 Agenda will mainly benefit the most vulnerable groups. We cannot leave anyone behind. The digital transition and emerging technologies represent a renewed opportunity to facilitate a more prosperous, fair, inclusive and sustainable future. Connectivity is a cornerstone. The path seems clear; technological development needs to be conceived through a human-centred lens and based on international law. To conclude, I am very proud to speak before the General Assembly in Portuguese. In addition to being the fourth most spoken language in the world as a mother tongue, today uniting more than 260 million people on all continents, Portuguese is an official and working language in 33 international organizations, including the Community of Portuguese-speaking Countries (CPLP). That is why the CPLP’s ambition to have the Portuguese language recognized as an official language of the United Nations is legitimate. Just yesterday, I agreed with President Lula da Silva of Brazil that we are committed and willing to work together with all Portuguese-speaking countries to achieve that goal. The legitimacy of the United Nations, its convening power and its global normative authority, combined with its multidisciplinary expertise, are among its unique assets that must be harnessed in favour of our common causes and a shared vision of the future. The road ahead, we know, will be arduous and uncertain, but the goal has been set. We will walk it with hope and confidence. On that journey, the United Nations, the international community and the peoples of the world can count on Portugal.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Portuguese Republic for the statement he has just made.