A/79/PV.12 General Assembly

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Wesley W. Simina, President and Head of Government of the Federated States of Micronesia, and to invite him to address the Assembly. President Simina: On behalf of the people and the Government of Micronesia, I extend a warm Kamorale. Back home, Kamorale was coined as a national greeting that combines the diverse languages of all our islands. Kamorale represents the spirit of unity and solidarity that lies at the heart of my country and my people. That same spirit is equally important in the context of multilateralism here at the United Nations. In a world where global challenges require collective action, Kamorale reminds us that our strength and our solutions come from our ability to come together. Just as the four states of Micronesia come together under one banner, our international community must come together in order to advance the peace, prosperity and sustainable development that we all wish to see, as envisioned in the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1). After travelling thousands of miles from Micronesia with my delegation, I am honoured to be participating in this seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly. I congratulate you, Mr. President, on your election as President of the General Assembly, and I assure you of my delegation’s support for your leadership. I also acknowledge our outgoing President of the seventy-eighth session for the impactful work that he carried out during his term. I must also pay tribute to our Secretary- Since the time when Micronesia became a Member of the United Nations, in September 1991, we have been grappling with the severe impacts of climate change. I cannot emphasize enough that it is the single greatest threat to our home. Even as I speak today, we are currently in a state of emergency owing to the extended drought facing my nation. For us, every degree, every inch of sea level rise and every delay matter. We continue to call on our global community to step up with stronger and urgent action. I raise an important topic that relates to our island’s ability to adapt to, and survive, the increasing impacts of climate change. Time is running out to prevent the average global temperature from surpassing 1.5°C. We are already at 1.2°C, according to the latest indications. 1.5°C is the safe limit for our small islands. Beyond that lies a danger zone, with deadly heat that will cost lives, impact our food and water systems and submerge many of our low-lying islands. Carbon dioxide stays in the atmosphere for hundreds of years. While it is critical for the world to cut those emissions, the benefits of those cuts will not be felt until later this century. We need to control temperatures now. We call upon the highest emitting countries to prioritize reducing non-carbon dioxide pollutants, especially methane, fluorinated gases and black carbon. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s reports and more recent scientific reports explain that this is the only way. Accordingly, I urge all of us to take greater action now. I call on all parties to the Paris Agreement to include ambitious non-carbon dioxide goals and measures in their 2025 round of nationally determined contributions. As we take action on non-carbon dioxide pollutants, we also need all countries to come together and agree on a global plan to transition away from fossil fuels in a fair, just and equitable manner. In that connection, I am announcing that Micronesia endorses the fossil fuel non-proliferation treaty initiative. We must accelerate all our efforts to tackle the climate crisis. The health of our oceans is deteriorating owing to the effects of climate change and greenhouse gas emissions. One of the most hard-hitting issues to confront us is sea level rise. I am very pleased that, for the first time, the General Assembly is hosting a high-level meeting on sea level rise this week. Sea level rise poses a significant threat to the livelihoods, well-being and security of our small island nation communities and ecosystems. That said, the climate crisis does not jeopardize our statehood or our sovereignty and nor does it diminish our rights under international law. Leaders from the Pacific Islands Forum (PIF) and the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) have affirmed that our maritime zones, as recognized by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, will remain valid despite physical changes due to climate change. We emphasize that the statehood and sovereignty of PIF and AOSIS members will endure along with the associated rights and responsibilities, including those concerning the protection of our citizens, regardless of the impacts of sea level rise. The International Seabed Authority is currently negotiating its draft regulations on exploitation, and Micronesia is adopting a careful approach to seabed mining. We will consider all relevant factors regarding that matter and will join the talanoa being organized this year by the Pacific Islands Forum. Micronesia joins other nations in emphasizing the necessity of comprehensive knowledge, data and scientific understanding of the marine environment and the impacts of deep-sea mining before any exploitation can take place. We urge the International Seabed Authority to finalize all relevant regulations, standards and guidelines for its code on mining Micronesia is pleased with the adoption of the United Nations Agreement on Marine Biodiversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ). I was the first leader to sign the BBNJ Agreement here, in New York, a year ago and among the first to deposit our instrument of ratification. Currently, over 90 countries have signed, and we wish that all will sign. I urge others to sign and ratify so that we can operationalize the BBNJ Agreement. We look forward to the Preparatory Commission’s beginning its important work soon. The international community is set to adopt a legally binding treaty to end plastic pollution, including in the marine environment, later this year in Busan, Republic of Korea. The treaty must address plastic pollution at its source, that is to say, the production of plastics, in particular the production of primary plastic polymers derived from fossil fuels. Micronesia’s Bridge to Busan Declaration, launched earlier this year, calls for international support to regulate plastics production in the treaty. As negotiations near completion, we urge global backing for the Declaration to ensure the treaty includes strong measures to curb plastic production and tackle both pollution and climate change. If we do not address the unsustainable production of primary plastic polymers, then the global goal of ending plastic pollution by 2040 and limiting the average temperature rise to less than 1.5°C cannot be achieved. Micronesia plays a vital role in the Pacific Islands Forum 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. As part of the large oceanic countries and territories, we are custodians of nearly 20 per cent of the Earth’s surface, placing immense cultural and spiritual value on our ocean and land as a shared heritage. Our Leaders’ Commitments to 2050 focus on preserving and protecting our oceans, ensuring a sustainable future for our children. Micronesia is dedicated to reducing and preventing the causes and impact of climate change and sea level rise. With the support of our partners, we are committed to achieving net-zero carbon emissions by 2050. We pledge to safeguard the future of our people by protecting our sovereignty, maritime zones and resources, especially in the face of climate-induced sea level rise. The health of our people is crucial to Micronesia’s nation-building. Non-communicable diseases significantly undermine our nation’s well-being. Non-communicable diseases hinder workforce productivity and contribute to poverty. Unfortunately, the Pacific has some of the highest rates of those diseases, with Micronesia ranking among the top countries. In 2016, non-communicable diseases accounted for 75 per cent of all deaths in Micronesia. Recognizing that national health emergency, Micronesia has taken decisive action. Since 1995, we have participated in the World Health Organization’s Healthy Islands initiative, focusing on health protection, risk reduction and promoting healthy lifestyles. We developed a national non-communicable diseases action plan in 2006, and the Pacific Non-communicable Diseases Road Map has guided our efforts since 2014. In 2022, we reaffirmed our commitment to securing the well- being of our people through the 2050 Strategy for the Blue Pacific Continent. Our fight against non-communicable diseases is key to building a healthier, stronger future for Micronesia. However, despite decades of effort under the Healthy Islands initiative, non-communicable diseases continue to pose a serious challenge in Micronesia. The persistence of those diseases warrants the need for renewed support and stronger partnerships. There is an opportunity here to re-evaluate both the Healthy Islands As we gather today, we are reminded of the importance of global peace and security, particularly in the light of the ongoing conflicts in Ukraine and between Israel and Palestine. Micronesia reaffirms its unwavering commitment to peace and dialogue. We condemn the invasion of Ukraine and the killing of innocent civilians. We also condemn the attack by Hamas on Israeli citizens on 7 October 2023, and we believe that every nation has the right to defend its people and territory. We call for the immediate and safe release of hostages and the cessation of hostilities and urge all parties to work towards a peaceful resolution. It is our profound hope that both Israel and Palestine can resume meaningful negotiations, with the goal of establishing two States living side by side in peace and security, with clear and recognized borders. We commend the constructive efforts of the United States, Egypt and Qatar in supporting the peace process, and we remain hopeful that through diplomacy and cooperation lasting peace can be achieved. Micronesia remains convinced that the protection of innocent civilians everywhere is of paramount importance, as peace can be sustained only when the lives and dignity of all people are protected. Micronesia joins Pacific Island nations in advocating for the establishment of a special representative for climate, peace and security, emphasizing that climate change is a significant global security threat. The United Nations system, particularly the Security Council, must adapt to address the challenges posed by the climate crisis in a comprehensive and coordinated manner. Currently, the Council struggles to effectively tackle major peace and security issues, highlighting the need for comprehensive reform. That reform should make the Council more effective, inclusive, transparent and accountable. It must reflect the realities of today rather than those of 1945. It is time for permanent membership of the Security Council to be expanded to include Japan, India, Germany, Brazil and representation from the African continent. In addition, it is crucial to amplify the voices of underrepresented regions, such as small island developing States (SIDS), in a reformed Council. In today’s complex global landscape, strengthening the multilateral system for an inclusive, interdisciplinary United Nations is essential. Support for multi-country offices that represent the United Nations on the ground must be reinforced to assist vulnerable nations in fully implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. In addition, the coordination role of resident coordinators should be supported and strengthened. The reliance of small island developing States on stable international assistance for development cannot be overstated. We need sustainable financing from donor partners and international financial institutions. It is no surprise that SIDS have led the charge for a more inclusive global financial architecture. The recently adopted multi-vulnerability index (MVI) is a crucial tool, providing a comprehensive understanding of the unique challenges faced by SIDS. The next step is to implement the MVI in a way that addresses our specific needs. The special case of SIDS, in the context of climate change and sustainable development, and their particular vulnerability to natural disasters and external shocks must be supported by an increase in climate finance and investment, including new and additional climate finance. We call on developed countries to fulfil their commitments in that regard. Gender equality is vital for nation-building and effective governance. By acceding to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, Micronesia has committed to achieving gender parity. We have also Today we stand at a critical crossroads, where the future of our planet rests in the hands of our youth. It is not enough to speak of change — we must empower the next generation to lead it. Our young people are the innovators, the visionaries and the problem solvers, who will carry the torch of climate action and global justice. But they cannot do it alone. We must invest in their education and well-being, nurture their leadership and character. We must give them the tools to build a resilient, sustainable world. As leaders, we must ensure that our youth are not the inheritors of a dying planet, but the co-architects of its transformation. In conclusion, the challenges we face — from climate change to conflict and from the health of our oceans to the well-being of our people — demand urgent and unified action. Let us not be discouraged by the magnitude of the tasks before us, but instead, be inspired by the opportunity we have to reshape our world for the better. The spirit of Kamorale teaches us that strength lies in unity, and in that spirit, I call on every nation represented here to act decisively, with courage and compassion. Let us work together with resolve and prioritize the protection of our planet, our people and our future. The time for action is now. Let this General Assembly session be remembered not for the words spoken, but for the deeds done, for the promises kept and for the lasting legacy that we leave to coming generations. As the youth representative of South Sudan so rightly reminded us at the opening of the Summit of the Future (see A/79/PV.3), the future is for the youth to forge, not for us to cling to. Micronesia is ready to play its part, and I urge all Member States to join us in this collective effort so that, together, we can build a world in which peace, prosperity and sustainability are not just aspirations, but realities for all of us. As enshrined in the preamble to our Constitution of the Federated States of Micronesia: “Our ancestors, who made their homes on these islands, displaced no other people. We, who remain, wish no other home than this. Having known war, we hope for peace. Having been divided, we wish unity. Having been ruled, we seek freedom. […] We extend to all nations what we seek from each: peace, friendship, cooperation, and love in our common humanity.” I thank the Assembly, and I leave with it Kamorale.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Federated States of Micronesia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the President of the Republic of Mauritius. President Roopun: I warmly congratulate you, Mr. President. Mauritius is proud to see a son of Africa assume the high office of President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. I assure you, Sir, of the full support of Mauritius. We remain committed to the universal values and noble aspirations of the United Nations. Our appreciation also goes to His Excellency Mr. Dennis Francis, who, throughout the seventy-eighth session, championed solidarity and unity during challenging times. Secretary-General António Guterres also deserves our special recognition for his inspiring and commendable initiatives in furthering the objectives of our Organization. The theme being addressed in this Assembly session is in consonance and resonates deeply with the very essence of our Organization. The United Nations emerged out of the ashes of war and untold suffering. We have a moral obligation to ensure that the ultimate sacrifice of millions of women and men was not in vain. Ever since, our Organization has embodied the universal values of peace, justice, equity, respect for the rule of law and human dignity. It is appalling that we are witnessing an erosion of those same values of late. Unfortunately, might is taking over, and impunity still prevails. The dignity of the weakest is being shamelessly flouted, on a scale never seen before. Behind protracted conflicts around the world lies an inestimable human cost. The devastation and sufferings in Gaza are heart-wrenching. Thousands of innocent lives have been lost. We urge the international community to find a solution aimed at de-escalation in the region in order to establish a just and lasting peace. And we are convinced that the two-State solution, based on the relevant United Nations resolutions and international law, will uphold human dignity and equality for all. We welcome the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice on the legal consequences arising from the policies and practices of Israel in the occupied Palestinian territory, including East Jerusalem. There is an urgent need for a renewed commitment to diplomacy and constructive dialogue, as conflicts, instability and challenges to security remain unabated in many parts of the world. The world has witnessed an unprecedented technological revolution in a short span of time. In order for humankind to benefit from the transformative power of artificial intelligence (AI), AI governance should be anchored in international law. Current unsustainable consumption and production trends are exacerbating injustices and inequalities. We are at a watershed moment. Mauritius welcomes the adoption of the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), which is a renewed testimony to our collective resolve to achieve the betterment of our world. We also need to ensure that the overall architecture of our global institutions reflects today’s realities. Mauritius believes that inclusivity is a necessity, not a choice. All States, small and large alike, deserve a voice. Africa and small island developing States have a rightful place in a reformed Security Council. Multilateral and international financial institutions should be more representative and also responsive to the needs of all countries. That is the only way to pave the way for a more equitable and resilient world, in which human dignity is upheld. Mauritius believes that human dignity is universal, inalienable and unconditional; that conviction has always guided our actions. Our multicultural society thrives on fairness, equity and human dignity. Through unity in diversity, we have strengthened our unique and tolerant society. We have spared no effort in advancing the economic, The climate emergency is one of the most pressing global threats of our time. Greenhouse gas emissions from human activities have irrefutably contributed to global warming, sea level rise and coastal erosion. It is most unfortunate that small island developing States (SIDS), such as Mauritius, which have contributed the least to global emissions, are being affected most. A multilateral approach to confront those threats is an absolute necessity. We must achieve the highest possible ambition while ensuring equity and common and differentiated responsibilities. Our actions must be guided by the latest scientific insights and informed by the outcomes of the global stocktake agreed on at the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, including its road map for keeping 1.5°C within reach. That target is a lifeline for all of us, especially SIDS. Therefore, an agreement on a fair and ambitious new collective quantified goal on climate finance is imperative. As temperatures rise, the very foundations of life for ocean States are endangered. We welcome the recent advisory opinion of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea on climate change. It stands as a juridical lighthouse, compelling all States to chart a new course, guided by science and the moral imperative of intergenerational equity. In the fight against climate change, our resolve should be translated into concrete and time-bound action that is commensurate with the urgency and scale of the climate crisis. Mauritius has ratified the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction, underscoring our commitment to protecting our ocean resources and ensuring sustainable marine governance. We are fully committed to the implementation of the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for Small Island Developing States (resolution 78/317, annex), adopted earlier this year. The openness of SIDS’ economies makes us more vulnerable to external shocks. SIDS should be able to access global value chains for green jobs. We welcome innovative approaches and the use of the multidimensional vulnerability index for enhancing the effectiveness of access to concessional finance. Mauritius has been — and remains — fully committed to the advancement of its African continent. Africa is a land of untapped opportunities. However, our continent is faced with several challenges preventing it from realizing its full potential. Our Agenda 2063, including the African Continental Free Trade Area, has the ability to propel Africa. Our continent also resonates with cultural richness and stands united in purpose. Africa, with its youth dividend, stands ready to contribute to global solutions in shaping a more equitable and sustainable world for a better tomorrow. We call on the international community to participate in Africa’s transformative journey. Mauritius and the United Kingdom are still pursuing negotiations on the exercise of sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago, following the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 25 February 2019. Several rounds of talks have taken place so far, and Mauritius continues to be engaged in those talks in good faith. We urge the United Kingdom to conclude expeditiously an agreement that would allow for the completion of the decolonization of Mauritius and the implementation of a resettlement programme for the former inhabitants of the Chagos Archipelago in accordance with Mauritian laws. Such an agreement would also protect and preserve Before concluding, I wish to emphasize that the United Nations remains the ideal platform for bringing us together to address global challenges for a peaceful and more equitable world. We must also recognize the contribution of the United Nations, its agencies and its dedicated personnel. We are convinced that the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) will serve as the guiding star leading us to an improved world for tomorrow’s generations. I am confident that, together, we can forge a better, brighter and more equitable world where no one is left behind, where human dignity and human rights prevail and where collective good for humankind remains at the core of lasting peace and prosperity.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the Republic of Mauritius for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will hear a statement by the President of the European Council.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Charles Michel, President of the European Council, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

On entering this building, one’s eye is drawn to a bluish light, which is cast by the Peace Window. At the heart of the United Nations, the Window is dedicated to those who serve the Organization. It was designed by Marc Chagall, a Russian Jew, who spent much of his life in exile, living through two world wars. To safeguard the peace and security that were wrested back in 1945, the pledges of freedom and solidarity were enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. This marks the tenth consecutive address that I have had the honour of delivering from this rostrum. In 2015, I listed the challenges confronting our generation — conflict, poverty, climate and migration — and of course none of them have disappeared. At the time, 10 years ago, we thought that in the multilateral order we had a sound and robust framework that would allow us to work on them together. Ten years on, that framework is shattering before our very eyes. The use of force and unilateral acts is proliferating, and we are witnessing, at times with a sense of powerlessness, three major conflicts, which form an explosive cocktail. In Ukraine, a permanent member of the Security Council has launched an illegal and unprovoked war — a blatant attempt to impose the law of force rather than the force of law. As a result, the war represents not only a direct threat to the Ukrainian people, but also a threat to each and every one of us. The European Union is supporting, and will continue to support, Ukraine for as long as necessary. Standing by the pledge of freedom and solidarity, we reaffirm our commitment to a Freedom and solidarity — it is those very principles that compel us to condemn the despicable terrorist acts perpetrated by Hamas, and we demand the unconditional release of all the hostages. Israel has the right to defend itself in accordance with international law and the principle of proportionality. We want an immediate ceasefire in accordance with the order handed down by the International Court of Justice. Every civilian life counts, and we condemn all indiscriminate attacks on civilian populations. The European Union is taking action and intends to take further action for a lasting peace, in line with a two-State solution. The never-ending escalation must cease. And let me be clear: drawing Lebanon into that spiral is absolutely irresponsible. Thus far, those calls, directed at the Government of Israel among others, have been to no avail, and that cannot continue. We support the existence of a strong, democratic State of Israel, living in peace and security, alongside the Palestinian people, who must have their own viable and stable State. The Palestinian people deserves respect and dignity. To the Government of Israel, I say that to seek security while neglecting peace is delusional. It does not work, because peace is the best guarantor of security. A world fuelled by vengeance and collective punishment is a less safe world. The Palestinian people its are entitled to its own State and the denial of that right will be a perpetual source of security threats to the Israelis and to Jews worldwide. To deny Palestinians their rights makes the world a more dangerous place and undermines the multilateral system, in which double standards cannot be tolerated. The civil war in the Sudan is raging, with violence, brutality and rape, and as always, women are bearing the brunt. It is a cataclysmic humanitarian disaster, which has left 20,000 dead and millions displaced and in an emergency situation. The entire Horn of Africa risks being plunged into chaos. My question is: what do the two warring generals amount to without their foreign backing? Arms supplies must end. We can stop this conflict if we want. Now, therefore, is the time to act and set in motion the necessary reconciliation and peace processes. The life of a child killed in the bombing of a school is precious, in Ukraine, in Gaza and everywhere. The dignity denied to a woman who was raped is sacred, in times of war as it is in times of peace and in the Sudan, in Ukraine and everywhere. To deprive an entire population of food is a war crime, in Ukraine, in Gaza, in the Sudan and elsewhere. A crime is a crime, irrespective of who the perpetrator is and irrespective of where it takes place. For our indignation to be genuine, it must be universal. The European Union upholds international humanitarian law with the same fervour, everywhere and at all times. We condemn acts of destabilization, whoever the perpetrators may be. Iran comes to mind, which, through proxies, supports actions that are ravaging and debilitating the Middle East. Iran’s military backing for Russia’s war against Ukraine also comes to mind. One thing is plain to see: both Iran and Russia are using the same playbook — nuclear threats, nostalgia- tinted imperialist ambitions and the backing of lawless terrorist groups to destabilize their backyard and beyond. The creation of the United Nations and the rules-based international system represented a momentous stride forward. To turn back the clock is to revert to war. Now more than ever since 1945, the world is being rocked by an explosive cocktail of shocks that are compounding and gaining momentum. A third World War is a possibility, and we must urgently come to our senses. To do so requires cooperation, courage and the observance of shared rules. To that end, the Security Council must free itself from the paralysing yoke of the right of veto in its current form. The Council is not representative, it has scant legitimacy, and it is ineffectual. The Security Council is becoming, increasingly, a ghost council. There is no freedom when droughts devastate our crops. There is no freedom when floods ravage our houses, when hurricanes destroy our homes. There is no freedom when our children have no access to vaccines, medicine and school. Global warming and pandemics are opening our eyes to the need for solidarity. This is not simply a moral question that goes to dignity or generosity: it is also in the interests of developed countries to support climate transition and development and to help developing countries to strengthen their healthcare systems. In that vein, with Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, we set in train the idea of an international treaty on pandemics. Negotiations have made good progress, but it is now time to bring them to a conclusion. Mpox is yet another wake-up call. It is unacceptable for lobbies and self- interest to stand in the way of a fair sharing of vaccine technologies and medicines. There can be no freedom in a world where every person is reduced to their personal data, to a commercial target or to a target to be monitored or even manipulated. The digital revolution and its flagship product — artificial intelligence — necessarily represent a tremendous driver of progress. It is a new catalyst of prosperity, provided that it serves humanity, freedom and human rights. It is essential, in my view, that we do not make the mistake that we made with natural resources, namely by abusing them to the point that we have put our planet under severe strain. Data and artificial intelligence are instruments of power and perhaps even of economic and political servitude; they are becoming weapons of war. We must therefore manage those advances worldwide, and we support the efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations to do so in this forum. Technological competition is healthy because it promotes progress. It must also take place within a common framework and on a level playing field. And that is why the European Union is involved in this global dialogue, within the Group of Seven, of course, but also with the rest of the world — Africa, Latin America and Asia. We are in dialogue even with those whose ideas and sometimes whose behaviour we oppose. China is a key player in addressing major global challenges, and the European Union is seeking to rebalance its economic relationship with China, by reducing risks and diversifying its supply chains, because overdependence, as we know, opens the door to vulnerability and therefore conflict. We also call on China not to support Russia, either directly or indirectly, in its illegal war against Ukraine, but rather to use its influence to ensure that the Charter of the United Nations is upheld. The international financial architecture must reduce inequalities, not magnify them. When a Kenyan farmer does not have access to microcredit at affordable rates, this is not merely a detail, it is a global development issue. Since global development is underfunded, the gap between needs for investment and the financial resources that are available is huge. The Bretton Woods system must change radically. Financial firepower must be scaled up to meet people’s real needs, to reduce the climate threat and promote prosperity. Creditor countries need to be bolder to restructure debts and reallocate special drawing rights. Solidarity is not just about transferring financial or technological resources. It is also about governance — improving the business environment, enhancing legal certainty and mobilizing developing countries’ own resources. As Mo Ibrahim Allow me to conclude my tenth address from this rostrum with a few personal beliefs. First, double standards are the modern-day poison of international relations. When we defend human dignity, territorial sovereignty, and honest, free and transparent elections, we must defend and protect them everywhere and at all times, and we perhaps should humbly look in the mirror. We are all the heirs of our own histories, cultures, traditions and perhaps also our respective mistakes. We must all learn our lessons with modesty and strive to become better. Europe may go about things in a sometimes-clumsy way, but we are sincere and act in good faith to ensure that freedom and human rights are respected. Secondly, we need to resolutely reject bipolar confrontation and act forcefully for a multipolar world in a multilateral framework, one in which each country or group of countries chooses its own path to prosper and in which everyone cooperates by following rules that have been agreed with others. Let us also resist the pressure to choose one side against another in a bipolar confrontation that can only end in disaster. Thirdly, I strongly believe in cooperation between regional organizations and substantial relations with the United Nations. Over the past five years, the European Union has developed its partnerships with the African Union, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the Gulf Cooperation Council and the countries of Central Asia. Those cooperation networks are a stabilizing force and drivers of great progress. The European Union wishes to be stronger and more autonomous and to strengthen its ability to interact and work with others for peace, freedom and solidarity. Many people throughout the world expect the European Union to have a strong and independent voice. Two world wars, the Holocaust, the absolute denial of humanity — the European continent bears those indelible scars, and therefore a special responsibility to defend freedom, solidarity and universal human dignity. The European project is one of reconciliation, cooperation and, increasingly, friendship and fraternity. It is therefore one of inspiration and hope. Optimism is a duty. We can once again change the course of history, if we pull ourselves together. Nothing is inevitable. The future has yet to be written. More peace and security is possible. More freedom and solidarity is possible. Peace requires effort, as we know. Peace is never a given. Peace is delicate and difficult to repair when it breaks. But it is magnificent and bright, and brings hope, like Marc Chagall’s blue peace window. Let us be tireless peacemakers. The European Union can be relied on.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the President of the European Council of the European Union for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Vice-President of the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire.

On behalf of His Excellency Mr. Alassane Ouattara, President of the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire, I would like to warmly congratulate you, Mr. President, on the quality and depth of the debates at this session and on the remarkable success of the Summit of the Future. Our general debate is taking place in a worrisome global context in terms of security, economics and politics, that urges our nations to take collective action. With that in mind, my country welcomes the appropriate choice of theme for this session, which invites our States to look in the same direction, in order to build a safer and more united world. The world is at a crossroads, with geopolitical tensions multiplying and fuelling the escalation of several armed conflicts. Violent confrontations in sensitive regions are bringing them to the brink of widespread conflagration. That situation of insecurity and declining peace is exacerbated by terrorism in regions such as the Sahel. Those conflicts are gradually wiping out years of progress and development for the people. This is an opportunity for my country to call on the international community to mobilize in support of the people of the Sahel, who are paying a heavy price in the war against terrorist groups. True to its values and its tradition of hospitality, Côte d’Ivoire is hosting, in the best possible conditions, several thousand nationals from neighbouring Sahelian countries who are fleeing the violence of armed groups. Beyond the Sahel, the whole of West Africa is now threatened with collapse. That trend could spread beyond the African continent if no effective measures are taken. For its part, Côte d’Ivoire is making the Jacqueville International Counter- Terrorism Academy available to all countries to help them to build their capacity to combat terrorism in all its forms. The progress made by our country on development and human security is now being undermined by the effects of climate change, which are exacerbating inequalities and poverty and leading to the forced displacement of millions of people every year. The relentless increase in the number of climate refugees constitutes a tragedy of our time that concerns us all. Against that backdrop, Côte d’Ivoire calls on the United Nations and all its partners to increase and intensify their emergency humanitarian assistance to those hard-hit populations. However, we must go farther on the climate issue and resolutely adopt measures that will enable us to reverse, in the short term, our planet’s dangerous global warming curve and its consequences for our societies. To that end, Côte d’Ivoire reiterates its call on developed countries to honour their commitments in terms of climate financing and support for the energy transition. The loss and damage fund must be rapidly replenished and put to good use to relieve climate-distressed populations. In addition to facing security and climate challenges, the world is being shaped by a technological revolution for which few countries are prepared. Artificial intelligence holds great promise for our societies, but it can also pose a number of threats and lead to abuses, owing to the lack of international regulations governing its use. Consequently, it is incumbent upon us to ensure that that revolution does not exacerbate inequalities or lead to the digital disadvantage of part of humankind, but that, on the contrary, it promotes the progress and well-being of all. It is for that reason that my country welcomes the adoption of the Global Digital Compact (see resolution 79/1), which should enable better use of that technological advance, in the service of the progress of all nations. It is on that condition that our global Organization will be able to make a genuine contribution to the lasting settlement of conflicts, on the basis of respect for international law, which remains its foundation. The same applies to the fight against global warming, which hinges on our shared Organization’s ability to rally Member States around that priority and to get/induce them to uphold the commitments that they have undertaken in that regard. The reform of global governance must also extend to the multilateral financial institutions so that they provide greater support to efforts to finance the achievement by developing countries of the Sustainable Development Goals while also addressing the issue of debt. Those institutions must be more inclusive in the way they operate and make decisions. Those far-reaching changes are inevitable and must be sped up, so that the institutions are truly at the service of all our countries, at the service of our fight against poverty and of our development efforts. I would like to take this opportunity to salute the Secretary-General of the United Nations for his courageous preventive diplomacy, peacekeeping and peacebuilding initiatives and also for his commitment to reforming global financial governance. Collectively, we have the tools to meet the challenges that are disrupting the world and to give our youth and women the means to flourish and contribute, more so than they have in the past, to the development of our countries. The future of Africa lies with its young people, and we have an obligation to build competitive education and training systems for them, in addition to democratic institutions that protect their freedoms. My country firmly believes in the virtues of multilateralism, which we place at the heart of our interactions with other nations. That is how, together, our States will be able to overcome major divisions, build consensus around difficult issues and promote global solutions to the world’s major challenges. It is that vision that informs our actions on community-building at the regional level and our contribution alongside other countries to building a peaceful, united and prosperous world for the benefit of present and future generations.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Vice-President of the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Prime Minister Schoof (Kingdom of the Netherlands): I stand before the General Assembly as a proud new participant in what, for many of those present, is now a familiar gathering. Those words not only describe my own role, but they also say something about the very essence of the United Nations. For each of us, our presence here is only temporary. Some are here a long time; others are here for only a brief period. But every person’s time here is defined by their own individual era. Today again, we embody that long tradition. Today again, we come together to work towards goals of a size and scope that exceed our present reach. Today again, each of us is staying the course, and when our time is at an end, we will pass the baton to the next generation. That is not to say that our course is always clear and never needs adjusting. On the contrary, our world is changing fast, and unfortunately, in some ways the change is not for the better, with war and conflict in so many places; climate change, the effects of which are becoming clearer by the day; and cyberthreats that we could not have imagined a few years ago. That is what I want to talk about today: anticipating an unknown future. And I should add that although the challenges of our time may be new, my message is not. It was clear to the Romans, more than 2,000 years ago, when Cicero wrote that it is the duty of every statesman to anticipate the future, to discover some time in advance what may happen, whether for good or for ill, and never to have to say “I had not thought of that”. Of course, predicting the future is not a simple matter, and I do not believe that that is what Cicero meant. I think that he was calling on us to take responsibility — responsibility that goes beyond the scenarios we want to imagine, beyond our national borders and, above all, beyond short-term solutions. It may seem impossible, but here more than anywhere, we know better. The history of the United Nations has shown time and again what can be achieved if we join forces and persevere. Without the United Nations, there would have been no climate agreements, disarmament treaties, development goals or international tribunals. We have come a long way, and we can still go much further by finding, in this unpredictable world, our strength in stability, by returning to the very foundation of the United Nations: a shared sense of responsibility. To preserve that foundation, we must strengthen and improve our partnership — for example, by moving forward in the challenging reform debate. Members will not be surprised to hear me say that the Security Council no longer reflects the realities of the twenty-first century. The seats must be divided better geographically to preserve the legitimacy, strength and vitality of the United Nations, with permanent African representation at the very least. That is a task for us all, and so the Kingdom of the Netherlands will fully support proposals that make such reforms possible. In other areas, too, we must adapt much more quickly to the new reality, because while war and conflict are as old as time, the manner in which we wage them is always changing, and words we have used since the dawn of memory are no longer sufficient — words such as “war” and “peace”. Everyone knows what they mean, but the world is no longer black and white. In recent years, we have been confronted with something that seems neither one nor the other. More and more countries are developing offensive cyberprogrammes, and this poses a growing threat to our critical infrastructure, security, earning capacity and intellectual property. Those are big challenges, which force us to prepare for the future. We cannot easily predict that future, but we can try to anticipate it, and that is exactly what we are doing. With the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), we have taken big steps in the right direction, from reforming our international financial architecture to tackling We need only look at climate change to see the importance of that. There are still countries that think that the issue does not concern them, because they have been spared the direct effects so far, but that is an illusion. From flooding to drought, the effects of climate change are affecting people around the world. That includes parts of the Kingdom of the Netherlands and not least the small island developing States, where the rising sea level is not just a future threat but a current reality. What is more, all the problems caused by climate change amplify each other, so climate change is not limited to those countries that are directly affected. In truth, every country is directly affected. And therein lies the key to our approach: cooperation. Of course, that means committing to the climate targets of the Paris Agreement, the Sustainable Development Goals and the measures we will agree at the twenty- ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, but it also means using each other’s knowledge and know-how. The Netherlands has a long history of managing water. Today we use that experience around the world. We contribute our expertise on food security and countless other challenges, as they arise. At the same time, we also face issues that will always demand our attention, and those issues are as old as the United Nations itself — protecting human rights, defending democracy and promoting the international legal order. There are so many countries where those values are under pressure. In Venezuela, for example, people are demanding that their voices be heard, and to them I say: we hear them. We hear their call for a democratic transition. Today, from this rostrum, I urge us not to forget those voices. And that is just one example. There are many more countries that feel forgotten and wonder why the world is not paying attention to their suffering. Their day-to-day reality is also one of war, hunger and poverty. Take the Sudan, where 25 million people are facing acute hunger. We cannot close our eyes to that. We cannot turn away. We have a duty to listen and to take action. Earlier this year, the Kingdom of the Netherlands made an extra €10 million available, bringing its contribution to the crisis response in the Sudan and the surrounding countries to €80 million. But as we all know, that is just a drop in the ocean. I could run through a long list of other countries that need our help and support. I could try to describe their suffering. But I could never do it justice. Members know as well as I do the places where war and conflict are raging. In Europe, for a long time we thought that we no longer needed to worry about human rights, peace and security. We thought that they were a given, but we were very wrong. Some members may be thinking “not Ukraine again”, but we must address this, because the victims of the Russian war are not limited to Ukraine alone. The war affects everyone, as people in vulnerable countries know all too well. Since the global food supply has been deployed as a weapon of war, millions of people have been pushed back into hunger and poverty. They, too, are the victims of Russia. Therefore, to anyone still in doubt I would say: it is not only a war between Russia and Ukraine; it is a war of aggression against everything that we stand for in the United Nations. The Charter of the United Nations — the very basis of our partnership — is clear on that subject: no State may use force against the territorial integrity of any other State. And although it is up to Ukraine to set the conditions for a just and lasting peace, we cannot leave the responsibility of achieving that in The Netherlands is fully committed to restoring justice for Ukraine. Yes, it is a process that will require time and great stamina, but that is something we have in abundance. We have the time, the patience and the resources. For example, there are the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice, which are two pillars of accountability, based in my own city, The Hague, the international city of peace and justice. I do not need to tell anyone here how important it is for those institutions to be able to do their work freely and independently. And that too is our collective responsibility. While we are on the subject of collective responsibility, there is unfortunately another major conflict that demands our attention. Almost a year has passed since 7 October 2023 — almost a year since the terrorist organization Hamas committed its atrocities, and war broke out in Gaza. The suffering since then has been extreme. Far too many innocent civilians have been killed, abducted or wounded. Far too many people have been forced to flee and have lost their loved ones and their property. In the past few days, there have been a large number of civilian casualties in Lebanon, and countless others in the region could face the same fate if the violence continues. That cannot be allowed to happen. A major regional war must be prevented at all costs, and so must any new attack on Israel. That begins with supporting international diplomatic initiatives, such as the proposal by the United States and France for a temporary ceasefire, which is supported by many countries, including in the region. We call on Israel and Lebanon to support that plan and give diplomacy a chance. I know that when it comes to Israel and Gaza, people quickly revert to their entrenched positions. Entire generations have grown up full of mistrust, fear and even hate towards the other side. But if we try to take a longer view, we will see that there are no winners in the war and that any suggestion of one side winning amounts only to a loss in the end — a loss for both sides. That is why political leadership and courage are needed now, on both sides, in order to break the endless cycle of violence and to help them to see “the other” for who they are: people in search of a safe place to live, a place in which to live alongside each other instead of living at odds with each other. The first steps are obvious: an immediate ceasefire; the immediate and unconditional release of all remaining hostages; rapid, large-scale aid for the people of Gaza; and the compliance by all parties with international law. I know that it sounds easy. I know that simply wanting something is not the same as making it happen. But, as Nelson Mandela said, it always seems impossible until it is done. Our history has always shown us that it is possible. We have come a long way, and we still have a long way to go. But the path that lies behind us can also show us the way forward, as long as we hold on to what we believe in: our shared values, our common course and, above all, our ability to persevere.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I have the honour to welcome to the United Nations His Excellency Mr. Nikol Pashinyan, Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia, and to invite him to address the Assembly.

This is my fourth speech at the United Nations General Assembly, and this speech will be significantly different from the previous ones. The key messages of my previous speeches were about the deadlock in achieving peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan, but today I want to say that peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan is not only possible but also within reach. Why do I think so? I think so for a few specific reasons. Quite recently, on 30 August, Armenia and Azerbaijan signed the regulation on the joint activity of the commissions on the delimitation of State borders between the two countries, which is the first bilateral legal document signed between the parties. But more importantly, through that document, Armenia and Azerbaijan agreed to set the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration as the basic principle for border delimitation between the two countries and to be guided by it. That means that Armenia and Azerbaijan de jure reaffirm the principle of recognizing each other’s territorial integrity and the inviolability of the borders that existed during the time of the Soviet Union, which are fundamental factors for establishing peace. Now that the two countries have de jure reaffirmed that they have no territorial claims over each other, what we have to do now is to take the next step and sign the agreement on the establishment of peace and inter-State relations between the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan. The President of Azerbaijan and I have stated many times that at least 80 per cent of that agreement has been agreed upon. To seize this historic opportunity and to avoid the risk of a deadlock, Armenia now proposes to take what has already been agreed in the draft agreement and to sign it so as to have a peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan and then proceed with negotiations on pending issues. We are ready to do that right now. Why are we proposing to do so? Because there is no precedent of a peace agreement or any agreement that regulates and solves everything. It is practically impossible. After signing any agreement, two countries may always need to conclude new agreements and make new arrangements for that very reason. No matter how comprehensive an agreement might be, many important issues need to be further addressed. In the case of Armenia and Azerbaijan, the agreed articles of the draft peace agreement actually contain, among other important provisions, provisions on peace, on not having territorial claims over each other and on not putting forward such claims in the future, on establishing diplomatic relations and a joint commission to oversee the implementation of the peace agreement, on not interfering in each other’s internal affairs and on not using force and the threat of force. Signing the peace agreement with the agreed articles would significantly facilitate the resolution of the non-agreed issues. The agreed parts of the draft peace agreement provide tools for that, one of which concerns the diplomatic relations to be established between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and the other the joint Armenia- Azerbaijan commission to oversee the implementation of the peace agreement. The existence of de jure peace between Armenia and Azerbaijan through the signing of the proposed agreement and the establishment of diplomatic relations would change the overall atmosphere and the perceptions held by our Governments and peoples, which would significantly facilitate the resolution of the remaining issues. Azerbaijan, however, insists that the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia is an obstacle to the peace agreement, because it allegedly contains territorial claims concerning Azerbaijan. Without going into details, allow me to say that there is Please note, however, that we do not consider the Constitution of Azerbaijan to be an obstacle to the peace agreement, for the simple reason that the agreed part of the draft peace agreement between Armenia and Azerbaijan contains wording that resolves the problem and that wording is as follows: “none of the parties may invoke the provisions of its internal legislation as justification for its failure to perform the present agreement”. Therefore, the signing of the agreement will address the concerns of both Armenia and Azerbaijan and will create legal guarantees to fundamentally address them. When we examine the agreed text of the peace agreement in terms of compliance with the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, the following picture emerges. Under the Constitution of Armenia, agreements that contradict the Constitution may not be ratified. And as in other cases, after signing the peace agreement with Azerbaijan, we must submit it to the Constitutional Court to verify that the agreement complies with the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia. If our Constitutional Court decides that the peace agreement with Azerbaijan is in contradiction with the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, even though our experts assure us that it is not likely to happen, then we will face a specific situation in which constitutional changes will be needed for the sake of achieving peace. And if our Constitutional Court decides that the agreement complies with the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, then there will be no barriers for ratification in the Parliament of Armenia, and here an extremely important circumstance comes in. Under paragraph 3 of article 5 of the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia, ratified international agreements have precedence over the domestic legislation of the Republic of Armenia, and, therefore, after the signing and ratification of the peace agreement with Azerbaijan, theoretically, even if there were laws that could be interpreted as containing territorial claims, those documents would be subordinate to the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace agreement and would automatically have no legal force. The same logic would apply to Azerbaijan, of course. As members can see, here is peace, so close to us, and all we need to do is reach out and take it. It is not easy for either Armenia or Azerbaijan, because both of us have our own truth, and the debate over those truths has led to enmity, casualties and wars. The pain is very deep and intense, but we must now focus on peace, because peace is the only truth understandable to the people of Armenia and Azerbaijan. And that truth will open our eyes and shut down the sources of enmity, and we will all look to the future. The Crossroads of Peace project of the Government of the Republic of Armenia is also dedicated to that future. The purpose of the project is not only to open automobile routes, railroads and other transport communications between Armenia and Azerbaijan, but also to provide communication between Armenia, Azerbaijan, Türkiye and the entire region, as well as to create opportunities for the passage of pipelines and cables and, eventually, provide opportunities for people-to-people contacts, which is a key and critical factor for peacemaking. A key factor for peace and development is also that all this shall happen with due respect for the sovereignty, jurisdiction and territorial integrity of the countries, on the basis of the principles of equality and reciprocity, and we are ready to open our transport communications to both Azerbaijan and Türkiye, as well as to our other neighbours and partners. We are even ready to do it today, right away. Today I do not want to send any negative, worrisome or pessimistic messages, not because they do not exist, but because, as an Armenian proverb says, “let us speak positively, in order to be well”, meaning that when one speaks positively, good things tend to become reality. It may be that there is a similar saying in Azerbaijan, Türkiye, Iran, Georgia and other countries in the world, and they all consider it their own. But “let us speak positively, in order to be well”, is not about saying empty words. Of course, one should work hard and sometimes make hard decisions. In my speech, I laid out all the circumstances that give me reason to speak positively, to be well in front of this distinguished audience. And if we rely on those circumstances, good things will happen, initiating a process of reducing the circumstances that generate the negative.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Republic of Iraq.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Mohammed Shia’ Al Sudani, Prime Minister of the Republic of Iraq, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

The seventy-ninth session of the United Nations General Assembly is taking place amid dangerous circumstances in the Middle East and the world, in which the global international order faces a difficult test, one which threatens its existence and renders it incapable of achieving the goals for which it was founded. Those goals include the maintenance of international security and stability and human rights. Today we are witnessing events in which all international agreements and norms are being violated. The international institutions that are supposed to work towards managing and organizing international relations in a way that enhances peace and stability and steers human relations away from violence and brutality are being undermined. Important principles such as sovereignty, territorial integrity, multilateral cooperation, the laws of war, humanitarian law, international humanitarian law, the responsibility to protect and the right to self-determination are all being ignored. The world is being pushed towards full-scale confrontations and conflicts while the Security Council is powerless and without a role. As it fails in its responsibility, alternative mechanisms may be resorted to, but ignoring such institutions threatens to lead international relations into chaos. Putting an end to the violations in Palestine and the region is the responsibility of all, chiefly that of the Security Council, which has failed to achieve one of its most important objectives, namely the maintenance of international peace and security. In occupied Palestine today, we are confronted with a people who are under attack by an occupying military force that is displacing millions unchecked and killing thousands, and whose senior officials speak openly of exterminating that people through mass starvation and using nuclear weapons to eliminate them, with no deterrent measures being taken. Moreover, neither the international community nor any of its members has committed to upholding the responsibility under international law to protect that people. The Palestinian people have been denied the right to live in dignity in a State like all other peoples, against a backdrop of shameful global impotence. Meanwhile, the criminals — by virtue of the support they receive, their impunity repeatedly ensured — are being enabled to prolong, entrench and expand the conflict and to carry out attacks against others. We have witnessed further disregard in the series of attacks on countries in the region, the occupation and annexation of territories and the alteration of international borders — all in contravention of Security Council resolutions — reducing international law and Security Council resolutions to little more than ink on paper. Those are dangerous precedents that threaten the entire international system and strike at the pillars of international institutions, with dire consequences for humankind as a whole. Persisting in its extremism, the occupation cites Security Council resolution 1701 (2006) as a pretext for aggression against Lebanon, selectively choosing that resolution and some of its articles, while ignoring the numerous resolutions adopted and indisputable principles of international law endorsed by the Security Council, including Council resolutions 242 (1967), 248 (1968), 252 (1968), 265 (1969) and 279 (1970). We are witnessing a brutal campaign of indiscriminate killing and the use of technology to carry out remote bombings, without regard for defenceless civilians, in a dangerous precedent that indicates the extent of the involvement of the occupation Government and its spree of crimes against humanity. Today the Government and the people of Iraq, under the guidance of the supreme religious authority, stand with Lebanon and its brotherly people as they confront a new chapter of premeditated brutal aggression that seeks to plunge the region into conflicts — something that we have already cautioned against. We will continue to provide all possible assistance to overcome the effects of those attacks. Our position is based on a history of interdependence and a well-known Iraqi steadfastness that rejects aggression and occupation, opposes depriving peoples of their right to their land, heritage and holy sites and repeatedly condemns any international support or justification for the aggressor’s premises. We also note the ongoing and systematic targeting of international agencies and relief organizations in the occupied territories and the brazen harm done to their personnel in Gaza, including such United Nations agencies as the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, which is supposed to be protected under international law. I would like to recall that those actions not only disrupt humanitarian work, but they also violate international standards that protect civilians and aid workers in conflict zones. Those most recent actions by the occupation aim to threaten the stability of the countries in the region by igniting a large-scale regional war. As a founding Member of the United Nations, Iraq hopes that the institution will achieve the goals for which it was established — maintaining We observe a significant increase in hate crimes and intolerance, affecting our security and stability. We are in urgent need of international cooperation to spread the spirit of tolerance and mutual respect and to combat hate speech, discrimination and violence, which are steadily increasing around the world. We observe that one of the prominent manifestations of hate speech is the growing phenomenon of Islamophobia, which undermines global efforts to achieve peace, security and coexistence and sets the stage for attacks on our social and moral values, which are part of our human existence. Therefore, I call on the United Nations to redouble its efforts to promote dialogue and understanding between different cultures and religions, and I stress the need to promote unity and harmony in the face of increasing polarization, while stressing the need for Heads of State and leaders of international institutions to stand against religious intolerance and hatred. In Iraq, in contrast to the foregoing, there are positive developments of note. The country that had one third of its territory occupied by the Islamic State in Iraq and the Sham (ISIS) and that many observers had believed to be finished — heralding the end of Iraq as we know it — is today, 10 years on, witnessing the implementation of a comprehensive reconstruction and development plan, the restoration of life to its cities and the construction of high-rise buildings and infrastructure, and safety prevails. We still have many fundamental challenges ahead of us in achieving economic, administrative and environmental reforms and diversifying the economy. We have made great strides in achieving security and have triumphed over terrorism, and we will soon crown that victory over that terrorist organization with an important joint declaration with our allies and friends who stood with Iraq and supported it against a brutal foe that posed a danger to the entire world. We are focusing our efforts on strengthening the democratic process in Iraq and working to consolidate the social contract and national cohesion, in line with what our people chose in their permanent Constitution of 2005. We organized provincial council elections, which had been stalled for a decade. In addition, following the disruption of elections in Kirkuk in 2005, we are now organizing parliamentary elections for the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. We will continue working to strengthen the federal Government’s relationship with the regional government and the local governments in the governorates, in accordance with the Constitution and the law, and to protect the existence of minorities and fraternal communities and ensure their needs are met, as promoting justice and preserving our country’s diversity — one of its most valuable assets — are among our priorities. The priorities of this Government are fivefold: creating jobs, improving services, fighting poverty, combating corruption and carrying out economic reforms. The Iraqi Government is endeavouring to rehabilitate the necessary human resources and has made great strides in building State institutions and enforcing the rule of law. It also seeks to activate the role of the private sector, address administrative bloat, diversify sources of income, reform the banking and financial sector, manage the energy transition and address the causes of social and economic unrest and, consequently, of political unrest. That transformation is complicated for Iraq, owing to the economic structural challenge represented by relying on the public sector to absorb the workforce and consuming oil revenues to pay the salaries of millions of employees. The dual challenge facing Iraq is excessive dependence on oil revenues and limiting its ability to diversify the economy. That has come as a result of decades of wars and economic blockade and the dictatorial regime’s absurd economic policies and subsequently some aspects of miscalculation and management and the waste of human and material resources that could have been developed. Iraq seeks to achieve regional security and stability by finding ways for constructive partnerships to address common challenges through cooperation among the participating parties and increasing mutual interdependence in a way that is in the interests of all. We plan to launch initiatives in the region that reflect economic integration and regional stability, in particular the Development Road project, which aims to transform Iraq into a major regional hub for trade and transportation and link the Middle East with Europe through Iraq, using a network of railways, highways and industrial cities, linking the large port of Al-Faw in southern Iraq to Europe via the countries in the region. That project represents the most important step to enhance regional cooperation and integration and is in line with Iraq’s broader goals of rebuilding the economy and improving services. Iraq faces serious environmental challenges as a result of climate change and desertification — challenges that cannot be addressed without enhanced international cooperation, as desertification and the lack of vegetation cover lead to the displacement of millions in search of stability, which exacerbates social and political crises. We call for international solidarity to face environmental challenges and to work to raise awareness of the importance of sustainable water resources management, which is a central issue for Iraq. That challenge requires commitment to the principle of shared and just responsibility among States, as we face existential challenges related to an acute shortage of water resources, which threatens agriculture, negatively affects the economy and threatens the lives of millions of Iraqis. The Government therefore attaches top priority to those files and issues and works in cooperation with neighbouring countries to reach sustainable solutions and policies to deal with those influences. Lastly, I would like to express my deep gratitude to the United Nations for the support it has provided to Iraq over the past two decades. We look forward to a new phase of cooperation with the United Nations in Iraq that will begin by the end of 2025, and we hope that that will mark the beginning of a new era full of stability and prosperity for our people and a new page of partnership with the United Nations. We are working hard to build a better future for our coming generations, and we look forward to continuing our partnership with the international community to achieve that. The selection of Iraq to chair the Group of 77 and China for 2025 is a victory for Iraqi diplomacy, which seeks to achieve development goals, bridge the technological gap between the countries of the North and the countries of the South and achieve integration and reform of the international economic system. As Chair of the largest international group of 134 nations, we look forward to working towards a more stable and just world in which all peoples of the world interact and have development opportunities. In conclusion, our policy puts Iraq and its people, security, sovereignty and prosperity first, and we proceed with confidence to erase the traces of the past, including wars, dictatorship and terrorism, just as we continue to rebuild Iraq and to give it the regional and international status it well deserves.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Republic of Iraq for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of the Hellenic Republic.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Prime Minister of the Hellenic Republic, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

This is the sixth time I have addressed the General Assembly as Greece’s Prime Minister, but it is the first time I stand here as the leader of a country that is an incoming member of the Security Council. Greece is honoured to accept that responsibility for the third time, and I am personally grateful for the trust that the broader membership has placed in our candidacy for the 2025–2026 term. Three words of Greek origin but of universal meaning will guide Greece’s upcoming term on the Security Council: dialogue, diplomacy and democracy. Six core priorities underpin those guiding principles: the peaceful settlement of disputes; respect for international law and the rules and principles of the Charter of the United Nations; women, peace and security; climate, peace and security; children in armed conflict; and of course, as we a seafaring nation, maritime security. Addressing the Assembly today, 12 months on from the last time we met in September 2023 (see A/78/PV.9), I do not think any of us can claim that we are somehow better off now than we were back then. If anything, our world grows less secure by the day. Whether it be escalating conflicts, geopolitical division, the climate crisis, mass migration, rising inequality or even the unchecked rise of artificial intelligence, those challenges jeopardize our present and our future. And yet, within those threats lie unique opportunities to transform the way we live, govern and cooperate on a global scale. We are indeed at an inflection point — what happens next depends to a high degree on international cooperation. It is here, in this Hall, where we represent the collective voice of the international community and where we are called to act for the good of all humankind. To do that effectively, we must reinvigorate and strengthen the multilateral system. Most if not all of us have agreed on the need to reform the United Nations and especially the Security Council. Since it first sat in 1946, the Security Council has not undergone any significant institutional reform. In that sense, it is a relic of a world that no longer exists. Back then, it was fit to address the challenges and opportunities of the post-Second World War world, but today it is not fit to solve the complex problems of the present. As far as Security Council reform is concerned, I believe we all agree that it is essential to increase the meaningful participation of underrepresented regions. Nearly a third of Member States have never sat on the Security Council. In addition, the enlargement of the Security Council must include both non-permanent and permanent members. New permanent members must include leading countries from all continents. The composition of the Security Council should reflect the geopolitical and economic realities of the third decade of the twenty-first century, not the fifth decade of the twentieth century. In the Security Council, Greece will do its utmost to serve as a stabilizing actor. That work begins immediately, in our immediate neighbourhood. After all, as a gateway to Europe, North Africa and the Middle East, Greece sits 900 miles away from both Gaza and Ukraine. A year ago, we did not know that, on 7 October 2023, a horrific terrorist attack would leave more than 1,200 innocent civilians — men, women and children — massacred, that approximately 250 people would be taken hostage and that in the war that ensued more than 41,000 people would perish. The ongoing violence in the Middle East is grave, and horrendous civilian suffering in In the wake of the 7 October 2023 attacks, Greece has always supported, and will always support, Israel’s legitimate right to defend itself, but how it does so matters. We must see the immediate return of all remaining hostages. There must be an immediate ceasefire in Gaza. The humanitarian catastrophe there cannot go on. Safe access to food, water, shelter, clothing and medicines throughout the territory must be ensured, and international humanitarian law must be respected. However remote and however impossible it may seem today, Israelis and Palestinians must be given the chance to live side by side in peace and security. There is no other way of achieving that than making the two-State solution a reality. There is an absolute need to give the Palestinians hope for the future. This is a sine qua non for peace, stability and security in the region, including the long-term security of Israel. Building a fully functioning and sovereign Palestinian State will take concerted efforts by all sides involved — the actors in the wider region and, of course, the international community as a whole. There is no other option to bring about lasting peace in that turbulent part of the world. A year ago, we were already in the second year of Russia’s illegal war in Ukraine. Since February 2022, Russia has brought violence, misery and destruction back to the European continent. Tens of thousands have been killed. Millions have been displaced from their homes. The impact on civilian infrastructure and peoples’ lives and livelihoods is colossal. We stand in solidarity with the Ukrainian people, who are fighting for their freedom and independence and for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of their country. Respect for the territorial integrity of all States is the fundamental pillar of international law and the cornerstone of the Charter of the United Nations. In June, at the Summit on Peace in Ukraine, Greece stood shoulder-to-shoulder with many other United Nations Member States in calling for a just and lasting peace in Ukraine, with full respect for Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. From the first hours of the Russian aggression, the European Union (EU) and its member States rose to the occasion, providing every possible support to the Ukrainians. We are committed to continuing to do so. Why? The answer is simple: the war in Ukraine is not simply another local or a regional European conflict. It is a brutal challenge to international stability and to the international rules-based order for which the United Nations stands. As such, it concerns the entire global community. It is needless to also recall the very concrete impact that the war has had on international food security, affecting economies and the basic needs of populations around the world, especially in Africa. Greece is situated, by virtue of its geography, in a complicated neighbourhood, and I have repeatedly spoken from this rostrum on the difficult and at times tense relationship with neighbouring Türkiye. Over the past year, I met with President Erdoğan six times, including recently on the sidelines of the Assembly, a couple of days ago. Last December, we signed the Athens declaration, a document stating our intention to resolve our differences according to the principles of international law and in the spirit of good-neighbourly relations. We will continue to explore how to improve bilateral relations with Türkiye. There is potential for increased cooperation to tackle common challenges, such as climate change and migration. We will continue to keep channels of communication open to defuse any tension that may arise. On the other hand, when it comes to Cyprus, with this year marking the fiftieth anniversary of Türkiye’s illegal invasion and subsequent occupation of more than a third of the territory of the Republic of Cyprus, we unfortunately see no progress in Türkiye’s position. That invasion was and remains a violation of the fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations. As Prime Minister of Greece, I reaffirm here today our commitment to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus and to a solution on the basis of a bizonal, bicommunal federation, with a single sovereignty, a single citizenship and a single international personality, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions. A two-State solution cannot and will not be accepted. It is simply not a solution. Yesterday, from this podium, President Christodoulides gave an impassioned and sincere address, recalling the violence and trauma of the invasion of Cyprus 50 years ago. He also expressed his unwavering commitment to engaging in order to find a solution. I, for one, have absolute trust in that commitment. He is right to argue that international law cannot be applied à la carte and that history cannot be rewritten or erased. Greece fully supports the efforts of the Secretary-General towards the resumption of negotiations within that framework. We call upon Türkiye and the Turkish Cypriot community to come to the negotiating table, to at least establish mutual trust and to engage in a frank and honest discussion in pursuit of a mutually acceptable, just and viable solution. Imagine how powerful a message for the world community it would send to all those seeking peace in seemingly intractable conflicts around the world, if we could find a permanent, viable and just solution to the Cyprus question. Let me also mention the other side of our neighbourhood — the Western Balkans — and its future. As the oldest European Union member in the region, Greece has always had a vision of the Western Balkans being within the European Union family, a vision that would reduce tensions and conflict and embed the rule of law and fundamental freedoms, driving development and prosperity for its people. There has been progress, but that progress has not been enough. Twenty- one years after the Thessaloniki Agenda, significant challenges remain. Allow me to be very frank: the countries of the Western Balkans need to take the definitive decision to leave behind the traumatic legacy of the past. The political leadership of the Western Balkans needs to choose, through action, not words, to embrace a European future by improving democratic governance, consolidating the rule of law and freedom of expression, pursuing difficult internal reforms and, — very importantly, — committing to good-neighbourly relations. Reviving nationalist narratives and agendas should have no place today in a region on the cusp of joining the EU. Let us start with the basics: international agreements must be respected and implemented fully and in good faith, whether we are talking about Dayton, or Prespa or the Belgrade-Pristina agreements. There are disruptors who would like nothing more than to cause new divisions in this sensitive Let me conclude by addressing briefly two issues critical to our shared future: the advent of artificial intelligence (AI) and the adverse effects of digital technology, especially on our children and our teenagers. The power of AI seems limitless, a technology with the potential to change our world in a way that will probably surpass the advent of the personal computer, the launch of the mobile phone or the birth of the worldwide web. Like steam or electricity before it, AI as a general technology presents a huge opportunity to transform for good the way we live, collaborate and progress as humankind. If used correctly, it could very well be driving solutions across science, climate change, research and development and medicine. For our Governments, AI has enormous power to enhance productivity, facilitate more effective decision-making and deliver more efficient and higher-impact public services. It is indeed a game-changer. However, AI also has the potential to do extraordinary harm. Unchecked, and in the hands of malign actors, AI could yet become a weapon of control in an uncertain world order. We are already seeing how generative AI is used to create more and more convincing deepfakes, designed to spread misinformation and disinformation. It is not lost on me, standing here, in this Assembly, created to protect peace and security and promote global dialogue, that our world is being shaped by transnational actors in the form of a few very large technology companies, with more economic muscle than most of the countries represented here. This is leading to an imbalance that we must address. Those driving the technologies that are fundamentally reshaping societies are essentially not accountable, and that needs to change. They, like us, in the end have a responsibility towards humankind. Unlike with climate change, on which we continue to convene globally to discuss national contributions, every year, within the context of a global problem, with AI there is no such framework. The European Union is trying to rectify that but, just as with climate, the EU alone cannot address this challenge. And here I would like to praise the final report, “Governing AI for Humanity”, presented just a few days ago by the High-Level Advisory Body on Artificial Intelligence, established by the Secretary- General. The recommendations of this report can truly contribute to an agile and adaptable regime of global governance of AI that helps to showcase the benefits of AI and address its risks. Bluntly, if both the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) and the Global Digital Compact (ibid., annex I), which we adopted this week, are to have any effect, then we may need to put the regulation and application of AI on a global footing. Eventually, what we may need is a conference of the parties for AI, with the participation not just of countries but also of the global technology companies. This is an issue of the outmost urgency for one additional reason, and let me conclude with that. We are already witnessing the adverse effects of digital technology and AI-driven algorithms on the mental health of our children and our teenagers. It took more than a quarter of a century for campaigners to install seat belts in cars, despite the fact that all the evidence pointed to belts saving lives. We are in a similar situation today when it comes to children and teenagers and their use of digital and social media platforms. Every day, children around the world are being exposed to content that exacerbates feelings of loneliness and unrealistic standards of beauty. Frequently, our teenagers are pulled into extremist echo chambers. Bullying, once contained to the real world, now has its virtual twin. It follows children home from school and materializes on phones and tablets in bedrooms. Social media algorithms are constantly improved by AI to keep children online for the maximum amount of time and away from the real world of unsupervised play, and all for the purpose That is why I applaud initiatives such as the one announced by Australia for putting an age limit on social media use, with age verification technologies that cannot be circumvented. Others should follow suit. Technology companies must come to the table and show that they will take tangible and measurable action and prioritize safety over profits. If they do not, pragmatic solutions like banning devices in our schools — which Greece has implemented as of this year — will be complemented by harsher regulatory responses. Digital technology is no different than any other industry that needs to operate under health and safety regulations. The overarching principle, the golden standard, is one and the same: do no harm. We live in a rapidly changing world. We cannot let our differences be an excuse for inaction. As Greece takes its seat on the Security Council, we do so mindful of the importance of our core principles: dialogue, diplomacy and democracy. This week’s Summit of the Future demonstrates that it is truly possible, when we work together, to renew multilateral cooperation through those principles. In reiterating the commitment of all Member States to the core values of the United Nations, we can still galvanize international resolve and forge innovative partnerships to address both the world’s current and its emerging challenges. Greece stands ready to help the United Nations to do its part in the two years ahead.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of the Hellenic Republic for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Sir Keir Starmer, Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and inviting him to address the Assembly. Sir Keir Starmer (United Kingdom): I address the General Assembly today as someone with a deep belief in the principles of this body and the value of international cooperation. I remember reading the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. As a student, it had a profound impact on me. I have spent my career as a lawyer working to protect those rights, and the Declaration still inspires me now as Prime Minister, because it speaks about our inherent dignity, the very essence of what it is to be human, of equal and inalienable rights, based on a foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world. Yet as we meet here today, that can feel like a distant hope. Conflict touches more countries now than at any time in the history of the General Assembly. Around the world, more fires are breaking out and burning with ever greater intensity, exacting a terrible toll in Gaza, Lebanon, Ukraine, the Sudan, Myanmar, Yemen and beyond. My message today is this: we are returning the United Kingdom to responsible global leadership, because I think the international system can be better. We need it to be better. People talk about an age of polarization, impunity, instability and an unravelling of the Charter of the United Nations, and I fear that a sense of fatalism has taken hold. Well, our task is to say that no, we will not accept that slide into greater and greater conflict, instability and injustice. Instead, we will do all we can to change it. This is the moment to reassert fundamental principles and our willingness to defend them, to recommit to the United Nations, to internationalism and to the rule of law, and to work together for peace, progress and equality. For it is right to do so — yes, absolutely — but also because it is plainly in our self-interest. Therefore, we are ready to step up in a spirit of respect and equal partnership. I do not claim that solving those problems is easy, but there are positive, practical things that we can do together. That starts with addressing the rising tide of conflict and preventing a regional war in the Middle East. I call on Israel and Hizbullah: stop the violence and step back from the brink. We need to see an immediate ceasefire to provide space for a diplomatic settlement, and we are working with all partners to that end, because further escalation serves no one. It offers nothing but more suffering for innocent people on all sides and the prospect of a wider war that no one can control and with consequences that none of us can foresee. That is intimately linked with the situation in Gaza where, again, we need to see an immediate ceasefire. It shames us all that the suffering in Gaza continues to grow. The answer is diplomacy, the release of all the hostages and the unfettered flow of aid to those in need. That is the only way to break this devastating cycle of violence and begin the journey towards a political solution for the long term that delivers the long-promised Palestinian State alongside a safe and secure Israel. We must also work together for peace in the Sudan and a proper response to the worst humanitarian crisis in the world today. We need to see greater action to deliver aid and to deliver peace. The world cannot look away, and we must stand up for international law. That is why we are so resolute in our support for Ukraine. They are exercising their right to self-defence as provided for under the Charter and recognized by 141 members of the General Assembly. We will stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes, because the alternative would be to confirm the worst claims about this place — that international law is merely a paper tiger and that aggressors can do what they will. We will never let that happen, because it is our duty to respond to a more dangerous world with strength to keep our people safe. But, alone, that is not enough. That is not the limit of our responsibility. We must also work together to make the world less dangerous. Therefore, we have to face some hard truths. Iran continues to expand its nuclear activity, in violation of its international commitments. Incredible new technologies like artificial intelligence are being deployed for military use without agreed rules. Those are difficult challenges to grasp, and they are too urgent to ignore. That is why the new Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) is so important. We must put new energy and creativity into conflict resolution and conflict prevention, reverse the trend towards ever-greater violence, make the institutions of peace fit for purpose and hold members to their commitments under the Charter. But again, reducing conflict is not the limit of our responsibility. Other global challenges affect us too. Consequently, we must work to get the Sustainable Development Goals back on track. Therefore, under my leadership, the United Kingdom will lead again, tackling climate change at home and internationally and restoring our commitment to international development. Like many others present, in a few weeks’ time I will be travelling to Samoa for the Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting. In Samoa, a generation of children are having to contemplate fleeing the island of their birth for good. The threat of climate change is existential, and it is happening in the here and now. Therefore, we have to reset Britain’s approach. We have lifted the de facto ban on onshore wind in England, ended new oil and gas licences and created Great British Energy, as we become the first major economy to transition to clean power by 2030. And I am pleased to tell you that, yes, we will meet our net zero target, backed up with an ambitious nationally determined contribution at the twenty-ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, consistent with limiting warming to 1.5°C, and we will support others in doing the same. I know that finance is at the heart of that. Therefore, the United Kingdom will continue to be a leading contributor to international climate finance. That includes supporting nature and forests, because doing so is vital for biodiversity and reducing emissions, and it includes funding for climate adaptation, because those who did not cause this crisis should not be left to cope with the consequences. And the United Kingdom will also continue to be a leading contributor to development, committed to returning to 0.7 per cent when fiscal circumstances allow. But let us be frank. Public finance will never fully meet the needs. We must therefore use it as a multiplier to unlock much greater levels of private investment, and we have already started that work. I can announce today that we are creating a new facility, under which British International Investment will work with the City of London to mobilize billions in pension and insurance funds and to invest in boosting development and fighting climate change. This is a great British innovation, and if we are going to deliver in each of the areas that I have talked about today, with all the benefits that doing so will bring, then that is the kind of approach we need to take: innovating, thinking differently, moving faster and being ready to change how we do things in three key areas. First, we must change the international financial system to deliver a fairer deal for developing countries. We will use our seat on the boards of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank to argue for a bolder approach and to tackle unsustainable debt, which is compounding poverty and inequality, depriving the sick of healthcare and children of education. We must tackle the barriers to investment that choke off the flow of private finance, and we must put a price on the true cost of emissions through a new levy on global shipping, with the proceeds going to tackling Secondly, if we want the system to deliver for the poorest and most vulnerable, then their voices must be heard. We must make the system more representative and more responsive to those who need it most. We will therefore make the case not just for fairer outcomes but fairer representation in how we reach them. And that also applies to the Security Council. It must change to become a more representative body, willing to act and not paralysed by politics. We want to see permanent African representation on the Council, Brazil, India, Japan and Germany as permanent members and more seats for elected members as well. Finally, to support that, we will also change how the United Kingdom does things, moving from the paternalism of the past towards partnership for the future, listening a lot more and speaking a bit less, offering game-changing British expertise and working together in a spirit of equal respect, joining the Paris Pact for People and the Planet, pursuing a new global clean power alliance, standing for a new term on the Human Rights Council and joining forces to tackle the toughest challenges, such as antimicrobial resistance, preparedness for the next pandemic and outbreaks of deadly diseases, including mpox. We are ready to work with all United Nations members, because the scale of the challenges we face demands it and our prosperity and security depend on it. I say it again: all of that matters to Britain. By tackling conflict, making progress in the fight against climate change and poverty and reforming the international system so that it is fit for the twenty-first century, we can realize the hope and the promise that shine through the founding documents of the Organization. Together, in all our interests, we can change direction from the dangerous, destructive path we find ourselves on and turn instead towards the rule of law, towards cooperation, responsibility and progress and towards peace.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister of Nepal.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. K.P. Sharma Oli, Prime Minister of Nepal, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I stand here as a humble representative of 30 million proud Nepali people. At the very outset, allow me to extend my sincere congratulations to the President of the General Assembly and the members of the Bureau on their well-deserved elections. I would also like to reaffirm Nepal’s full support as they undertake the important responsibilities entrusted to them. We extend our deepest appreciation to His Excellency Mr. Dennis Francis, the outgoing President, for his The world is at a watershed moment in history. The contrasts between rich and poor, harmony and hatred, and economic development and environmental destruction have never been as stark as they are today. Both people and planet stand on the brink of climate catastrophe. Geopolitical rivalries are resurging. Military expenditures are skyrocketing, along with an unabated arms race. The spectre of nuclear conflict looms larger than ever before. On the one hand, our economy remains frail, still grappling with the lingering effects of the coronavirus disease pandemic. On the other hand, nationalism and protectionism have re-emerged, even before we have reaped the benefits that liberalization and globalization were meant to deliver. Even after 300 years on the journey to industrialization and modernization, it is deeply troubling that in our so-called civilized world of the twenty-first century, wealth and prosperity are concentrated mostly in the hands of the global North, and poverty and destitution are heavily concentrated in the global South, particularly in the least developed countries. To overcome those travesties, we must demonstrate that our leadership promotes meaningful cooperation and collaboration. It is only through collective will and unified action that we can turn the tide and usher in an era of enduring peace and shared prosperity for all. In that context, the theme of this session, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”, could not be more timely or relevant. We have reaffirmed our commitment through the Summit of the Future to build a safe, just and sustainable world for both present and future generations. That pledge is embodied in the three pivotal documents that we have adopted: the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), the Declaration on Future Generations and the Global Digital Compact. We must demonstrate our determination to implement those documents for the well-being of present and future generations. Allow me to underline that the principle of leaving no one behind has long been the cornerstone of Nepal’s approach to development across all sectors. That philosophy is enshrined in our Constitution, which upholds the values of democracy by guaranteeing inclusivity, equality, justice, proportional representation, human rights and social protection for the most vulnerable sectors of society. I am determined to lead my country, guided by my deep commitment to comprehensive democracy. In my view, comprehensive democracy ensures equal rights, equal opportunities, social justice, the protection of vulnerable communities and security and dignity for all individuals. Democracy goes far beyond the right of the people to choose their leaders. It is about leading the people towards prosperity and happiness so that they can enjoy the utmost dignity. At the international level, sovereign equality and mutual respect constitute the bedrock of comprehensive democracy. Those principles are essential for building the frameworks for a just, inclusive, equitable, representative and accountable global order. As a nation emerging from conflict, Nepal deeply understands the profound value of peace and political stability. Since the signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in 2006, Nepal has been firmly focused on completing the peace process at the earliest opportunity. Immediately after the formation of my Government, Parliament passed a transitional justice bill to settle transitional justice issues once and for all. In implementing the law, we will uphold victims’ rights, including the right to truth and justice. We will also use reparations and reconciliation to heal Nepal will graduate from its status of least developed country by 2026. We are diligently working towards achieving the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030, and we aspire to become a developed country by 2043, despite facing significant economic headwinds. Our path to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, however, remains fraught with difficulties. We are confronted with a substantial financial gap of approximately $24 billion, which needs to be bridged to fulfil the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Against that backdrop, Nepal hosted the International Development Association 21 replenishment meeting held in June, underscoring the crucial need for continued and enhanced support from the International Development Association and that of other development partners. In that pursuit, we strongly reiterate our call for enhanced, predictable and sustained international support. Climate change has emerged as the gravest threat to our planet, people and prosperity. My own country, Nepal, is particularly hard hit. We stand as one of the nations most vulnerable to climate change and are ranked as the twentieth most disaster-prone country in the world. Of utmost concern is the alarming rate at which the pristine Himalayas, often referred to as the “third pole”, are losing their vast snow reserves. That loss threatens water availability for billions of people living downstream, extending far beyond the borders of my country. Nepal has been making a huge contribution to the health of our planet through its forests, mountains and rivers. Yet, despite those efforts, we continue to bear the brunt of climate change. In that context, we call for climate justice. Our mountains play a crucial role in regulating the climate and ecosystem of oceans, with their snow-fed rivers flowing down to the oceans. Nepal’s Himalayas, as a natural climate stabilizer, help to maintain a cooling system in a region situated in the hottest zone of the planet, between the tropic of Cancer and the tropic of Capricorn. Given their significance, it is essential that the mountain agenda receive due attention in climate negotiations. Nepal is steadfast in its commitment to the Paris Agreement and seeks to achieve the target of net zero by 2045, five years earlier than the global target. As climate change is a global challenge, it demands global action and collaborative efforts to address its widespread and cascading impacts. Adequate climate financing, including the Loss and Damage Fund, is crucial to supporting climate-resilience measures and infrastructure for adaptation in developing countries, in particular in least-developed countries. The land of Nepal is blessed with the wisdom of enlightened great sages from both the Hindu and the Buddhist faiths, in particular the teachings of Gautam Buddha. That profound legacy has shaped our worldview, leading us to seek global harmony, peace and security. The values of love, harmony, tolerance and empathy, as espoused by Gautam Buddha, hold even greater relevance today than they did more than 2,500 years ago. But, to our deep dismay, the world is increasingly distressed by division, suspicion, hatred and enmity. Nepal firmly believes that dialogue and diplomacy are the sole means of resolving conflicts, including in Ukraine and the Middle East. It is through love and compassion that hostility and hatred can be overcome, paving the way for lasting peace. On the issue of the Israel-Palestine conflict, we continue to support Disarmament and non-proliferation issues must be prioritized. Nepal strongly advocates for general and complete disarmament of all weapons of mass destruction. As the host country of the United Nations Regional Centre for Peace and Disarmament in Asia and the Pacific, Nepal firmly believes that regional efforts, including the Kathmandu process, serve to strengthen the global disarmament regime. Technology presents a double-edged sword, especially for the least developed countries. If we harness it, we can make remarkable progress. If we fail, it will leave us further behind. We call for technology transfer to enable us to catch up. Nepal has always adhered to a peaceful, independent, balanced and non-aligned foreign policy, on the basis of the principles of Panchsheel, the Charter of the United Nations, international law and the norms of world peace. We conduct our foreign policy with profound belief in “amity with all, enmity with none”. Nepal remains committed to further strengthening its close, cordial and constructive relations with its immediate neighbours and beyond, rooted in the principles of mutual respect, sovereign equality, territorial integrity, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs and peaceful coexistence. As the largest contributor of troops and police to United Nations peace operations, Nepal stands ready to further enhance its contribution to global peace and security. Nepal believes it is justified for us to call for commensurate representation in leadership positions, both at United Nations Headquarters and in the field, reflecting our significant contribution. Nepal firmly advocates for the reform of the United Nations system to make it more effective, democratic, transparent and accountable. We firmly believe that stronger multilateralism, with the United Nations at its core, is the only path forward to tackle the numerous global crises we face. We echo a call for substantial reform of the global financial system, aptly described by the Secretary-General, Mr. António Guterres, as morally bankrupt. The voice and representation of countries in special situations, including the least developed countries, landlocked developing countries and small island developing States, must be ensured. Nepal firmly upholds the belief that all human rights are universal, inalienable, indivisible, interdependent and interrelated. It is with that conviction that we have become a party to 24 international human-rights-related conventions and protocols, including seven of the nine core instruments. We are fully committed to promoting gender equality and ensuring equal rights for women. Nepal is making the necessary legal arrangements for the full realization of all human rights for women and girls, including their sexual and reproductive health rights. The protection of the rights of migrant workers, including their safety, security, dignity and well-being, has always remained our priority. We strongly advocate for safe, orderly and regular migration to ensure that the benefits of migration are shared by all. Finally, the world we inhabit is far from being perfect. Yet it is not all doom and gloom. We firmly believe that humankind is still capable enough to march ahead without compromising the prosperity and happiness of future generations. None of the global challenges we are facing today have been imposed by aliens. These are of our own making, our own creations. Therefore, it is self-evident that by fostering global understanding, trust and cooperation, we can overcome these problems and Let me reiterate the wisdom of our ancient text, the Maha Upanishad, from approximately the sixth century B.C.: Vasudhaiva kutumbakam, meaning “the whole world is one family”. We not only hold this philosophy dearly but also act on it in our everyday life. With this constant conviction, Nepal is committed to playing its role to secure our shared aspiration of enduring peace, progress and prosperity, while leaving no one behind.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister of Nepal for the statement he has just made.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Winston Peters, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Racing of New Zealand.

Nearly four score years ago, nations exhausted from a cataclysmic world war came together in San Francisco to create the Charter of the United Nations. Forged in the immediate aftermath of that war, the then-Prime Minister of New Zealand, Peter Fraser, held the greatest hopes for the Charter’s success, which he believed would be predicated on the “sincerity and moral determination” of its members. But the beginning is a delicate time, and Fraser was a realist. He understood the Charter was imperfect. From the earliest debates in San Francisco, New Zealand fought against the veto rights bestowed upon the great Powers. Fraser warned that, “the veto which can be exercised by one of the Great Powers both in regard to itself and other nations is unfair and indefensible and may, if retained and exercised, be destructive not only of the main purposes of the international organization, but of the institution itself.” Fraser knew that the United Nations Charter could only be secured with the great Powers’ agreement. And though he considered the Charter imperfect, he thought those imperfections could be overcome if the spirit of San Francisco was carried into the operation of the Charter. The spirit of San Francisco incorporated the hope that the great Powers behave prudently, for as Winston Churchill said, the price of greatness is responsibility. But today the spirit that created the United Nations Charter is sagging under the weight of its own potted history. Power waxes and wanes, so yesterday’s great Powers, today’s permanent members of the Security Council, are challenged by periods of competition or, worse, abuse of the veto. That has serious implications for all States and the conduct of our foreign affairs. While some permanent members exercise restraint in their use of the veto, others consistently and frequently abuse this power. When Russia, a permanent member of the Security Council, illegally invaded its neighbour, it did not just violate Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter, it acted in utter contempt of the Charter. Russia then vetoed a draft Security Council resolution condemning its actions and calling for the immediate withdrawal of its forces from Ukraine (S/2022/155). Not only does Russia lack the sincerity and moral determination required to make the United Nations work, but its delinquency should be a clarion call for long- overdue Security Council reform. As Prime Minister Fraser said back in 1946, when referring to the veto’s risks, “it is very bad if one nation can hold up the advancement Tensions and imbalances between the desire for a rules-based international order that protects small States against aggression and the unjustified exercise of power by certain great Powers have only grown in the past eight decades. Yet small States matter now as much as they did then. New Zealand holds the foundational belief that all States are equal and that our voices matter as much as the most powerful States represented here. It is the quality of our arguments and the principles of justice that inform them, not the size of our militaries, that should hold sway here. We smaller nations face many of the same challenges and share the same concerns. As my colleague from Singapore, MDr. Vivian Balakrishnan, put it at this year’s Meeting of the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of the East Asia Summit in Laos: “the problem for us is that every small State that wants territorial integrity to be respected, that wants its political independence to be guarded, that depends on the Charter of the United Nations to plan long-term must view an invasion of a smaller neighbour by a larger neighbour as a full-frontal point of anxiety”. We agree. We small States need today’s super-Powers to talk more, seek better understanding among themselves and develop ways of compromising more. Rather than a zero-sum game, effecting better relations between today’s great Powers only enhances global stability, and that is what we smaller nations seek. The regional and global challenges we face are stark — the worst the world has faced since the Second World War. The challenges are complex and daunting. Across the globe, armed conflict is once more on the rise, hard-fought development gains are being reversed, human rights challenged and eroded, and geostrategic tensions are threatening global security and stability. Growing distrust and division is making international cooperation more difficult, placing the United Nations under strain and hindering the Organization’s ability to find effective solutions. The world is facing myriad regional and global crises. We see multiple, intersecting and mutually reinforcing crises of conflict, climate change and, increasingly, a crisis of trust in our institutions. The challenges we face in the General Assembly are therefore stark — indeed the worst in several generations. They also reinforce the truism that the global geostrategic and security challenges faced in one era do not remain static. The world has changed, and so must we. Indeed, each generation of decision-makers confronts new challenges as economies, demographics, technologies and societies evolve, as do the power calculations that accompany disruptive change. Old truths give way to new ones. The trick now, as it was then, is to have one’s eyes wide open to the fundamental shifts that are taking place and be nimble enough to adapt to them. The need to adapt to changing historical contexts is also important and incumbent on the United Nations and its entities. The rise of multilateral agreements is one sign of countries increasingly working together outside of the United Nations. Another is the sclerosis around necessary veto reform. In the 10 months since returning for a third time as New Zealand’s Minister for Foreign Affairs, we have spoken widely with colleagues across the globe. Summing up those discussions in a recent speech in Tokyo, we said that never has it been more apparent just how much diplomacy and the tools of statecraft matter in our troubled world. And since war and instability are everyone’s calamity, diplomacy is the business of us all. We observed that at this moment in time the ability to talk with, rather than at, each other has never been more needed. Those who share our values, and those who do not, gain from understanding each other’s position, even when we cannot agree. From understanding comes opportunity, and from diplomacy comes compromise — the building block of better relations between nations. We need more diplomacy, more engagement and more compromise. As Churchill also said in his later So, what does that leadership look like? It is leadership that can discern future opportunity while understanding, but not being trapped by, historical constraints. It is leadership that is underpinned by a leader’s strength of character, their courage, their purpose and a commitment to educate, not dominate, their citizens. Given that he will turn 100 in the next few days, we recall with admiration such leadership, exhibited by then-President Jimmy Carter in 1978, in concert with Egypt’s President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. They held talks for 11 straight days at Camp David, from which emerged the Middle East peace accords between Egypt and Israel. That peace has endured, and New Zealand is proud, as a foundational member of the Multinational Force and Observers, to have supported that peace since 1982. The accords reveal what is possible when leaders exhibit sincerity and moral determination, imbued by the spirit of San Francisco. We need more of that type of leadership and responsibility. Contrast that leadership with the catastrophic and ruinous path that has been followed in Gaza. That misery was caused by both Hamas’s monstrous terrorist attacks last year and now the overwhelming nature of Israel’s response. We are most concerned about the generational consequences of this level of suffering and violence, which has no end in sight and sees us on the precipice of an even wider conflict. Where is the sincerity and moral determination of today’s leaders at the vortex of this unacceptable violence? New Zealand has sacrificed many of its young men to wars in faraway lands. A full 10 per cent of the total population of New Zealand fought in the Great War, and we lost a fifth of them. Therefore, every year, on 25 April, we commemorate their loss at Gallipoli — the site of terrible carnage. This year, in a dawn address, we recalled that despite the horror of war on the Gallipoli Peninsula, fraternal bonds were forged between warring nations — countries that were once enemies became friends. New Zealand never wants to experience the catastrophe of another world war. We must never be at another San Francisco conference, picking up the pieces after another descent into global annihilation and human suffering. We must therefore do more, demand more and deliver more. We must reject and resist those who seek to conquer and control. We must always seek the path of peace, because the lasting victories of humanity are those of peace, not war. Finally, despite our frustration at the lack of political will required to adapt the Organization to fully meet the challenges of today, New Zealand’s support for the United Nations remains unwavering. That commitment remains unchanged from the time when Prime Minister Fraser expressed his great hopes for the Charter, eight decades ago. We believe that effective multilateral diplomacy means taking responsibility for our obligations as Member States. So, to that end, we announce today New Zealand’s intention, as a voice for smaller States, to campaign for a seat on the Security Council for the 2039–2040 term. That intention is supported by our enduring hope that the spirit of San Francisco can be reclaimed through the sincerity and moral determination of our diplomatic efforts, that we can all do better and that it reinforces our enduring support for the United Nations and the cause of peace.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Mbae Mohamed, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, responsible for the Arab World, the Diaspora, Francophonie and African Integration of the Union of the Comoros.

It is my honour to convey to the Assembly warm greetings from His Excellency Mr. Azali Assoumani, President of the Union of Comoros, and his wishes for every success in conducting this business This seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly commences, yet again, at a particularly critical juncture in the affairs of the international community. Since 22 February 2022, the war in Ukraine has continued to devastate two major European countries, putting the global equilibrium in peril. On behalf of the Union of the Comoros, I beseech the Russian and Ukrainian leaders to take the path of dialogue and negotiation. I appeal to them, for the sake of their peoples and their own legacies and because a ceasefire in the first instance and subsequently peace are prerequisites for easing the economic, social and food situation for the entire world and for Africa in particular, which is suffering so greatly from the conflict. When it comes to Palestine, the facts of daily life leave us in no doubt that self- defence is not the goal. The war, marked by a disproportion in forces and the targeting of mostly innocent people, is nothing other than a genocide being perpetrated by Israeli forces in Gaza that deserves our condemnation and must be brought to an end as a matter of urgency. The horrors endured by the Palestinian people are now reflected in a toll of more than 40,000 dead, including innocent women and children, and more than 100,000 wounded, the forcible displacement of thousands in inhumane conditions and the systematic destruction of hospitals and social housing. In reaffirming its full solidarity with, and unremitting support for, the brotherly people of Palestine, the Union of the Comoros issues an urgent appeal to the international community for action to bring about an immediate cessation of hostilities and a swift resumption of the delivery of humanitarian aid. We also call for a just and lasting solution on the basis of international law and the relevant United Nations resolutions. In particular, we urge the international community to work swiftly to achieve a two-State solution — a sovereign Palestinian State, with East Jerusalem as its capital, living alongside and in complete security with Israel. We welcome the admission of the State of Palestine as a full Member of the United Nations and its participation in the work of the United Nations, as of this session. I wish also to point out that the situation in the West Bank likewise is very grave. As Cardinal Pizzaballa, Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, has underscored, events there are a tangible and concrete example of how hatred, resentment and contempt have led to increasingly extreme forms of violence that are increasingly difficult to contain. We are also paying close attention to the situation in the Sudan. We call on both parties to the conflict to show restraint, to spare the people from the horrors of the war, which for our brothers has gone on for far too long. As to Western Sahara, the Union of the Comoros takes the view that the plan for the autonomy of the territory within the Cherifian Kingdom, presented by the Moroccan authorities in 2007, is the surest way of achieving a lasting settlement to an anachronistic conflict, the prolongation of which would be antithetical to the very interests of the communities concerned and to economic development throughout region. My country therefore calls on the stakeholders to adhere to the plan and urges the international community to afford them its support. I would therefore like to take the opportunity provided by my presence on this rostrum of the United Nations, the symbol of multilateralism par excellence, to reaffirm the Comorian Government’s steadfastness in its desire to respect the law and its openness to dialogue regarding the dispute between the Union of the Comoros and France, in order to reach a fair and lasting solution that preserves the shared interests of our two friendly countries. The Union of the Comoros reiterates its support for the resolution adopted by the Summit of the Future (resolution 79/1) on 22 September, during this session of the Assembly. We call for genuine international collaboration to establish guidelines that will lead to legal tools guaranteeing the development and equitable use of artificial intelligence, conducive to development, growth, productivity and knowledge throughout the world. Among other things, the resolution opens up promising prospects for addressing the specific problems of small island developing States. In that context, the fourth International Conference on Small Island Developing States, held in May in Antigua and Barbuda, also marked further progress in this universal realization. Also, given our call for strict compliance with the Paris Agreement and for substantial financial and technical support, we are looking forward with great interest to the next International Conference on Financing for Development, scheduled to take place in Spain in 2025. The Conference will be an opportunity for the countries of the South to advocate for reforms of the multilateral development banks and institutions and to obtain a forward-looking framework for sustainable, accessible and predictable resources for our countries. To ensure the success of that event, I hope that the main countries concerned will come together without delay to work on formulating their proposals. Peace and political stability are the two essential pillars underpinning all development initiatives. Consequently, following the elections of 14 January 2024, which once again made His Excellency Mr. Azali Assoumani the country’s Head of State, he set about pursuing the noble mission of accelerating the emergence of the Comoros by 2030. The Head of State’s commitment to accelerating the country’s emergence is reflected in the implementation of the flagship projects contained in the Comoros Emerging Plan and presented at the conference of Comoros’ development partners, held in Paris in December 2019. The Comoros Emerging Plan also includes a number of structuring projects, including the blue economy development programme, in a highly promising sector that is one of the driving forces behind economic and social transformation. Aware of the crucial role of the blue economy and keen to highlight the special nature of island States, my country organized the Ministerial Conference on the Blue Economy and Climate Action in Africa, in Moroni in June 2023, under the Comorian presidency of the African Union and with the support of a number of partners, with the theme “Island and coastal States at the forefront”. The Conference was attended by all the island and coastal States of Africa. The Moroni declaration, adopted at the end of the Conference, sets out, inter alia, the elements of the road map to be implemented, with a view to the international community taking account The Comorian Government pays particular attention to young people. A number of initiatives are under way to develop youth entrepreneurship, ensure better job opportunities in various sectors and enable them to play a leading role in the country’s socioeconomic development. The promulgation of the “One youth — one job” law is a clear demonstration of that commitment. The commitment of the Head of State of the Union of the Comoros to the development of young people and the confidence he places in this population group to give impetus to a new dynamic, as the driving force of the country, led him to appoint, only a few months ago, a Government composed mainly of young executives. He has thus taken up the challenge of working with young people to transform the country and renew the Comoros. In addition to those key areas, the Head of State has also included sport, culture, art and heritage in his five-year agenda, thereby demonstrating his interest in these aspects of society, which help to shape and strengthen our national identity. As far as sport is concerned, on behalf of the President of the Union of the Comoros and his Government, I would like to pay a warm tribute to our national football team, the Coelacanths, for the steady gains they have been achieving on the continent, to the great pride of the Comorian people. The challenges facing the world today are manifold and call for concerted action by all of us to meet them. Each session of the Assembly is a source of hope for people — hope for changes that alleviate all their fears and anxieties. In the name of the noble values that unite us, let us work to transform those anxieties into peace and those fears into hopes and, above all, into the fulfilment of the aspirations of our respective peoples.

I now call on Her Excellency Ms. Dominique Hasler, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Education and Sport of the Principality of Liechtenstein.

The United Nations is a special meeting place for all countries — that is what our Head of State said in his very first speech at the United Nations General Assembly (see A/45/PV.1), when Liechtenstein became a member 34 years ago. It is a singular forum, where not only countries come together but peoples. I was very young then, just about to enter high school, but I remember vividly the sense of significance that prevailed among us back in 1990. The wish to safeguard our sovereignty was a key incentive for us — a theme that resonates so strongly among many small States today. We have never seen membership as just an end in itself. The United Nations has been a key foreign policy platform for Liechtenstein. We have made a significant political investment, developed our own profile, been an independent voice and put forward our own initiatives — most recently the veto initiative. For us — the people and the Government of Liechtenstein — the main purpose of the United Nations remains peace and security, to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, in the immortal words of the Charter of the United Nations. It saddens me to say that this purpose has lost none of its relevance today. The aggression against Ukraine, planned and perpetrated by those who wield power in the Russian Federation, has not only destroyed the European security architecture. It has undermined the international legal order as such, and it has created a real risk and genuine fear of future illegal warmaking — not just in our part of the world. After enjoying long decades of peace, which is much more than the absence of war, our people have been able to live in prosperity and with full respect for human rights. As a small State without armed forces, the guarantor of our sovereignty is respect More than two years of brutal war of aggression have brought immeasurable human suffering, economic devastation of immense proportions and environmental damage for decades to come. Many of those outcomes are, sadly, irreversible. But together, we have the opportunity and the responsibility to bring about a just peace. And indeed, there will be no peace without justice. Peace must therefore be based on the terms we have already set together in this Hall, and it must guarantee individual criminal accountability for those who have — wilfully and unprovoked — initiated this war of aggression. That alone will ensure that there is a prospect for sustainable peace for Ukraine, but also for the region as a whole. That alone will give small States everywhere the confidence and belief that their sovereignty and territorial integrity will be protected and safeguarded here at the United Nations, while demonstrating that we are committed to and capable of fulfilling the purpose that brought us together in this Organization. Much of what we have done in recent years here in New York has been driven by the belief that we must safeguard the role of the United Nations in maintaining peace and security. We support a strong Security Council but see little indication that it will be able to come together in the manner that the current challenges require. Rather than criticizing and lamenting what is a political reality, we have to think about alternative avenues — avenues that do indeed exist. The Assembly is the key platform in that respect. It has taken the lead on Ukraine, and it has adopted important decisions on the Gaza war. And, under the terms of the veto initiative, which has resonated so strongly in this Hall, the Assembly is given the option to act whenever the Council is paralysed by a veto. The Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) has given us the necessary basis to continue what we have begun and to chart a new path for peace and security. Only by working together will we be able to deliver on that promise. For almost a year now, the situation in the Middle East has absorbed much of our attention. We witnessed with horror the terrorist attack on the civilian population of Israel on 7 October 2023. And we are shocked and appalled by the suffering of the civilian population of Gaza and by the many thousands of innocent victims, a very large number of whom are children, which is simply unacceptable. The protection of civilians is a key priority on the agenda of the United Nations. However, it seems to be a mere afterthought for those making the decisions on both sides of the conflict, whose actions cause human suffering and threaten stability in the region. We are deeply concerned about the next level of escalation between Israel and Hizbullah, and we join the call for a 21-day ceasefire in order to prevent a further conflagration in the region. Liechtenstein is a strong supporter of the two-State solution. As such, in our response and our decision-making, we have prioritized the protection of all affected civilians. We have contributed humanitarian assistance to the civilian population. We have called for the full respect for international humanitarian law by all, and, with that, I call again for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages. We support the efforts by the International Criminal Court to investigate according to its mandate. The two-State solution, which enjoys overwhelming support among all of us in this Hall, was decided by the General Assembly itself many decades ago. There is no other conflict in which the United Nations has a clearer and longer- lasting responsibility. The end of the war in Gaza will be only one step in the long and difficult path to a two-State solution that allows Israel and Palestine to live together in peace and security, in line with the right of all peoples to self-determination. Knowing The sovereign equality of all countries and respect for international law are key for all United Nations Members to thrive — but even more so for smaller ones. It is no surprise, then, that in this building, my country is known, in particular, for our clear and consistent stance in support of the rule of law. We are proud of the work that we have done on international law. And it is a commitment we are determined to continue, especially as there is no doubt that international law is under attack from more sides and in more ways than ever before. Today I call on the Assembly — I call on all of us — to face this challenge as an opportunity, and to come together and unite in a way that brings together all those who need international law to be upheld for their survival and prosperity, all of those whose best — and sometimes only — defence is that the rules governing the conduct between States since 1945 are actually enforced, all of us who are willing to stand up for each other, driven by both solidarity and enlightened self-interest. Today this is a moment for us to realize that we must not take the existence of the United Nations for granted, that this Organization’s foundation is rooted in international law — but also that we in this Hall are the ones who have the power and means necessary, if we work together. Doom and gloom are not the hallmark of leadership. We are encouraged by the fact that small States in particular are increasingly standing up for the rule of law and against the rule of might. We are gratified to see that the International Court of Justice and its decisions are looked to for guidance in our decision-making, in challenges ranging from the two-State solution to the applicability of the Genocide Convention to climate change. This is a good and, more importantly, a necessary time to be the change that we want to see in the world. We politicians have the privilege, the agency and a voice that we have to use. That, in my view, also comes with the obligation to speak up for those who do not have a voice. In a shockingly literal sense, the women of Afghanistan do not have a voice at all anymore. I therefore want to speak up for them from this rostrum. The denial of even their most basic human rights must be completely unacceptable for this Organization and its representatives. We will continue to demand that the United Nations live up to its special obligation and support action to fight that extreme case of gender persecution. We must also speak up against the brutal oppression of women in Iran. Women across the world have been speaking up as agents of change for many years. We must ensure that those voices are amplified at the highest levels. As experience has shown, we will get better results for everyone if we entrust leadership positions much more often to women. Like many others, I believe that it is a credibility challenge for the United Nations that a woman has yet to lead the Organization. After decades of talking about gender equality, the United Nations should shine as an example. We simply need to do what we have promised, on peace — the central mission of the Organization — gender equality, human rights, deterring aggression and ensuring accountability. The collective action so urgently needed today requires strong leadership, which is often lacking these days. Leadership, whether provided by women or men, comes with responsibility, accountability and the ability and willingness to listen to and work in the interests of those we represent. All of us who have had the privilege to speak from this podium have an obligation to present and future generations to deliver on the great hopes placed in our United Nations. Only then will the Organization be the singular place that serves the people of the world in their desire for world peace.

We are gathered in the General Assembly while the world and the Organization are facing major and existential challenges. We are gathered while we are witnessing an unprecedented number of armed conflicts, from Ukraine to the Sudan, the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo and Gaza. We are gathered while we are failing in our collective goal of maintaining international peace and security and of saving future generations from the horrors of war and the disastrous consequences of underdevelopment and climate change. The Charter of the United Nations, the sovereign equality of all States, the peaceful settlement of disputes and the prohibition of the threat or use of force against any State are being challenged. We must stand by the Charter. Sweden’s strong defence of international law, including the Charter, is based on the understanding that both our own security and that of other countries depends on it. Ensuring respect for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence of all States, both large and small, is in our common interest. At its core lies the need for a global system that is open, predictable and applies equally to all. In too many places around the world, including Sweden’s immediate neighbourhood, we are witnessing the consequences of violations of the rules and principles to which we have all agreed. Since the start of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine in 2014 and with the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Russia has brutally invaded the territory of another Member State. The Assembly has strongly and repeatedly condemned Russia’s aggression against Ukraine as a blatant violation of international law, including the United Nations Charter. If a member of the Security Council is allowed to reap the fruits of aggression, the harmful impact will not stop with Ukraine. Russia’s leadership will continue its attempts to impose its rule on neighbouring countries. The territorial integrity and sovereignty of all States must serve as a basis for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine. That was confirmed at the Summit on Peace in Ukraine in Switzerland in June, which gathered some 100 delegations from all continents. Ukraine has made clear from the start that it wants a peaceful settlement based on the Charter of the United Nations. As President Zelenskyy rightfully said in his speech before the Assembly yesterday (see A/79/ PV.9), there can be no just peace without Ukraine. Sweden’s steadfast support for Ukraine’s efforts to restore its sovereignty and territorial integrity will continue for as long as it takes. As a direct response to Russia’s full-scale invasion, Sweden and Finland chose to join NATO. On Sweden’s part, that represents a truly historic change, ending 200 years of military non-alignment. That was our decision to make, because it is the right of each State to choose its own security policy path. Sweden’s NATO membership gives us a new, crucial platform to defend the fundamental values of our foreign and security policy. We will apply the same principled approach in NATO as we do in the United Nations, the European Union (EU), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and the Council of Europe. In other words, we will continue to defend international law, democracy, individual freedoms, human rights and gender equality. Sweden has always defended the universal principles of sovereignty and the right to self-determination. In fact, Sweden has consistently supported countries struggling for liberty, independence and democracy, not least in Africa, and we continue to be an engaged partner of African countries. To take just one example, I am deeply concerned about the situation in the Sudan. More than 10 million people have been displaced, which roughly corresponds to the entire population of my own country. Safe, rapid and unhindered humanitarian access, an immediate ceasefire and negotiations ensuring a return to civilian rule are urgently required. The Sudan is We are also faced with the threat of a regional war, the consequences of which no one can predict. My country’s long-standing commitment to peace efforts in the Middle East dates back to 1948 and the efforts of United Nations mediator Folke Bernadotte. Today Sweden is one of the largest core donors to United Nations agencies and other organizations working to mitigate the immense suffering of the civilian population of Gaza. At the same time, Sweden stands up for Israel’s right to defend itself in accordance with international law, and we demand that the hostages be released. Israel is being threatened by Iran and its allies simultaneously on several fronts. Hizbullah’s repeated attacks since 8 October 2023 have led to a dangerous military escalation. Sweden fully supports the efforts of the United States, France and others to reach a diplomatic solution. A ceasefire would provide space for reaching a diplomatic settlement consistent with Security Council resolution 1701 (2006) and the implementation of Security Council resolution 2735 (2024) on a ceasefire in Gaza. In the longer term, Sweden, like the EU and the United States, believes in the idea of a two-State solution, whereby Israelis and Palestinians can live side by side in peace, freedom and democracy. In order to address global challenges, we must ensure that our aid helps to mobilize additional resources, not least private capital. Development assistance alone is not enough to build long-term wealth and welfare. It must go hand in hand with democracy, the rule of law, market development, trade, investments and technology transfer. We see that clearly in the countries now leaving poverty behind. We must also redouble our efforts to achieve the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Sweden is one of the world’s most generous donors of development assistance. Through our development assistance, we are accelerating the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. To achieve that, strong national ownership in partner countries and a broader approach to development cooperation among donors is needed. We must also step up the fight against corruption so that economic growth benefits the whole of society, not just the few. I can only note that women are underrepresented as speakers this week, at the general debate. Women make up 50 per cent of the world’s population, yet only 10 per cent of speakers this week are women. There is, one could say, a lot of room for improvement in that regard. I agree with the Secretary-General that global opposition to gender equality is on the rise. That is why gender equality is a core value in Sweden’s foreign policy. Let me say this: countries that stand up for women’s and girls’ rights not only are champions of freedom and human rights but also benefit from broad labour market participation and economic growth. Respect for human rights, the provision of sexual and reproductive health and rights services and the empowerment of young girls and women are tangible contributions to advancing gender equality. That is what I want for the future of my daughter, Kajsa, and for the daughters of others too. Simply put, our free society must stand up against those who wish to exploit our freedom in order to restrict the freedom of others. Everyone must be able to live safely and freely, regardless of religious beliefs or personal convictions, regardless of skin colour and regardless of whom they love. That is of such importance to my Government that we have begun work on an action plan for equal rights and opportunities for LGBTQI people. The many crises in our world today have shed a harsh light on the need for reforms of our multilateral system. We need global governance structures that can withstand the challenges of our time and that are resilient to malevolent attempts to undermine the Charter of the United Nations. Action, implementation and follow-up must be our approach as we look forward and take stock of the Summit of the Future and the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) adopted at it. The United Nations Security Council, the body entrusted with the ultimate responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, must be effective, transparent and accountable. Sweden supports a balanced expansion of the Security Council to better reflect current global, political and economic realities. That can be achieved by such means as adding new permanent and non-permanent seats, including for African countries. Sweden also supports the ongoing reform processes in multilateral development banks to increase the effectiveness and scale of financing with a view to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and implementing the Paris Agreement. Another area in which strengthened global governance is essential is outer space. Modern societies are becoming more and more dependent on space services, and the space environment is becoming increasingly congested and contested. Sweden is strongly committed to preventing an arms race in outer space and to safeguarding the use of space for peaceful purposes. That includes all States’ full compliance with existing international law, including the Outer Space Treaty. We will continue to promote the development of norms and rules for responsible behaviour in space. Together with Zambia, Sweden is proud to have co-facilitated the Global Digital Compact. Through that framework, all Member States have committed to strengthen international cooperation to close digital divides among and within countries and to establish the governance required for a sustainable digital future, including with respect to artificial intelligence. Rest assured, Sweden will continue to fulfil its responsibility and to be an active, engaged and constructive multilateral actor. We will continue to be a close but demanding partner of the United Nations. We will constructively demand more — more efficiency, more coherence, more impact and more innovation. That is how we will achieve our shared ambitions for the future, together. This is a moment of major existential challenges, but we must not allow anything to stop us from defending the fundamental principles that form the foundations of the Organization. It is true that there are areas in which international law needs to be developed to meet new challenges. However, it is equally true that hundreds of millions of people have been lifted out of poverty on the basis of the norms, purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. Global health and well-being have reached unprecedented levels. People across the globe are enjoying justice, peace, freedom and prosperity at levels unimaginable to previous generations. It is a legacy to be proud of and one that we must all do everything that we can to uphold.

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Alexander Schallenberg, Federal Minister for European and International Affairs of Austria. When we met in this Hall last year, many, including myself, referred to the challenging times that we were facing. A world riddled with uncertainty, growing divisions, rising insecurity, a backsliding on hard-earned development goals and a backlash against the universality of human rights. Looking back on the past 12 months, we must admit that the sense of being in a permanent state of emergency has actually not decreased. On the contrary, it has even deepened. Russia is relentlessly pursuing its full-scale war of aggression against Ukraine — a violation of the Charter of the United Nations, the most basic rules that we all in this room agreed upon, that still is shocking today. My country, Austria, is a militarily neutral country, but neutrality does not mean, and never meant, indifference. We know very well that a world in which Russia succeeds in shifting borders with tanks and rockets is a world that is a lot more dangerous for all of us. After 946 days of unspeakable human suffering and destruction, it is high time to return to diplomacy. Nobody wants and nobody deserves peace more than the people in Ukraine, but a negotiated peace, not a dictate from Moscow. I am actually encouraged by the conversations that I had in this room over the last couple of weeks with many partners, some from far beyond Europe’s borders. I am encouraged that no matter where we stand geographically, politically or as far as ideology is concerned, we can all agree on the most basic principles of international law: those principles enshrined in the United Nations Charter. They should be the bedrock of any negotiation leading to a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in Ukraine. And let me be very clear: there cannot and should not be any negotiations on Ukraine without Ukraine. In the Middle East, the barbaric terror attack of Hamas against Israel has brought a new dimension of devastation to a region not lacking in violence. Israelis are traumatized by the slaughter, torture and sexual violence of 7 October 2023. Hostages are still held captive by terrorists, including an Austrian father of two small children. And Palestinians in Gaza are facing starvation and disease in what can only be described as a humanitarian tragedy. All of this is truly heartbreaking. International humanitarian law, to be very clear, is non-negotiable. It applies everywhere, at all times, for everybody. The protection of civilians must be paramount. We need a ceasefire to get the hostages out of Gaza and humanitarian aid into Gaza, and we need the ceasefire now. What we definitely do not need is any side adding fuel to the fire. It is wishful thinking to believe that a full-scale escalation between Israel and Hizbullah could be controlled. The result would be a firestorm engulfing the whole region and beyond, and in the end, everyone would lose. I still believe that there are enough reasonable voices and forces in the region wanting to work towards a lasting political solution, a solution enabling us to continue with the normalization between Israel and the Arab world, a solution by which we can finally realize the two-State solution — in my eyes, the only feasible and imaginable solution allowing Israelis and Palestinians to live side by side in peace and security. Other crisis hotspots are equally disastrous, but they get too little public attention. In the Sudan, famine looms for millions of people, but the generals care more about power than their own people. Meanwhile in Haiti, stabilization is slow to come after a total collapse of the State. Amid all of this, humankind itself is facing fundamental questions with accelerating climate change, environmental disasters and the rise of artificial intelligence. There is no sugar-coating it: we are living in times of uncertainty, compounded by rising political, economic and ideological tensions. We see shifts and cracks — bilaterally, regionally and on the multilateral level. I recently came across And yes, Austria is no exception. This coming Sunday, we will have parliamentary elections in my country. And also in Austria, some political forces are offering tempting but false solutions, even deliberately echoing the narratives of those forces that are trying to weaken our open and pluralistic societies and that are working against a strong and united Europe. To counter that, we need a strong centre. We need to keep our nerve and stay on message. We need to make sure that this era of doubt and anxiety does not become an era of fear. We all know that fear is a poor guide, especially in politics. Yes, our global order is changing. Yes, the world has become more complex. Some would even say it has become more frightening. But I am deeply convinced that we have to stand up and defend the rules-based international system, and we have to defend it with all means at our disposal. We must not be afraid to take a clear stance. It is worth defending. Because it is and remains the best — and, I would even say, the only — guarantee for our security, for our stability and for our prosperity. For countries like Austria, it is paramount. We are dependent on this system, a system that respects the rule of law, a system that respects international law, a system that honours the principle of pacta sunt servanda, and a system where might does not make right. And it is an illusion to believe that there is anything to gain from demolishing or undermining the rules- based international system. If we lose it, everybody in this Hall will lose. I am not denying that we are in the midst of a systemic rivalry. There are some actors who consider open and democratic societies not only as a challenge, but even as a threat. However, in the face of the turmoil and upheavals of the past few years, societies based on freedom, pluralism and individual rights have proven themselves stronger, more adaptive, more flexible and more resilient than most of us even believed ourselves. What we need most now, in this moment, is trust and confidence — trust in our own capacities, trust in our own principles. Therefore, my appeal today is very clear: let us be more confident in our own strength. Austria will always be ready to defend its own interests, its values and its principles. But at the same time, we will always have the courage to look for the middle ground, to search for compromise, because we know that defending our multilateral system and defending our rules-based international order means reforming it. Our system of global governance is simply not delivering anymore. It is not inclusive enough. The Security Council, as it stands now, reflects a world that is long gone. And I believe it is actually unacceptable that we are held hostage so easily by the will of a handful of countries. We, as Austrians, and the Austrian Government commit ourselves to making the Security Council more effective, more inclusive and more accountable, including through our candidature for a non-permanent seat at elections in 2026. Austria will continue to champion a sensible and pragmatic multilateralism, based on our genuine will for compromise and for dialogue. Despite the current fragmentation of the global order, our world will simply remain interdependent. We will not be able to raise the drawbridges, to decouple, to cancel or to ghost, as some

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Arnoldo Ricardo André Tinoco, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Worship of the Republic of Costa Rica.

Costa Rica congratulates the President of the General Assembly on his election to lead the Assembly and reaffirms its commitment to advancing towards a more peaceful, just, sustainable and inclusive world. We come to this session amid the reactivation of the arms race, growing geopolitical tensions and systematic violations of human rights and of the principles of international law. With those challenges comes the spread of violent conflicts from Africa to Europe and the Middle East. And, on our own continent, we are facing the growing presence of drug trafficking and international organized crime. We are also facing the triple planetary crisis, rising poverty and inequality and widening gaps and disparities within countries and regions. Meanwhile, our collective responses remain timid, delayed and inadequate. None of those challenges can be solved by a single State or a limited group of States. Only through multilateralism as the linchpin of cooperation will we be able to confront and overcome those challenges. With multilateralism at the centre of my remarks, allow me to make four observations. First, democracy, the rule of law and respect for human rights are pillars of the effective functioning of the multilateral system. Democracy is the political system that embraces one and all. In it, every voice finds its echo, and every person their place. It is the natural expression of the rule of law. Venezuela cannot be considered a democracy. A democracy does not expel 8 million of its citizens or provoke an unprecedented migration crisis with repercussions that are felt throughout the entire western Hemisphere. A democracy does not persecute or intimidate. It does not imprison or torture for political reasons. A democracy does not deny opposition representatives access to vote counting, nor does it declare itself, without any proof or evidence, the winner of elections. Costa Rica, like the vast majority of countries in the region, condemns the manipulation of the results and continues to demand impartial, transparent and independent verification, which the Venezuelan regime has refused to carry out. There is no doubt that Nicolás Maduro did not win the elections, just as there is no doubt that he intends to remain in power at all costs. Let us not allow repression and dictatorship in Venezuela to be normalized once again. That is not the only violation of democratic principles in my region. Thousands of people cross our northern border daily, fleeing the repression of a dictatorship that has lasted nearly three decades in Nicaragua. That dictatorship has deprived them of their freedom, their human rights, their dreams and even their citizenship, rendering them stateless. As Costa Rica was the first country in Latin America to grant nationality to a stateless person, we urge the international community to intensify efforts to do away with that vulnerable status. We also cannot remain indifferent to the situation in Haiti. The humanitarian crisis in that country has elicited a minimal and immorally low response from the international community. The $674 million required by the humanitarian needs and response plan for Haiti represents only 0.03 per cent of global military spending, which in 2023 reached $2.44 trillion, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute. That 0.03 per cent of global military spending amounts to a minuscule drop of hope in an ocean of militarization. Faced with that state of affairs, the international community must adopt a coordinated and multilateral approach, promoting cooperation and information-sharing along with strong legal measures to combat those networks. Only through joint efforts can the structure of those organizations be dismantled and peace and security ultimately restored in the region. That brings me to my second observation: at the heart of multilateralism lies peace. There is no peace without justice. However, its heartbeat weakens with the escalation of conflicts in Gaza, Lebanon, Ukraine, the Red Sea, the Sudan, the Sahel, Yemen, Myanmar and Syria. Those crises expose the fragility of our collective security system and demand that all parties to the conflict uphold their obligations under international law, in particular international humanitarian law. There are norms and principles that must be respected without exception, especially the protection of civilians and the principles of proportionality, limitation, distinction and humanity. With regard to each of those conflicts, Costa Rica reiterates its call on all parties involved for the establishment of an immediate and unconditional ceasefire; for safe, uninterrupted and unrestricted access to humanitarian assistance to be ensured; for the release of hostages and detainees; for the withdrawal of troops from affected areas; and for the de-escalation of tensions. It is also urgent to comply in good faith with all decisions adopted by international courts and the Security Council, because there can be no lasting peace without justice. While expressing its deep concern about the weakening of international humanitarian disarmament instruments, Costa Rica urges States to reverse this trend and renew their efforts to ensure that civilians do not become victims of the use of weapons with indiscriminate effects. We also urge the avoidance of the use of explosive weapons in densely populated areas or their surroundings, and we invite all States to participate in the upcoming international conference on the humanitarian consequences of the use of explosive weapons in populated areas, to be held in July 2025 in San José. However, we must go farther. Costa Rica calls for a consensus to be reached on governance frameworks for artificial intelligence in both the military and civilian spheres. Those frameworks must regulate autonomous systems with transformative capabilities that operate without human intervention. The recently adopted Global Digital Compact (resolution 79/1, annex I) sets the multilateral system in motion to address artificial intelligence and is key for its research and development, not just its applications. Thirdly, Costa Rica considers that the international financial infrastructure is at imminent risk of becoming obsolete in addressing current and future challenges. We therefore call most vigorously for an international financial system that is transparent, inclusive and sustainable. We require a financial architecture that meets requirements, does not perpetuate global inequalities and addresses the urgent need for access to financing — financing that must be sufficient and concessional, with effective debt relief mechanisms for developing countries. Costa Rica recognizes the efforts of some international financial institutions to align their processes with Fourthly, and in order to ensure the well-being of our future generations, multilateralism must also be blue. Costa Rica has developed a strong blue diplomacy that recognizes the crucial role played by the ocean in the health of the planet. To have a habitable planet, we need a healthy ocean. It produces 50 per cent of the oxygen we breathe, it is the world’s largest source of protein, the greatest carbon sink and climate regulator, and its biodiversity supports the livelihoods of 3 billion people worldwide. It is therefore urgent that the new Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction enters into force, that we conclude an ambitious plastics treaty and that we ensure that no deep-sea mining begins until there are guarantees that it will not harm the marine environment. For the health of the planet and to respond to the multiple challenges that the ocean faces, I invite members all to participate in the third United Nations Ocean Conference, which Costa Rica and France will co-host in June 2025 in Nice, France. The multilateral system is being tested, and we all know it. Its renewal will depend on courageous leadership, innovative proposals and our collective ability to honour the principles and norms of international law without double standards. Its renewal will be realized when we begin to shift resources from the coffins of war to the foundations of peace. The time is now, the opportunity is unique, and the call is urgent.

I now call on Her Excellency Ms. Annalena Baerbock, Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Federal Republic of Germany.

We live in a world of quick headlines and even quicker slogans — “take back control”, “my country first” and “us against them”. Those slogans paint the world in black and white and seek to make us believe that things are very simple, that there is only one side that matters — “us against them”. I come from a country where the “us against them” logic was taken to the worst extremes that humankind has ever seen — a murderous world war that killed millions — and the worst imaginable crime against humanity — the Shoah, the genocide of 6 million Jews, who were dehumanized and murdered just for being Jews, because of the Nazi ideology, which would only accept the humanity of those they defined as Germans. After the Second World War, this institution was founded on the understanding that “us against them” leads to disaster, that the world needs a countermodel: the Charter of the United Nations. It is a countermodel to a world in which we accept only the humanity of ourselves and not that of others; a countermodel that grants every country in the world the right to determine its own destiny and casts a positive vision of our shared future. It is a vision of an international order that is based on rules and the equality of every State and every human being, of cooperation instead of divisive nationalism, and of a humanity that is indivisible. And those are not simple slogans. They are the principles we try to live up to every day. Yet living up to them is anything but simple. It demands hard work, perhaps now more than ever before. It requires empathy and solidarity — the opposite of “my country first”. It demands the will to put ourselves in other people’s shoes. Resolving that is harder than simply exclaiming “either/or”, or “us against them”, especially in this time of social media, where simple TikTok “truths” seem to blur all complexity and nuance, sometimes even facts, as we are seeing regarding the war in the Middle East. In its ruthless attack of 7 October 2023, Hamas maimed and killed some 1,200 men, women and children. To this day, the terrorists are holding more than 100 people — men, women and children — hostage, including German citizens, including children. At the same time, in Gaza, hungry and traumatized children are wandering the ruins of what used to be their homes, desperately searching for their parents under the rubble. Seeing all that, with our hearts burning, I guess it might be human nature that we are all tempted to fall emotionally for simple slogans, to see only one side. In addition, each of us is looking at the conflict from our own perspective and history. We need to respect that. But we must not stop there. Instead, we need to ask ourselves: “What if this were me? What if those were my children?” In a competition of pain, there can be no winners — that is how the family of one of the hostages put it. Humanity is universal. If, in the darkest hour of her life, the mother of a murdered hostage finds the strength to see both sides, then we, as the leaders of countries around the world, who have the privilege to speak in this Hall, should be capable of doing the same. We must not fall for quick slogans, but instead rally around humanity in order to overcome the vicious circle of hate. Universal humanity means that the rights of Israelis and Palestinians do not cancel each other out. And that is why my country stands by its commitment to the security of the State of Israel and why, at the same time, we are working every day to end the hell for the children of Gaza — because lasting security for Israelis will be possible only if there is lasting security for Palestinians. The opposite is also true: lasting security for Palestinians will be possible only if there is lasting security for Israelis. That is why we will not rest until the hostages are home. That is why we are working so hard for a ceasefire, including through the Biden plan, which was endorsed by the Security Council. It is why, at the same time, together with our partners, we are working hard to get more humanitarian aid into Gaza. That is why I have been in the region 11 times since October. Germany alone has provided more than €360 million for humanitarian aid for Gaza and for Palestinian families there since last October. That is also why, yesterday, we came together with a group of countries to call for an immediate 21- day ceasefire along the Blue Line — because a broader regional escalation would not bring anyone long-lasting security. Frankly speaking, as frustrating and distressing as the lack of progress sometimes is, we are not giving up on seeking a political vision for Israelis and Palestinians to be able to live peacefully, side by side, in two States. For me, resignation is simply not an option, because that would mean that the playbook of terrorism and extremism carries the day. We need to recognize each other’s pain and each other’s interests and listen openly to each other’s complaints, if we want to move forward. And if we do so, we might sometimes hear things we do not want to hear, such as our own shortcomings. Frankly, I remember how, two and a half years ago, I called on many colleagues here in this Hall and around the world for their support in standing up against Russia’s imperial war in Ukraine. One of my colleagues said: “But where were you when we needed you, when we were attacked That is why my country, Germany, has started to address our colonial past more thoroughly. The restitution of artefacts is a crucial element here. That is also why we are in the midst of an important reconciliation process with Namibia — because we cannot undo mistakes of the past, but we can unite for a better future. We can choose to do that every day through our own actions. Facing our colonial history, to me, means doing the right thing today, but it also means that we can stand up to the imperialist atrocities we are witnessing today. Russia does not have a better future in mind for Ukraine. Ukraine is an independent State that gave up its nuclear arsenal in the 1990s because it believed in the principles and guarantees of the Charter of the United Nations and in its organs, such the Security Council. Three decades later, it is being attacked by one of the five permanent members of the Security Council, one of the countries that bears, as the Charter says, the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. Russia’s war against Ukraine has been destroying Ukrainian cities, schools and hospitals for almost 1,000 days now. It is ravaging the security order of my continent, Europe. Its ripple effects have been felt by so many of those around the world represented here. Many members are feeling the consequences in their own countries, such as in food prices, among other things. That is why I understand why some are asking, including in the Security Council two days ago (see S/PV.9731): “Would the war not be over if you Europeans just stopped providing Ukraine with weapons?” There is nothing wrong with asking that, because we all wish for peace. But the idea that if there were no defensive weapons, there would be no fighting or dying in Ukraine, is as simple as it is wrong. We saw what happened in June, when Ukraine invited Russia to an international peace summit. Instead of stopping his attack and coming to the negotiation table, Putin sent his response by bombing a children’s hospital. As long as Putin is not willing to come to the negotiation table, stopping our support for Ukraine’s self-defence would simply mean leaving its children and its hospitals defenceless. It would mean more war crimes, not fewer — possibly in other countries, too. Time and again within the past months, Putin’s Russia has been toying with the inviolability of the borders of the Baltic States and Poland. Two weeks ago, it fired a missile against a civilian grain ship in Romanian territorial waters. That is why today I am again asking for members’ support in calling on Putin to cease his attacks and come to the negotiation table, not only for our own European security, but also in the interests of all Member States. If a permanent member of the Security Council is allowed to conquer and destroy its smaller neighbour, the very essence of the Charter is under attack. If Russia stops attacking, the war will be over. If Ukraine stops defending itself, Ukraine will be over and so will our Charter, including the principles of sovereign equality — Article 2, paragraph 1; the peaceful settlement of disputes — Article 2, paragraph 3; and the prohibition on the use of force — Article 2, paragraph 4. That is why we will continue to stand firmly with Ukraine and our Charter to achieve a peace that is just and lasting, with security guarantees, a peace that secures Ukraine’s existence as a free and independent country, a peace that ensures security for Ukraine and Europe and thus for us all. Obviously, none of that is easy. For almost 1,000 days now, so many countries have been working for Ukrainian children to sleep in their beds again and not in air raid shelters. For almost a year, so many of us have been working to help to end Moreover — and this is important to me — we tend to forget one thing in these times of crisis: there is a lot that we can achieve and that we have already achieved as an international community, every day, when we stand together and consider each other’s perspective. I will name only two striking recent examples. Think about what we achieved at the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP) in Dubai, only a year ago, when we saw what is possible when we overcome the “us versus them” mentality — the industrial States versus the Group of 77, of the South versus the North — when we instead listened first of all to those most affected by the climate crisis, to our small island developing State partners, who have been telling us for decades that the climate crisis is threatening their very existence and is the biggest global security threat, and when, with more than 190 States, we finally agreed to mark the end of the fossil era at COP 28 and set up a loss and damage fund for the most vulnerable because to do so is just and fair. We saw what we can achieve just earlier this week, here, when we adopted the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) — the Pact for our future. It took tough negotiations, hundreds of hours of drafting work in conference rooms, overnight sessions and last-minute compromises for more than two years. Many helped and did not give up in resignation, including our partners from Namibia and countless others. In the end, the vast majority of us found the strength to rally around what unites us: rules instead of brute nationalism, cooperation instead of division and a humanity that is universal. It is in that spirit that Germany is running for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for 2027–2028. We are running as defenders of the Charter and of our shared principles. That means that we also need to take a critical look at the status quo in our multilateral institutions, because, in many ways, our multilateral system still reflects a time when hardly any of us here in the Hall had been born and when a striking number of countries — 142 — represented in this Hall today were not sitting at the table. That needs to change. That is why we are working for a reform of the Security Council so that it better reflects the world we actually live in and better represents African countries. Moreover, it is totally unjust that the two most important international financial institutions are headed only by Europeans and Americans. Our institutions need to be accepted by all of us, and for that to happen, they need to represent all of us. “All of us” is not just the men of the world. The one thing that we definitely all have in common is that women make up at least 50 per cent of every single country. But in the 80 years of this Organization, there has never been a female Secretary-General. Therefore, if this Organization calls for equality and justice in the world, it is long overdue for us to exemplify those values, here in New York. We probably all should already practice saying the words: “Madam Secretary-General, the floor is yours”, because the next Secretary-General of the United Nations has to be a woman. Obviously, that alone will not immediately end all the remaining inequality for women in our own countries. In the General Assembly, we hail from all regions of the world, but none of us have achieved full gender equality. I think that we can only achieve it together, by learning from each other and by speaking up for women’s rights, not only in our own countries but everywhere — because women’s rights are human rights, not northern, western, eastern or southern rights. They are

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Abdallah Bouhabib, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Emigrants of the Republic of Lebanon.

At the outset, I wish to warmly congratulate the President of the General Assembly on his election to the helm of the Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. We wish him every success and convey to him our full support for his agenda, “Unity in diversity for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for everyone, everywhere”. Lebanon is currently enduring a crisis that is threatening its very existence. The future of our people and our prosperity are imperilled. This is a situation that requires urgent international intervention before it spirals out of control, with a domino effect that would make it impossible to contain, its flames impossible to extinguish, a black hole that would engulf regional and international peace and security. The crisis in Lebanon threatens to devastate the entire Middle East if the situation does not change and if the world stands by and watches. We welcome the statement made yesterday by the United States and by France, supported by friendly countries, offering the possibility of a long-term truce and helping to ensure stability along the border and the return of displaced persons. We demand that all possible measures be taken for it to be put into practice. What we are currently experiencing in Lebanon is the result of the failure to reach a sustainable solution, not the cause — the cause is the occupation, and we wish to reiterate that fact, explicitly. End the occupation, as it is the cause of what we are suffering. To claim anything else would be a waste of time. As long as the occupation continues, there will be instability and wars. Through the United Nations, we have repeatedly tried to resolve the outstanding border disputes with Israel. However, Israel has continuously ignored the matter. Despite the current difficult situation, Lebanon is fully committed to international legitimacy. We seek refuge in decisions pursuant to international law. Lebanon is a country that contributed to the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights through one of its sons, Charles Malik. As much as we regret the historical inability of the United Nations to protect us from Israeli aggression, thus far we have remained committed to the role of this Organization as a front-line defence against occupation, violence, devastation and oppression. Today we desperately need the United Nations to play its role as a refuge for peace-loving small countries that have been the victims of aggression, including my homeland, Lebanon. And fFrom the womb of the tragedy we are living, a. And despite our bitter reality, we still look forward to constructive dialogue as an alternative to the language of weapons to resolve conflict. Lebanon has demonstrated its ability to be a reliable partner in building consensus, as was the case in October 2022, when the maritime border between Lebanon and Israel was delimited. That is proof of our commitment to negotiation to resolve disputes peacefully. Furthermore, during two Security Council meetings — the most recent held on 17 July (see S/PV.9687) — on the situation in the Middle East, we proposed an integrated framework to achieve a sustainable truce on Lebanon’s southern border. Today we wish to reiterate our call for a ceasefire on all fronts, as an opportunity We also count on the support of the international community, in particular friendly countries, for the Lebanese Government to enhance the deployment of the Lebanese Army south of the Litani River, provide it with the equipment it needs and ensure that troop levels can be increased, following the launch by the State of a conscription campaign. That is part of a clear commitment to the implementation of Security Council resolution 1701 (2006), to ensure that there will be no weapons that are not authorized by the Lebanese Government and no authority other than the Lebanese Government, as stipulated in the above-mentioned resolution. Our request for support is not only a reflection of our commitment to honour our obligations under Security Council resolution 1701 (2006), but it is also our confirmation of the importance of cooperation with the international community to overcome security challenges in order to bolster peace and security in the region. We are all aware of the economic crisis that has been plaguing our country. Despite this, our Government has taken a decision to mobilize an additional 1,500 soldiers to be deployed to the south of the country. This is not a mere detail, but a clear political signal to the international community, reflecting the fact that Lebanon is committed and fully intends to implement Security Council resolution 1701 (2006). Even at the worst of times, including now, we are not standing idly by. We are mobilizing our efforts at the highest level to protect our people, our national institutions and our sovereignty. Perhaps one of the most significant provisions of Security Council resolution 1701 (2006) is the reaffirmation of the internationally recognized borders of Lebanon, delimited between Lebanon and Palestine in 1923 and reaffirmed in the General Armistice Agreement between Lebanon and Israel signed on the island of Rhodes in 1949, under the auspices of the United Nations. This will be achieved with the completion of the process to agree on the 13 disputed border points. Pursuant to that, Israel will withdraw from all Lebanese land that it still occupies to the internationally recognized border. We wish to reiterate our commitment to the role of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), the peacekeeping force that is active in the south of Lebanon. Since its establishment, it has contributed to stability and peace in the region, and, until 8 October 2023, there had been no grave incidents threatening regional peace and security. We wish to take this opportunity to thank UNIFIL for the tremendous sacrifice it has made in the light of the tremendous challenges it has been facing, in particular over recent months and days. On the other hand, instead of Israel being satiated with continuous wars and more than 75 years of fighting, we see it continuously becoming more radical. One of the gravest challenges Lebanon currently faces is the increase in aggression. The war has expanded and has spilled over into Lebanese territory. We are increasingly concerned about the systematic destruction of Lebanese border villages, the collective punishment of our people and the burning of agricultural land with white phosphorus, making it unusable for many years. In recent days we have borne witness to an ugly and disgusting model of electronic devices intended for civilian use being turned into timed bombs. They were deliberately and simultaneously blown up, claiming the lives of dozens of people, including children and women, and resulting in injuries to thousands, hundreds of whom are in critical condition. Hundreds were maimed or lost their sight. From this rostrum, we reiterate our warning against increased aggression and reckless attempts to play with fire seeking to plunge the entire Middle East into a conflagration. We reiterate our rejection of war and our legitimate right to self- The return of displaced Israelis to their towns and settlements will not be achieved through war, bombing, fighting and further displacement of the Lebanese. The shortest path to their return is a comprehensive and immediate ceasefire in accordance with the joint statement issued yesterday by the United States and France and supported by friendly countries. The comprehensive and full implementation of Security Council resolution 1701 (2006), as part of an integrated package with clear, declared and transparent international guarantees, entails a definitive cessation of Israeli land, sea and air violations of Lebanon’s sovereignty and its internationally recognized borders, which have exceeded 35,000 violations from 2006 to the present day. Has Israel not had its fill of continuous wars since 1948? When will the time come for Israel to give peace a genuine chance? Would it not like to try the path of peace at least once from start to finish, instead of the language of iron, fire, blood and destruction? Lebanon and the Arab countries have clearly and unambiguously chosen peace by adopting the Arab Peace Initiative at the Arab Summit in Beirut in 2002, agreeing to the two-State solution and demanding the implementation of United Nations resolutions, which have unfortunately remained dead letter. It is now up to Israel — all of Israel, both government and people — to truly want peace, choose it over war and overcome its apprehensions about security. Breaking the cycle of violence in the region, putting an end to escalation and, in so doing, forestalling the potential explosion of the entire Middle East will also require collective action within a specific time frame, with clear guarantees to recognize legitimate rights, primarily the right to self-determination, in accordance with the relevant internationally recognized resolutions. There can be no peace without a two-State solution, no matter how long it takes. In conclusion, we reiterate our call for a sustainable solution, for the full and balanced implementation of Security Council resolution 1701 (2006) and for our internationally recognized land borders to be clearly proclaimed in order to spare Lebanon and the region further war and devastation. We are going through a very difficult period, characterized by a tragic escalation of violence in Lebanon. At the heart of the conflict, Security Council resolution 1701 (2006) constitutes Lebanon’s first line of defence. That resolution is not merely a document or a framework; rather, it represents the international community’s commitment to maintaining regional security and stability. We cannot deviate from that path, as it is the legal and diplomatic foundation that guarantees the protection of Lebanese and regional security. Compliance with that resolution is essential not only for Lebanon, but also for Israel and the entire region. It is the best tool that the international community has to stop the cycle of violence so that diplomacy can prevail, however difficult the road to it may be. The cost of diplomatic failure is too high. We must not forget that every round of violence brings with it unimaginable suffering, especially for civilians. The killing of any civilian is an unacceptable tragedy and impossible to justify. When civilian areas are systematically targeted, as they are in Lebanon, we are talking about acts that amount to war crimes. Nothing can justify the indiscriminate killing of innocent people. However, while talking about death and destruction, we must also focus on solutions. Time is running out, and it is critical that we find a political diplomatic path out of this growing crisis. The only way forward is a political solution. Together we must think about how to find a political way out of this crisis, rather than plunging deeper into militarizing, intensifying and prolonging the conflict. Diplomacy is not always easy, but it is the only way to save lives, innocent people and nations. Lebanon is determined to follow that path. Lebanon sees in the American-French initiative,

I now call on His Excellency Mr. Elmer Schialer Salcedo, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Peru.

I have the privilege of addressing the General Assembly and conveying the special and respectful greetings of the constitutional President of the Republic, Dina Ercilia Boluarte Zegarra, who would have liked to be here with everyone and to be able to address this great universal Assembly. I am honoured to convey the voice of my compatriots — my fellow Peruvians who, through their daily efforts, aspire to live a dignified life and to bequeath a promising future to their children. Peru, like the rest of the world, has valiantly toiled to mitigate the detrimental effects of political instability and the economic crisis resulting from the coronavirus disease pandemic, which have taken an inestimable toll on Peruvian society, in particular the most vulnerable sectors. That is why President Boluarte’s Government is working hard to recover our rate of economic growth, seeking to unblock stalled projects and attracting foreign investment to develop major infrastructure projects that can generate decent, quality employment, thereby making a direct contribution to national development. Today we can say that we are seeing the first results of those efforts and that Peru is back on the path to growth and stability. We still have a long way to go. Peru and all the countries of the world face a series of shared challenges that we can only overcome through international cooperation and harmonization of our efforts. Peru therefore reiterates its attachment to multilateralism as the best tool that we have to create, by mutual agreement, the conditions required to achieve sustainable development. Without a doubt, the first of those conditions is peace. We, the countries that founded this Organization at the end of the Second World War, did so in order to “save succeeding generations from the scourge of war”. Today’s reality shows us that we are failing to achieve that fundamental purpose. Peru condemns any use of force in international relations. Aggression and the acquisition of territory by force run counter to the Charter of the United Nations and international law and undermine the legitimacy and effectiveness of our collective security system. The paralysis of the Security Council regarding some conflicts and the application of biases and double standards in others reminds us of the need to reform that organ and to review the prerogatives of its permanent members, above all the right of veto, the use of which is sometimes politically motivated and not aimed at addressing humanitarian issues. From the General Assembly, Peru will continue to carry out concrete action for peace. We will continue to support disarmament, arms control and nuclear non-proliferation regimes and initiatives. We will continue to support the total elimination of nuclear weapons and to reject their testing, use and any form of threat of use. While we hope that nuclear disarmament will be internationally verifiable, we call on the main nuclear States to renew their bilateral commitments to reduce their respective arsenals, such as the new Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty. On the ground, Peru will continue to contribute to United Nations peace operations, as it has done since 1958, contributing more than 10,000 troops. Currently, more than 250 members of our armed forces and national police are deployed under the United Nations flag, carrying out their duties with professionalism, courage and dedication. We have also made available a rapid reaction force of 200 troops, which can be deployed immediately when and where the United Nations requires it. Peru recognizes the important role that women play in the peace and security agenda. It The second condition for development is a clean and healthy environment. Climate change, biodiversity loss and pollution are interconnected threats that compromise the survival of present and future generations. Peru’s high vulnerability to the adverse effects of climate change makes that a priority issue for our foreign policy. That is why, together with other countries, we have asked the International Court of Justice to rule on States’ international obligations regarding climate change. Last year, my country was affected by Cyclone Yaku and the El Niño phenomenon, which caused human losses and extensive material damage. In that regard, I would like to express my gratitude to the United Nations system for supporting my Government’s efforts to assist the affected population. As it is aware of the increased frequency and impact of those phenomena due to the climate crisis, the Government of President Boluarte Zegarra has promoted the adoption of a preventive approach to disaster risk management, in line with the Secretary-General’s Early Warnings for All initiative and the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction 2015–2030. Likewise, as it is aware of the need to develop a low-carbon economy and to promote a change in the energy matrix that favours clean and renewable energies, the Government of Peru has been updating the national climate change strategy in order to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050. However, those national efforts are not enough. We must increase international cooperation, always taking into account the principle of shared but differentiated responsibilities in climate action. Developed countries should adopt more ambitious emission reduction targets and honour their climate finance commitments, including mobilizing at least $100 billion annually for developing countries and implementing the loss and damage fund agreed at the twenty-seventh Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. We must also urgently guarantee financing from the Green Climate Fund, which has allowed us to make progress in our adaptation and mitigation work. Our main challenge is to guarantee development for our peoples, and we count on the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) to guide our work. Unfortunately, the Secretary-General’s most recent report on progress towards achieving the SDGs (A/79/79) reveals that we are not on track. Peru is committed to the 2030 Agenda. For that reason, we have increased the resources allocated to fulfilling the SDGs by more than 10 per cent. In that regard, I would like to highlight the work we have been carrying out in three priority areas for Peru: health, education and social protection. Regarding health, faced with the worst dengue epidemic that Latin America has ever encountered, rapid action has been taken in Peru to reduce its death rate by half compared to the previous epidemic, and we are currently updating our dengue prevention and control strategies in accordance with World Health Organization guidelines. In the search to provide quality education, we have placed emphasis on teacher training, and we are strengthening technical training at the secondary and higher levels, with the aim of ensuring that our young people enter the job market. In addition, we have launched an ambitious investment programme to close the gaps in educational infrastructure. The third priority axis is social protection for development. As we are aware of the need to strengthen our food security and reduce the incidence of caloric deficits, we have increased the budget for our food supplementation programme, which supports the most vulnerable through soup kitchens and shelters, in coordination with local governments, the private sector and civil society. In terms of productive capacity, However, as I have already pointed out, national efforts are not enough. Developed countries must honour their aid and financing pledges in order to reduce the budget gap and address the multiple needs. We must move towards urgent reform of the international financial architecture to build a more inclusive and equitable system. To that end, it is essential to review the way in which we measure progress, casting aside the practice of considering only the cold figures of gross domestic product (GDP). As we well know, GDP does not measure inequality, well-being or the environmental sustainability of countries. We therefore welcome the inclusion in the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) of an initiative to develop new multidimensional indicators of progress in order to channel international cooperation more efficiently and inclusively, including in middle-income countries such as Peru, where pockets of poverty and exclusion persist. The fight against poverty in all its forms and dimensions, including extreme poverty, continues to be the greatest global challenge and must be the top priority for all of our countries. As I have highlighted, various programmes are being implemented in my country — such as the Together, Pension 55 and With You programmes — with the aim of reducing monetary poverty and extreme poverty generated by the coronavirus disease pandemic, as well as providing basic social inclusion services to the least privileged sectors. I would like to announce that Peru will submit to the General Assembly, as it does every two years, a draft resolution entitled “Human rights and extreme poverty”, whereby we encourage Member States to adopt more ambitious social protection policies, given that extreme poverty and exclusion violate human dignity. We are also facing new challenges arising from the advance of new technologies, the potential and benefits of which are accompanied by multiple dangers, as well as unprecedented ethical and moral challenges. The social networks that have allowed us to be more communicative have also been used to spread misinformation and hate speech and as a vehicle for violence and harassment, particularly against women. Technology companies store the personal information of millions of people, leading to debates about the right to privacy and the risks of mass surveillance by Governments. Artificial intelligence, which is presented as a positive element in our daily lives, also facilitates the spread of disinformation campaigns aimed at manipulating public opinion, especially in election periods, thereby destabilizing our democracies. We have a collective responsibility to ensure that new technologies are developed and used with full respect for the dignity, freedom and rights of all people. Clear principles and regulatory frameworks for digital governance must therefore be defined. In that regard, we welcome the Global Digital Compact (resolution 79/1, annex I), adopted at the Summit of the Future. Peru’s commitment to human rights and democracy is unwavering. Those are the fundamental values that underpin Peruvian society and guide our foreign policy. Peru has a long tradition of respect for and promoting human rights, which is reflected in our participation in countless international treaties and instruments on the subject, as well as in our close cooperation with the United Nations and other international organizations that have visited our country and to whom we have always given our The lack of freedom and democratic methods of political participation, coupled with repression and a lack of opportunities, generate massive migratory and refugee flows that lead to pressures and social tensions in the host countries, especially if they do not have the economic capacity to absorb those people. We therefore renew our commitment to the process of reaching a binding global instrument that facilitates safe, orderly and regular migration with a human rights-based approach that provides predictability and protects migrants from transnational criminal organizations engaged in human smuggling and trafficking. The pillars of Peru’s foreign policy that I have just described underpin our serious concern about the situation in Venezuela, especially since the electoral process that took place in that country on 28 July. The officially proclaimed results have not complied with the Venezuelan legal obligation to provide the original ballots in a spirit of transparency and impartiality and therefore do not legitimately reflect the popular will of the Venezuelan people. Peru does not recognize those official results. Throughout its history, Peru has maintained a foreign policy that is firmly committed to multilateralism, the defence of international law and the promotion of the peaceful settlement of disputes — fundamental principles of the Charter of the United Nations. That diplomatic tradition explains our historic commitment to the Organization. We recall the contributions made by the likes of Víctor Andrés Belaúnde, former President of the General Assembly; José Luis Bustamante y Rivero, former President of the International Court of Justice; and, of course, Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, the fifth Secretary-General of the United Nations, who serves as an inspiration to the members of our foreign service. At a time marked by criticism of the scope of multilateralism, that legacy commits us to remain active in promoting an effective multilateralism that allows us to respond jointly to the enormous challenges that demand our collective action in areas as diverse as ensuring international peace and security, protecting the environment and mitigating climate change, ensuring the means of implementation to achieve sustainable development and fostering the regulation of new technologies. The President of the General Assembly can count on Peru’s firm support in reaching the necessary consensus that will allow us to make headway in that global task.