A/79/PV.15 General Assembly

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Minister for Infrastructure and Physical Development, Public Utilities, Civil Aviation and Transportation and Minister for National Security, Home Affairs, Public Administration, Information and Disaster Management of Grenada.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Dickon Mitchell, Prime Minister and Minister for Infrastructure and Physical Development, Public Utilities, Civil Aviation and Transportation and Minister for National Security, Home Affairs, Public Administration, Information and Disaster Management of Grenada, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

It is my honour to speak to the General Assembly as the Prime Minister of Grenada and the Chair of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM). Before I get to the core of my remarks, allow me to draw members’ attention to two ongoing hemispheric issues that require the attention of the Assembly. The first issue is that Cuba continues to face severe economic hardships. While Grenada and CARICOM welcome the United States decision to remove Cuba from its list of States “not cooperating fully” in the fight against terrorism, Cuba remains on the American list of State sponsors of terrorism, and the United States blockade remains in place. CARICOM is deeply troubled that the Cuban people have been forced to endure that 60-year imposition, which serves no constructive purpose and continues to harm the people of Cuba. We reiterate our call for the removal of Cuba from that list and the end of the blockade. Secondly, there is an urgent humanitarian crisis in Haiti, marked by acute food insecurity and a challenging security situation. We are grateful to Belize and Jamaica for sending security personnel to support the Kenyan troops, but funding for the Multinational Security Support (MSS) mission remains critical. We are deeply interested in the United States proposal to transition the mission into a formal United Nations peacekeeping operation. Regardless of the approach, we call on the international community to do its part to support the MSS mission and to alleviate the humanitarian crisis, especially by helping Haitian children’s access to education. Haitians understand that the future of their country begins with investing in their young people. I thank members for their consideration of those two important matters. My message today is simple. It can be summed up in one word: resilience. It is a trendy term, I realize, but for 16 million people in the Caribbean Community, resilience is not merely a buzzword; it is the definition of daily life. Resilience resonates in our core as Caribbean people, making the most of tough circumstances and finding new ways to not only survive but to thrive. Today, therefore, I want to speak about resilience in the face of climate change, paths to economic resilience and the role of education in ensuring both. I will conclude by speaking about what Grenada and our fellow CARICOM nations are looking for in terms of international cooperation, but also what we bring to the table in return. The notion of resilience is not just a policy goal for me; it is deeply personal, and I tell the story that members are about to hear not because it is unique but because, at its heart, it is an experience that has been shared among so many of us in Grenada and the Caribbean. I was born in 1977 in a small hillside village in the parish of Saint David in Grenada. Most households, including my own, did not have running water or electricity. We would walk to the public standpipe to fetch water in buckets. In my small agricultural community, the people I lived with worked the land or took up domestic work in town. At the time, that was common in Grenada; we were an agricultural island and lived modest lives built on hard work, community and a sense of determination. But when I was quite young, that began to change. In 1979, Grenada experienced a political revolution that brought many changes. Education became a focus, as did tourism. Then, in 1983, when I was only six-years old, the revolution came to a violent end, and we were thrust into the spotlight of global politics because of American intervention. It was a dividing line in our shared history and in mine. By 1989, both my parents had left the island to pursue work opportunities overseas. My aunt helped to raise my siblings and me. In the years that followed, I continued my education. However, at that time in Grenada, education was not State-funded after the age of 16, so in order to continue my studies I had to hustle and develop entrepreneurial skills. I collected spice in the hills and sold it. Many of the kids from my village did the same. Those were frugal years, and I had to be disciplined. Once I finished my A-level exams, I returned to teach at my high school, much to the amusement of my friends, many of whom were still attending there. That role helped me save for the next step in my educational journey — law school in the islands of Barbados and Trinidad and Tobago. Within a few years, I became a lawyer in Grenada with my own practice, serving clients locally and internationally. My personal resilience in the face of the many difficulties that crossed my path over the years allowed me to achieve the dream I sought. Finally, I was in a position to give back to my community. But there is a limit to resilience. In 2020, something happened that none of us in the Assembly were prepared for. As the coronavirus disease pandemic began to take root in Grenada, I could see the strain on many of our people. We could see the glaring inadequacies of the systems and policies that were in place to support us. I saw the tension between the Government’s decisions and the needs of the people, and I could no longer stay on the sidelines. For months, I met with people who felt the same way I did, hoping to find ways to help our communities adapt to the challenges. Eventually, however, I realized that no matter how much we tried to support change from outside the system, real, meaningful transformation had to come from within. It was at that moment that I decided to run for office. It was not an easy decision, but I was driven by the belief that leadership means listening, adapting and being willing to step up when your people need you. And now, as Prime Minister, I am determined to ensure that the resilience I learned becomes a cornerstone of Grenada’s future and the future of the wider Caribbean. That means developing resilient minds. Therefore, a major priority for me is ensuring that children in Grenada have the opportunity to learn, to study and to realize their full potential. After all, it was education that took me from a small village to where I stand today, addressing the General Assembly, and it is education that will empower the next generation of leaders, thinkers and dreamers who, I am sure, will go on to achieve even more. In Grenada, we are working to ensure that every child has access to free education up to the age of 18. That is because we understand that our greatest asset is our people. For small nations like ours, the path to resilience lies in unlocking the potential of our young people. But it is not just about traditional education; it is about preparing them for a digital and technological future. We need to ensure that they have access to digital education, skills training and the tools they need to compete in the global economy. Digital education, and digitization more broadly, are a priority for our Government because we know that if we want to build future resilience in the next generation of young people, we need to prepare them with the relevant training now. At a time where it is possible to work in any market in the world from anywhere in the world, digitization means that young people in the Caribbean have just as much potential access to global opportunities as their peers in Europe or North America, with the added benefit of year-round sunshine. Digitization for Grenadians represents the democratization of opportunity, and that is where international cooperation is crucial. By bridging the digital divide, we can empower our young people to create solutions that will help not only Grenada but the entire world move forward into a stronger, more sustainable and more resilient future. We in the Caribbean have become experts in resilience, because that is the Caribbean’s reality. In Grenada, our resilience has been continually tested. One of our most challenging moments in recent history came in 2004, when Hurricane Ivan devastated the island, leaving destruction in its wake and forcing us to rebuild from the ground up. Less than one year later, we were struck by Hurricane Emily. We borrowed heavily, and while we were thankful to be able to do so the financial toll has been immense. For many years after, we struggled under the weight of that debt. Only three months ago, that resilience was tested again when the islands of Carriacou and Petite Martinique, which form part of the tri-island State of Grenada, were hit by Hurricane Beryl, causing unimaginable destruction. This round of rebuilding, too, will take months, if not years. The lesson that we and the wider CARICOM community continue to take to heart is that we understand that we cannot continue to rebuild after every storm without seeking sustainable solutions. With international partnership, we developed innovative financial tools like the Caribbean Catastrophe Risk Insurance Facility, which allows us to receive financial payouts and recover more swiftly from natural disasters. We also introduced a hurricane relief clause in our financial agreements, enabling us to suspend debt payments in times of crisis and giving us the resources we need to focus on recovery. Those efforts reflect more than just economic policy; they show that small nations like Grenada can develop sophisticated solutions to the challenges we face. However, we also understand that we cannot do it alone. We need partnerships with the international community — partnerships that help us access both the financial tools and the technology needed to adapt to that new reality. Grenada, like many other small island developing States, is baffled by the continued debate in some spaces about whether climate change exists. We do not have the luxury of scepticism. Rising sea levels are already affecting lives and livelihoods in our coastal villages and warming seas continue to spawn stronger and more frequent storms. Hurricane Beryl was the earliest Category-5 hurricane on record in the Atlantic. And the message that we in the Caribbean have for those who are looking to adapt to climate change is simple — they should learn from us. If there is an upside from the many storms that we have endured over the years, it is the lessons that we have been able to take away from the various disasters. We have lived through the destructive power of hurricanes, which can erase decades of progress in just a few minutes. But we have also seen that, when communities are prepared, we can save lives and livelihoods. There is much more we can do. There is much more we must do. As a region, we have a clear vision and plan to harness technology, ranging from drones that assess storm damage to early warning systems that enhance our preparedness, but we cannot fund those projects alone. While nations like Grenada are doing our part, we need the international community to step up and support our efforts. We are asking for more than just financial aid. We are looking for partnerships in which we can work together on climate adaptation, because we believe that the resilience we are building today — through technology, through innovation, through partnerships — can serve as a model for others. We are a living lab on the front lines of a global challenge. Let us help. To paraphrase a famous tourism slogan, what happens in Grenada does not just stay in Grenada. The lessons we are learning can help nations facing their own climate crises, from wildfires in Canada to flooding in Europe. We invite the international community to join us in testing ideas and technologies that can make a difference beyond Grenada. In conclusion, resilience is not something that can be built overnight. It requires partnerships, innovation and a shared commitment to a better future. Today I invite the international community to join us. We are asking for the $100 billion promised to support climate adaptation and mitigation to be met. Partnership, in our case, requires concrete financial support to help us rebuild with greater resilience. But beyond that, we are also inviting the international community to partner with us so that we can share our experiences and learn from one another. In return, we offer our lessons in resilience. We offer the knowledge that comes from living with and dealing with the worst of climate change, from building back after devastation to finding innovative policies and programmes to secure a digital future. Grenada and CARICOM stand ready to share those lessons with the world because resilience is not just about surviving a storm; it is about ensuring that, together, we emerge from it stronger, more united and more understanding of each other than ever before.

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Minister for Infrastructure and Physical Development, Public Utilities, Civil Aviation and Transportation and Minister for National Security, Home Affairs, Public Administration, Information and Disaster Management of Grenada for the statement he has just made.

The Assembly will now hear an address by the Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Republic of Guinea.

I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency Mr. Amadou Oury Bah, Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Republic of Guinea, and inviting him to address the Assembly.

I stand before the Assembly today, on behalf of Lieutenant General Mamadi Doumbouya, President of the Republic of Guinea, with the honour and responsibility of representing a nation engaged in a historic rebuilding. We are here to affirm our determination to redefine our future — a future based on peace, justice and dignity for all. Three dates, three events and three moments embody the spirit of resilience and freedom of our people. On 28 September 1958, the people of Guinea chose to vote overwhelmingly “no” in the referendum proposed by General De Gaulle, thereby opting for immediate independence. On 28 September 2009, those same people reclaimed, at a very heavy price, their full enjoyment of freedom, democracy and dignity. Today, 28 September 2024, a day of symbolic significance to the Guinean nation, we stand before the Assembly to renew our commitment in full freedom to those dynamics and to forging a future based on peace, justice and dignity for all. In this hour of great global turbulence, marked by conflict, growing inequalities and a climate crisis that threatens our very existence, it is imperative that we be bold in our actions and united in our vision. It is in that conviction that I address the Assembly. I wish first to salute the United Nations, a unique space of dialogue and cooperation where all nations, large and small, come together as equals to build a better world. Our faith in this institution is profound because it reflects our shared values of peace, sustainable development and respect for human rights. We know that the challenges we face today are immense, but we also know that the spirit of solidarity and cooperation that has guided the Organization since its creation is more necessary than ever. Today the Republic of Guinea is engaged in an ambitious process of profound refoundation of the State. Under the leadership of the National Committee of Reconciliation and Development and the President of the Republic, Lieutenant General Mamadi Doumbouya, we have chosen to turn the page on instability and to write a new story — that of a resilient nation that is reinventing itself in order to offer its people a dignified, free and prosperous life. Guinea aspires to become a model of resilience and renewal in Africa, proving that positive transformation is possible even in the face of adversity. The most eloquent example of our commitment to justice and the fight against impunity was the historic trial of the tragic events of 28 September 2009. For the first time in the history of our nation, those responsible for the tragedy were brought to justice before a national court, marking a decisive turning point in our fight against impunity. The trial, which has become a global point of reference, has set an example for Africa. It embodies our determination to rebuild our society on the solid foundations of justice, truth and reconciliation, while inspiring other nations to follow the same path of responsibility and transparency. In that dynamic of rebuilding, Lieutenant General Mamadi Doumbouya, President of the Republic, has outlined a clear and ambitious vision to guide Guinea towards a prosperous future, based on three fundamental pillars: social, economic and political. Moreover, we are anchoring our actions in five essential values that redefine the governance of our country. Through institutional rectification, we are building robust, legitimate and impartial institutions. Through reconstruction, we are strengthening the integrity of public life. Through reconciliation, we are uniting all components of the nation. Through recovery, we are establishing transparent and responsible governance. Finally, through repositioning, we are intensifying our commitment to our global partners, ensuring active and dynamic cooperation with all bilateral and multilateral institutions. Those values guide every step we take on the path to national transformation in the spirit of justice, solidarity and dignity. At the heart of that national transformation is an emblematic project that embodies our vision of the present and the future — the Simandou megaproject and its ambitious Simandou 2040 programme. Simandou 2040 first saw light as a mining project whereby Guinea is building 670 kilometres of multi-use railways and a minerals port to exploit the Simandou iron mines. It is much more than a simple mining project; it is a model of global transformation for Guinea, which intends to build around the project a real societal and environmental programme in which human beings and their environment can coexist in harmony. Unlike other nations that have fallen victim to the natural resource curse, we are trying to reject that path. We have learned the lessons of the past and are committed to making Simandou a lever for prosperity, stability and sustainable growth. In that process of rebuilding, we draw inspiration from the rich and diverse history of our country, a history marked by ancestral values of justice, solidarity and respect for human dignity. I recall that the territory of what is now the Republic of Guinea was the heartland of the former empires of West Africa. From the Charter of Kouroukan Fouga, proclaimed in 1236, which laid the foundations of a just society by prohibiting slavery and advocating equality and freedom for all, to the organization of the theocratic Fouta, recognized as a land of asylum and protection for the oppressed fleeing the slave trade, Guinea has always been a bastion of humanist values and equitable governance. Those traditions, which are found in the social structures of the country’s regions, including Basse Guinée and Guinée Forestière, where collective resource management and peaceful conflict resolution were at the heart of community life, remind us that our national identity is anchored in a tireless quest for justice, empathy, peace and solidarity. Today, as we build the future of our nation, we reaffirm those values in the draft constitution we are preparing for the consideration of the people of Guinea. We want to build a modern State that incorporates those timeless principles — a State where all citizens, regardless of their origins, culture or faith, find their place in a harmonious and united social fabric. The path to refoundation cannot be travelled alone. We call for sincere and strengthened international support, based on mutual respect, listening and support in the pursuit of our common objectives. Guinea does not seek compassion but offers partnership — an active and dynamic alliance — in building a new world together. This moment also represents a unique opportunity for my country to redefine its role on the international scene as a committed and responsible actor contributing to regional stability and world peace. We have actively participated in peacekeeping efforts under the auspices of the United Nations, and we will continue to do so, convinced that peace is the first condition for development and justice. We are therefore willing to provide some 650 police officers and gendarmes to help stabilize martyred Haiti. However, peace can be achieved only through enhanced cooperation and the meaningful reform of multilateral institutions. That is why we must also rethink our approach to resolving persistent conflicts in the Sahel region. It is time to move beyond exclusively military responses and to promote an integrated strategy that combines economic development, institution-building and enhanced regional cooperation. The happy outcome of such an approach is the well-being of every community, imbuing that vast space with its freedom, respect for its identity and the recognition of its rights in a multi-ethnic and multi-sectarian national arena. That will ensure and entrench national cohesion and coexistence. The Security Council must truly reflect the diversity and aspirations of today’s world. We strongly support the Ezulwini Consensus and call for fairer and more democratic representation in decision-making bodies. Africa, with its 54 Member States, representing more than a quarter of the United Nations membership, can no longer be relegated to a secondary place in decisions that confer global peace and security. We call for the African continent to be granted permanent seats on the Security Council, with all the rights that go with them, including the right of veto. Faced with the multiple crises rattling our world, it is clear that our responses must be collective, humanitarian and empathetic to the suffering of people in conflict zones. People everywhere are suffering the ravages of war; families are separated, communities displaced and lives lost, and vital infrastructure is destroyed. Be it in the Russo-Ukrainian conflict in Europe, in the Middle East between Israel and Palestine, in Africa or in other regions of the world, the suffering of peoples is immense and knows no borders or nationalities. Those human tragedies are compounded by the devastating effects of climate change, which exacerbate conflicts and increase the vulnerability of the poorest. By reaffirming our commitment to having the Fouta Djallon massif site listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, we are sending a strong signal in favour of preserving our ecosystems, which encompass the territories of 15 States, and striving to change regional governance paradigms in West Africa. The future of our nations also depends on our ability to invest in our young people, who represent the greatest wealth of our countries. By providing young people with the opportunities and means to achieve their full potential, we can effectively combat the ills that push them towards illegal immigration. Far from being a solution, immigration is draining our countries of their most valuable human resources. Furthermore, technological and digital advances must be made available to all. We therefore advocate for universal access to technological innovations, while ensuring that ethics remain at the heart of their use. As François Rabelais said, “Knowledge without conscience is but the ruin of the soul”. Today we call on nations to come together around the common vision of a world that puts people at the centre of all its concerns. Together, we can overcome the most difficult challenges, extinguish hotbeds of tension and embrace a lasting peace. The world awaits us. The United Nations, created to promote international peace and security, must act while there is still time to silence the guns and the bombs. As a sovereign nation determined to forge its own destiny, Guinea stands firmly on the international stage with a clear and independent vision. Just one year ago from this very rostrum, our Head of State, Lieutenant General Mamadi Doumbouya clearly expressed our commitment to Africa’s interests, in all sovereignty, without allowing ourselves to be influenced by contradictory interests from beyond the continent (see A/78/PV.8). That approach continues to guide us today, promoting development and prosperity above all else. It is the wish of Lieutenant General Mamadi Doumbouya and the people of Guinea that our actions today will shape a future of peace and light for all. Long live peace! Together, for a better world!

On behalf of the General Assembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister and Head of Government of the Republic of Guinea for the statement he has just made.

I now give the floor to His Eminence Cardinal Pietro Parolin, Secretary of State of the Holy See. Cardinal Parolin (Holy See): I am honoured to extend to you, Sir, and to the representatives of the nations assembled here the warm greetings of His Holiness Pope Francis, while also congratulating you on your election as President of the Assembly. The Holy See is deeply concerned that we are witnessing a worrisome increase in the number of conflicts worldwide and the severity of their violence. Those conflicts are responsible for a significant loss of innocent life and a vast amount of destruction. Seventy-five years after the ratification of the Geneva Conventions, humanitarian law is still being undermined and increasingly violated. The targeting of places of worship, educational institutions, medical facilities and other civil infrastructure is a prevalent phenomenon. The Holy See calls for the strict observance of international humanitarian law in all armed conflicts. The situation becomes more complex when one considers the destabilizing role often played by violent non-State actors in many of the crises around the globe. It is imperative that those groups seek constructive engagement with States, renounce violence and acts of terrorism and enter into legality. Peace is possible only if it is wanted. The pursuit of peace is a collective responsibility. It is imperative to move beyond rhetoric and the tendency to ascribe blame. However, the reality is that there is no genuine commitment to achieving peace. In times of conflict, there is often a tendency to prioritize military victory over the pursuit of peace. It is incumbent upon diplomacy to demonstrate unwavering dedication to pursuing every avenue for negotiation to establish enduring peace. As Pope Francis has said, “To pursue peace, however, it is not enough simply to eliminate the implements of war; its root causes must be eradicated. Foremost among these is hunger, a scourge that continues to afflict entire areas of our world while others are marked by massive waste of food.” Nevertheless, the prevailing tendency has been to maintain the growth in military expenditure, while striving to fulfil the commitments made on sustainable development. Pope Francis appeals to rich countries to, “acknowledge the gravity of so many of their past decisions and determine to forgive the debts of countries that will never be able to repay them”. It is easy to become complacent and resigned in the face of the constant stream of new forms of poverty. However, those dramatic situations can be encountered all around us, not only in certain parts of the world. That is the case, for example, with the modern phenomenon of homelessness. Poverty has a particularly detrimental impact on women, often trapping them in a vicious cycle of unfortunate circumstances, resulting in isolation and abandonment before they are forced to make desperate and unwelcome decisions. As Pope Francis says, “the path to peace calls for respect for life, for every human life, starting with the life of the unborn child in the mother’s womb, which cannot be suppressed or turned into an object of trafficking”. The practice of so-called surrogate motherhood represents a grave violation of the dignity of both the woman and the child, based on the exploitation of the mother’s material needs. The Holy See hopes for an effort by the international community to prohibit that practice universally. The dignity of migrants must be upheld. People seeking refuge must not be rejected but welcomed with respect and a sense of humanity. Another affront to human dignity is trafficking in human beings. That illegal and, above all, dehumanizing practice must be stopped and the traffickers brought to justice. Closely related to the dignity of human life is the care for our common home. The effects of climate change are borne by the poorest countries, which contribute the least to it but carry the greatest burden of its effects. Opportunities and risks are also generated by the rise of new technologies, particularly artificial intelligence. There is a need to ensure and safeguard a space for proper human control over choices made by artificial intelligence. In the light of the tragedy that is armed conflict, it is urgent to reconsider the development and use of devices like the so-called lethal autonomous weapons and ultimately ban their use. No machine should ever choose to take the life of a human being. There is a necessity for the establishment of a binding ethical and regulatory framework to be negotiated within both the non-military and military domains. The Holy See is convinced that a world free of nuclear weapons is both necessary and possible. The goal of a world free of nuclear weapons can be achieved only through discussions based on mutual trust. It is evident that adherence to and respect for international disarmament agreements and international law should not be perceived as a form of weakness. The Holy See renews its call for total and complete disarmament. Unfortunately, as Pope Francis says, we are witnessing a third world war fought piecemeal. In the midst of the ongoing tragedy of the Russian war in Ukraine, we are faced with a situation that calls for urgent action to prevent further escalation and create a path towards a just and peaceful resolution. While diplomatic efforts are crucial, it is evident that military engagement continues to prevail. It is therefore essential to find ways to encourage gestures of goodwill and spaces for direct dialogue between the parties involved. The Holy See continues to be worried about the ongoing instability in the Middle East, particularly following the terrorist attack of 7 October 2023 in Israel by Hamas and other armed Palestinian groups. However, the military response by Israel, considering the high number of civilian casualties, raises many questions about its proportionality. The Holy See calls for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and the West Bank, as well as the release of Israeli hostages in Gaza, and urges the delivery of humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian population. The Holy See reaffirms that the only viable solution is a two-State solution, with Jerusalem having special status. The Holy See expresses serious concern regarding the situation in Jerusalem, where discrimination and harassment are taking place, hindering the peaceful coexistence of Christians, Jews and Muslims. It condemns all anti-Christian acts perpetrated months ago by a minority of Jewish individuals and calls on the authorities to continue confronting that ideological deviation firmly and clearly. The current situation in Lebanon represents a significant cause for concern for the Holy See. The ongoing intensification of the conflict between Hizbullah and the Israeli military is putting the whole region at high risk. The Holy See demands that all parties adhere to the principles of international humanitarian law, halt the escalation and enter into a ceasefire without delay. Furthermore, the Holy See highlights the humanitarian crisis in Syria and urges the international community to do more in supporting the Syrian people, who feel hopeless about their future. The ongoing armed conflict in the Sudan has resulted in an unprecedented humanitarian crisis, with displaced persons, particularly women and children, succumbing to starvation and malnutrition. The Holy See urges the international community to promote peace negotiations and provide the population with vital humanitarian aid. The Holy See calls for more humanitarian support in the Cabo Delgado province of Mozambique, affected by armed conflict for seven years now, with almost 950,000 internally displaced persons facing alarming levels of suffering, insecurity and poverty. The situation in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is deteriorating rapidly, leading to a disturbing increase in the humanitarian crisis. The withdrawal of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo by the end of the year is likely to create a security vacuum. It is crucial to continue supporting diplomatic efforts to find an appropriate and sustainable solution to the ongoing conflict. The Holy See follows with great preoccupation the sociopolitical situation in South Sudan, aggravated by the humanitarian crisis, the recent floods and the conflict. It calls on the international community to show solidarity with the population and urges all the country’s leaders to place the well-being of the people at the centre of the political agenda. The spread of jihadist threats in the Gulf of Guinea is causing concern for the security of not just the Sahel, but all of West Africa. Christians are being targeted, while climate change and armed attacks are exacerbating the food crisis and causing children to drop out of school. Immediate and long-term action is needed to prevent a loss of education and stability in the region. The Holy See is following the dramatic situation in Haiti with apprehension and hopes that the steps that are being taken, with the support of the international community, to establish democratic order and stop the violence will lead to peace and reconciliation in the country. The dramatic situation and the dire need for humanitarian aid in Myanmar, which has been exacerbated by an increase in armed conflict in recent months and made worse by severe flooding, are also a source of deep concern. The Holy See calls on all parties to seek durable, peaceful solutions to the situation and to ensure access for humanitarian aid to all affected communities without prejudice. The Holy See follows with great attention what is happening in Nicaragua and is particularly concerned about the measures taken against personnel and institutions of the Church, which directly affect the sensitive issue of religious freedom. It is hoped that, in conjunction with the other fundamental rights of individuals and society, freedom will be adequately guaranteed. For its part, the Holy See is open to respectful and constructive dialogue with the authorities of the country with a view to resolving difficulties and promoting peace, fraternity and harmony for the benefit of all. The recent presidential elections in Venezuela have demonstrated that, despite the numerous challenges they face, the Venezuelan people continue to place their trust in the democratic values enshrined in the Constitution. Those democratic values are founded upon the sovereignty of the people, which is expressed through the act of voting. In the serious crisis that followed the announcement of the results, with several deaths, numerous detentions — including of minors — and the use of violence, the Holy See, deeply saddened and worried, appeals to the authorities of the country and to all those who have any responsibility for what has happened to respect and protect the life, dignity, human rights and fundamental freedoms of its citizens. Furthermore, it calls upon them to seek ways to resolve the present situation for the good of all, including with the assistance of members of the international community that have declared themselves willing to help, in a flexible and reasonable manner. The Holy See encourages the talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan so that they may continue the dialogue, assist displaced persons, respect the places of worship of the different religious denominations and reach a final peace treaty between the parties as soon as possible. The Holy See looks also favourably on the aspiration of the Balkan countries to join the European Union and hopes that this objective will be achieved as soon as possible. While disarmament fosters peace among nations, there is also a need to foster peace within societies through democracy. That is the result of a considered and committed acceptance of the values that inspire democratic procedures. Democracy is founded upon the tenets of freedom of expression and the fundamental principle of respect for the will of the people. That implies that changes in the holders of power can occur; however, there is an increasing tendency to alter constitutions or to modify electoral rules and procedures for the purpose of remaining in power. Democracy entails respect for the established rules and recognition of the expressed will of the people. Pope Francis has made it clear that the path to peace calls for respect for human rights. Regrettably, in recent decades attempts have been made to introduce new rights, leading to instances of ideological colonization in which gender theory plays a central role; the latter cancels differences in its claim to make everyone equal and does not even help to ensure harmony between women and men. It is also inconceivable to associate the concept of right with the practice of abortion, which involves the taking of an innocent life. The Holy See is profoundly alarmed that some of the most common violations of human rights occur in the area of religious freedom. Christians are the most vulnerable in that regard, as one in seven is subjected to persecution. There is a need to recover the roots, the spirit and the values that gave rise to the Organization, while at the same time taking into account the changed context. The first and most necessary reform needed is the return to a sincere and open dialogue. It is evident that without dialogue and an open exchange of perspectives, even when there is disagreement, consensus and agreement cannot be reached. The Holy See, as it has done in these past six decades of its presence at the United Nations, continues to support the work of the Organization, making its voice heard in defence of the poor, of those in vulnerable situations, supporting every peace process and initiative.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Wang Yi, Special Representative of President Xi Jinping, Member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Minister for Foreign Affairs of China.

Today humankind is once again at an historical crossroads. We are facing a changing and turbulent world. Challenges of insecurity, imbalanced development and ineffective governance are increasingly prominent. Hotspot conflicts, major country confrontation and geopolitical tensions keep emerging. The future of the planet is becoming a cause for growing concern. Meanwhile, we are also embracing a world full of hope. Multipolarity and globalization have become the unstoppable trend of our times. The aspirations of the nations of the global South to modernization have never been stronger. Our march towards modernization has never been more steadfast. This institution, the United Nations, embodies the aspirations of people across the world to lasting peace and common prosperity and bears witness to the glorious journey of the international community, coming together in pursuit of progress. President Xi Jinping has stressed on multiple occasions that the role of the United Nations should be strengthened, not weakened. Amid global transformation not seen in a century, what China calls for is to follow the trend of the times, keep to the direction of human progress and make the right choices. What China proposes is to uphold peaceful coexistence and put in place a security architecture that ensures enduring stability; uphold openness and inclusiveness and foster a development paradigm that promotes shared prosperity; uphold harmony without uniformity and adopt an approach to civilizations that promotes exchange and mutual learning; adopt fairness and justice and develop a governance structure that pulls strings for shared benefit. In today’s world, the security of all countries is bound together in the face of various kinds of global challenges and risks. No one can be immune or enjoy security alone. Countries need to be guided by a vision of common, comprehensive, cooperative and sustainable security. We should respect each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, take the legitimate security concerns of others seriously and resolve disputes and differences through dialogue and consultation. We should actively explore a path for major countries to coexist in peace and work for a new type of international relations characterized by mutual respect, fairness, justice and win-win cooperation. In today’s world, the development of all countries is deeply integrated. If the rich get richer while the poor remain poor, then “everyone is born equal” will become an empty slogan and fairness and justice will be even more elusive. Achieving modernization is the legitimate right of the peoples of all countries, not the prerogative of a few. We should be committed to advancing global modernization and to ensuring that no one and no country is left behind on the journey towards modernization. We should advocate a universally beneficial and inclusive economic globalization, unequivocally oppose unilateralism and protectionism and help developing countries to close the development divide so as to maintain the vitality of global economic growth. In today’s world, each civilization has its own strengths. President Xi Jinping has pointed out that there is no such thing as a superior or inferior civilization and that civilizations differ only in identity and location. We should respect the diversity of civilizations and strive to replace estrangement and the clash of civilizations with exchanges and mutual learning. We should advocate humankind’s common values of peace, development, equity, justice, democracy and freedom, refrain from conducting values-oriented diplomacy and oppose ideology-based confrontation. We should respect each other as equals and help each other succeed with an inclusive mind. In today’s world, countries should all enjoy sovereign equality. As a large number of nations of the global South are growing with strong momentum, gone are the days when one or two major Powers call the shots on everything. We should advocate an equal and orderly multipolar world and ensure that all countries, regardless of their size, have their own place and role in the multipolar system. We should practice true multilateralism, oppose hegemonism and power politics and make international relations more democratic. We should follow the principle of extensive consultation and joint contribution for shared benefits and make global governance more just and equitable. Peace is the most precious thing in our world today. We may wonder if there is a path leading to peace. In fact, peace is the path. Without peace, development will not be sustained. Without peace, cooperation cannot happen. For the sake of peace, a single ray of hope is reason enough not to give up. The slightest chance deserves a hundredfold effort. An end to the Ukraine crisis remains elusive. The top priority is to commit to no expansion of the battlefield, no escalation of fighting and no provocation by any party, and to push for the de-escalation of the situation as soon as possible. China is committed to playing a constructive role, engaging in shuttle mediation and promoting talks for peace, and to not throwing oil on the fire or exploiting the situation for selfish gain. At this session of the General Assembly, China, Brazil and other countries of the global South have jointly launched the Group of Friends for Peace. Its purpose is to uphold the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, build consensus for a political settlement of the crisis and contribute to the prospects for peace. As we speak, the question of Palestine is the biggest wound to the human conscience. The conflict in Gaza is ongoing, claiming more casualties with each passing day. Fighting has started in Lebanon again, but might cannot replace justice. Palestine’s long-held aspiration to establish an independent State should not be shunned any longer and the historical injustice suffered by the Palestinian people should no longer be ignored. There must be no delay in reaching a comprehensive ceasefire and the fundamental way out lies in the two-State solution. China has always been a staunch supporter of the just cause of the Palestinian people to regain their legitimate national rights and of Palestine’s accession to full United Nations membership. We have recently helped to bring about breakthroughs in intra-Palestine reconciliation and will continue to work in concert with likeminded countries for a comprehensive and just settlement of the question of Palestine and lasting peace and stability in the Middle East. The issue of Afghanistan concerns regional peace and security. It is important to help that country exercise prudent governance, effectively fight terrorism, improve people’s lives and reinvigorate the economy to create a better future for the people of Afghanistan. The Korean Peninsula should not experience war again. The important thing is to make persistent efforts for de-escalation, commit to seeking solutions through dialogue and consultation, realize a transition from the armistice to a peace mechanism and safeguard peace and stability on the peninsula. China is deeply aware that Asia needs stability and development and opposes division and conflict. As an important birthplace of human civilization and a key engine of global growth, Asia has the wisdom and capability to stabilize situations through regional cooperation and handle differences properly through dialogue and consultation. We are firmly opposed to meddling by countries outside the region and will firmly resist attempts by any force to stoke trouble and confrontation in the region. As the world faces increasingly serious challenges, China has never opted to be an indifferent spectator. Instead, we have been playing a bigger role in global governance than ever before. President Xi Jinping has launched the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative and the Global Civilization Initiative in recent years. They embody China’s wisdom for resolving the various difficult issues confronting humankind and bring impetus from China to improving global governance. In the face of uneven and inadequate global development, China’s proposes to put development at the top of the global agenda, focus on delivering the Sustainable Development Goals of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, increase input in development and help developing countries better respond to different risks and challenges. At the recent Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, President Xi Jinping outlined 10 partnership actions to be taken together with Africa to advance modernization and announced the decision to give over 40 least developed countries, including those in Africa, zero tariff treatment for 100 per cent tariff lines. China is the first major developing country and the first major economy to take such a significant step. In the face of unilateral bullying acts such as sanctions and blockade, China firmly supports countries in defending their legitimate rights, upholding the equity and openness of the international system, making global development more coordinated and beneficial for all, jointly opposing technology blockades and rejecting the decoupling or severing of supply chains. Sanctions and pressure will not bring monopolistic advantages. Suppressing and containing others will not solve problems at home. The right of people of all countries to pursue a better life should not be taken away. We once again urged the United States to completely lift its blockade, sanctions and terrorism-related designation against Cuba. In the face of worsening ecological challenges, China is firmly committed to the path of green, low-carbon and sustainable development. We will move from carbon peaking to carbon neutrality in the shortest time span in world history, contributing China’s efforts to harmonious coexistence between humankind and nature. At the global level, the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities must be upheld and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change implemented in earnest. Developed countries should assist developing countries in developing their capacity to cope with climate change. Touting the need for a climate response while suppressing the green industries of others will only hold back global progress towards green transition. In the face of burgeoning artificial intelligence (AI), China is committed to taking a people-centred approach, developing AI for good and putting equal emphasis on development and security. We are working to explore and establish widely recognized international rules and standards. China supports the United Nations role as the main channel for global AI governance and is committed to strengthening international cooperation on AI capacity-building. China has put forth the AI Capacity-Building Action Plan for Good and for All, and we are ready to make further contributions to the sound, orderly, fair and inclusive development of AI. In the face of the task of protecting human rights, China maintains that the right of all countries to independently choose their path of human rights development should be respected. No country should impose its own will on others or interfere in others’ internal affairs in the name of human rights. In human rights protection, China is committed to putting people first and promoting the free and well-rounded development of peoples. We have found a path of human rights development that suits China’s national conditions. China is ready to continue dialogue and exchanges on an equal footing with all countries and United Nations human rights bodies and to jointly promote the sound development of the global human rights cause. Taiwan is an inalienable part of China’s territory. That is the history and the reality. Both the Cairo and the Potsdam Declarations stated in explicit terms that all the territories which Japan had stolen from the Chinese, including Taiwan and the Penghu islands, should be restored to China. That constitutes an important part of the post-war international order. At its twenty-sixth session, right here in this hallowed Hall 53 years ago, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2758 (XXVI) by an overwhelming majority, deciding to restore all the rights of the People’s Republic of China at the United Nations, recognize the representatives of. Government of the People’s Republic of China as the only legitimate representatives of China to the United Nations and immediately expel the representatives of the Taiwan region from the United Nations and all the organizations related to it. The resolution resolved once and for all the issue of the representation of the whole of China, including Taiwan, in the United Nations. It made clear that there is no such thing as two Chinas or one China-one Taiwan. On that matter of principle, there is no grey zone or room for ambiguity. The complete reunification of China will be achieved. Taiwan will eventually return to the embrace of the motherland. That is the overwhelming trend of history that no one and no force can stop. In a few days’ time, the People’s Republic of China will celebrate the seventy- fifth anniversary of its founding. Over the past 75 years, no matter how the world has changed, China’s dedication has not changed. It is dedicated to pursuing happiness for the Chinese people and the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. It is also dedicated to human progress and world harmony. In the course of seeking its own development, China has kept in mind the common interests of the whole world, generating new opportunities for the world through its own development. Not long ago, the third plenary session of the twentieth CPC Central Committee made an important decision on further deepening reform comprehensively to advance Chinese modernization. It has set in motion a new journey on which China will join hands with the world in common development and progress. Chinese modernization will contribute robustly to world peace. The Chinese culture values peace and the Chinese nation has no tradition of external expansion. China, once a victim of foreign Power bullying, knows full well the value of peace and the hard-won gains of development. In fact, China is the only major country that has written peaceful development into its Constitution and the only country among the five nuclear-weapon States to pledge no first use of nuclear weapons. We are actively exploring and putting into practice the Chinese way of addressing hotspot issues, boosting the prospects for resolving the security dilemma, improving security governance and paving the ground for conflict-settlement and peacebuilding. Every step in China’s development is an increase in the force for peace. Chinese modernization will contribute robustly to common development for all. China cares about more than its own development; we are ready to develop hand-in- hand with all countries. By further expanding high-standard opening up, China is aligning proactively with high-standard international economic and trade rules to foster a market-oriented, law-based and world-class business environment. China has realized full mutual visa exemption with many countries and is expanding its unilateral visa waiver programme to facilitate two-way personnel flows. China is vigorously promoting high quality Belt and Road cooperation, a concrete step in support of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. China will also speed up the implementation of the eight measures in support of global South cooperation in a series of initiatives supporting Africa’s peace and development, in order to help countries of the global South stride towards modernization. Chinese modernization will contribute robustly to improving global governance. China has been an abiding supporter of the United Nations continued reform and development to bring about a modernized United Nations 2.0. The international financial system needs to be more fit for the times and global governance should be more balanced and effective. China will continue to fulfil its international obligations, provide financial support and send our best minds to the United Nations. The United Nations system needs to respond to the legitimate cause of developing countries and increase the representation and voice of those in the global South. Chinese modernization will contribute robustly to the advancement of human civilization. Chinese modernization is rooted in China but has also drawn on the achievements of other civilizations. It has created a new form of human advancement and provided a new choice to other countries in exploring modernization paths. China urges different civilizations to respect and learn from each other in order to jointly advance the cause of human civilization. China has proposed the setting up of an international day for dialogue among civilizations. We call for more people-to-people exchanges and cooperation across the world to promote understanding and amity among people around. Next year, the world will mark the eightieth anniversary of the victory of the world anti-fascist war and the founding of this very Organization. China stands ready to work with all countries to renew the founding purposes and mission of the United Nations, reaffirm our steadfast commitment to the United Nations Charter, advocate and practice true multilateralism, build a community with a shared future for mankind and jointly usher in a better world.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Murat Nurtleu, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Kazakhstan.

Let me first congratulate you, Sir, on your election as President of the General Assembly at the current session. I assure you of my country’s full support and wish you every success in your noble endeavours. As we gather here, the global system is dangerously close to the breaking point. Dozens of our fellow Member States represented in the Hall are gripped by conflict and instability, claiming many thousands of lives. Entire continents are affected by the climate crisis. Multilateralism is struggling to keep pace, and yet the United Nations is still the indispensable universal Organization. After almost eight decades, it remains a vital platform for dialogue and cooperation on the most acute issues of our time. That undeniable fact compels States to keep working through the United Nations towards a sustainable world. It reinforces our determination to seek global peace and stability. This green rostrum and this Hall remind us that no nation, no matter how powerful, can tackle global problems alone. The plight of millions of conflict victims worldwide, across the Middle East, Eastern Europe and parts of Africa deserves immediate, decisive and collective action, but the Security Council’s decision-making process is paralysed. As underscored by the Secretary-General, that sad reality undermines the credibility, legitimacy and effectiveness of the Organization as a whole. Having annual discussions about reforming global institutions is no longer enough. It is time to enact the change our world so desperately needs. Last year from this rostrum, President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev of Kazakhstan introduced the initiative of World Unity for a Just Peace and Harmony (see A/78/PV.5). That visionary framework seeks to cultivate peace, stability and security through meaningful and equitable engagement between the global South and global North. The voices of middle Powers and developing nations are vital to bridging divides and nurturing a more effective international security architecture. It is in that spirit that I invite all nations to embrace my country’s initiative. Together, we can pave the way to a more harmonious and united world. The pressing risk of another nuclear arms race is exacerbating geopolitical polarization. For over four decades, Kazakhstan’s people and land were subjected to the devastating effects of 456 nuclear tests. Nuclear disarmament and non- proliferation are key pillars of my country’s foreign policy. Kazakhstan is therefore deeply concerned by the escalating rhetoric of nuclear threats. We appeal to all nuclear States to adhere to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons and the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty. I also urge those countries that have not joined the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) to do so as soon as possible for the safety, stability and survival of our world. As the Chair of the third Meeting of States Parties to the TPNW, we will promote the establishment of an international trust fund for assistance to victims of nuclear testing. Another existential threat no nation can afford to ignore is climate change. This year is expected to be the hottest on record. Droughts, floods and other weather calamities continue to claim lives and damage economies around the globe. We therefore call again on Group of 20 countries and multilateral development banks to share the burden by providing green technologies and concessional financing to low- and middle-income countries, in line with the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. Our region stands on the front line of global warming, despite accounting for only 1 per cent of global emissions. Central Asia will face an above-average 2.5 °C increase in temperatures by 2050. That sobering reality has deepened our commitment to addressing climate change. That is why my country will host a regional climate summit in 2026, aimed at further enhancing cooperation among United Nations Members on climate resilience and green transition. One of the consequences of climate change is water scarcity across the world. It undermines food, energy and ecological systems on every continent. One in four people today lacks access to safe drinking water. If that trend continues, by 2050 more than 5 billion could suffer water shortages. In Central Asia by that time, water deficiency will affect 25 to 30 per cent of the population. Meeting that challenge requires both serious political will and resources, including scientific and economic resources. As the current Chair of the International Fund for Saving the Aral Sea, Kazakhstan is working with regional partners on a long-term and sustainable cooperation mechanism for the effective use of water and energy resources in Central Asia. Our approach takes into account the interests of all stakeholders in irrigation, hydropower and environmental protection. As the world’s largest landlocked country, Kazakhstan actively promotes the interests of all landlocked developing countries (LLDCs) in addressing the multifaceted challenges our group faces. Despite significant strides, we are still far from implementing the Vienna Programme of Action. We are lagging on critical indicators, particularly the adoption of innovative technologies for trade facilitation and the development of transit and transport corridors. Those challenges magnify the vulnerability of LLDCs, choke off investment, diminish trade and escalate the debt burden. Furthermore, our geographical constraints prevent us from integrating fully into global trade and economic processes on an equal footing. We are dedicated to advancing our group’s vital interests globally and regionally. My country is already a bridge for 80 per cent of overland transit cargo traffic between Asia and Europe. Kazakhstan is committed to strengthening synergies between the Belt and Road project, the Global Gateway Initiative, the International North-South Transport Corridor and the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route. Together, we have the unique potential to transform our landlocked status into land-linked connectivity. The Summit of the Future distinctly highlighted digital transformation as the driving force behind the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, but the true key to that shift is ensuring every nation has equitable access to cutting-edge technology. The rapid development of artificial intelligence (AI) exacerbates cyberthreats and brings new challenges. That includes its potential uses in warfare, the consequences for data privacy, the risks of misuse for information wars, deepfakes and more. Kazakhstan believes that the United Nations can and must play a leading role in that revolutionary field. We urge technologically and digitally advanced States to take an active part in developing common ethics and standards to govern AI in the most responsible and peaceful way. The establishment of a United Nations AI office would be a welcome step in that direction. In the current geopolitical landscape, Central Asia is increasingly asserting itself in global affairs. Our region is not only a crossroads of cultures and economies but is also rapidly transforming into a bridge for cooperation between East and West. We adhere to the formula “Successful Central Asia — successful Kazakhstan”. Along with our partners, we are building a more connected and resilient Central Asia through a set of dialogue platforms for the five Central Asian nations and the United States — the C5+ format. Today our regional agenda also includes the development of Afghanistan into a stable and predictable State and a reliable trade partner. In that context, the United Nations Regional Centre for the Sustainable Development Goals for Central Asia and Afghanistan in Almaty will be a game-changer for coordinated Sustainable Development Goal delivery. We do hope that this innovative undertaking will receive the broad support of Member States. Upholding human rights is not merely an aspiration but one of the key prerequisites of sustainable development. It is also the best antidote against inequalities that are often the root cause of instability and conflicts. Our national reforms are aimed at building a just and fair Kazakhstan based on inclusivity, transparency and the rule of law. My country has abolished the death penalty, instituted a zero-tolerance policy against torture and strengthened national preventive mechanisms. To reinforce our commitment to the values of life and humanity, Kazakhstan, along with our Central Asian neighbours and Mongolia, is spearheading the initiative to become the first region entirely free of the death penalty. Safeguarding women’s rights and ensuring children’s safety are top priorities of my President and Government. We are advancing the Human Rights Council agenda by proposing impactful resolutions focused on child education and combating domestic violence. As one of the champions of the repatriation of women and children from conflict zones in the Middle East, Kazakhstan will host an international conference in 2025 on best practices in the field of repatriation and reintegration. Through partnerships with United Nations Volunteers, we are creating new opportunities for young people and actively promoting 2026 as the International Year of Volunteers for Sustainable Development. Both at home and on the global stage, Kazakhstan and its people stand resolute in our commitment to building a peaceful, prosperous and sustainable future. Central to that mission is our unwavering dedication to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, embodying our shared aspirations for humankind. As we look ahead to the eightieth anniversary of the United Nations next year, I urge all States to unite in fully implementing this ambitious agenda. We have the chance to transform that upcoming historical milestone into a true celebration of shared achievements. Let the Summit of the Future and this session of the General Assembly mark the beginning of a transformative journey towards a brighter and more inclusive future for all of us, our children and coming generations.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Chenda Sophea Sok, Deputy Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia.

President Philemon Yang’s chosen theme, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”, mirrors the prevailing aspirations of the international community, despite intractable security threats and challenges, as well as uncertainty and a continuously evolving geopolitical landscape. The current picture of the world is grim. Violent armed conflicts in Ukraine, Gaza, Lebanon, the Sudan, Myanmar and many other parts of the world rage on despite efforts to de-escalate them. Worse, with intensifying geopolitical tensions, any misstep in various flashpoints may trigger a regional or even global war, potentially involving nuclear weapons. Military spending has surged across the world, draining resources that could be used to address multiplying non-traditional threats that no single country can effectively tackle alone, such as climate change, pandemics, food insecurity, technological disruptions, transnational crime and backsliding on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Cambodia cannot emphasize strongly enough the urgent need for all of us to act together to confront those daunting challenges. It is critical that the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law remain the backbone of the world order and global cooperation. The use of diplomacy and mediation must be prioritized to resolve conflicts and prevent their escalation. Cambodia believes that sustainable peace can be achieved only through meaningful dialogue based on mutual respect, genuine goodwill, tolerance and a commitment to peaceful coexistence. Based on those core principles, Cambodia sees great merit in the New Agenda for Peace presented by the Secretary-General and supports the actions laid out in the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) for promoting international peace and security. Also based on those principles, Cambodia hopes for a prompt end to the war between Russia and Ukraine through diplomacy and dialogue based on equal respect. We commend all efforts to de-escalate the fighting and all initiatives that seek to end the war through peaceful means and that engage all sides to work toward a lasting peace. On the Palestine-Israel conflict, Cambodia remains committed to its long-held support for a two-State solution, in accordance with the relevant United Nations resolutions. We believe that this plan is the only way Palestinians and Israelis can heal their prolonged antagonism and live side-by-side peacefully. Cambodia supports the establishment of the State of Palestine and Palestine’s bid to become a full Member of the United Nations. Cambodia condemns all acts of terrorism and calls for a dialogue to stop the ongoing war and the ever-worsening humanitarian crisis in Gaza. We are deeply concerned over the prospect of an all-out region-wide war in the Middle East, given the latest reports of intensifying fighting in Lebanon. The current rapid escalation of war in that region must stop. Members of the international community must insist that all sides work proactively to seek ways to defuse the very grave situation now. The crisis in Myanmar remains a serious concern to us. Cambodia, along with other States members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), is committed to ASEAN’s five-point consensus as the basis for a peaceful and inclusive solution. We stress the importance of fostering an environment conducive to dialogue and to ceasefire negotiations. We also emphasize the need for humanitarian relief and for a Myanmar-owned and Myanmar-led political process aimed at lasting peace and reconciliation. ASEAN, on the strength of its diversity, should continue to lead the effort to help Myanmar restore normalcy, under Laos’s chairmanship. On the other hand, Cambodia welcomes the appointment of the Special Envoy of the Secretary- General on Myanmar and looks forward to her working closely with the ASEAN Chair’s own Special Envoy on Myanmar. As a final point, Cambodia opposes unilateral coercive measures. They have a detrimental impact on ordinary citizens in targeted nations. Sanctions and economic blockades disproportionately harm the most vulnerable and impede achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. Let me talk now about leaving no one behind. Given Cambodia’s own dark past, we believe that peace is the key prerequisite for development, especially development that is sustainable and inclusive. Cambodia sees the attainment of sustainable development and human dignity for every individual as an absolute necessity. Cambodia’s current long-term development strategy, called the Pentagonal Strategy, is aimed at building Cambodia into a vibrant and just society that thrives on lasting peace, political stability, good governance and respect for the rule of law. With economic growth projected to reach 6 per cent in 2024, Cambodia is on track to further reduce poverty to below 10 per cent by 2028. It is also on track to gain upper middle-income status by 2030 and high-income status by 2050. How do we get there? First, Cambodia will give top priority to building its human capital to meet the demands of the digital age. We will invest more in enhancing quality education, science and technology, training in technical skills, health and well-being, and food security and equal social protection, with special attention to women, girls and the marginalized. Secondly, we will deepen economic diversification by developing key sectors, such as transportation and energy, and we will promote new drivers for economic growth and job creation. The construction of the Funan Techo Canal, inaugurated last month, will connect our capital, Phnom Penh, to the Gulf of Thailand. It will be a game-changer for sustainable growth in Cambodia and for improving the livelihood of our people. Thirdly, to enhance efficiency, inclusion and access to public services, Cambodia will accelerate the development of e-Government and of a digital economy and society. I am happy to note our significant advances in financial inclusion, with the introduction of an interoperable digital payment system by the central bank, using a blockchain technology called Bakong. Fourthly, we take a whole-of-society approach to development that seeks to enhance resilience, sustainability and inclusion by promoting gender equality, a green and circular economy and environmental protection. After years on the list of least developed countries (LDCs), Cambodia looks forward to its expected graduation from LDC status by 2029. Reaching that milestone will reflect our impressive progress on our journey of revival and development. Cambodia values multilateralism, the rules-based international order, the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and international law. Those are indispensable for consensus-building and mobilizing concerted actions, and we worry that confidence in the fairness and effectiveness of multilateralism is eroding. Conflicts are multiplying. Geopolitical competition is intensifying. Adherence to international regimes is declining on many fronts: arms control, trade, the environment and human rights. It is time that Member States reaffirmed their commitment to the global system and rebuilt trust in it. The United Nations, with its unparalleled convening power, has long been the driving force in addressing global challenges and promoting cooperation among States. But unprecedented challenges today are testing the limits of the Organization. We urgently need to revitalize the United Nations and make it more robust and more proactive. Cambodia fully supports the Secretary-General’s reform agenda, including the intergovernmental negotiations on Security Council reform. The Security Council needs to be tailored to the twenty-first century and, if it is to be effective for today’s tasks, its composition must be more fairly representative. As the Secretary-General has rightly stated, “We cannot create a future fit for our grandchildren with systems built for our grandparents”. Cambodia also fully supports the Secretary-General’s call for bold climate actions. To achieve net-zero emissions by 2050, as it has pledged to do, Cambodia has launched many measures, including raising the current 62 per cent renewable energy share to at least 70 per cent by 2030, by promoting reforestation and by providing incentives to green-investment projects. Cambodia actively participates in global climate negotiations, and it looks forward to the upcoming twenty-ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Baku. Cambodia also fully supports the work of the High-Level Political Forum on Sustainable Development, held in July under the auspices of the Economic and Social Council. We welcome the adoption of the Ministerial Declaration on SDGs. We reaffirm our commitment to the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. We endorse efforts to bridge the SDG financing gap, reform the global financial system and strengthen multilevel governance. As all of us together look to the future, it should seem evident that no nation can achieve those ambitious goals alone. Global challenges demand global solutions. Cambodia is committed to strengthening international cooperation, sharing knowledge and best practices, and working collaboratively with our global partners. By acting together, all of us here can create a world where peace, sustainable development and human dignity are a reality for all our peoples. Cambodia commends the success of the Summit of the Future and affirms our steadfast commitment to the letter and the spirit of the Pact for the Future, to international peace and security, to turbocharging SDGs and to modernizing multilateral institutions. Cambodia is proud to play a significant role in global peacekeeping. Since 2006, we have sent over 9,000 of our people — including over 800 women — to serve in 11 United Nations missions. We are honoured to present our candidacy for membership of the Organizational Committee of the Peacebuilding Commission for 2025-2026. We seek Members’ support for our bid. Cambodia supports relevant adjustments and reforms to increase the effectiveness of peacekeeping operations and promote the women and peace and security agenda and the youth, peace and security agenda. Cambodia is also honoured to be hosting the fifth Review Conference of the States Parties to the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention, also known as the Ottawa Convention, in November in Siem Reap. That landmark event will serve as a platform for renewed global solidarity in the pursuit of a world free from the scourge of anti- personnel mines. We extend a warm invitation to all Member States to join us for that important gathering. In conclusion, Cambodia reaffirms its steadfast commitment to working hand- in-hand with the United Nations and all Member States to advance the noble goals of peace, sustainable development and human dignity. Cambodia stands ready to contribute our unique experience, resources and unwavering determination to that endeavour. For Cambodia, sustainable and inclusive development means that no one and no place is left behind.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Xavier Bettel, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister for Foreign Affairs and Foreign Trade and Minister for Development Cooperation and Humanitarian Affairs of the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg.

It is an honour to be in front of the General Assembly again and to be able to speak about the situation and how we see the world. I have listened to a lot of speeches and, when I consider the main theme of the topic we discussed last week and early this week — “leaving no one behind” — I have to say that we are in a bit of a special situation. How can we explain to someone in Palestine, in Lebanon, in Kyiv or in so many different places around the world that we want to leave no one behind? How can we explain to some countries that now, after some national elections, development aid for the poorer countries is being cut even as we say, “leave no one behind”? How can we say to the people demonstrating outside that we came here together to find solutions to all the troubles that we have nowadays? I can say that, for them, we are just discussing but not acting. We are like a barking dog without teeth, barking all the time but leaving so many people behind. That is not a very optimistic introduction, but it is the case of how things today when we see that, at the moment, 60 conflicts are being waged and about 50 more could start tomorrow. ln total, we have about 115 conflicts, potential or ongoing, from the Democratic Republic of the Congo to Yemen, from the Sudan to Myanmar, from Syria to Venezuela, from Haiti to Libya, from Armenia to Azerbaijan. The whole world is in fact, if we look at it geographically, in conflict. We have the big conflicts that we speak a lot about, but we also have all the little conflicts that are not on our agenda every day but where people suffer a great deal too. I have a meeting next week with representatives of the French-speaking countries and, as I want to be welcomed, I will continue in French. (spoke in French) In talking about the major ongoing conflicts, let me start with that in Ukraine. This week, we had the attendance of President Zelenskyy and many of us have been to Kyiv to support our Ukrainian colleagues. I remember the discussions we have held, and today I see one or two representatives of the Russian Federation in the Hall, which is already a new opportunity — because most of the time when we speak, they leave the room — to be able to simply ask them again today: Why this war? Why this war? I remember very well that, early in the conflict, some thought that it was not my role — but I did it anyway — to dialogue with President Putin and President Zelenskyy to try to find a point of exchange. I remember the arguments — and I will not speak here publicly about the exchange I had with President Putin — that were made to justify Russia’s war on Ukraine. I recall that those arguments cited the Nazis, who were supposedly present everywhere in Ukraine, and that it was Ukraine that wanted to scare Russia and posed a threat to Russia. Starting a war is easy; ending a war requires greatness. We can organize and hold peace conferences, but without the presence of Russia and China, those are merely moments of moral support for Ukraine. But if we want to find a solution, we must find a moment when all partners are around the table to seek a lasting solution for Ukraine. We have experienced it ourselves. Luxembourg is a small country. Twice we have been the victim of aggression; twice we have had a neighbour that thought it knew better than we did what was good for my country. We therefore understand Ukraine’s suffering. We understand what it means to have a neighbour that is bigger than us and that thinks it knows best. It is through the European Union that Germany today is a partner country, a brother country alongside France and Belgium. We had the courage in 1957 to draw up the Treaty of Rome that launched the European Union, which is above all a peace project. When I think of the list I cited earlier of the conflicts being fought throughout the world, it is clear that the European Union, while not always setting the best example in everything, lives in peace. That goes from the Baltic countries to Portugal; it goes from Greece to Ireland. And it is clear that it works to be able to sit around a table and talk, where once there were conflicts and weapons and force were the answer. Let us therefore sit with our partners around the table; let us have peace dialogues in which we also have a Russian partner and a Chinese partner that participate; let us have a programme and a plan for the future. Luxembourg is doing what it can. We have strongly supported demining projects. I have just returned from Laos, where even today, 30 or 40 years after the war, people are being killed by mines, the remnants of that war. Let us not forget that even if the war in Ukraine were to end tomorrow, there will still be victims tomorrow, the day after tomorrow and beyond, the human consequences of having laid mines everywhere. We must also help the children who have been deported to Russia and ensure that impunity does not become the rule in those situations. As I speak of major conflicts, it will be understood when I move on from Ukraine to the Middle East. This week, we held discussions with partners for a two- State solution. For me, what matters is that today we must be aware that there will be no winner in that war. There will be no winner. What are we provoking? How do we explain to a young Israeli that Palestine is a friendly country when his sister or brother may still be a hostage of Hamas? How do we explain to a young Palestinian that Israel is his neighbour and his friend when he buried his parents the day before? That is the reality on the ground. What we are provoking is generations of hatred for the next 20 or 30 years; they will not be able to sit around a table where the hatred is deep and real, and one will continue to hate the other. Are we aware of that? I listened to the Israeli Prime Minister yesterday (see A/79/PV.13). Someone could tell me tomorrow that there would be no more terrorism after the death of the leader of Hizbullah, but we must understand that those terrorist acts and terrorist organizations are like octopuses. If we cut off an arm, another will grow. It is an ideology, and the best defence against fanaticism is to hope like a young person. Yet we are destroying hope. We are creating, if we do not find a solution quickly, a future generation of Hamas and Hizbullah adherents, people who will hate each other in a region that is already very prone to conflict. There are already 40,000 dead in Gaza. I recall that Israel wants to place the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), an agency of our Organization, on the list of terrorist organizations. Are we all going to accept that our own agency in that region is considered a terrorist organization? I would advise those who do not know the work of UNRWA to go to Palestine and see what it does on the ground. Without UNRWA there is no health care; without UNRWA there is no education; without UNRWA there is no food. UNRWA does everything in that country. As we speak, it is even taking care of the rubble and the garbage so that Palestine does not overflow. It does everything there. I invite everyone to go and see for themselves. More than 200 UNRWA staff members have already paid with their lives for the work they do there for the Palestinians. If we accept here that UNRWA is considered a criminal organization, we are opening a Pandora’s box to everything. We simply have to see that today there is no alternative to UNRWA. Just because someone says, “I will be able to replace UNRWA, I will take care of Palestine tomorrow”, that does not mean they will succeed in doing so. I therefore strongly urge everyone here to try and convince Israel. If it puts one of our own agencies on a terrorist list and we do not react, we are in fact complicit in accepting everything. I understand that Israel has a right to defend itself, but there are limits. It is important to be balanced as well. What annoys me the most in this case is that I am told, “Either you are for Israel and you are against Palestine, or you are for Palestine and therefore you are against Israel”. But we can be for peace. We can be for civilians without having to say that we are for one or the other. We are too invested in believing that one must be right and the other wrong in this scenario, but today it is civilians who are dying. We also talk of recognition. My country is one of the few that have not yet made that recognition. Three or four countries decided to do so over the past few weeks and months. That is good, but recognition is a one-time event. I can only do it once, and I do not want to do it just as a symbolic act. I want it to have an impact as well. I therefore have another message for all those that have not yet done so. We need a two-State solution, and we must know that peace in Palestine will mean security for Israel and that without peace in Palestine there will never be guaranteed security for Israel. One does not happen without the other. I am seeking and like to have such coordination at the country level, and in its absence I would consider, for example, the possible opening of diplomatic representation for Israel and Palestine, which we do not yet have in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, to showcase the symbolism of having two States that we recognize. When I think of the vote that was held here a short time ago on whether we agreed with the interpretation of the International Court of Justice, I note that we asked for an opinion. After deciding whether we will respect an opinion or not, it is not up to a judge to decide whether we agree or not. Either we ask a judge and then respect a decision of an international body, or else there is no point in having one. In talking of difficult situations, we must also consider the Sahel, concerning which we debated as partners only a few years ago. Today we are seeing the same coups and instability that prevail elsewhere in Africa, people who are taking refuge for fear of being mistreated by putschists who have taken power overnight. I am not only Minister for Foreign Affairs but also Minister of Cooperation. We have talked about the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), about investment, and — as I recall from my 10 years as the former Prime Minister — the Sustainable Development Goals that we set ourselves. Moreover, this year marks the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Geneva Conventions. And yet, we talk about it, but we forget. As the new Minister of Cooperation, I have set new criteria. For example, when I sign an agreement with a country, I do not want to dictate, because for too long Europe thought it knew better than the Africans themselves what was good for Africa. Africans must forge their own way, but it is important to support them. Through a policy of cooperation, we can have partnerships, we can have exchanges and we can have collaborations. I have not asked those countries for minerals, political power or an economic return. I have not asked them to change their legislation. All I ask is that we do not go backwards and that the rights that some people already enjoy be respected. With respect to women’s rights, in one country that is a Member here women no longer have the right to be educated. Do we accept that and keep quiet? No, I will not keep quiet. Do we accept that certain religions can no longer be practiced in certain countries, where they say, “no, you do not have that right?” No, I will not keep quiet. I ask that the rights of minorities, including sexual rights, simply be respected if they are already established, without going back. I will not keep quiet if that is not the case. I met this week with an African Head of State with whom I wanted to work. I told him of those three conditions and the desire to see them respected. That Head of State told me that, concerning sexual minorities, if his population found that homosexuality was a crime, he would criminalize it. Being a Head of State is not always about doing what the majority wants, but it is also about defending minorities. We cannot always act on what some want to do against others. Diversity is a country’s wealth. When he tells me that tomorrow may have to criminalize or rescind rights that exist today or go further still, I cannot have a calm dialogue or tell myself that this country is going in the right direction. I regret it, but I will not force anyone to change their law on abortion; to open synagogues, mosques or churches on every street corner; to allow marriage for all or to accord rights that do not already exist. But they must not backtrack. These are battles that we have experienced ourselves here in Europe and elsewhere. No one should make the mistake of returning to a time that was not good for them. We talk about the Pact for the Future, but we also have Sustainable Development Goal 16, on the rule of law and justice. We had a meeting at our Embassy — for the organization of which I thank all our colleagues — to discuss respect for the rule of law. I will not lecture anyone, because even we in the European Union have certain countries that view it with a certain flexibility that I do not find altogether acceptable. We even have recourse against certain countries within our European Union, but we must still maintain the backbone of the rule of law, justice and women’s rights. Speaking of women’s rights, in my country, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg, we discussed the idea of offering a bonus or giving extra money to political parties that put more women on the electoral lists. But why give a bonus for doing something that is normal? We simply decided that whoever does not do so will get less money, but why should we give something extra because we do something normal? We can move forward logically instead of seeking to reward something that, in our eyes, is simply or should be normal. When I talk about the environment and consider our goals, I note that the subject has been a bit overlooked recently. We used to have demonstrations and organized Fridays for the Future, so we were all somewhat aware of the environment. But then the economy took precedence over the environment. Let us not forget that some of us risk disappearing. Luxembourg will not disappear tomorrow, because we are surrounded by Belgium, Germany and France, so there is no risk. But some small islands risk disappearing from our globe in the near future. Are we aware that if we do not act, even if it is not popular, we will leave a legacy to future generations that we will not be proud of? The twenty-ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change will soon meet in Baku. The Conference will be of great importance to all of us, including our Azeri friends. The conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia can and, I hope, will be resolved before the Conference in Baku. I ask our friends in Azerbaijan to commit themselves to peace and make us proud to come to Baku. Let us be happy to work together and achieve results that will make everyone happy without having to ask themselves whether there is a risk that tomorrow there could be a conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia. All I can still recommend is that they get it done. Concerning the dog that barks and does not bite, yes, we have rules at the European level, and here too at the United Nations, that date back to the Second World War. They are relics of the Second World War. We have a relic of the Second World War in the five permanent members of the Security Council, in which Africa is not represented. We must ask ourselves how, in 2024, we can have a Security Council that talks about the world while an entire continent, Africa, remains unrepresented. That is the primary issue. Now we are being told that it would be good if we added such and such a country as a permanent member. I am not opposed to it, but it is not by expanding the circle of the privileged that we will be more effective. If we really want to be more effective, we must ask ourselves whether it is normal for a permanent member to be able to block a process by casting a veto? It is not. I think we must imagine a reform of the Security Council whereby, if one country casts a veto, a two-thirds majority could vote in the other direction than the member that cast the veto, in which case there would be a vote by the plenary General Assembly in which a two-thirds vote in opposition to the veto would nullify the veto. If we want to move forward, that is the only way. Claiming that having more members on the Security Council will allow us to be more effective will simply further widen the problem because we will have even more members with the veto power. I will conclude by saying that being a permanent member of this house is not a privilege; it is a responsibility. If we look back in time, it was assumed by countries that were there to guarantee peace. They were the big countries acting as guarantors of peace, whereas today some of them are more like troublemakers and prevent us from finding peace agreements that are in everyone’s interest. My dream is that one day I will be able to address the Assembly in the conviction that it can be said that in this world — and I said this three or four years ago — regardless of where I was born, the colour of my skin, the religion I practice, the kind of sex I engage in, my sexual orientation or the wealth of my parents, I have the same opportunities, the same rights and the same duties. When that happens, I will be proud to be part of the international community.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Abdoulaye Maïga, Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of State and Minister of Territorial Administration and Decentralization of the Republic of Mali.

At the outset, I would like to extend the warm greetings of Colonel Assimi Goïta, President of the Transition and Head of State of Mali, and of the Government and the people of Mali. I would also like to extend to Mr. Philemon Yang the warm congratulations of the Malian delegation on his outstanding election to the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session. His beautiful country, Cameroon, a brotherly and friendly African country, maintains excellent relations with my country. He can count on Mali’s full support in the successful accomplishment of his mandate. I also take this opportunity to congratulate his predecessor, Ambassador Dennis Francis of Trinidad and Tobago, for the remarkable manner in which he conducted the work of the seventy-eighth session of the General Assembly. Finally, allow me to reiterate to Secretary-General António Guterres our encouragement to pursue his efforts to achieve the noble objectives of our common Organization. On 26 June 1945, by signing the Charter of the United Nations in San Francisco, peoples resolutely committed themselves “to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind”. Today we have the opportunity to express our views on the theme “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”. Was the choice of that theme, which comes 79 years after the signing of the Charter of the United Nations, pure chance or the result of a mental construct? We do not know, but it must be noted, unfortunately, that the problem of saving generations — not only those of the future, but also our own — still arises with great acuity. Is that a failure of the United Nations? Undoubtedly, an objective assessment, with realistic recommendations for our collective system, would be beneficial for our future. Mali welcomes the relevance of the theme, which is of burning topicality in the light of the ongoing tensions and wars that continue, unfortunately, to threaten international peace and security, development and the fundamental rights of populations. I say that as the representative of a country that, since 2012, has endured a complex multidimensional crisis, resulting in the loss of more than half of its territory and many innocent victims, following an incestuous and opportunistic partnership between terrorist groups and armed groups. The tragedy in Mali dates back to the allegiance pledged to Al-Qaeda by the Algerian Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat on 11 September 2006, and was exacerbated by NATO’s risky military intervention in Libya in 2011. The destabilization of that brotherly country has aggravated the factors of insecurity in our countries, namely, terrorism, trafficking of all kinds, money-laundering, community conflicts manipulated by terrorists and their foreign State sponsors, and the violent actions of isolated individuals. For their part, the Malian authorities, after noting the failure of the international forces deployed on their national territory since 2013, decided to take their destiny into their own hands. Thus, since 7 June 2021, following the swearing-in of Colonel Assimi Goïta as President of the Transition and Head of State, a vast project was launched to equip and reorganize the Defence and Security Forces, associated with a project to refound Mali. The National Refoundation Conference, launched in December 2021, allowed Malians to carry out an exhaustive diagnosis of the causes of the crisis and then to adopt 517 relevant recommendations. In that regard, and after having experienced insecurity imposed by the state of nature, the inventory of Mali’s afflictions is appalling. Violated, humiliated, plundered and torpedoed, abandoned in mid-flight, stabbed in the back — there is no end of horrors to describe the suffering endured by the Malian people and the Defence and Security Forces. With that experience and understanding that the Malian peril was only the result of the state of nature, Colonel Assimi Goïta, President of the Transition and Head of State of Mali, was forced to develop a realistic vision of geopolitics, drawing on a popular proverb in Bambara, here freely translated and contextualized: “The succulence of the sauce of some depends on the plundering of the cattle of others”. Thomas Hobbes, describing the state of nature in an identical manner, stated that “man is a wolf to man”. Through that proverb, which refers to gastronomy and hunting, the Head of State describes the harsh and merciless reality of international relations, especially in Africa, the plundering of whose raw materials has served the development of others and not that of the vast majority of Africans. Added to that vision is the guidance offered by the Head of State, calling on Malians, within the framework of the refoundation, to “become themselves again”. Indeed, on 23 April, the Head of State launched the National Programme of Education in Values, which is aimed at “a return to the source, without which it would be difficult to envisage a bright future for our country in its legitimate quest for sovereignty”. The invitation to become ourselves again cannot ignore the question of who we are. The immediate answer to that question is provided by Mali’s motto: “One people” — a large, cosmopolitan nation family; “One goal” — to magnify diversity in unity, united to build the common good; “One faith” — faith in what God has given us as a resource for the achievement of prosperity. In order to give greater dimension to the definition of what constitutes the Malian citizen, Professor Ibrahim Ndiaye, an expert within the committee responsible for the implementation of the National Programme of Education in Values, indicates that Malian can be characterized, on the one hand, by five cardinal values: humanity, empathy, the obligation to transmit human values to future generations, a sense of honour, and acceptance of difference and otherness at the societal, human and cultural level; and, on the other hand, by five inviolable principles linked to the country itself: a Mali that is indivisible, inalienable, not mortgageable and imperishable and that cannot be disposed of as private property,. By focusing on being themselves, Malians are creating a third way by not acting predators or lawless barbarians, not coveting other people’s cattle, and not becoming eternal victims helpless in the face of predation. The middle way promoted by Mali consists of achieving our development by taking the more virtuous path of ensuring respect for our sovereignty while respecting that of others; rejecting heteronomy while refusing to interfere in the internal affairs of others; and being open to all partnerships on a win-win basis. It is also important to note that those principles and values characterize, mutatis mutandis, the brotherly peoples of Burkina Faso and the Republic of the Niger. Regarding the political transition process in Mali, it should be recalled that, following the National Refoundation Conference, the Malian people chose to carry out political reforms before organizing elections, with a view to deeply anchoring virtuous governance. The implementation of the recommendations of the Conference has made it possible to achieve tangible results, in particular the establishment of the Independent Election Management Authority; the adoption of the new Constitution on 22 July 2023, following a well-organized referendum; the completion of the territorial and administrative reorganization; the strengthening of the fight against corruption and the transparency of public action; and the review of the mining code to make it fairer and favourable to local content. Concerned about perpetuating national unity, the basis of all development, the Head of State announced on 31 December 2023 the holding of the Inter-Malian Dialogue for Peace and Reconciliation, in order, he said, “to eliminate the root causes of community and inter-community conflicts with the ultimate goal of reconciling communities”. Adhering to a participatory and inclusive approach, the Inter-Malian Dialogue, which took place in three phases — municipal, regional and national — allowed Malians from the interior and the diaspora to debate in complete transparency with a view to finding endogenous solutions for the prevention, management and resolution of conflicts. Unlike the Agreement on Peace and Reconciliation in Mali arising from the Algiers process — some of whose signatory groups openly turned to terrorism and which had become a pretext for certain States to interfere in Mali’s internal affairs — the Inter-Malian Dialogue allowed Malians to wash their dirty linen in private without any external interference. After the Algiers Agreement expired on 25 January, the Inter-Malian Dialogue and its recommendations, officially submitted to the Head of State on 13 May, remain the only framework for resolving internal conflicts. We reiterate our appeal to all Malians to join the dynamic of reconciliation, an essential step towards a return to peaceful and secure constitutional order, thanks to the organization of presidential elections. In terms of the fight against insecurity, many successes have been achieved in the fight against terrorism since the Malian Defence and Security Forces launched autonomous offensive actions. All regions have been retaken from the hands of terrorist groups, including the Kidal region on 14 November 2023, following a memorable military operation. Today the terrorist groups are seriously weakened and the Defence and Security Forces are deployed throughout the national territory. Furthermore, the offensive actions of our forces continue to dismantle the residual terrorist networks. The Government of Mali remains aware that a purely security response has its limits. That is why, in support of military action, the Government of Mali has adopted a comprehensive and integrated strategy aimed at restoring the authority of the State throughout the national territory. It includes political, administrative, economic and social development measures, including dialogue with armed groups and the provision of basic social services to our populations. Despite those very appreciable results, the criminal groups retain a certain capacity for harm in their desperate attempts to undermine our territorial integrity and terrorize our populations, with — and I must deplore this from this rostrum — the support of foreign State sponsors. Speaking of foreign State sponsors, after years of denouncing State actors that support international terrorism, the Ukrainian authorities openly and unprecedentedly violated the Charter of the United Nations, as well as the relevant United Nations conventions and resolutions relating to the prevention and fight against terrorism, when officials of that country, having misconstrued the international scene as a theatre of war, admitted that their country had actively participated in the cowardly terrorist attack targeting a patrol of the Defence and Security Forces, from 24 to 26 July, in Tinzawatene, in the Kidal region. In view of the complexity of the situation in the Sahel, and motivated by their sole desire to take the destiny of their countries in hand, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, President of Faso and Head of State of Burkina; Colonel Assimi Goïta, President of the Transition and Head of State of Mali; and Brigadier General Abdourahamane Tiani, President of the National Council for the Safeguarding of the Homeland and Head of State of the Niger, initially established the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), an architecture of collective defence and mutual assistance in the fight against terrorism, by signing the Liptako-Gourma Charter on 16 September 2023. Ten months later — precisely, on 6 July 2024 — the founding fathers of the AES made the sovereign decision to transform that mechanism into a confederation centred on three axes — diplomacy, defence and development — before ultimately establishing a federation. In a short time, edifying results have been achieved in the fight against terrorism thanks to the pooling of defence resources, jointly conducted military operations and an unwavering commitment to eradicating terrorism. That is why the States members of the Confederation of Sahel States sent a joint letter to the Security Council (S/2024/62, annex) on 19 August to denounce the Ukrainian authorities’ support for international terrorism, condemn the aggression against Mali and ask the Security Council to take appropriate measures against the Ukrainian authorities. Incidentally, allow me to point out that this letter was sent while Mali was still waiting for the follow-up to a previous letter of referral to the Security Council, dated 15 August 2022 (S/2022/622), in order to expose France’s acts of aggression against us and its involvement in the promotion of three forms of terrorism in the Sahel: armed terrorism, economic terrorism and media terrorism. Covering an area of 2,758,000 square kilometres, with 71 million inhabitants, mostly young, an exceptional economic potential and a subsoil rich in almost all the elements on the Mendeleev table, the particularity of the Confederation of Sahel States lies in the state of mind of the Heads of State, the peoples and the defence and security forces of the Confederation, firm in their dignity and honour; motivated more than ever by the blood shed by their own; determined to fight terrorism in all its forms and to honour the memory of the victims of barbarism, civilians and soldiers, Sahelians and foreigners; and determined to defend the integrity of their land and to ensure their prosperity in a peaceful manner, as stipulated in the preamble to the Liptako-Gourma Charter, which refers to several international organizations, including the Economic Community of West African State (ECOWAS) and to universal values. We tell the bloodletters of war and the sowers of chaos that, with the help of God, we will triumph again and again over their disastrous and diabolical works. Curiously, since the creation of the AES, we have been surprised by the fierce hostility with which it has been received, in particular by certain ECOWAS officials, at the behest of imperialist and neocolonial entities. The rest of the story is well known. As Amadou Hampâté Ba has said, “When you try to get rid a frog that disgusts you, you end up throwing it into a good pond”. The Confederation of Sahel States is open to all investors, provided that the partnership benefits the Sahelian populations and on condition that the sovereignty of the States is respected. I take this opportunity to commend the exemplary and fruitful cooperative relations between Mali and Russia, China, Türkiye, Iran and many other sincere allies. Mali remains open to all partners who wish to help it meet its multiple challenges. In that regard, I reaffirm that the Government of Mali remains willing to maintain and strengthen its cooperation with the United Nations, particularly through the agencies, funds and programmes with which we maintain excellent cooperative relations. We also take this opportunity to salute and recognize the wisdom of President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, President of the People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria. On 29 August, during a tour of southern Algeria, he declared that Libya, the Niger and Mali were fraternal nations that he would support and never let down. The Malian people were not surprised by those remarks, which eloquently highlighted the Pan- Africanism he shares with his famous predecessors, including the late President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, affectionately nicknamed “Abdelkader Mali” following his establishment in Gao and the commitments made by the Malian authorities through the following actions: offering Malian territory as a rear base for the Mujahideen, thereby opening a southern front; participating in armed clashes against the French colonizer by deploying Malian fighters alongside the Mujahideen on Algerian territory to defend the freedom and dignity of Algerians; and defending the Algerian cause in all diplomatic instances until independence was won. However, it is our duty to draw President Tebboune’s attention to incongruous remarks made by two of his colleagues, counter to his desire to promote harmonious relations with his neighbours, including Mali. On 31 July, the Algerian Minister for Foreign Affairs declared that the Malian crisis did not require a military solution and that “it is a conflict between brothers. The solution can only be political”. Regarding the Algiers Agreement, he stated that it had been beneficial for Mali and had preserved Mali’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and that departing from it would therefore have a negative impact on all its achievements. Furthermore, on 26 August, the Permanent Representative of Algeria to the United Nations stated that, “this morning I learned from the media that a drone carried out a strike in northern Mali, killing some 20 civilians. Those who guide such drones are accountable to no one for these strikes”. Based on an analysis of the former’s remarks, we deem it to be an instance of serious interference in Mali’s internal affairs. Indeed, the nature of the solution deployed by the Malian authorities concerns Malians alone. Since the Algiers Agreement expired on 25 January, Malians have expressed only one wish in its regard — that its soul may rest in peace. I inform the Minister for Foreign Affairs that the Agreement is well and truly dead and that his incantations will not serve to resuscitate it. He affords me the opportunity, on the one hand, to reiterate that no one can love Mali more than the Malians themselves and, on the other, to remind him that Mali and its people will not be bystanders in the face of assaults and adversity. For every word uttered incorrectly, we will react in reciprocity; for every bullet fired against us, we will react in reciprocity. To those who have ears to hear, too bad! As for the Algerian Permanent Representative, in addition to offering room and board — no doubt with succulent helpings of chakchouka and chorba — to terrorists and renegades in disarray, his role as a disoriented courier hardly contributes to the promotion of good-neighbourly relations. Serious and unfounded accusations can be inferred from his remarks. On the one hand, his characterization of the civilian status of the victims, based on media reports, is adventurous and defamatory; on the other, by affirming that drone operators are not accountable to anyone he fuels a disinformation campaign against Mali, while supporting the idea that the valiant Malian Defence and Security Forces would be incapable of piloting drones. I am pleased to recall here that the strengthening of the Malian Armed Forces is not a figment of the imagination, but a tangible reality that has made it possible to regain control of the entire national territory. Concerning the use of drones, the operators are indeed Malians who act professionally, like the rest of the Malian Defence and Security Forces, and deal with terrorist targets following procedures that comply with international standards. As a reminder, a few years ago the weaponizers of human rights, determined to tarnish the anti-terrorist performance of the Algerian National Army, highlighted the subversive question of “who kills whom?”. Today we are troubled that the Algerian Permanent Representative has joined the bandwagon of those who manipulate human rights to attack the Malian army. Mali demands that those two diplomatic firebrands stop addressing history backwards. Obviously, they are ignorant of everything concerning both the history between the brother peoples of Mali and Algeria and of Mali’s exceptional contribution to the Algerian war of liberation, and certainly of geography, because they wrongly consider Mali to be a wilaya, that is, an Algerian province. I repeat that Mali demands that those two diplomatic firebrands stop addressing history backwards. Obviously, they are ignorant of everything concerning both the history between the brother peoples of Mali and Algeria and of Mali’s exceptional contribution to the Algerian war of liberation, and certainly of geography, because they wrongly consider Mali to be a wilaya, that is, an Algerian province. I repeat one last time that Mali demands that those two diplomatic firebrands stop addressing history backwards. Obviously, they are ignorant of everything concerning both the history between the brother peoples of Mali and Algeria and of Mali’s exceptional contribution to the Algerian war of liberation, and certainly of geography, because they wrongly consider Mali to be a wilaya, that is, an Algerian province. With respect to the regional and international situation, Mali remains very attentive to current developments in Africa and the rest of the world. We are therefore concerned about the level of violence in the Middle East, particularly in the occupied Palestinian territories. The Malian people reaffirm their support for the brotherly Palestinian people in their legitimate struggle for self-determination. The Government of Mali reiterates its support for the solution of two States, Israel and Palestine, living side-by-side in peace and security within secure and internationally recognized borders. We condemn without reservation the indiscriminate use of force by the Israeli army against the Palestinians. On the humanitarian level, Mali is concerned about the precarious situation of millions of refugees and internally displaced persons throughout the world due to armed conflicts, natural disasters and climate change. At this time, I offer a special thought for my compatriots who have taken refuge in neighbouring countries, which I thank for their hospitality and generosity. I assure them that the Malian Government will spare no effort in continuing to assist them and in creating conditions that will allow them to return with dignity and in complete safety to their places of origin. The multiple challenges to international peace and security call for the reform of the dedicated architecture of the United Nations. In the same vein, Mali continues to advocate for the reform of global political, economic and financial governance in order to create optimal and fair conditions for the development of our countries. In that dynamic, Mali continues to advocate for the reform of international financial institutions, such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Similarly, we welcome alternative and credible models, such as the Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa group. Climate change also poses a real threat to present and future generations. We must have the courage to break away from the prevailing dogmatism and narrow interest games regarding that issue. In that regard, the time has come to effectively implement the decisions of our summits and the Conferences of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The countries responsible for global warming must assume their full responsibilities, including that of supporting the efforts of countries of the South for environmentally friendly development. In conclusion, I note that the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly is being held in a context of immense challenges for our States and our multilateral institutions. International peace and security have never been so threatened since the two great wars, including by international terrorism and violent extremism. In that context, it will be difficult to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030 in terms of education, health, access to drinking water, energy and justice. However, despite those twists and turns, Mali remains willing to play its part in implementing its national and international commitments, while maintaining a certain hope for the future. May God bless Mali and protect Malians from the obscurantist and destructive forces of the world. May God bless the Confederation of Sahel States and protect the Sahelian populations from the obscurantist and destructive forces of the world. May God bless Africa and protect Africans from the obscurantist and destructive forces of the world. May God bless the world and protect all humankind from the obscurantist and destructive forces of the world.

I now give the floor to Her Excellency Mrs. Retno Lestari Priansari Marsudi, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia.

This is my last opportunity, as Foreign Minister of Indonesia, to represent my country before the General Assembly. It has been a decade of so many challenges but, at the same time, a decade of Indonesia’s many contributions to addressing global issues. One of them is Palestine. Indonesia cannot — I repeat, cannot — sit back and relax seeing the injustice that continues to be committed against the people of Palestine. Indonesia stands and will always stand with the people of Palestine to attain their right to have an independent State of Palestine. As I speak, more than 41,000 people in Gaza have been killed and the situations in the West Bank and Lebanon are deteriorating. Is that not enough? Will the Security Council take action to stop Israel’s atrocities only when all Palestinians have been displaced, or when 100,000 have been Palestinians have been killed, or when a regional armed conflict breaks out? That will be too late. Prime Minister Netanyahu said yesterday that, “Israel seeks peace. Israel yearns for peace” (A/79/PV.13, P.8). Really? How are we supposed to believe that statement? Yesterday, while he was here, Israel conducted unprecedented massive air attacks on Beirut. Prime Minister Netanyahu wants the war to continue. We must stop that. I repeat — we must stop that. We must pressure Israel to come back to the political solution of two States. The overwhelming majority of United Nations Members strongly support the two-State solution. This is the right time to walk the walk. Recognizing the State of Palestine is the least that we can do now to give Palestine equal footing on the world’s stage and to exert pressure on Israel to stop its atrocities. Therefore, I urge countries that have yet to recognize the State of Palestine to do so now. If each and every one of us does so, for sure it will have an impact. The recognition of Palestine today is an investment that would yield a more peaceful, just and humane world tomorrow. Once again, Indonesia urges the permanent members of the Security Council to act concretely to immediately stop Israel from blatantly violating international law and to end Israeli impunity. The mandate of the Security Council is to maintain peace and create peace, not to maintain and prolong wars, or even worse to support the perpetrator of atrocities. Inaction means complicity. Wherever Indonesia goes, we carry the voices of the global South. Indonesia assumed that commitment in 1955 when it hosted the Asia-Africa Conference in Bandung. The Bandung spirit of equality, cooperation and solidarity will always be alive to inspire the global South to gain its rights, including its right to development. That is the spirit that we need if we want to have a global leadership in which moral virtues are the compass of our business. We must not bury the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law under the rubble of double standards, the trust deficit and the zero-sum game. Against those global challenges, Indonesia continues to be part of the solution. By embodying that commitment, Indonesia’s presidency in 2022 managed to prevent the Group of 20 (G-20) from collapsing, despite deep geopolitical divisions. During the global pandemic, we led the establishment of the Pandemic Fund and co-chaired the Gavi COVAX Advance Market Commitment Engagement Group to ensure equitable access to vaccines and financial resource and safeguard health security for all, especially in the global South. As a member of the Human Rights Council, Indonesia continuously calls for inclusive partnerships in addressing global human rights issues. Amidst regional rivalries, Indonesia pioneered the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Outlook on the Indo-Pacific as a framework for concrete and inclusive cooperation — to embrace, not to contain. We have demonstrated that global leadership will never be attained through force, domination and fear. Global leadership should be about guiding collective actions by listening, empowering collaboration and instilling hope. This is what I say: “Leadership without hegemony”. To attain that vision, we must focus on three key priorities. First, we must advance peace through inclusive leadership. The multilateral system should be reformed. The Security Council must be an inclusive space for peace where a wider range of voices can be heard and timely decisions can be taken for our collective good. Without peace, our efforts to attain global goals such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) will remain a dream without reality. Indonesia is committed to contributing to global peace by being one of the largest contributors of troops to United Nations peacekeeping missions and remaining firm in our proactive role in countering terrorism. We also strive to ensure that the peace we are promoting will be inclusive by advancing the women and peace and security agenda and by contributing to women’s empowerment, including by pursuing equal access to education for women and girls in Afghanistan. Investing in women is investing in peace. Empowering women is empowering prosperity for all. Secondly, we must ensure a resilient future for shared prosperity. Indonesia believes in a future where all nations thrive, no matter how big or small, but the global pandemic and the impacts of climate change have shown us all that to prosper together we must work together. Therefore, the implementation of the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) is important to accelerate the achievement of the SDGs and scale up partnership and sustainable development even beyond 2030. At the same time, geopolitical tensions have also significantly impacted global supply chains, affecting the development trajectory of the countries of the global South, many of which remain unable to freely exercise their right to development. In that context, Indonesia has taken proactive steps. Earlier this month, Indonesia held the second Indonesia-Africa Forum to enhance cooperation in international supply chains and connectivity and build collaboration in preparing for future challenges. Indonesia also hosted the tenth World Water Forum this year. We believe that water is a crucial element for shared prosperity. Thirdly, we must build bridges to foster global collaboration. A winner-takes- all and take-it-or-leave-it mentality should no longer exist when collaboration is the only antidote in addressing the global challenges of today. For Indonesia, a world where the only option is us versus them will result only in a world of us or them. Global solidarity and collective responsibility are the essence of the Bandung spirit. That spirit guided us through our G-20 presidency in 2022, the chairmanship of ASEAN in 2023 and our continuous efforts to voice the aspirations of the global South. Indonesia envisions a world where nations collaborate together to address shared challenges, uphold international law and protect the human rights and dignity of all people. In South-East Asia, ASEAN, with its 650 million people, has proven that diversity can coexist with stability, peace and prosperity. Indonesia also continues to work with ASEAN to restore peace and stability in Myanmar through the implementation of the ASEAN five-point of consensus and to enable the safe and dignified return of the Rohingya people. Beyond ASEAN, we also continue to deepen our engagement in the Pacific region to become part and parcel of an inclusive and peaceful Indo-Pacific architecture, based on the principles of solidarity, equality and mutual respect. Peace, justice and humanity will always be at the core of Indonesia’s foreign policy. Indonesia understands that global leadership is not something that is inherited and that it does not fall from the sky. It must be earned through our collective efforts. Members may rest assured that Indonesia’s commitment to common peace, common prosperity and common security will be carried forward across Indonesia’s successive administrations. It is in that spirit that I am proud to announce Indonesia’s candidature for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the 2029-2030 term. Our candidature reflects our deep commitment to contributing to global peace and security. Let us work together to build a legacy of peace for future generations.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Sergey Lavrov, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation.

A few days ago, this building hosted a forum called the Summit of the Future. Russia was supportive of the Secretary-General’s idea to convene it, since the crisis of our Organization is deepening and something needs to be done about it. We devoted our efforts to preparing the Summit. However, we were realistic in our expectations. Many ambitious events in the modern history of the United Nations have ended up with loud declarations that were soon forgotten. For instance, in 2000 the Millenium Summit proclaimed the goal to “free our peoples from the scourge of war”. A little more than two years later, the United States of America, at the head of the coalition of the willing, invaded Iraq — which has yet to recover from the devastating consequences of that affair — under a ridiculous pretext and without the mandate of the Security Council. The 2005 World Summit declared its commitment to establishing a just peace in accordance with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. That sacred commitment did not prevent the United States and its allies from emboldening Georgia’s then-leader Mikheil Saakashvili to launch an armed aggression against the people of South Ossetia and Russian peacekeepers in 2008. Three years later, NATO orchestrated a military intervention in Libya that destroyed its statehood and undermined the stability of neighbouring countries. In 2015, the United Nations Summit on Sustainable Development adopted grandiose plans to fight poverty and inequality. In the end, they turned out to be empty promises in the face of the unwillingness of Western countries to abandon their neocolonial practice of siphoning off the riches of the world for their own benefit. One can simply look at the statistics to see how many promises to fund development in the global South and transfer environmentally friendly technologies have actually been kept. The current Secretary-General, António Guterres, like Kofi Annan and Ban Ki- moon before him, has put forward an initiative under the slogan of a new start for global cooperation. That is a wonderful idea. Who could disagree? But what global cooperation is there to talk about when the West has trampled all the unshakeable values of the globalization that we were told about for so many years, from every rostrum, with assurances, trying to convince us that they would give everyone equal access to the benefits of modern civilization? Where is the inviolability of property, the presumption of innocence, freedom of expression, access to information or fair competition in markets under clear and constant rules? The Secretary-General speaks of global cooperation at the very moment when the countries of the West have unleashed a veritable war of sanctions against more than half, if not the majority, of the countries of the world and the United States dollar, promoted as an asset and a good for all humankind, has been crudely turned into a weapon. Cuba has been subject to a trade blockade for more than 60 years, while the overwhelming majority of members of the international community have called for it to be lifted. In its pursuit of the increasingly unattainable goal of maintaining its dominance, Washington has blocked the normal work of the World Trade Organization to settle disputes and reform of the Bretton Woods institutions, whose structure has long ceased to reflect the real balance of power in the world economy and finance. The West also seeks to turn the United Nations into a tool to promote its own selfish ends. The Summit of the Future showed that the number of attempts to obscure the intergovernmental nature of the Organization has increased. The long- awaited changes in the way the Secretariat is staffed, with key positions de facto occupied and inherited by representatives of the Western minority, have been curtailed. When the Secretary-General calls for a new beginning for global cooperation, the Secretariat must promote unifying ideas and propose options for compromise, rather than find excuses to integrate pro-Western narratives into the work of the United Nations. It is not late to breathe new life into the United Nations, but that can be achieved through the restoration of trust based on the Charter principle of the sovereign equality of all States, rather than through out-of-touch summits and declarations. However, trust is instead being undermined, including by actions of the West — in circumvention of the United Nations — to create subordinate, narrow formats to resolve crucial issues, such as control over the Internet or determination of legal frameworks to use artificial intelligence technologies. Those issues touch upon the future of all humankind and must be considered on a universal basis, without discrimination or aspirations to achieve unilateral benefits. Thus, everything has to be agreed on a fair basis involving all United Nations Members, and not how the so- called Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) was drafted, without a single plenary round of talks attended by all countries. Instead, the work was done under the control of Western manipulators. As a result, the Pact merely swelled the ranks of declarations written in beautiful English before it was even born. Such, regrettably, is the fate of the outcomes of global summits of this kind. The situation is no better when it comes to implementing the binding resolutions of the Security Council. It is enough to mention the sabotage of the resolutions on the Kosovo settlement and the Dayton Accords on Bosnia and Herzegovina. The most egregious example is the almost 80-year-long stalling tactics with regard to consensus resolutions on the establishment of an independent Palestinian State living side by side in peace and security with Israel. The acts of terrorism to which Israelis fell victim on 7 October 2023 cannot be justified, but all who are still capable of compassion resent the fact that the October tragedy is being used to justify a massive collective punishment of the Palestinians, which has turned out to be an unprecedented humanitarian disaster. The murder of Palestinian civilians by United States weapons must stop. The delivery of humanitarian cargoes to the enclave must be ensured, the restoration of infrastructure must be arranged and, most importantly, the implementation of the legitimate right of self-determination of the Palestinians must be guaranteed. They must be allowed to establish a territorially integral and viable State within the borders of 1967, with its capital in East Jerusalem — not in words but in deeds on the ground. Another blatant example of the use of terrorist methods to achieve political goals is the brutal attack on Lebanon, in which civilian technology was turned into a deadly weapon. That crime must be investigated immediately. It is already impossible to ignore the numerous publications in the media, including in Europe and the United States, proving the various levels of Washington’s involvement and, at the very least, its awareness of the preparation of a terrorist attack. We understand that the Americans always deny everything and do their best to bury the emerging facts, just as they did in response to irrefutable evidence of their involvement in terrorist acts against the Nord Stream pipelines. Those pipelines, by the way, were a great example of the global cooperation of which the Secretary-General dreams. Their destruction has undermined the competitiveness of the European Union in the global economy for many years, to the benefit of the United States. The West is to blame for concealing the truth about the organizers of many other heinous crimes, including a bloody provocation in Bucha, a city in the Kyiv region, in April 2022, and a series of poisonings of Russian citizens in the United Kingdom and Germany. The Secretariat cannot remain aloof from efforts to establish the truth in situations that directly affect global security. It must act impartially, in strict accordance with Article 100 of the Charter, and avoid the temptation to play into the hands of certain States, especially those that openly call not for cooperation but for the world to be divided into either a blossoming garden or a jungle, or into those who dine at the democratic table and those who find themselves on the menu. The track record of those who demand that the rest of the world play by their rules should not be forgotten. The invasion of Afghanistan and the inglorious 20-year presence of a well-known coalition there was accompanied by the emergence of Al- Qaeda. The creation of the Islamic State was a direct result of the aggression against Iraq. The start of the war in Syria gave birth to Jabhat Al-Nusra — now Hayat Tahrir Al-Sham — and the destruction of Libya opened the floodgates to terrorism in the Sahara-Sahel region and to millions of illegal immigrants in Europe. We urge all those who care about the future of their countries and people to be extremely cautious about the new plots of the inventors of those very rules. Political assassinations, such as that which took place yesterday in Beirut and which have become almost common practice, are of the utmost concern. The tragic and unacceptable developments in the Arab-Israeli conflict in Yemen, in the waters of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, in the Sudan and in other danger zones in Africa reflect the undeniable fact that security can either be equal and indivisible for all, or there will be no security for anyone. For years, Russia has been trying to make Washington, London and Brussels, overwhelmed by their own complexes of exclusivity and impunity, understand that seemingly simple truth in the context of European security. Although they initially promised not to expand NATO, and in 1999 and 2010 signed official documents at Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe summits, pledging not to ensure their own security at the expense of others, in fact the North Atlantic Alliance has been carrying out geopolitical and military expansion in Europe for three decades, trying to establish positions in the Transcaucasian region and Central Asia and creating direct threats to the security of our country. The same thing is happening in the Asia-Pacific region, where NATO’s infrastructure is creeping in and narrow military and political blocs are being created, undermining the inclusive security architecture under the auspices of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in order to contain the People’s Republic of China and Russia. At the same time, the West not only fails to seek the global cooperation called for by our Secretary-General, but in its doctrinal documents openly and harshly accuses Russia, China, Belarus, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and Iran of creating threats to its dominance. The goal of the strategic defeat of Russia is declared therein, just as London and Washington did in May 1945, when, even before the end of the Second World War, they developed Operation Unthinkable to destroy the Soviet Union. That was kept a deep secret, but today’s Anglo-Saxon strategists do not hide their intentions. True, they expect to defeat Russia through the illegitimate neo-Nazi Kyiv regime, but they are preparing to drag Europe into that suicidal affair. I will not dwell on the futility and danger of the very idea of trying to fight to victory against a nuclear Power such as Russia. Equally meaningless are the chants of Kyiv’s Western masters that the infamous peace formula is the only viable basis for peace talks. In defending this doomed ultimatum, the West unreservedly invokes the Charter of the United Nations and demands that Ukraine’s territorial integrity be guaranteed. I would remind colleagues in the Secretariat, among others, that the Charter is not only about territorial integrity. The very first Chapter of the Charter proclaims the obligation to respect the principle of equality and self-determination of peoples. That served as the international legal basis for the process of decolonization, which is still ongoing, despite the opposition of the French, the British and other former colonial Powers. In 1970, the General Assembly unanimously decided in the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations (resolution 2625 (XXV) that everyone must respect the territorial integrity of those States whose Governments respect the right of peoples to self-determination and thus represent the entire population living in the territory concerned. I stress that this was a unanimous decision of the General Assembly after many years of complicated discussions. There is no need to prove that the Ukrainian neo-Nazis who seized power in Kyiv in February 2014 after a bloody coup supported by the United States and its allies have never represented and do not represent the Russian population of Crimea, the Donbas and Novorossiya. Western leaders, who are obsessed with the topic of human rights at every given opportunity, pointedly remain silent about those rights in relation to the racist actions of their Kyiv clients. In the light of that forgetfulness, I recall another requirement of the very first Article of the United Nations Charter — to respect the rights and fundamental freedoms of any person regardless of their race, gender, language and religion. The rights of Russians and people associated with the Russian culture have been methodically eradicated following the coup in Kyiv. The Russian language in Ukraine has been legally prohibited in all spheres — education, media, the arts, culture and even everyday life. Another law banning the canonical Ukrainian Orthodox Church was adopted recently. Those gross violations of the rights of Russians enshrined in the United Nations Charter, along with threats to the security of Russia and all Europe coming from the Kyiv regime and all those dragging it into NATO, are prime causes of the current Ukrainian crisis. The special military operation that Russia is carrying out to protect its own security and the present and the future of the people on their indigenous land is aimed at eliminating them. We value the genuine aspiration of the entire range of our partners to promote mediation initiatives for the very best of reasons. We respect their constructive commitment to results, as opposed to the dead-end peace formula of Volodymyr Zelenskyy. We encourage our friends to take the aforementioned facts behind the real causes of the current situation fully into consideration in their further efforts. No just peace on the basis of the United Nations Charter is possible unless they are eliminated. A realistic settlement plan was set forth by President Vladimir Putin on 14 June, when he once again convincingly demonstrated Russia’s goodwill effort to achieve negotiated agreements, whose prospects were overturned by Kyiv and its patrons following the 2014 coup and the breakdown of the 2015 Minsk Agreements and 2022 Istanbul Agreements. The unprecedented level of hypocrisy and aggressiveness of the Western policy against Russia not only negates the idea of global cooperation promoted by the Secretary-General, but even more so blocks the functioning of the entire global governance system, including the Security Council. That is not our choice, and we are not to be blamed for the consequences of such a dangerous course, but everyone will feel its high cost if the West does not stop. It is obvious to the world majority that confrontation and hegemonism do not solve a single global problem. They merely artificially restrain the impartial process of forming a multipolar world order based on the equality of rights of nations big and small, respect for the value of the human person, the equality of men and women and the right of peoples to determine their own fate themselves — all of which are cited in the United Nations Charter, as is the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign States, whose restatement, to the shame of United Nations Members, was blocked by the United States and its satellites at the Summit of the Future during the adoption of the corresponding Pact. Addressing the participants of the fourth Eurasian Women’s Forum in St Petersburg on 18 September, President Vladimir Putin stressed the need to pool efforts in the name of sustainable development and universal, equal and indivisible security. It is possible to resolve the most complicated issues facing all humankind only through cooperation, with due account of each other’s interests. The West must understand that and break its neocolonial habits. The global South and East are ever more loudly claiming their right to full participation in decision-making processes across the spectrum of the international agenda, which is more relevant still as the West systemically destroys the globalization model it created. The role of intergovernmental associations in Asia, Africa and Latin America is growing. They include, among others, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the African Union, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, the League of Arab States, the Eurasian Economic Union and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Those regional integration structures are building contacts both among themselves and with the global association of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa known as BRICS, which allows the harmonizing of approaches to agree on the mechanisms of mutually beneficial cooperation and development beyond the control of negative internal impacts and dictates. All those impartial processes will have to be taken into account in the work of the Group of 20, where the Group of Seven can no longer call the shots. Ways of ensuring security in different regions will have to be reconsidered, drawing lessons from the bitter experience of the functioning of the NATO-oriented or so-called Euro- Atlantic security models, which the West has exploited for its expansionist intentions. Russia has launched an initiative to create an inclusive architecture of equal and indivisible security in Eurasia, that — I stress — would be open to all States and organizations of our common continent that are ready to work together in the search for universally acceptable solutions, using the interconnectedness and natural competitive advantages of the unified Eurasian space. An international conference will be devoted to that topic in Minsk, starting on 31 October. We are not fencing off dialogue with the West. In July, at Russia’s suggestion, the Security Council held open debates on building a fairer and more stable world order. We believe that it is important to pursue the discussion, both in the United Nations and in other forums. A more equitable world order unconditionally presupposes increased representation of the global South in the Security Council. We reaffirm our position in support of the candidacies of Brazil and India, provided that a positive decision is reached in the framework of the well-known initiatives of the African Union. At the same time, of course, there can be no talk of additional seats for Western countries, which are already excessively overrepresented in the Security Council. May 2025 will mark the eightieth anniversary of the victory in the Second World War, in which tens of millions of people, including 27 million citizens from all the nations of the Soviet Union, fell victim to the genocidal policy of the Third Reich. Such crimes have no statute of limitations, as there is no moral justification for those who try to whitewash Nazi executioners, collaborators and their current successors in Ukraine, the Baltic States, Canada and other countries. The world is once again facing massive challenges that require united efforts rather than confrontation and the desire for global domination. Russia will always be on the side of collective work, truth and law, peace and cooperation in the interests of reviving the ideals laid down by the founding fathers. That is the aim of the Group of Friends in Defence of the Charter of the United Nations, established at the initiative of Venezuela. Its objectives and principles remain fully relevant. The main thing is that everyone without exception respect those principles, not selectively as if choosing from a menu but in their entirety and interconnectedness, including the principle of the sovereign equality of States. Only then, while working for the honest balance of the legitimate national interests of all countries, can we bring to life the purpose of the United Nations, as stated in the Charter, “to be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations”.

I now give the floor to Her Excellency Mrs. Alicia Bárcena Ibarra, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the United States of Mexico.

I bring the fraternal greetings of our President, Andrés Manuel López Obrador. I am honoured to return to the General Assembly, which was my home for many years, to address members as a representative of Mexico. We are facing a change of era. Neoliberal hegemony has demonstrated its palpable failure by proposing an extractivist development model that socializes losses, privatizes profits, impoverishes people and devastates the planet. Arms races and wars have returned to international geopolitics. The devastation of the environment continues. Frustration and discontent are manifested in extremism and proposals that deny rights and deny democratic values. The institutions of the international system are losing legitimacy. Secretary General António Guterres has referred to those phenomena as a “purgatory of polarity” and instability, which are symptoms of civilizational crises and of stages of transition in which the old does not finish dying and the new is not yet born. The similarities between our times and the interwar period of the past century are increasingly evident. They are also more worrisome, because we know the outcome of that time — terrible years in which the world’s production was transformed into a production line for war, on which humanity became one more input. However, history also teaches us that in such crises it is possible, with courage and valour, to reverse that destructive fate. In the interwar period of the last century, Mexico’s foreign policy wrote an exceptional chapter. Deploying its characteristic humanism, solidarity and respect for international law, Mexico took on the task of defending the value of the League of Nations, justice and the self-determination, integrity, independence and equality of its members. Under those banners, we strongly condemned the arms race, the invasions of Manchuria, Austria and Asia, and the march of fascism in Europe. After the Second World War, Mexico led the declaration of Latin America and the Caribbean as a territory free of nuclear weapons. Today as then, Mexico strives to build emancipatory alternatives. Ours is a homeland that guides its present under the banner of Mexican humanism, a product of our millennial history and the compass of our project of national transformation — the construction of a just, egalitarian and fraternal society and a moral economy that guarantees an equitable distribution of income and respect for the environment. That revolution of conscience has allowed us, during the administration of President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, to reverse the degradation and precarity of the living conditions of our population. More than 9.5 million Mexicans have escaped poverty in five years, and the Gini coefficient has reached a historic low. The minimum wage has increased by 135 per cent, demolishing the inflationary myths preached as an absolute certainty by those who seek to maintain the status quo. Tax privileges have been eliminated, reinforcing public coffers and putting an end to corruption and tax evasion and avoidance. All those achievements, moreover, have occurred in a context of stability that has consolidated Mexico as an investment destination. Unprecedented actions have been taken at the constitutional level to recognize the rights of indigenous peoples, guarantee equality and political participation for women, and leave a manifest legacy of social victories in our Constitution so that no one can take them away from future generations. Those premises are also reflected in our foreign policy. Mexico is a country of migrants, and no stage of the migration cycle is alien to us. Based on our experience, we launched the Mexican Model of Human Mobility, a proposal to manage migration in a comprehensive manner by addressing its structural causes and regional cooperation. The Model has four pillars. The first empowers Mexican communities abroad and promotes the adoption of paths for full regularization by the United States. The second strengthens and expands development cooperation in communities of origin and return. The third addresses political factors and economic sanctions that inhibit development and generate irregular migration. The fourth generates safe, orderly and regular paths for labour mobility. We say this loudly so that it can be heard far away — migration is not a problem; it is a phenomenon. It is not a crime, and migrants are not criminals. The problem is the factors that drive them from their homes, the dangers to which they are exposed by not finding legal paths for mobility and the practices that criminalize them. From this rostrum, we rightly recognize the contributions of the more than 37 million Mexicans living in the United States, capable and honest workers who contribute $324 billion a year to its gross domestic product and who are indispensable to the economy of both countries. We have been able to change the narrative and the conversation with the United States to focus on structural causes with a regional perspective. We convened the leaders of the countries of origin in Palenque to strike strategic agreements that have been able to reduce encounters on the border between Mexico and the United States by 66 per cent. We say this loudly too — development and stability will not be the norm of the international system if we do not guarantee the rights and inclusion of women. As the first country of the global South to adopt a feminist foreign policy, we hosted the third Ministerial Conference on Feminist Foreign Policy in June. In its declaration, the Conference recognized a series of commitments that are reflected in the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1). This week, only 9 women Heads of State and Government have spoken from this rostrum — only 9 out of 133. The world cannot move forward without half of the population; no more about us without us, because the future will be feminist or it will not be. Climate change, as Nicholas Stern has said, is the biggest market failure of all time and the greatest global challenge. The only way to mitigate it is through collective and simultaneous actions, which require financing and the fulfilment of the common but differentiated responsibilities of countries. We reiterate our commitment to the Paris Agreement on Climate Change, the implementation of the Kunming- Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework and the achievement of synergies among the three agendas of the Rio Conventions. We propose to assess and restore the integrity of ecosystems as providers of essential goods and services for the economy and social well-being and climate stability. We have participated in the consultative processes of the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the International Court of Justice on the responsibility of States with regard to climate change. We will continue to work to achieve the ratification of the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction and to maintain the moratorium on deep-sea mining. The global security landscape is undergoing a profound transformation. We are alarmed by the growing and diverse threats to international peace and security, in particular violations of the purposes and principles of the Charter and the growing risks of nuclear war — the greatest threat ever faced by humankind. In the face of those scenarios, we defend territorial integrity in all geographic contexts, including in Ukraine and Palestine. We advocate a political solution and negotiations that include both parties, Russia and Ukraine. In this Hall, we applaud the initiative of Brazil and China on the formation of a peace group in New York. The war has lasted too long and affects us all. We all lose, other than the mercenaries of death, especially the arms companies, which profit from the pain and loss of millions of girls, boys and entire families. Faced with that worrisome reality, it is imperative that we redouble our efforts to eliminate nuclear weapons. Their devastating effects, which cannot be contained in space or time, make them contrary to international law and the survival of humankind. Firearms, too, are a source of violence and insecurity throughout the world. Mexico suffers from the illicit flow of more than half a million weapons into its territory each year. The arms industry needs to be held accountable for its negligence and Mexico has gone to court to that end, convinced that the arms industry is a key player in both the expansion and the solution of that phenomenon. Mexico knows well that the illegal flow of arms is the other side of the illegal flow of drugs and organized crime, especially on our country’s northern border. Humanity is breaking down in Gaza in the face of the inaction of the international community. More than 70 per cent of the victims of that war have been children and women; more than 85 per cent of civilians have had to leave their homes. The majority of the population lacks access to food, water and electricity. Mexico has therefore asked to intervene in the case initiated by South Africa before the International Court of Justice on the application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. Together with Chile, we referred the situation of Palestine to the International Criminal Court and submitted a friend of the Court brief to highlight the jurisdiction of the Court. We reject the false dichotomy between the sterile violence of terrorism and the disproportionate punishment of Governments sheltered by double standards. In order to make the two-State solution a reality, it is critical to comply with the resolutions of the United Nations and the opinion of the International Court of Justice regarding the practices in occupied Palestinian territory. The institutions and rules that uphold our international system are the last line against barbarism. Therefore, we strongly condemn the flagrant violations by the current Government of Ecuador of the most basic norms of international coexistence and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, through its illegal and violent assault on our Embassy in Quito on the night of 5 April, its aggression against our diplomats and its illicit abduction of a person to whom Mexico had granted political asylum and who remains imprisoned and seriously ill. We reiterate our gratitude for the widespread condemnation of that act and, as an international community, we cannot forget it or normalize it. The Security Council needs urgent reform. Mexico proposes the elimination of the veto in its entirety and, until that is achieved, at the very least its limitation in cases of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Latin America and the Caribbean, our natural region, is one of our top priorities, because the progress of any of our countries is the progress of all. In defence of dialogue, stability, democracy and the peaceful resolution of disputes, we have been the guarantor of the peace process between the Government of Colombia and the Ejército de Liberación Nacional. We have already hosted two rounds of negotiations. We have also sponsored dialogues between the Government of Venezuela, the Plataforma Unitaria Democrática and the United States. Following the principles of solidarity, self-determination and the well-being of peoples, we will continue to be involved in supporting Haiti in rebuilding its stability and security. We reiterate our condemnation of the economic blockade imposed on Cuba for six decades, in violation of international law, and call for the immediate removal of Cuba from the United States list of countries sponsoring terrorism. Honouring the tradition of asylum in our history and regional law, Mexico has offered political asylum to people threatened with their lives, integrity and freedom, and has granted refuge to tens of thousands of asylum-seekers and complementary protection as a country that opens its doors to those who need it. On 1 October, we will inaugurate the Administration of the first female President in 200 years of our Republic, Ms. Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo. Under her leadership, the humanist Government will deepen efforts to combat poverty and inequality and emphasize well-being, shared prosperity, women’s equality, protection of natural heritage and respect for the environment. As I have said, we will not do so on our own; we will all do it together. Our foreign policy will continue to deploy our highest values, relying on our roots and our struggles. We offer hope in the face of fear, solidarity in the face of hatred and the return of humanism in the face of devastation. Ours is a world that today offers a landscape that devastates the soul. The citizens of our nations find little cause for optimism. Every day, our screens reproduce scenes of brutal cruelty and statistical, almost mechanical reports of the numbers of death. Many are those who look to the United Nations and legitimately hope that in these halls the intelligence and sensitivity of the world’s leaders will make the promise of our purpose a reality and that dialogue and diplomacy will succeed in stopping the failure of reason. They are rightly frustrated to see that instead of fraternity, instead of the collective defence of human dignity, instead of the application of equitable norms and international law, factional geopolitical interests and shameful double standards are imposed. They see how, without the slightest shame, the empire of naked force persists, which is another way of saying the obscene concentration of power in a handful of the few who benefit from the status quo, of the privileged for whom the current dispensation is profitable and the pain, misery and blood of so many are mere externalities that are not reflected in their balance sheets. The nations of the world built this house, the United Nations, to forge a different path and we reaffirm today that, despite all its inadequacies, this is a civilizing work that deserves our commitment and sensible alternatives. Those are the foundations that the human family managed to establish after the infamous abyss of two world wars — the tool that was supposed to ward off the risk of our survival in the face of the fire of violence and the disgrace of inequality. Today it appears powerless and incapable of facing the fury of barbarism, paralysed in the face of the evidence that its mission is frustrated with each new report of victims. We need to sow new seeds of hope and change our governance and architecture because after almost eight decades the world, its problems and its physiognomy are no longer recognizable in a mirror that stubbornly insists on the reflection of 1945. We need to restore confidence in multilateralism and its institutions, in agreement, cooperation and the conviction that despite our rich diversity of colours and geographies, we are brothers and sisters of the same community, on the same planet and with the same destiny. That is what the Pact of the Future (resolution 79/1) calls on us to do — to renew our commitment to overcoming fear and mistrust and restoring the legitimacy of the Organization to which we belong. On that path, in the unavoidable construction of a just, dignified and egalitarian world, Mexico will always be a loyal companion, a committed partner and a fraternal brother. We must take ownership of today to build tomorrow and, as José Emilio Pacheco wrote about another transformative era, 1968: “A world is falling apart A world is born The fog surrounds us But the light blazes... There is no hope There is life And everything is ours.” In that vein, I also wish to quote Eduardo Galeano, who said, “What if we start to exercise the never proclaimed right to dream? What if we rave for a while at the beginning of the millennium, staring beyond the infamy to glimpse another possible world, one where the conjoined twins of justice and freedom, condemned to live apart, will come together again, back to back; one where we will be compatriots and contemporaries of all those who are drawn to beauty and justice, wherever they were born and whenever they lived, with no thought whatsoever for the borders of the map or of time.”

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Espen Barth Eide, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Norway.

Our United Nations was born as the Second World War ended. Shattered by the experiences of two devastating wars and their unspeakable atrocities, wise people came together to write the Charter of the United Nations and to establish the United Nations. The Charter codifies the key principles of international law, including the prohibition of the use of force except in self-defence or upon the authority of the Security Council. Effectively, wars of aggression were outlawed, whereas the inherent right to self-defence was reconfirmed. In the Charter, and flowing from it in the years to come, we also established the other key principles that codify international humanitarian law and international human rights law. That is the quintessential set of principles that shall govern international relations. However, our Secretary-General was perfectly right when he pointed out that if violations and abuse are allowed to continue with impunity, the very foundations of the United Nations Charter will be under threat. And indeed, they are under threat. For the first time in 79 years, we have a major inter-State war in Europe. In its war of aggression against Ukraine, Russia is in blatant violation of the very essence of the Charter. It violates the principle of sovereignty, the inalienability of borders, and the prohibition of the use of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of another Member State. Those principles safeguard the equality of all States, large and small, always and everywhere, and are fundamental to Member States’ security. Norway stands by Ukraine. Like so many friends of a free and independent Ukraine, we contribute significant military and civilian assistance, and we are determined to do so as long as it takes. We want Ukraine to prevail. We want peace in Ukraine, but it must be a just peace in line with the key principles of the United Nations Charter. An unjust peace would imply that we are living once again in a world where might makes right and where borders can be changed by force. We must all reject such an outcome. It would set a terrible precedent. Even wars have rules. International humanitarian law, as embodied in the Geneva Conventions, lays out the key principles of distinction and proportionality. Warring parties are obliged to follow those rules irrespective of whether the war itself is legal. Every member of the Assembly is bound by the Geneva conventions. They are as much a part of our common commitment to a rules-based order as the Charter itself. The principles of international humanitarian law are obligatory, not optional. For the rules to work, we have to be consistent in their application. We must treat similar cases similarly, irrespective of the context. We must speak out if our adversaries violate those rules. It is equally important that we speak out if our traditional friends violate them. In fact, it is in the latter case that we demonstrate that we see the rules as universal. Almost a year has passed since Hamas’ heinous terror attack on Israel on 7 October 2023. Its effect on Israeli society can hardly be overestimated. We condemn those horrific acts in the strongest possible terms. The hostages who are still in Hamas captivity must be released immediately and without conditions. There is no doubt in our mind that Israel, like any other State, has a right to defend itself against terrorism. At the same time, Israel, like any other State, is bound by international humanitarian law. The immense suffering inflicted on the Palestinian population in Gaza is beyond comparison. Much of Gaza has been turned into rubble. At least 41,000 people have been killed, and many more are injured and maimed for life. I echo the Secretary- General when he says that nothing can justify such collective punishment. Norway was among the very first Western countries to call for a ceasefire in Gaza. We have condemned the violations of international humanitarian law. We have expressed great concern about the severe limitations on humanitarian access and the shocking number of United Nations staff, aid workers, and journalists killed. We stood by the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East when it was subjected to smear and defamation. While so many countries suspended their funding, we increased ours and we reached out to co-donors to encourage them to return. I am pleased to see that almost all donors are now back. The Middle East is going through some of its darkest hours. In the West Bank, illegal Israeli settlements are expanding at an alarming pace. Settler violence is rampant. As we gather at the United Nations this very week, Lebanon has seen its deadliest days in decades. We are on the brink of a major regional war. Even neighbouring countries that long ago entered into peace agreements with Israel are under immense pressure. The situation is worsening by the hour, and, make no mistake, the conflicts in the region are deeply intertwined. Yesterday, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addressed the Assembly (see A/79/PV.13). His core message was that we all have to choose — either we are with Israel, or we are with Iran and its proxies. He also stated that there could be peace only once Hizbullah and Hamas were totally defeated. We have seen that film before. I did not like the ending. Twenty years ago, in response to the terrorist attacks on this very city, another leader stated that we were either with him or with the terrorists. That division into a simplistic notion of black and white, leaving no space for nuance and complexity, let alone impartiality, and with an excessive trust in military force alone, is utterly dangerous. And indeed, it did not end well. We need to learn from past mistakes. However, in every crisis lies an opportunity. I remain convinced that there is no credible alternative for lasting peace other than a two-State solution. While ceasefires in Gaza and Lebanon are most urgently needed, ending hostilities must not be confused with lasting solutions. Serious thinking is required, here and now, to prepare for the day after. Two days ago, almost 100 Member states took part in a meeting called by Saudi Arabia, the European Union and Norway, launching a global alliance to implement the two-State solution. Three decades after the Oslo Accords, more and more States are realizing that endlessly waiting for the right moment to negotiate will not work. I call on those States that have not yet done so to recognize the State of Palestine and to allow it to become a full Member of the Organization. We call on everyone who can to help to build Palestine’s institutions, and on regional actors to help embed a political settlement in a broader regional framework. We are witnessing, from the front row, the shortcomings of the institutions that we established in 1945. The adoption of the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) is a major success for the United Nations. With it, we have resolved to update our institutions and our practices across the three pillars of peace and security, development and human rights. We also opened a conversation about the critically important issue of how to make artificial intelligence a force for good. Norway supports a reform of the Security Council that makes it both more representative and more efficient. Permanent and elected seats should be added and the historical injustice to Africa should be remedied. The use of the veto should be limited rather than expanded. When the United Nations Charter was drafted, Norway was an early proponent of the principle that no State should vote in its own case. Indeed, that principle is enshrined in Article 27, paragraph 3 of the Charter. That principle is, however, repeatedly ignored by the Security Council. But again, the principle is an obligation. It is not an option. To make our development efforts more efficient, we need to reform the international financial architecture, and in order to enhance the ability of States to provide essential services to their populations, it must be possible for them to tax their citizens and their companies. Norway will continue to be a driving force for international tax cooperation, including by supporting a United Nations framework convention. Central to the Pact of the Future are robust commitments to gender equality and women’s rights. Inclusion must be at the forefront, not because it is the right thing to do, but because it is the smart thing to do. We need equitable societies. We must build more effective and accountable institutions, including this very Organization. The triple planetary crisis is humankind’s most daunting challenge. To save our planet, we must adapt our economies. The future must be renewable, circular and nature friendly. There is good news. Despite increasing political divides, the past few years have seen how multilateralism can deliver when it comes to the relationship between us, as humankind, and our physical environment. In Dubai, we agreed to transition away from fossil fuels in a just, orderly and equitable manner. In Montreal, we agreed to reset our partnership with nature. In Nairobi, we launched a negotiation process towards a treaty to end plastic pollution, and here in New York we agreed to take better care of our common oceans. What is true for all those agreements and the Pact for the Future alike, however, is that the real verdict lies in our ability to implement them. We must act. We must act now. As we approach the eightieth anniversary of the United Nations, we must step up our efforts to develop the Organization so as to make it more transparent, inclusive and representative of the world we live in today. Norway fully supports the integrity and independence of the Secretary-General and his reform agenda. Reform will not be achieved through micromanagement. We, the Member States, must provide the Secretary-General with input and guidance, but we must also show trust and allocate resources to enable him to lead. When a new Secretary-General is elected, we must ensure that she has the tools she needs to help us to strategically deliver the noble goals we have agreed upon.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, Minister for External Affairs of the Republic of India.

I bring greetings from the 1.4 billion people of Bharat. I congratulate the President of the General Assembly, Mr. Philemon Yang. We strongly support the theme of the seventy-ninth session, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”. We are gathered here at a difficult time. The world is yet to recover from the ravages of the coronavirus disease pandemic. The war in Ukraine is well into its third year. The conflict in Gaza is acquiring wider ramifications. Across the global South, development plans have gone off the rails, and the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) targets are receding. But there is more. Unfair trade practices are threatening jobs just as unviable projects are raising debt levels. Any connectivity that flouts sovereignty and territorial integrity acquires strategic connotations, especially when it is not a shared endeavour. Technology advances, which have long been a source of hope, are now equally a factor of anxiety. Climate events occur with greater intensity and frequency. Food security is as worrisome as health security. In truth, the world stands fractious, polarized and frustrated. Conversations have become difficult, agreements even more so. That is surely not what the founders of the United Nations would have wanted of us. Almost exactly eight decades ago, the first steps towards the formation of the United Nations were taken near here, at Dumbarton Oaks. Refined thereafter at the Yalta Conference, they were finally approved in San Francisco. The debates of that era centred around how to ensure world peace, a prerequisite for global prosperity. Today we find both peace and prosperity equally endangered, and that is because trust has eroded and processes have broken down. Countries have extracted more from the international system than they have put into it, enfeebling it in the process. We see that vividly in every challenge and every crisis. Reforming multilateralism is therefore an imperative. The urgency of that call is highlighted by the theme of this session. Leaving no one behind means advancing peace, ensuring sustainable development and strengthening human dignity. That cannot be delivered by a United Nations paralysed when faced with division, conflict, terrorism and violence, nor can it be advanced if access to fuel, food and fertilizer is jeopardized. When capturing markets lacks restraint, it damages the livelihood and social fabric of others. The evasion of their climate action responsibilities by the developed undermines the growth prospects of the developing. Indeed, when resource crunch limits the pursuit of SDG targets, it is not just economies but human dignity itself that are imperilled. If the world is in such a state, this body must ask itself: How has that come to pass? The problems arise from a combination of structural shortcomings, political calculations, naked self-interest and, yes, disregard for those left behind. It is natural to feel overwhelmed by what we are confronting now. After all, there are so many dimensions, different moving parts, issues of the day and the changing landscape. But every change must begin somewhere and there is no better place than where it all started. We, the Members of the United Nations, must now seriously and purposefully address ourselves to that task, not because it is a competition for influence or a squabble for positions but because, if we carry on like this, the state of the world is only going to get worse and that could mean that more of us are going to be left behind. As the world contemplates those concerns, India has sought to respond in a variety of ways. First, we are focusing on the issues of the vulnerable, women, farmers and young people, and fashioning targeted policies and initiatives for their betterment. Assured access to piped water, electricity, cooking gas and new homes is changing millions of lives. The gender gap has started to close, be it in health, education or the workplace. Our food producers get financial support thrice a year at the click of a button, and a third-term Government has made the skilling of young people its key priority. Secondly, we are expanding opportunities for employment and entrepreneurship, including through stronger training and large-scale financial incentives. Some 495 million Mudra loans have been given to small businesses in the past decade, 67 per cent of them to women. Equally telling, 6.56 million street vendors have been availed of 8.85 million Svanidhi loans in the past four years alone; 45 per cent beneficiaries are, again, women. Thirdly, we are creating templates that are replicable elsewhere. It could be digital delivery, enhancing the quality of governance and public services or, indeed, making medicines and health facilities accessible and affordable. A digital public infrastructure and a people’s pharmacy are today examples of what India can readily offer. It is also an alternative vision where technology is used to empower, not to dominate. Fourthly, we are encouraging the global South to voice its shared concerns and come together. To that end, we have convened three Global South Summits, the most recent in August 2024. Fifthly, we are contributing to the well-being of the global commons and responding to the pressing needs of those in distress. That has ranged from undertaking projects in 78 nations, providing resources to neighbours and responding to humanitarian assistance and disaster relief situations to supplying medicines and ensuring maritime safety and security. Given the scale of transformation under way in India, each of those dimensions underlines that the world’s problems can indeed be tackled and that, by working together, we can surely create a larger lifting tide. In these troubled times, it is necessary to provide hope and rekindle optimism. We have to demonstrate that big changes are possible, and not over a long period. Nothing is more powerful in that regard than the transformative potential of the digital. We have seen its impact in our daily lives in India over the past decade. It is visible when public benefits, from nutritional support and housing to energy and health, are delivered efficiently on a vast scale, or when small business loans and farmers’ support are extended without intermediaries. In fact, when street vendors and the expatriate workforce confidently use financial technology in their regular transactions and when services, delivery and benefits move seamlessly and transparently, fewer people will be left behind. That is India’s experience and India’s relevance. Such leapfrogging possibilities, coupled with people-centric policies and visionary leadership, can be real game-changers. When India lands on the moon, rolls out its own 5G stack, dispatches vaccines worldwide, embraces financial technology or houses so many global capability centres, there is a message here. Our quest for a Viksit Bharat, or developed India, will understandably be followed closely. An important cause of many being left behind has been the unfairness of the current globalization model. The overconcentration of production has hollowed out many economies, impacting their employment and social stability. Democratizing global production, building resilient supply chains, ensuring trusted digital services and espousing an open-source culture all promote widespread prosperity. There are economic answers, just as there are social ones. The United Nations has always maintained that peace and development go hand in hand, yet when challenges to one have emerged, due regard has not been given to the other. Clearly, their economic implications for the weak and vulnerable need to be highlighted, but we must recognize that conflicts themselves must also be resolved. The world cannot be fatalistic about the continuation of violence on a large scale or impervious to its broader consequences. Whether it is the war in Ukraine or the conflict in Gaza, the international community seeks urgent solutions. Those sentiments must be acknowledged and acted upon. The United Nations is a testament to the agreed principles and shared objectives of the world order. Respect for international law and commitments are among the foremost priorities in that regard. If we are to ensure global security and stability, then it is essential that those who seek to lead set the right example. Nor can we countenance egregious violations of our basic tenets. Terrorism is antithetical to everything the world stands for. All its forms and manifestations must be resolutely opposed. The sanctioning of global terrorists by the United Nations should also not be impeded for political reasons. Many countries are left behind due to circumstances beyond their control, but some make conscious choices with disastrous consequences. A premier example is our neighbour, Pakistan. Unfortunately, its misdeeds affect others as well, especially in the neighbourhood. When that polity instils such fanaticism among its people, its gross domestic product can be measured only in terms of radicalization and its exports in the form of terrorism. Today we see the ills it sought to visit on others consume its own society. It cannot blame the world; that is only karma. A dysfunctional nation coveting the lands of others must be exposed and countered. We heard some bizarre assertions from it in this forum yesterday, so let me make India’s position perfectly clear. Pakistan’s cross-border terrorism policy will never succeed and it can have no expectation of impunity. On the contrary, actions will certainly have consequences. The issue to be resolved between us is now only the vacation of illegally occupied Indian territory by Pakistan and, of course, the abandonment of Pakistan’s long-standing attachment to terrorism. The global order is inherently pluralistic and diverse. The United Nations began with 51 Members; we are now 193. The world has changed profoundly and so have its concerns and opportunities, but to address both and indeed to strengthen the order itself, it is essential that the United Nations be the central platform for finding common ground. That it certainly cannot be by remaining anachronistic. Large parts of the world cannot be left behind when it comes to deciding the key issues of our times. An effective and efficient United Nations, a more representative United Nations and a United Nations fit for purpose in the contemporary era is essential. Let us therefore send out a clear message from this session of the General Assembly that we are determined not to be left behind. By coming together, sharing experiences, pooling resources and strengthening our resolve, we can change the world for the better.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Vivian Balakrishnan, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Singapore.

I bring greetings from a tiny island city State in the heart of South-East Asia, called Singapore. I think we must be one of the smallest that would qualify as a Member of the United Nations for the past 59 years. I would like to congratulate Mr. Philemon Yang on assuming the presidency of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session, and I also commend Mr. Dennis Francis for his stellar leadership during the seventy-eighth session. The world is in an acutely dangerous phase and civilians in multiple trouble spots are paying a horrendous price. The risks of miscalculation and escalation have sharply increased, most notably in the Middle East, Ukraine and the Sudan. The loss of so many innocent lives is heart-breaking, while the lack of trust amongst the major Powers and the resulting deficit of global leadership make it very difficult to find effective, peaceful solutions to all those ongoing conflicts. We are approaching the eightieth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations, and we must double down on our commitment to a rules-based multilateral system. On almost every issue confronting the world — from peace and security to climate change, from the ocean to outer space, and from poverty to food insecurity — a reformed United Nations is absolutely essential for global solutions. The United Nations remains the only neutral and universal platform for dialogue and cooperation amongst all nations. The Summit of the Future was a very significant milestone for the United Nations and our multilateral system. The adoption of the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) offers the hope that nations can reach agreement, given wise leadership and political will. The Pact begins the journey to transform our multilateral system and to maintain the salience of the United Nations. We must accelerate the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), reinvigorate international cooperation and transform global governance. That is why Singapore has always been a staunch supporter of the Summit of the Future. We stand ready to work with our friends to implement the Pact. I would like to highlight three points. First, we must return to the basics by reinforcing the foundational role of the United Nations in maintaining international peace and security. That is the raison d’être of the United Nations. We must restore respect for the rule of law and the Charter of the United Nations that has underpinned global peace and security for the past 80 years. We cannot allow recent violations of international law to become normalized. The ongoing war in Ukraine exemplifies a flagrant violation of international law and the United Nations Charter. The invasion of one country by another under the pretext of historical errors and grievances cannot be justified by any means. Article 2 of the United Nations Charter is categorical — all Members shall refrain from the threat or the use of force against territorial integrity. It is also worth recalling that is why the second preambular paragraph of Security Council resolution 242 (1967) also refers to the “inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war”. If we allow the notion that might is right to prevail, the world will become a very dangerous place, especially for small States. That is why Singapore, and other small States have to consistently stand for compliance by all Member States with international law and the United Nations Charter. We, as a small State, have no interest in taking sides or getting embroiled in great Power rivalry. We do not want to become an arena for proxy wars. We simply aim to defend our sovereignty, to exercise our autonomy and to chart our own futures. Our people deserve that. That is why small States like Singapore have always been ardent advocates for international law and the United Nations Charter. For small States, multilateralism and international law are not an option; they are in fact an existential necessity. Last week, Singapore, in collaboration with the International Peace Institute (IPI), launched a report on small States and transforming global governance. The report, prepared by the IPI and the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies in Singapore, highlights the priorities and the perspectives of small States. We hope that the report will catalyse further discussions on strengthening and transforming the United Nations and the multilateral system. The work to strengthen international law and the existing international legal frameworks is an ongoing exercise. Singapore will continue to strongly support the work of the International Court of Justice, which is paramount for upholding the rule of law and protecting the interests of all countries, especially small States. The United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) is absolutely crucial, especially for an island city State like Singapore, which is totally dependent on trade. In fact, our trade volume is three times our gross domestic product. UNCLOS sets out the legal framework within which all activities in the oceans and seas must be carried out. Freedom of navigation and overflight is a universal right; it is not merely an optional privilege granted by the grace of whoever claims the seas. UNCLOS also provides an essential foundation for coordinating our efforts on issues such as sea level rise, plastic pollution, the loss of biodiversity and ocean acidification. As we celebrate the thirtieth anniversary of the entry into force of UNCLOS this year, we call on all countries that have not yet done so to ratify UNCLOS and to do so as soon as possible. We also need to develop new instruments to strengthen international legal frameworks. The consensus adoption of the Agreement under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea on the Conservation and Sustainable Use of Marine Biological Diversity of Areas beyond National Jurisdiction (BBNJ) in June last year was a crucial step in strengthening the UNCLOS framework concerning the conservation and sustainable use of the oceans and its resources. I am pleased to announce that Singapore ratified the BBNJ Agreement earlier this week. The United Nations plays a critical role in formulating new rules, norms and principles governing the global commons. For example, the United Nations has made good progress in establishing a framework for responsible State behaviour in cyberspace, a process that we in Singapore have always supported. Singapore also supports the Secretary-General’s New Agenda for Peace, and we stand ready to work with all United Nations Members to strengthen the role of the United Nations in promoting peace and security, particularly in preventive diplomacy, mediation and conflict prevention. Such efforts are urgently needed to save civilian lives and to prevent catastrophes. Singapore remains a steadfast supporter of the United Nations humanitarian efforts. We are gravely concerned over the deteriorating humanitarian crisis in Gaza and the sheer scale of human suffering. The Singapore Government, along with our non-governmental organizations and our citizens, have contributed more than $17 million in humanitarian aid and donations for Gaza, including through UNICEF and the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. We have consistently emphasized the need for the safe and unhindered provision of humanitarian aid to all civilians in need. We reiterate our call for an immediate ceasefire and for the immediate, unconditional and safe release of all hostages. Singapore will continue to provide more support for civilians in Gaza. Secondly, we must intensify efforts to support the implementation of the SDGs. With less than six years remaining, we are still far from achieving the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. To fulfil the promise of leaving no one behind, we must support the poorest and most vulnerable countries, and that is important because sustainable development provides the foundation for peace and security. We need to accelerate our collective efforts in combating climate change. As a small island State, Singapore is particularly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change, especially sea level rise. We welcome the high-level meeting held earlier this week on that issue. Although our share of global emissions is actually very small, we remain fully committed to peaking our emissions before 2030 and to achieving net- zero by 2050. The fourth International Conference on Small Island Developing States (SIDS4), held earlier this year, marked a significant milestone for all SIDS. We welcome the adoption of the Antigua and Barbuda Agenda for SIDS, which outlines an action plan for the next decade. Singapore will support our friends in SIDS. We launched a new technical assistance package at SIDS4, called SIDS of Change, which covers priority areas, including blue carbon. Singapore will continue to support our fellow small States, and we will share our development experience. I am happy to announce that Singapore will renew our capacity-building programme for the Forum of Small States (FOSS). We have labelled that programme FOSS for Good, a package that will offer digital-themed programmes, including Leadership and Governance in the Age of Digital Technologies and Artificial Intelligence. Thirdly, we need to empower and transform the United Nations so that it is future-ready and capable of responding to emerging global challenges. To achieve that, several measures are necessary. We must provide more opportunities especially for young people to engage in the work of the United Nations and to serve as agents of change to revitalize international cooperation. We welcome the adoption of the Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1, annex II) , which underscores our collective commitment to building a world that serves the interests of future generations. After all, our young people have even more at stake. Next, we must harness the power of digital technologies in a safe and secure manner. The adoption of the Global Digital Compact (resolution 79/1, annex I) is a significant step forward, offering a pathway to close the digital divide. The Compact contains an action-oriented set of commitments that can accelerate the implementation of the SDGs. We are witnessing the dawn of the age of artificial intelligence (AI). By now, the promises and the perils of AI are well known to all of us. We need to empower innovation in AI, whilst installing global guardrails to protect human safety, human dignity and values. Therefore, initiating a dialogue on the global governance of AI is imperative. Singapore welcomes the report of the High-Level Advisory Body on AI, and we commit to working with all United Nations Members to further develop those recommendations. Finally, we must transform global governance by making our institutions more representative, more responsive and more effective, particularly for the sake of small States and developing countries. We need a nimbler multilateral system in which the international financial architecture and the United Nations work more synergistically. Equally important is the need to reform the United Nations itself to make it more efficient, effective and responsive. That includes reforming the Security Council in order to reflect the contemporary realities, through an expansion in both the permanent and non-permanent membership categories. The effective functioning of the Security Council is at the heart of a robust and responsive United Nations. The five permanent members of the Security Council have a special responsibility that accompanies their privilege, and they must demonstrate leadership by cooperating to maintain international peace and security. The veto initiative has made the use of the veto more accountable by making the permanent members answerable to all of us in the General Assembly every time they cast a veto. That is a good first step, but it is not the end of that journey that is necessary. Much more work will be needed to make the Security Council more transparent and accountable. Singapore will continue to work with other United Nations Member States in that regard. The world is traversing an acutely dangerous period of geopolitical tension. A descent into chaos and conflict is a clear and present threat. In this moment of uncertainty, all countries, big and small, have a responsibility to work together to preserve the peace and to save lives. We cannot achieve that without the United Nations playing its rightful role as an arena for dialogue and for partnership. This is the moment to double down on multilateralism and strengthen the role of the United Nations as a collective vehicle for peace and sustainable development.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Bruno Eduardo Rodríguez Parrilla, Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Cuba.

Let my first words be to ratify Cuba’s solidarity and support for the brother Palestinian people, victim of more than 75 years of colonial occupation and flagrant violations of their legitimate rights as a nation, subjected to cruelty, aggression, collective punishment and apartheid. Over the past 11 months, the Israeli army has killed more than 40,000 civilians. More children have died in that indiscriminate massacre than men and women. They die with the complicity of and weapons provided by the United States Government, with the complicit silence of others. We pay tribute to the more than 220 workers of the Organization who also have been murdered. Cuba’s position is clear and unequivocal. President Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez has said: “History will not forgive the indifferent, and we will not be among them”. The genocide against the Palestinian people must cease unconditionally and without delay. Israel, with the complicity of the United States, has put the world in imminent danger of a large-scale conflagration. The irresponsible aggression against Lebanon, Syria, Iran and the peoples of the Middle East will have consequences that are difficult to estimate. Seventy-nine years after the founding of the Organization, the continuous violations of the Charter of the United Nations and international law, aggressions, interference in the internal affairs of States and the imposition of unilateral coercive measures for political ends occur as daily events. Aggressive military doctrines of domination, expansionist and supremacist, alarmingly undermine international peace and security. The danger of a nuclear hecatomb is real and immediate. For the ninth consecutive year, global military spending is increasing, reaching a record figure of $2.44 trillion in 2023, including the development of new nuclear weapons. There has been a decline despite the enormous efforts of the States parties and signatories to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons and of lucid and broad sectors of international society. There will also be no peace without development. Developed countries, inhabitants of the same planet, blindly refuse to invest even minimally in their own prosperity and security and fail to meet their always insufficient commitments to official development assistance. The selfish figure, proudly promised in 2023 and quickly forgotten, represents less than 0.37 per cent of their national income. The illusion of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals has vanished. According to Forbes, in the past four years alone the combined wealth of the five richest people in the world has grown while 5 billion people remain in poverty. The richest 1 per cent have accumulated twice as much wealth as the rest of the world’s population. Those five billionaires have made more than €423 billion in profits during this period, while the world’s population is becoming poorer. According to Oxfam, the richest 1 per cent have accumulated twice as much wealth as the rest of the world’s population. A wealth tax could lift 2 billion people out of poverty. The crises are structural, determined by the imperialist system and the international order imposed on us. No problem will be solved by undermining the intergovernmental character of the United Nations, as some claim, or by weakening its essential role in promoting sustainable development for all. Climate change is advancing inexorably. That is an irrefutable fact. In July, scientists announced that there had been 13 consecutive months of record-breaking temperature levels. If the irrational and unsustainable patterns of production and consumption of capitalism are not urgently and significantly changed, the increase in global average temperature will not be contained below 1.5°C with respect to preindustrial levels. Responsibilities are shared but differentiated; they are not the same for everyone and could not rightly be so. However, a good step could be taken at the twenty-ninth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Azerbaijan and the adoption of the new collective financing target. The countries of the North would have another opportunity to begin to close the gap in climate financing. Those of us in the South would have to design a sufficient target that responds to the needs, with guarantees for development and social justice, in the face of the enormous obstacles and challenges we face. The solution will inevitably have to include the cancellation of the external debt, which has already been repaid several times. We need a new international order that is just and democratic; that guarantees peace and the balance of the world, the exercise of the right to development by all States; in conditions of sovereign equality; that expands and strengthens the participation and representation of developing countries in the processes of governance, decision-making and policy formulations at the global level; that provides the common good and prosperity of all peoples, in harmony with nature and the sustainable management of natural resources, and ensures the exercise of all human rights for all people. We need a new civilized coexistence among nations in which solidarity, international cooperation, integration and the peaceful settlement of disputes prevail as alternatives to the philosophy of plunder, war, the use or threat of use of force, aggression and occupation, as well as to cultural, political, financial, technological and military domination and hegemony or any other manifestation that threatens the peace, independence and sovereignty of States. We need an international order without blockades or unilateral coercive measures, based on multilateralism and with full respect for the United Nations Charter and international law. The United States Government continues to clearly demonstrate its impossible but pernicious resolve to determine and control the destiny of Cuba. It is an old ambition anchored in the Monroe Doctrine, which defines the imperialist, dominant and hegemonic nature of United States policy towards Cuba and the region of our America. The economic, commercial and financial blockade is also political, technological and communicational. It has been conceived as one of the United States main weapons of aggression to destroy the Cuban economy. It seeks to prevent the country’s financial income, cause the collapse of the economy and generate a situation of political and social instability. The damage is visible and indisputable. It has repercussions on the daily lives of all Cubans. It is accompanied by the most ferocious campaign of disinformation and slander, by perennial attempts to interfere in our internal affairs and by the complicit tolerance of groups that organize violent and terrorist acts against Cuba from the territory of the United States. Those actions violate international law and contravene the purposes and principles of the Organization and numerous resolutions adopted by the General Assembly. The siege thus conceived has been reinforced by the inclusion of Cuba on the arbitrary and infamous list of countries that supposedly sponsor terrorism by the United States Department of State. That is a fraudulent designation without moral authority or any international mandate. By virtue of it, retaliatory actions against Cuba are unleashed that, in an extraterritorial manner, go beyond the framework of the sovereign jurisdiction of the United States and are manifested in and against any country. In May, the State Department itself recognized that Cuba fully cooperates in the international fight against terrorism. That mere recognition of a universally known truth has not made the coercive measures of the blockade more flexible, but it does make Cuba’s presence on that illegitimate list even more incongruous, confusing and unjustifiable. There will soon be new presidential elections in the United States, a matter that concerns the Americans alone — only them, despite the disastrous and historical custom of the Government of that country of interfering in the elections and internal affairs of all States Members of the United Nations, including its own allies. History has shown that, regardless of the result of the elections, the anti-Cuban politicians and sectors that have made aggression against Cuba a lucrative business will continue to have a voice and influence. They have learned to manipulate the American political system based on a narrow and hostile agenda that is very specific and of interest only to a small elite segment. They do not in any way represent the will of the majority of the people of the United States or of the Cubans who reside here. Whatever the electoral result, Cuba will continue to defend its sovereign right to independence and to build socialism, as we Cubans have decided, without foreign interference. We will also continue to advocate for a respectful and constructive relationship with the United States. In 2014, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States decided in Havana to proclaim our region as a zone of peace. That historic commitment gains greater validity every day. We defend peace and multilateralism against unilateral coercive measures that seriously harm Syria, Belarus, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Zimbabwe, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, Iran, Russia, Cuba and other nations. We strongly reject any attempt to undermine the legitimate constitutional order in our countries by fomenting coups. That happened in Bolivia in 2019 and on 26 June this year, and it is intended to happen again in Honduras. We denounce the attempts to generate violence and destabilization in Venezuela. We reiterate our firm support for and solidarity with the Chavista Government of Bolivia and the civic-military union of the Venezuelan people, led by President Nicolás Maduro Moros. Calls to ignore the election results are irresponsible and disrespectful of the popular will and its legitimate institutions. The destabilizing actions against the Government of Reconciliation and National Unity of Nicaragua must cease. The brotherly people of Sandino will continue to enjoy our full support. We reiterate our support for the legitimate right to self-determination and independence of Puerto Rico. The international community owes a historic debt to Haiti, the protagonist of the first independence and anti-slavery revolution on the continent. We welcome the efforts of the Caribbean Community to find a sustainable solution to the tragic situation in Haiti that respects the independence and sovereignty of that sister nation. We support the legitimate right of sovereignty of the Argentine people over the Malvinas Islands, South Georgia, the South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime spaces. We reaffirm our support and commitment to the peace efforts in Colombia, to which Cuba will continue to contribute in every way possible in its capacity as guarantor. Africa, the cradle of humanity, can always count on Cuba in its efforts to advance on its path to development. We reaffirm our unwavering solidarity with the Sahrawi people and the exercise of their self-determination. Cuba expresses its firm rejection of actions aimed at harming the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the People’s Republic of China, condemns interference in its internal affairs and reiterates its unwavering support for the principle of one China, in accordance with the decision of the General Assembly in its historic resolution 2758 (XXVI), recognizing the People’s Republic as the sole and legitimate representative of the Chinese people. We advocate a serious, constructive, realistic and peaceful diplomatic solution to the current war in Ukraine, in accordance with international law, that guarantees the security and sovereignty of all. In that context, Cuba supports the joint proposal presented by China and Brazil for a political solution to this crisis. Let us join forces to ensure that multilateral institutions are effective and that they respond to the interests of the people, the humble, the poor, the needy and the exploited, who are the vast majority, on the basis of fair equality, the exercise of human rights by all human beings and respect for the sovereign rights of each nation.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Enrique Austria Manalo, Secretary for Foreign Affairs of the Republic of the Philippines.

In 1946, Carlos P. Romulo, who would become the first Asian President of the General Assembly, said: “We are not here to make the peace, but to build for peace... We are not here to reap and divide the harvest of victory, but to make ready the hearts and minds of men and women for the needs of peace.” (A/PV.41, p.818) In those early years of the United Nations, the Philippines clearly understood the magnitude of the work ahead. As a founding Member and a young nation, the Philippines committed fully to the aims and purposes of the United Nations. Eight decades later, we still do. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has affirmed that multilateralism “remains the single viable platform for collective action against transcendent global challenges”. He has emphasized that the rule of law and the integrity of the multilateral system must prevail amidst the current global challenges. The United Nations has held itself as the platform and pathway to address international peace and security. It serves as the ground for States to find convergence amidst crises and conflict. It offers response and relief, hope and humanity. The Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) is a testament to the fact that global problems require global solutions and that a better world is possible when States commit working together towards a common vision. The Pact bridges our collective hopes and our contemporary aspirations, with the Charter of the United Nations and the sovereign equality of States anchoring our will. Our world has been changing more rapidly than at any time in recent history. The United Nations must rise to the occasion with an agenda that fosters equity, justice, international peace and security and development, and adopts processes that are inclusive, transparent, responsive and effective. One way to achieve that is to reform the Security Council and revitalize the General Assembly. Security Council reform should be a package consisting of the enlargement of its membership and improvement of its working methods in order to create greater transparency and accountability of the Council to the general membership of the United Nations. Transforming the international financial architecture is also imperative if we are to realize just and inclusive growth worldwide. We must therefore deliver on the Addis Ababa Action Agenda. We must lose no time in implementing the Global Digital Compact (resolution 79/1, annex I). The governance of new spheres of human activity, including artificial intelligence, the Internet and outer space, must keep up with the speed and scale at which those technologies are developing. New rules should place human dignity as the priority. At the same time, we must complete the unfinished business of eliminating weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear arms. A treaty on fissile material production is long overdue. The United Nations development system has accomplished much, but it requires greater coherence and efficiency with full respect for States’ priorities and ownership. The global humanitarian system has been a silent sentinel of hope and humanity to peoples experiencing war, famine, disease, calamities and displacement. It requires greater support from the international community if it is to effectively address the suffering of people in Gaza, Ukraine, Yemen, the Sudan, Myanmar and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The rising numbers of those forcibly displace in Ukraine, Gaza and other places beg for a deeper sense of collective responsibility. Within our means, the Philippines supports agile systems of response to humanitarian emergencies through the Central Emergency Response Fund, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East and the World Health Organization Contingency Fund for Emergencies. The Philippines has steadfastly contributed to United Nations peacekeeping operations over the past six decades. Since 1963, we have deployed over 14,000 troops in 21 United Nations peacekeeping and special political missions. We should bolster the Peacebuilding Fund and support Security Council resolutions to safeguard education and protect cultural heritage from terrorism and armed conflict. We echo the call of the 2024 Africa Counter-Terrorism Summit in Abuja for country-led and country-owned solutions for a peaceful and secure African continent, and we are honoured to be part of that initiative. Climate change has affected communities across the world in the most profound and often tragic ways. The Philippines’ acute climate vulnerability makes us one of staunchest proponents for strengthening climate and disaster risk resilience. We are honoured to host the Board of the Fund for Responding to Loss and Damage. The Fund will provide critical assistance to nations most vulnerable to climate change impacts. Next month, the Philippines will host the Asia-Pacific Ministerial Conference on Disaster Risk Reduction to spotlight best practices and solutions for the world’s most disaster-prone region. We consistently call on developed nations to fulfil their commitments under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and the Paris Agreement on Climate Change. We are convinced that legal clarity on the duties and responsibilities of States under international law with respect to environmental protection and climate change will foster solidarity on global climate action. In that regard, the Philippines welcomes the advisory opinion of the International Tribunal of the Law of the Sea on the collective duty of States to protect and preserve the marine environment. Since last year, the Philippines has shepherded United Nations discussions on a draft instrument for the protection of persons in the event of disasters. The twentieth anniversary of the Indian Ocean tsunami this year reminds us again that the rising scale and frequency of disasters demand such an instrument. No one must be left behind. We must fulfil the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The Philippines governance agenda is aimed at achieving a single-digit poverty rate by 2028. Between 2021 and 2023, we reduced poverty incidence in the Philippines by nearly 3 per cent, equal to 2.45 million people, through innovative social protection programmes. The World Food Programme has cited the Philippines for being a thought leader in that regard. As we move towards middle or upper-middle income status, we recognize that the United Nations and international financial institutions can redesign frameworks to support middle-income countries, which represent 75 per cent of the world’s population. The Philippines will host a conference early next year to advance those discussions. Now 60 years old, the Group of 77 continues to advocate for a fairer and more inclusive global economic order. We therefore hope that the second World Summit for Social Development and the fourth International Conference on Financing for Development will catalyse strategic action for narrowing global inequalities. We welcome amendments to international health regulations and progress on a pandemic agreement. The Philippines leads the group of equity to promote developing country priorities in the negotiations on the agreement. We also lead discussions in the World Health Organization on a sustainable global health workforce as the world braces for a shortfall of about 10 million medical professionals by 2030. We will host a Philippine-Pacific forum on human health resources later this year to discuss regional solutions. Migrants across the world are in need of more protection. Together with health workers, seafarers were the unsung heroes during the coronavirus disease pandemic and the post-pandemic recovery. The Human Rights Council adopted in July the Philippine-led resolution 56/18, recognizing the human rights of seafarers. International and intergenerational solidarity make our societies more humane and empowering. We welcome the Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1, annex II) and we support a binding convention on the rights of older persons. Effectively building peace means fostering inclusive societies that harness the full capacities of persons and communities. Our work in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao offers Filipino best practices for people-focused peacebuilding. That inspires the Philippines’ leadership in amplifying the role of women and young people in peace processes. Next month, the Philippines will convene the International Conference on Women, Peace and Security ahead of the twenty-fifth anniversary of Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) in 2025. Our recent chairship of the Commission on the Status of Women convinces us that, despite progress made, much remains to be done to achieve true gender equality. Multilateralism is underwritten by a rules-based order, governed by international law and informed by the principles of equity and justice, that safeguards the rights of all States. If multilateralism is to thrive, all States must adhere to the rule of law. Times of flux and crises offer opportunities for reinforcing a rules-based international order. The International Court of Justice, as a principal organ of the United Nations, together with other international judicial and legal bodies, advances the rule of law. They uphold the primacy of resolving international disputes by peaceful means, not by the threat or use of force. The growing volume and variety of cases brought before the International Court of Justice and the Permanent Court of Arbitration reflect the global trust and confidence in their role in peaceful dispute resolution. Member States must invest fully in those institutions. The use of force and threat of use of force to resolve disputes has no place in our world. The 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the binding 2016 arbitral award on the South China Sea constitute the foundation of our policy on the South China Sea. The award declares that claims exceeding entitlements beyond the limits of UNCLOS have no legal basis. Despite irresponsible and dangerous actions against our legitimate activities within our own waters and exclusive economic zone, the Philippines remains committed to diplomacy and other peaceful means to settle disputes. We will abide by the Charter of the United Nations and the Manila Declaration on the Peaceful Settlement of International Disputes in asserting our sovereignty, sovereign rights and jurisdiction in the South China Sea. We do not accept narratives depicting the South China Sea as a theatre of major Power rivalry because they all ignore what is an essential truth — all States of the region have a right to determine their own destiny and secure their own future. That is what the United Nations Charter is about. The future of the Asia-Pacific is being shaped not by one or two Powers, but by all States therein. As such, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) centrality stands as a vanguard of the regional architecture, based on the sovereign equality of States jointly building a peaceful, rules-based and people-centred community. Approaching its first 60 years, ASEAN exemplifies the agency of States working together in fashioning multilateral approaches and solutions to present-day challenges. The Philippines stands alongside the pathfinders and bridge-builders of nations. We offer constructive solutions across the spectrum of the work of the United Nations, from human rights, health and humanitarian action to development, disarmament and disaster and climate risk reduction, from peacemaking to peacekeeping to peacebuilding. As the first Asian Republic and a founding Member of the United Nations, our diplomacy has consistently pursued peace, the sovereign equality of States and the rights and dignity of all persons. The Philippines is a trusted partner, innovative pathfinder and committed peacemaker. We bring experience, depth and steadfastness in working with the international community to address common global challenges. We therefore count on Members’ support for our bid for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the term 2027-2028. Almost 80 years after General Romulo’s call, the mission of the United Nations remains perfectly clear — to keep building for peace.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Luca Beccari, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Political Affairs, International Economic Cooperation and Digital Transition of the Republic of San Marino.

On behalf of the Government of the Republic of San Marino, I would like to congratulate Mr. Philemon Yang on his election as President of the General Assembly at its seventy-ninth session and to wish him fruitful work. The Republic of San Marino supports the priorities of his programme and ensures him of our full cooperation in all the work of the General Assembly. I would also like to extend my special thanks to Secretary-General António Guterres for his energy and determination in leading the United Nations in these difficult and challenging times. The coming years will be crucial not only for our future but for that of generations to come. The young generations have the right to live in peace and security and in harmony with nature. We should not forget that the world, and especially the young generations, are watching us. Regrettably, we are facing an increasing number of crises and an unprecedented number of armed conflicts around the world. Furthermore, the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development has been slowed down by an international context of uncertainty, a combined planetary crisis of climate change, pollution and biodiversity loss, aggravated by the shocks of war, destabilization and increased fragility. The impact of multiple crises is felt most severely by the poorest and most vulnerable, thus increasing poverty and inequalities within and between countries. Achieving sustainable development is a big part of the challenges we face, and the 2030 Agenda remains our collective road map to addressing them. The Summit of the Future was an opportunity to accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda, including delivery on the Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) Summit commitments, and to renew our commitment to leaving no one behind. Through our renewed commitments, the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) can rebuild trust in multilateralism and in our ability to jointly address global challenges. In that regard, we appreciate the fact that the Pact for the Future adequately reflects ambitious actions in global cooperation in order to leave no one behind and in order to build a cyberspace that reflects global standards for peace and security, human rights and sustainable development. San Marino sees an urgent need to strengthen our collective support for a rules- based international system rooted in the United Nations. We unequivocally support the institution’s foundational basics, which include the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, as well as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and existing obligations under international human rights law. In these times of widespread violations, it is crucial to recommit to the United Nations Charter and its values in order to maintain international peace and security, taking effective collective measures for the prevention of conflict and the suppression of acts of aggression. We support the recommendations of the Secretary-General’s New Agenda for Peace and welcome the new, intensified efforts on conflict prevention. The recognition of the interdependence of peace and security, sustainable development and human rights is fundamental if we want to achieve credible results. We support the request for the Secretary-General to continue to develop new models of peace operations, and the recognition of the role of regional organizations in enforcing or maintaining peace. We are facing challenging times, with an unprecedented level of violence, mass atrocities and displacement. San Marino is deeply concern about the number and scale of armed conflicts across the globe, which cause immense suffering to millions of civilians. The unprecedented rise in global military expenditure is alarming, too. We are also very concerned about the upsetting increase in dangerous nuclear rhetoric and by the spectre of nuclear escalation. The Republic of San Marino firmly condemns any use or threat of use of nuclear weapons and considers such threats to be irresponsible and unjustifiable. Any use of nuclear weapons would have catastrophic and unspeakable consequences for humankind. Unfortunately, today, owing to increasing tensions, the deterioration of the disarmament architecture, the use of new emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, and the possibilities of cyberattacks, the risk of nuclear weapons use, either deliberately or by accident, is higher than it has been at any time since the Cold War. We commend the Secretary-General for having emphasized in the New Agenda for Peace the need to eliminate nuclear weapons as a necessary action. San Marino reaffirms its commitment to a world free of nuclear weapons and attaches great importance to the historic Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, the number of ratifications of which is constantly increasing. The war of aggression against Ukraine has had dramatic consequences for the civilian population, including civilian deaths, the destruction of vital infrastructure and massive displacement. We reiterate our resolute condemnation of the Russian Federation’s aggression against Ukraine and reaffirm our unwavering support for Ukraine’s political independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognized borders. In the true spirit of multilateral and international cooperation, San Marino took part in the Summit on Peace in Ukraine, held in Switzerland last June. We support all the international efforts aimed at achieving a comprehensive, just and lasting peace for Ukraine based on the United Nations Charter and international law. The Republic San Marino has firmly and repeatedly condemned the horrific terrorist attacks of 7 October 2023. San Marino calls for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages, condemns the torture and sexual violence perpetrated against them and recognizes Israel’s right to defend itself within humanitarian and international law. At the same time, we cannot remain silent in the face of the deaths of more than 40,000 civilians, most of them children and women. More than 90,000 Palestinians have been reported injured, while the majority of houses and hospitals has been damaged, raided or emptied. The level of destruction and of suffering in Gaza is unprecedented. The civilian suffering, the civilian death toll and the ongoing captivity of hostages are heartbreaking and unacceptable. We urge all parties to fully respect international humanitarian law, preserving the lives, dignity and humanity of all people affected by armed conflict. Furthermore, the tragic deaths of staff members of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), other humanitarian workers and journalists cannot be tolerated. San Marino has joined several initiatives in order to alleviate the catastrophic humanitarian situation of civilians in Gaza and has made financial contributions to UNRWA, UNICEF and the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in order to support the work of those agencies, which have been operating in highly challenging conditions. The international community must break that terrible cycle of violence and recommit to a lasting peace, restoring hope and security to Israelis and Palestinians through a renewed peace process. San Marino remains committed to a lasting and sustainable peace based on the two-State solution, in which Israel and Palestine live side-by-side in peace, security and mutual recognition. San Marino reiterates its calls for an immediate ceasefire and for a return to dialogue to address the legitimate concerns of the State of Israel and the legitimate aspirations of the Palestinian people. A lasting and sustainable peace based on the two-State solution is the only long-term option for peace and, for that reason, we believe that the admission of Palestine to the United Nations as a full Member would facilitate the achievement of this solution. San Marino welcomes resolution ES-10/23, adopted in May 2024 at the tenth emergency special session, which upgrades Palestine’s rights at the United Nations as an observer State, urging the Security Council to favourably consider its full membership. The spiral of death and devastation has already extended to Lebanon. This represents a threatening escalation of a conflict that is further destabilizing the entire region. We therefore stress the need for restraint. Respect for international law and accountability are key factors that play a crucial role in preventing and stopping violations and crimes. We reaffirm our commitment to the United Nations Charter and to the principles of the responsibility to protect, which is essential to the prevention of atrocity crimes. We are deeply worried about the disregard for and violations of international law. The Republic of San Marino reaffirms its full commitment to its obligations under human and humanitarian law, such as the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and the Geneva Conventions. San Marino reaffirms its full support for the International Criminal Court, whose work is crucial to the fight against impunity for genocide and crimes against humanity. The Republic of San Marino would also like to reiterate its support for initiatives such as the Accountability, Coherence and Transparency group’s code of conduct regarding Security Council action against genocide, war crimes or crimes against humanity, and the French and Mexican declaration on voluntary restraint in the use of the veto by the permanent members of the Security Council. Protecting civilians from the devastating impact of wars must be our priority. Armed conflicts around the globe have dramatically impacted the lives of millions of civilians. The protection of civilian infrastructure is essential to guaranteeing food security in times of conflict. Food production and distribution, water delivery, sanitation, energy provision and health care can all be disrupted when infrastructure and tools essential to the survival of civilians are damaged or destroyed. We support Security Council resolution 2573 (2021), which condemns attacks against critical civilian infrastructures, indispensable for their survival. San Marino also calls on all parties to achieve the implementation of Security Council resolution 2417 (2018), which condemns the use of starvation of civilians as a method of warfare as well as the unlawful denial of humanitarian access. San Marino is gravely concerned by the scale and scope of grave violations against children outlined in the Secretary-General’s annual report (A/79/1). San Marino supports the work of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Children and Armed Conflict and her Office, UNICEF, the Department of Peace Operations and all child protection actors from the United Nations and civil society. Armed conflicts continue to devastate children’s lives and to compromise their fundamental rights. We are witnessing an increase in attacks on schools and hospitals. That is unacceptable. To strengthen the protection of children in armed conflict, we call on all parties to armed conflict to fully comply with their obligations under international humanitarian, human rights and refugee law and with international norms and standards for the protection of children. Moreover, we call for full accountability for all grave violations through national and international justice mechanisms, such as the International Criminal Court. We also call on all Member States to ratify the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict. We also encourage all parties to support other important tools, such as the Principles and Guidelines on Children Associated with Armed Forces or Armed Groups and the Vancouver Principles on Peacekeeping and the Prevention of the Recruitment and Use of Child Soldiers. San Marino believes that it is essential to strengthen the global response to the climate emergency. The existential threat caused by the triple planetary crisis of climate change, biodiversity loss and pollution should give us all a sense of urgency and priority in tackling that challenge. We support the commitments undertake at the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in December, which include the imperative of transitioning away from fossil fuels in energy systems in a just, orderly and equitable manner, tripling renewable energy capacity globally and doubling energy efficiency by 2030, in line with the 1.5°C pathways. San Marino is fully committed to decarbonizing the global economy by 2050 and to halting and reversing biodiversity loss by 2030 and recognizes the need to halt pollution, which causes the deaths of 9 million people annually. Moreover, we also need to tackle the water crisis, a growing global threat that will inevitably intensify in the coming 50 years, with devastating consequences for sustainable development, the environment and regional peace and stability. The increasingly evident interrelationships among global challenges highlight the need for Member States, today more than ever, to work together to overcome difficulties. The United Nations is the only universal intergovernmental body based on the sovereign equality of all its Members. Its unique role as the centre for setting goals, harmonizing actions and sharing experiences to achieve common ends — such as peace and security, sustainable development, human rights and the rule of law — transcends any one nation State and serves the collective interest of all nations and peoples. The centrality and relevance of the United Nations is not a given. We need a much stronger focus on collective, global solutions to current and future challenges that threaten the peace and prosperity of all. We need to revitalize the United Nations and reinvigorate multilateralism to ensure its continued significance. To that end, it is essential to rebuild trust in the potential of the Organization, its leadership and, most of all, between its Members and all stakeholders. Moreover, global governance must become more inclusive and accountable if it is to be effective, by providing more space for the participation of civil society and the private sector. In that regard, we need a more inclusive international financial architecture and to strengthen the rules-based and equitable financial system so as to ensure a more effective and inclusive global economic governance, with meaningful development impact and providing space for innovative solutions. Multilateralism must effectively deliver on peace as a global public good. Reforms must remain at the centre of our actions because they are crucial to future world stability and the maintenance of international peace and security. In that regard, San Marino follows the Security Council reform with particular interest. As we have stated on previous occasions, our country believes that intergovernmental negotiations favour the search for an agreement based on a broad and strong political consensus able to reflect the interests of all negotiating groups. San Marino calls for a reform that makes the Council more democratic, transparent, efficient and accountable. That goal can be achieved only through a continuous dialogue among the States and the awareness that overcoming the respective initial positions is essential to negotiating the broadest agreement possible. In conclusion, we stand at a critical juncture, where the steps we take today will shape the international rules-based order and the United Nations system for decades to come. It is essential to find new ways of working together and to ensure that multilateral institutions will be able to address the rapid changes taking place. Member States must assume their responsibilities, including that of making our Organization able to fulfil its mandate, which is to protect the citizens of the world. San Marino is a State with a strong identity thanks to its century-old history of peace and freedom. Our State is small, but proud to make its contribution to the United Nations community.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Mohamad Hasan, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Malaysia.

Representing Malaysia, I stand before the General Assembly today to reiterate our commitment to peace, in line with the values enshrined in our Charter. It has been 79 years since the founding of the United Nations. From the dust of the Second World War, we emerged, many of us as new nation States, with a shared goal of building a safer world. Yet, for many of us, it is not a safer world than it was 79 years ago. For many, it has only become a deadlier world. It has become a world in which war can be waged remotely and with impunity; a world in which a drone strike can fatally interrupt a lesson in a school, a surgery in a hospital or a convoy delivering humanitarian aid. We have laws against such practices, yet our calls for peace are repeatedly ignored and vetoed away. In other words, it is a world in which the mighty continue to silence the meek, with far more powerful weapons than before. Nowhere does that ring truer, of course, than in Gaza. We stand at a critical juncture in world history, given the failure of global governance to address the genocide of Palestinians. The abysmal failure of world leaders to end those horrendous crimes has echoed across the world. Yet, there are also many of us who have pursued justice for the people of Gaza. For almost a year now, we have raised our voices in protest and sought to establish a ceasefire. Again and again, our voices have been shut down in the Security Council through the power of veto. It is clear that the mechanisms of the Security Council have been abused to enable mass atrocities. Our failure to establish a ceasefire is no longer justifiable. We have run out of excuses. It is time to address the problem. The veto should not be exercised at will. There must be exceptions in cases of crimes against humanity and attacks on civilian infrastructure. We must commit ourselves to reforming the United Nations. Justice begins with ending impunity and ensuring accountability. For that to happen, the undemocratic veto must be limited or abolished altogether. The humiliating paralysis of the Security Council must be corrected through the empowerment of the General Assembly, where the voices of the majority prevail. It must be understood that our willingness to reform is a matter of life and death for countless innocent people. There are children dying between missile strikes and between the words that we speak today. The theme of this session of the General Assembly is “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”. In the spirit of that effort, it fills us with hope to see the representatives of the State of Palestine seated among us today. Malaysia lauds the 143 Member States that supported extending the United Nations principle of equality among nations to the State of Palestine this year, and we strongly urge the remaining minority to join the majority. It is time to realize Palestine’s right to statehood and full membership of the Assembly. It is only through the elevation of dialogue and diplomacy that we can seek a long-lasting solution — not through collective punishment, not through man-made famine and not through impunity and disregard for international law. Indeed, the elevation of dialogue and respect for international law has been compromised in the Assembly for some time now. Israel has violated every international law there is, including the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the Geneva Conventions and core human rights treaties. Just months ago, the world witnessed Israel’s mockery and utter disrespect of the United Nations in this very Hall, with its insolent shredding of the Charter of the United Nations. Israel’s actions, with each passing day, raise our doubts as to whether it actually believes in the United Nations system or values its membership in the Organization. Its illegal occupation has entrenched a system of apartheid and discrimination against Palestinians. The Israeli regime has itself declared its intent to wipe out an entire population. That is without question a genocide. The United Nations must not remain idle. We must urgently utilize the existing processes founded by the General Assembly, along with mechanisms developed by the Human Rights Council. Malaysia calls on the international community to reinstitute the United Nations Special Committee Against Apartheid. Furthermore, Malaysia demands that the Security Council invoke its powers under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter and impose an immediate arms embargo against Israel. Therefore, our task is threefold. First, we must limit or abolish the veto. Secondly, we must continue to empower the voices of the oppressed within the General Assembly. Thirdly, we must halt the flow of weapons to rogue States that have proven a hundred times over their willingness to commit crimes against humanity. Although the powerful few may behave as though might is right, let there be no question that in the United Nations, the voice of the majority will not go ignored. Indeed, we must empower smaller countries to meet the challenges of our time. The international landscape is in flux, replete with super-Power rivalries, global economic uncertainties, climate change, unequal development and the many misfortunes that come with it. Countries situated in South-East Asia are not exempt from these worries. Yet through the decades, we have not only endured but overcome many of our shared hurdles together. We have achieved that together the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) way. Through ASEAN, we have propelled ourselves forward within the international architecture by bolstering peace, security, economy and regional identity. Yet, the years ahead will profoundly test ASEAN resilience, ASEAN shared norms and identity and ASEAN processes and mechanisms. Malaysia stands ready to assume the chairmanship of ASEAN in 2025 and we are fully cognizant of repositioning ASEAN in the driver’s seat of the Asia-Pacific region. Our chairmanship will focus on the region’s drive for future-readiness. We will emphasize the reinforcement of global aspirations, inclusive and people-driven policies and future-oriented mechanisms. We will aim to fortify ASEAN centrality amid the emergence of multilateral pacts affecting the region. That is a key step to preventing the region from becoming entrapped in unnecessary geopolitical rivalry or possible escalation. ASEAN centrality must also involve managing the most critical issue of the South China Sea. That body of water, rich in resources and carrying vital shipping lanes, has become a flashpoint of rising geopolitical tensions. The scalation of rhetoric is a dangerous path to follow. We must not allow the situation to become dominated by growing distrust. That benefits no one; it only further undermines security and destabilizes global trade. We must collectively pursue a different vision of the South China Sea — a future in which the region is a zone of peace, stability and cooperation. We must adopt a collaborative approach, embedded in diplomacy and dialogue. I therefore call upon all countries to abide by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea in their conduct of maritime governance. We must prioritize peaceful coexistence. That is also one of the many reasons that the member States must continue to work together with regard to Myanmar. We will push for stronger humanitarian assistance and adherence to the ASEAN five-point consensus to seek solutions. We will do so as one. The diversity of our region, far from being an obstacle, is symbolic of our power to build bridges. It goes without saying that our stewardship of ASEAN will therefore emphasize continuous dialogue with our partners, as well as the adaptability needed to engage with different challenges and stakeholders. Malaysia will strive to realize our common desire and collective will to live in a region of lasting peace, security and stability, sustained economic growth, social progress and ultimately, shared prosperity. Yes, shared prosperity — that is the ghost of geopolitics, often spoken of but never seen. The countries of the global South have continued to be marginalized and remain underrepresented on many fronts: global socioeconomic development, climate mitigation efforts, education, health care and infrastructure development. International mechanisms fail to adapt to current realities, often isolating and penalizing developing countries, placing the burden of environmental guilt on them while disregarding our very real needs. The lack of infrastructure, technology and resources has prevented developing countries from fully engaging in international systems and aspirations. One of the primary challenges is equitable access to financing for development. Innovative and new models of financing for development that drive sustainability, conservation, climate action and the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals should be part of new multilateral solutions. The climate crisis may be the most pressing challenge of our time. It is no longer a distant threat; it has flooded our doorsteps. It transcends borders by disrupting economies and displacing entire communities. The scientific data has spoken. We are witnessing unprecedented levels of warming, extreme weather and the devastating impacts of rising sea levels. National efforts alone will not suffice. The climate crisis requires global solutions in the form of climate financing, technology transfer and capacity-building. We must continue to push for a just and equitable approach in meeting the development needs of the global South. At the same time, Malaysia advocates the importance of global South unity. We have a broader vision of promoting peace, development and a stable multipolar order through the empowerment of the voices of the South. The countries of the global South hold massive potential to further the pursuit of peace and justice around the world through solidarity among developing nations and through mutual support and understanding. That is fundamental to ensuring fair and equitable progress for all. The global South demands attention. We must not leave anyone behind. Unfortunately, global trends are pointing in the opposite direction. Around the world, we are witnessing an upsurge in hate speech and violence towards minorities. The past few years have been shadowed by the rise of Islamophobia in particular. We are appalled by the alarming trend of hatred, intolerance and acts of violence against Muslims. That cannot continue. In the era of globalization, there is room for everyone to coexist, and it is our job, under the banner of a united world, to ensure that peace will prevail. We must take action now. Malaysia urges the prompt appointment of a United Nations special envoy to combat Islamophobia. We stand ready to support any efforts undertaken by the United Nations towards nurturing dialogue among communities that will promote worldwide acceptance and understanding. While Islamophobia is a threat to Muslims, the broader issue of hatred against the followers of any religion will undermine the universal values of justice and peace that we have all vowed to protect. We stand on the eve of 80 years of the United Nations. We have achieved wonders together. Ours is a story of the modern successes of humankind. Together, we have delivered food to the starving. We have eradicated diseases. We took decisive action against apartheid in the twentieth century, and we must do it again now. Let our commitment to justice never fail, no matter how formidable the task. Let there be no doubt — the question of Gaza is a direct test of the capability of the United Nations. Let that 76-year-old issue not age into a century of our failure to uphold justice. We strongly call for an end to the occupation and for the Israeli regime to comply with the decision of the International Court of Justice. Let our dreams of a free Palestine live beyond today and beyond the words that we have uttered.

I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Badr Ahmed Mohamed Abdelatty, Minister for Foreign Affairs, Emigration and Egyptian Expatriates of the Arab Republic of Egypt.

I address the General Assembly from this rostrum at a critical moment and amid complex crises that are sweeping the Middle East and the world. I am here to share Egypt’s vision — one rooted in history yet focused on the future; a vision has overcome challenges and wars and embraced the path of peace, justice and constructive action to build a region and a world that accommodate everyone with freedom and dignity. I address the Assembly on behalf of a founding nation of the United Nations, one known for building bridges, forging international consensus and defending Arab, African and global interests. We firmly believe in the importance of preserving an effective multilateral system to build stable international relations based on respect for international law and spreading peace and cooperation. From that perspective, we find it necessary to sound the alarm over the current international circumstances. The international system that was established nearly eight decades ago is now suffering a fundamental defect that may lead to its erosion and threaten its survival through ineffectiveness, inequality and double standards. Young people around the world are raising legitimate questions about the multilateral system’s relevance to modern life. Does it provide us with security? Does it help us to address poverty and hunger? Does it protect against the risks of climate change? Does it prepare them for technological challenges? Does it intervene to save them in the face of occupation, terrorism, killing and destruction? Does it apply common and transparent standards and the same measure to all issues? In the light of those and similar legitimate questions that were raised during the preparations for the Summit of the Future, and of the positive outcomes that the Summit attained — and which we welcome for helping to restore the vitality and effectiveness of the multilateral system, with the United Nations at its heart — allow me to outline a specific vision for restoring confidence and credibility, confronting double standards, further activating the United Nations system and enhancing its ability to build a better future for our peoples through five basic principles, as follows. First, while acknowledging that there is no alternative to the multilateral international system and that the intertwined and cross-border challenges of our world exceed the capabilities of any single State or group of States to confront them, we must recognize that the integrity and, hence, the legitimacy and very survival of the United Nations are at stake. The ongoing Israeli aggression on Gaza over the past year and the ongoing hostilities in the West Bank are real a stain on the international community and its institutions, which are unable to do the bare minimum to stop the aggression and took months before they even began demanding an end to the aggression. We condemn the dangerous, unrestrained Israeli escalation, which is dragging the region to the brink of the abyss, We categorically reject the current Israeli aggression against Lebanon, which constitutes a flagrant violation of its sovereignty, unity, territorial integrity and political independence. Our top priority now is to stop the bloodbath immediately, permanently and without delay, and to stand with the utmost resolve against any attempt to Zionize the Palestinian cause through forced displacement or population replacement policies. We attach particular importance to the unconditional and immediate delivery of medical and humanitarian assistance to defenceless civilians in Gaza. Egypt has made intensive mediation efforts, in cooperation with our brothers in Qatar and the United States, but Israel has thwarted those efforts over the course of several months. We reiterate that the establishment of a unified Palestinian State within the borders of 4 June 1967, with East Jerusalem as its capital, remains the only way to achieve a just and comprehensive solution that restores stability to the region and the world. That issue lies at the very heart of the conflict in the region. I cannot fail to commend the courageous positions of the Secretary-General and other United Nations leaders and agencies, in particular the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. We also offer our condolences for the deaths of the Agency’s martyrs and those of other United Nations agencies that have been struck down by the bullets of the Israeli occupation while shouldering their responsibilities and their duty to defend international law and to stop the killing and destruction machine. Secondly, effective participation in international decision-making, as opposed to mere lip service, is critical. Participation is not a gift or a favour from some countries towards others. Rather, it is the basis and guarantee for the international community to respond effectively to the successive crises facing the international system and to ensure joint ownership of international decisions. Moreover, we cannot accept that Africa and the Arab countries remain without permanent representation in the Security Council, with all its prerogatives. Egypt endorses the Ezulwini Consensus and the Sirte Declaration to remedy the historical injustice inflicted on our African continent. It is not possible to talk about true participation without a radical reform of the global financial architecture and international financing institutions, including by updating the policies and practices of the multilateral development banks and providing soft financing to support developing countries in facing the repercussions of international crises. I affirm Egypt’s support for the Secretary-General’s appeal to make the Bretton Woods institutions more just and equitable for the benefit of developing countries. There is no alternative to a comprehensive approach to address the problem of the growing sovereign debt of developing countries by enhancing the effectiveness of existing mechanisms and creating new mechanisms for the sustainable management of the debts of low- and middle-income countries, in addition to expanding the conclusion of debt swap agreements, which contribute to transforming the debt challenge into opportunities to achieve sustainable development. Economic justice will not be achieved without giving priority to development in Africa, as advancing development is a guarantee to prevent conflicts and achieve sustainable peace. Through our current chairmanship of the Steering Committee of Heads of State and Government of the African Union Development Agency and its leadership of post-conflict reconstruction issues in the African continent, Egypt will seek to advance development in order to achieve the African Union Agenda 2063. Thirdly, the way to transform the resource gap among countries into a comparative advantage to achieve integration and cooperation, instead of fuelling disparities and deepening the gap between societies, is by promoting the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, particularly in addressing climate change and the governance of scarce natural resources on our planet. The cornerstone for raising the levels of climate pledges is directly linked to the form and extent of international support in terms of financing and advanced technological capabilities to implement climate action at the national level. National ownership of projects and actions ensures compatibility between domestic priorities and the Sustainable Development Goals, achieves integration among the environmental, economic and social dimensions, and ensures that a just transition does not impede the right to development or the eradication of poverty. That was precisely the essence of our priorities at the twenty-seventh Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in Sharm El- Sheikh, and it is the guiding light for our relentless efforts to reach effective and practical outcomes, most notably an agreement on a mechanism for financing losses and damages to assist developing countries most vulnerable to climate change. Fourthly, the principle of participation and shared responsibility necessarily goes hand-in-hand with rejecting a unilateral approach to managing international resource issues and settling disputes that arise in that regard. That naturally applies to the issue of managing transboundary international waterways, especially in the light of the global water crisis, which is having particular repercussions in Egypt. Egypt is a densely populated country with an arid desert environment and depends almost exclusively on the Nile River to meet its renewable water resources. The principle of cooperation with our Nile basin brother countries represents the cornerstone of the Egyptian approach to identifying the best ways to manage our shared water resources in a way that benefits all, in accordance with the rules of international law, and to achieve fair and reasonable use without causing significant harm to downstream countries. We have sought and continue to seek to attract international investments for development projects consistent with the rules of international law in the Nile basin countries. Despite Egypt’s sincere efforts, Ethiopia has insisted on adopting a policy of procrastination, intransigence, distorting facts and trying to impose a fait accompli by constructing and operating the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, in violation of the rules of international law and without regard to its impact on the lives of millions in Egypt and the Sudan, the downstream countries. After 13 years of fruitless negotiations and in the light of ongoing unilateral Ethiopian measures in flagrant violation of international law — especially the 2015 Agreement on Declaration of Principles on the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam Project and the 2021 Security Council presidential statement S/PRST/2021/18 — the negotiations ended in December 2023. Egypt will continue to closely monitor developments in the process of filling and operating the Ethiopian dam, reserving all its rights under the Charter to take all necessary measures to defend the interests and survival of its people. It is a mistake for anyone to imagine that Egypt will turn a blind eye or tolerate an existential threat to its survival. Fifthly, the welcome role that the United Nations is trying to play in confronting emerging challenges, such as digital cooperation, crime, cybersecurity and artificial intelligence, should not make us forget the challenges related to the failure of the collective security system in the light of the inability of the United Nations system to implement its primary mission and even the justification for its establishment, the maintenance of international peace and security. The collective security system, including the nuclear disarmament and non- proliferation system, is at risk. The direct or implicit threat of the use of nuclear weapons is no longer a dark fantasy but has become a direct threat, as we have seen on a daily basis in the ongoing war in Gaza and the efforts of nuclear States to update their arsenals, hinting at the possibility of using nuclear weapons without taking serious steps to reach a world free of nuclear weapons, achieve the universality of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) or establish a zone free of nuclear weapons and weapons of mass destruction in the Middle East, in accordance with the decisions of the review conferences of the parties to the NPT, most notably the Middle East decision of 1995. No regions of the world are more affected by the growing imbalance in the collective security system than Africa and the Middle East. It is both striking and unfortunate to see an increase in Security Council resolutions on humanitarian operations, in parallel with the Council’s gross inability to assume its responsibilities for ending the scourge of conflicts, opting instead merely to treat its humanitarian symptoms, which Mr. Guterres has described as the United Nations becoming a babysitter for conflicts. The turbulent conflict environment directly surrounding the Egyptian State and throughout our strategic areas, from the Mediterranean in the north to the Horn of Africa in the south, makes us more eager to enhance the role of the United Nations in addressing the root causes of conflicts in an integrated process, from peacekeeping to building and sustaining peace. That can be done only by preserving the unity of the national State, its territorial integrity and the unity of its institutions, and national ownership of solutions free of external interventions and dictates. That is the key to the Egyptian approach to all the crises in the region, from Libya to Syria and the Sudan to Somalia. The solution is always, and in all crises, a comprehensive political process that reunifies the institutions of the national State and confronts attempts to create political and security vacuums that are then filled by sectarian and political militias or exploited by regional or international parties or non-State parties that are greedy to extend their influence at the expense of the countries and peoples of the region. Egypt stresses the need to support a comprehensive political process to resolve the Sudanese crisis on the basis of respect for the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the Sudan and preserving the institutions of the national State. Egypt supports the political solution in Libya, in accordance with the principle of national ownership, and the importance of following up the transitional phase by holding simultaneous presidential and parliamentary elections as soon as possible. Egypt also calls for concerted international efforts to activate the new African peacekeeping mission in Somalia, in line with the vision of the Somali people and Government to preserve its security and stability. Egypt condemns all unilateral measures that affect the unity of Somalia and its sovereignty over all its territories. Egypt also gives special priority to providing capacity-building programmes in brotherly African countries, in cooperation with the United Nations, through the activities of the Cairo International Center for Conflict Resolution, Peacekeeping and Peacebuilding and the Egyptian Agency of Partnership for Development. Egypt is firmly committed to working diligently with all our regional and international partners to restore equality, confront double standards and political hypocrisy, and revitalize the United Nations system in accordance with the principles and purposes of the Charter. Egypt will also continue to shoulder its responsibility in the humanitarian response to the crises engulfing our regional environment, which made Egypt the world’s third-largest recipient country of asylum requests in 2023. While the generous Egyptian people continue to bear the largest burden of support for our brothers from Arab and African countries, Egypt currently hosts more than 10 million refugees and guests. There are limits to the burdens that Egypt can bear, and the international community is certainly responsible for providing full support to fill the funding gaps and mobilize the necessary resources to meet the needs of humanitarian operations and the requirements of refugees from the countries suffering from conflicts. Finally, despite the challenges imposed by the successive ongoing global economic crises and their exacerbation by the steady increase in the number of incoming migrants, Egypt is steadily advancing on the path of building its human capital, proceeding from the outcome of the national dialogue to strengthen human rights and democracy, not to please any external party but to address the rights and aspirations of the Egyptian people, the role of youth and the empowerment of women in Egypt. We would like to emphasize once again that we have also completed the development of the first national action plan on the women and peace and security agenda. We will move forward in the implementation of the national strategy for human rights. We will continue to work to build peace and enhance stability in our region and the world, inspired by the values of a great Egyptian civilization rooted in history, armed with the minds of promising young people capable of shaping the future, and calling for respect for the sanctity of human life without discrimination based on colour, gender or religion and adhering to the justice of the international multilateral system.