A/79/PV.18 General Assembly

As indicated in the letter from the President of the General Assembly dated 4 September 2024 and announced in the opening segment of the Summit of the Future, at the 3rd plenary meeting (see A/79/PV.3), held on 22 September 2024, Member States were encouraged to use today’s debate to put on record any further views on the elements of the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), the Global Digital Compact (ibid., annex I) and the Declaration on Future Generations (ibid., annex II).

I thank you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting. The current international situation is undergoing a turbulent transition. While lack of security and order, uneven development and ineffective governance are becoming increasingly prominent, the shadow of war lingers, with heartbreaking humanitarian disasters. People of all countries call for a more equal, secure, prosperous and sustainable world, and they look to the United Nations to play a key role to that end. As reflected in the unanimous call of world leaders during the general debate of this session of the General Assembly, whether we can unite and act effectively now will not only determine the safety and well-being of the present generation, but will also have a profound impact on those of future generations. Through arduous efforts, the Summit of the Future adopted the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), sending a clear political signal for strengthening unity and cooperation and providing global governance, orienting our efforts to meet global challenges. Those results are hard won. We must maintain the positive momentum of the Summit, promote the implementation of its outcome with greater determination and courage, and work together for our common future. Accelerating the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development is the intention and mission of the Summit of the Future. The Pact for the Future puts the development agenda at its centre and reaffirms the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities across all areas of development. We call on developed countries to use the implementation of the Pact for the Future as an opportunity to effectively shoulder their historical responsibilities, such as development assistance and climate financing, take concrete actions and provide financing to truly help developing countries to overcome practical difficulties. The Pact for the Future clarifies the direction of the reform of the international financial architecture, which is one of the most important outcomes of the Summit of the Future. Member States should build on this and continue to forge consensus and synergy to enhance, steadily, the role of the United Nations in global economic governance. Concrete steps should be taken to reform the multilateral financial institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The representation, voice and decision-making power of the global South should be broadly enhanced. More sufficient, timely, effective and sustainable financing support should be provided to the developing countries. The global governance of emerging technologies has attracted much attention from all sides. It does not serve the common interests of humankind if the governance of the related fields is monopolized by a small circle or small block. The Pact for the Future and its annex, the Global Digital Compact, have sent a clear political signal on the governance of artificial intelligence. We must uphold and maintain the leading role of the United Nations in international artificial intelligence governance and use a comprehensive, balanced, fair and inclusive approach to promote the development of universally recognized international rules and standards and the establishment of a governance mechanism in which all countries can participate and benefit equally, so as to bridge the digital divide between the North and the South and serve the well-being of all humankind. We find many initiatives in the Pact for the Future regarding the maintenance of international peace and security. At present, there must not be any delay in maintaining peace in the Middle East. The question of Palestine is the biggest wound to our human conscience. The conflict in Gaza is still dragging on, causing more civilian casualties with each passing day. Fighting has spread to Lebanon now, and a full-scale war sweeping the Middle East is on the verge of breaking out. We call for the effective respect of the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of all countries, oppose all acts that violate the basic norms governing international relations and condemn all violent attacks against civilians. To prevent the situation from further escalating or spiralling out of control, all parties must exercise restraint and avoid inflammatory remarks and provocative actions. Might must not take the place of justice. Palestine’s long-held aspiration to establish an independent State should not be shunned anymore, and the historical injustice suffered by the Palestinian people should not be ignored any longer. There must not be any delay in reaching a comprehensive ceasefire, and the fundamental way out lies in the two-State solution. It is difficult to see an end to the Ukraine crisis. All parties should put peace and people first and truly commit to promoting dialogue for peace and push for a political solution to the crisis. The top priority is to commit to no expansion of the battlefield, no escalation of fighting and no provocation by any party. During this session of the General Assembly, China, Brazil and other countries of the global South jointly launched the Group of Friends for Peace. Its very purpose is to uphold the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, build consensus for a political settlement of the crisis and contribute to a prospect for peace. Faced with geopolitical conflicts occurring one after another, the international community expects more and better from the Security Council. Reasonable reform of the Security Council is necessary. The key is to ensure the right direction, truly enhance the representation and voice of the vast number of developing countries, including African countries, and allow more small- and medium-sized countries with independent foreign policies to participate in the decision-making of the Security Council. The Security Council must not be allowed to become a club for the rich and the big, much less an arena for geopolitical confrontation and bloc politics. We must maintain the intergovernmental negotiations of the General Assembly as the main channel for Security Council reform, advance relevant discussions based on consensus and ensure that all countries can participate in and benefit from the process. The Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) is not an end, but rather the starting point. Its follow-up implementation requires the joint participation of all parties and the strengthening of unity and cooperation under the banner of the United Nations. The more complex the situation, the more prominent the challenges and the more we must uphold the authority of the United Nations and leverage its central role. China has always been a resolute advocate of multilateralism and a firm defender of the role of the United Nations. We are ready to work with all parties to support the United Nations to be more active and effective, transform the political commitments of the Pact for the Future into concrete actions, jointly build a community with a shared future for humankind and usher in a brighter and better future.

I now give the floor to the representative of the European Union, in its capacity as observer.

I have the honour to speak on behalf of the European Union and its Member States. I will read a shortened version of the European Union’s statement, and the full version will be submitted in writing. At the beginning of this process, we stressed the unique opportunity we had in front of us with this process, not just to reinvigorate multilateralism and work towards the turbocharging the Sustainable Development Goals, but also to rebuild trust and overcome polarization among us. Through the excellent work of our co-facilitators, your leadership, Mr. President, and all our collective efforts to seek ambition and compromise, we believe we have succeeded. Across the action days, the Summit of the Future’s general debate and its interactive dialogues, we have heard clear reaffirmation of our global commitment to multilateralism with the United Nations at its centre. With the adoption of the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), the Global Digital Compact (ibid., annex I) and the Declaration on Future Generations (ibid., annex II), we have committed to a comprehensive set of actions. Yes, reform is needed to make the system more effective and representative of today’s realities, and we stand ready to jointly walk through the unlocked door. At the forefront of the Pact, we have recommitted to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law, including international humanitarian law. It is our foundation and the basis of work we undertake in the three interrelated pillars of the United Nations. We call on all to uphold these commitments faithfully, now more than ever, including the condemnation of acts of aggression. To make our world safer and address the increasingly complex crises, we endeavour to address the root causes of conflict, notably through prevention and the elaboration of national prevention strategies to reform the Security Council, adapt United Nations peace operations and accelerate the implementation of the women and peace and security agenda. Let us look forward to following up on the Pact’s implementation and call on all to be ambitious while doing so. Numerous new threats lie ahead of us, in particular in the area of cybersecurity and the fight against mis- and disinformation. We must act with greater comprehensiveness. Further, we have heard it at the Summit numerous times: climate change is a threat amplifier. We were disappointed with the deletion of the action on climate peace and security and remain committed to move forward on its agenda. On sustainable development, climate remains a crucial challenge for present and future generations. Short-term vision or backtracking was no option. We reaffirm the Paris Agreement and recommit to the United Arab Emirates consensus, including our collective pledge to transition away from fossil fuels. Let us recall that the slow pace of progress also spans tackling environmental degradation. We must strengthen and build synergies in our international environmental governance. We underline that the common but differentiated responsibilities are reflected in the strict context of climate action. The recognition in the Global Digital Compact that digital technologies unlock new capabilities and opportunities for advancing environmental sustainability is significant. If we want to ensure that digitalization works for sustainable development, we must place greater focus on the environmental impacts of digitalization. We welcome the recognition that sustainable development in all of its three dimensions is a central goal in itself that applies to all countries and that its achievement, leaving no one behind, is and always will be a central objective of all Member States and of multilateralism. We will spare no effort accelerating the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. The European Union and its member States welcome the level of ambition to accelerate the ongoing reform of the international financial architecture. We will continue to support strengthening the voice and representation of developing countries, mobilizing additional financing that responds to those most in need. We will support efforts to support developing countries to borrow sustainably so that they can invest in their long-term development. In that vein, we welcome the call for the International Monetary Fund to undertake a review of ways to strengthen and improve the sovereign debt architecture, building on existing international processes and engaging all relevant stakeholders, including the Secretary-General, the World Bank, the Group of 20 and major bilateral creditors, as well as debtor countries in these efforts. The United Nations has an important role to play in global economic governance, and coordination with international financial institutions that have independent but complementary mandates will be crucial in achieving a global system that is more just and fit for purpose. Regarding digital issues, the adoption of the Global Digital Compact is a significant step forward in articulating concrete objectives towards bridging all digital divides between and within countries. We look forward to proposals for innovative voluntary financing for artificial intelligence capacity-building, understanding that a global fund on artificial intelligence, as proposed by the High-level Advisory Body on Artificial Intelligence, is only one potential option. When it comes to the Global Digital Compact follow-up and review, we call for caution in order to avoid duplicating efforts and conversations taking place in other forums, notably in Geneva and in the Internet Governance Forum. We must ensure complementarity and synergies across all spaces and proposals. On human rights, gender and multi-stakeholder engagement, we have fully recommitted to the universal and indivisible human rights reflected throughout the Pact, underscoring once more the deep interdependence between human rights, sustainable development and peace and security. Promoting and protecting all human rights and fundamental freedoms, including civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights is a prerequisite for the constant improvement of the well-being and development of individuals. That is also how we approach the right to development as an individual right to enable the development of an individual. Let us underline the crucial role the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has to play in the implementation of the Global Digital Compact. In line with its principles, human rights and the multi-stakeholder approach must be meaningfully embedded in the set-up of new entities, notably the establishment of an independent international scientific panel on artificial intelligence and a global dialogue on artificial intelligence governance. We welcome the need for the Secretary-General to give his written assessment on the financing of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, and we invite the Secretary-General to present his findings, including through concrete budget proposals. We have shown great ambition through our cross-cutting references for the need for greater gender equality. That ambition must continue as we strive for the full, equal and meaningful participation of women across forums and processes. In that context, we must acknowledge that in different cultural, political and social systems, various forms of family exist and that they must be respectful of, and compatible with, gender equality and children’s rights. Our ambition to ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health for all must be upheld for youth and future generations, in particular. Finally, let me conclude by expressing our thanks to the Secretary-General for convening the Summit of the Future action days. They have showcased that working with youth, civil society, academia, the technical community and the private sector is in the fabric of multilateralism. Their role will be indispensable for the implementation of the Pact and its annexes at the United Nations and beyond. The European Union stands committed to continuing our efforts to find compromise and closely cooperating across our continents. We owe it to our people to rebuild trust among us and to give us new hope.

Austria aligns itself with the statement delivered by the representative of the European Union. At the outset, I would like to thank the co-facilitators and their team for all the hard work and valuable leadership. Austria was honoured to contribute to the final outcome of the Summit of the Future, particularly through the co-facilitation of the three actions on Security Council reform that were negotiated in intergovernmental negotiations. The Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), adopted at the Summit, is a testament to our collective commitment to address global challenges. We have made significant progress, laying the groundwork for global cooperation on key issues, such as sustainable development, the fight against climate change, digital technologies and artificial intelligence. Austria is particularly focused on several highlights within the Pact that resonate with our priorities, first, supporting a comprehensive approach to United Nations peace operations and recognizing the need for flexibility and collaboration across the entire peace continuum. We look forward to the review of all forms of United Nations peace operations mandated by the Pact. Strengthening synergies between the United Nations and regional organizations is essential to establish a real networked multilateralism. Secondly, we underscore the Pact’s commitment to meaningful reform of the international architecture, in particular the Security Council, which is essential for ensuring greater representation of underrepresented regions, rectifying the historical injustice against Africa and for increasing effectiveness. Thirdly, we support strengthening the rule of law and human rights, reaffirming our commitment to the principle that all individuals are born free and equal in dignity and rights. While we commend the significant progress achieved in various areas, we regret the significant weakening of the language in the disarmament paragraphs. We must ensure that nuclear weapons are never used again and that new technologies empower future generations, not dehumanize them. In particular, action 25, on nuclear disarmament, does not capture the view of a large majority of States regarding the urgency of nuclear disarmament and the catastrophic humanitarian consequences of nuclear weapons. Regarding action 27, on lethal autonomous weapons systems, Austria understands the existing agenda item of the General Assembly on this matter to be complementary, with the Group of Governmental Experts on Emerging Technologies in the Area of Lethal Autonomous Weapons Systems, established under the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons. With that understanding in mind and in a spirit of solidarity, cooperation and partnership, Austria has decided to join consensus, but we would like to emphasize that the language on disarmament in the Pact does not represent agreed language for existing or future disarmament processes. Finally, with regard to the Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1, annex II), the wording of paragraph 32, on migration, is in conflict with Austria’s national position on the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. However, in the spirit of solidarity, cooperation and partnership, Austria has also decided to join consensus, like we did in similar processes over the past years. At the same time, we would like to recall that Austria abstained from voting on the Global Compact in the first place. We would therefore like to emphasize that not objecting to this paragraph in the Declaration on Future Generations does not change Austria’s general position on the Global Compact. Austria strongly believes that multilateralism is the key to addressing the complex challenges we face. As we look to the future, let us do so with optimism and humility, committed to working together through the United Nations.

The United States is pleased to have joined consensus on the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1). We greatly appreciate the co- facilitators’ extraordinary work over the past year and the leadership by the President of the General Assembly to achieve this result. We applaud the Pact for the Future’s support for the Charter of the United Nations, human rights, gender equality and multi-stakeholder participation. We also appreciate the Pact’s support for Security Council reform, conflict prevention, peacebuilding and a digital future for all that is safe, open and secure. The United States has submitted a detailed list of clarifications about the Pact, so I will simply focus on some broad themes today. First, the United States understands that the Pact and its annexes do not create or otherwise change any rights or obligations under international law. The Pact also does not accurately reflect existing international law in all respects. Moreover, language regarding the Pact’s alignment with international law reflects an intention that it be read consistently with international law. Secondly, the United States is firmly committed to achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) under the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, but we note that there is no internationally agreed global estimate of an SDG financing gap. We also do not agree that the fourth Financing for Development Forum can be expected to close the gap. We likewise stress that the Organisation for Economic Co- operation and Development completed the official development assistance modernization in 2023. With regard to trade provisions, the United States understands that the language on technology transfers refers to voluntary technology transfers on mutually agreed terms. Thirdly, in the section on peace and security, the Pact contains several instances where we disagree with its interpretation of the application of international humanitarian law. We also do not support calling for the conclusion of the comprehensive convention on international terrorism at this time. Fourthly, with regard to the international financial institutions, we believe that scarce concessional financing should be prioritized for the poorest and most vulnerable countries and, in limited circumstances, to middle-income countries to pursue activities that address priority global challenges. We share the belief of reform of the international financial institutions, but we note that the Pact does not and cannot bind these independent organizations, which have their own governance structures, mandates and decision-making processes that are independent of the United Nations, including with respect to representation, quotas and voting; recommendations on the availability of concessional financing; the size of the concessional window, replenishments and capitalization; the replenishment process of the International Development Association and the allocation of rechannelling of special drawing rights. At this time, the United States does not support a general special drawing rights allocation given current global liquidity challenges. Furthermore, the sovereign debt architecture is outside the mandate and expertise of the United Nations, and we reiterate our concern that calls for new debt mechanisms may undermine ongoing efforts to improve the debt restructuring process. Finally, we are proud to have supported the Global Digital Compact (resolution 79/1, annex I), and our written submission contain several clarifications, but I will note a few. The United States affirms the importance of sound data protection and governance, but there is no valid basis for asserting that those data-related activities are required by international law. With regard to artificial intelligence, we also caution against duplication, and we emphasize that nothing in the Global Digital Compact mandates a new United Nations office on artificial intelligence. In fact, the United States does not support such a concept. In conclusion, despite these differences, in the spirit of solidarity, the United States is proud to support the Pact, and we look forward to being fully engaged in its implementation.

As we gather to reflect on the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), I wish to begin by expressing our heartfelt gratitude to you, Mr. President, for your sterling leadership, and to all delegations for their support of the adoption of the Pact for the Future. In particular, I extend our deepest thanks to the experts for their invaluable spirit of compromise, flexibility, hard work and spirited exchange of ideas. Their collective effort in such a convivial atmosphere has made the adoption of the Pact a reality. While we celebrate this important milestone, we also regret that consensus was not fully reached on some highly sensitive issues. That only underscores the need for us to continue working towards a meeting of minds on these crucial matters as we seek to strengthen multilateralism. As a former co-facilitator of the Pact for the Future, alongside Her Excellency Ambassador Antje Leendertse of Germany, Namibia was proud to witness the culmination of our collective efforts in the Summit of the Future. That process and its resulting outcome documents represent the fruits of long and diligent work. My delegation has carefully noted the various reflections shared regarding the Summit and the Pact for the Future. Today, speaking in our national capacity, separate from our previous co- facilitation role, we wish to offer our own perspective. The President of Namibia, His Excellency Mr. Nangolo Mbumba, during his statement at the Summit’s opening, wisely reminded us of the African proverb, “Tomorrow belongs to the people who plan for it today”. In that context, Namibia views the Summit of the Future as a pivotal moment in our global journey to shape a brighter, more just, sustainable and peaceful future for all of humankind. It is a reaffirmation of our commitment to bequeath to current and future generations a world at peace, where prosperity is shared by all nations and peoples, and where inclusivity, tolerance and love guide our actions. At this critical juncture, we are confronted with the complex and interconnected challenges of poverty, hunger, climate change, economic inequality, conflict and public health crises. Those obstacles may seem daunting, even insurmountable. Yet the Summit of the Future provided a historic opportunity for nations to unite their strengths, resources and ambitions, and face those challenges head-on. The world stands at a crossroads. One path leads towards environmental catastrophe, deepening inequality, global conflict and the unchecked rise of dangerous technologies that threaten our security and liberties. The other path, however, offers hope — hope for addressing climate change, achieving global peace, eradicating poverty and hunger and harnessing digital technologies responsibly for the benefit of all humankind. In that regard, the strengthening of the United Nations system is not only timely, but also imperative. We must choose the path that leads to peace, prosperity and sustainable development for all. Although Namibia is a small State, we have been a steadfast supporter of multilateralism, grounded in international law, human rights and the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. My delegation remains committed to ensuring that the next 79 years of the United Nations are fit for purpose and that no one is left behind. To achieve that, we must undertake critical reforms within the United Nations system. That includes reforming the Security Council, enhancing the effectiveness of the General Assembly and improving coordination among specialized agencies and programmes. We must also advance multilateral cooperation as the United Nations continues to serve as the principal platform for international diplomacy. Strengthening the United Nations requires a renewed and urgent commitment from all Member States. It necessitates upholding international law, engaging in constructive dialogue and collectively addressing global challenges, such as conflict resolution, climate change and sustainable development. One of the key achievements of the Summit of the Future was the agreement on financing. Adequate, predictable and transparent funding is essential for the United Nations to effectively carry out its work. In that regard, we must enhance accountability and efficiency in resource allocation, while encouraging greater financial contributions from all Member States. However, financing alone is not sufficient. Strengthening the United Nations peacekeeping operations and conflict prevention mechanisms is equally critical for addressing the root causes of conflicts and maintaining international peace and security. That requires reforms in training, support and mandates for peacekeeping missions. Moreover, we must ensure that all Member States, irrespective of size or economic power, have an equal voice in decision-making processes. That includes increasing the representation of developing countries in key United Nations bodies and fostering greater inclusivity and diversity in leadership roles. Namibia also welcomes the adoption of the Global Digital Compact (resolution 79/1, annex I). The United Nations must embrace technological advancements and innovation to remain relevant in addressing global challenges. By utilizing data-driven solutions, artificial intelligence and digital tools, we can improve governance, transparency and the delivery of services worldwide. Collaboration with civil society, the private sector, regional organizations and other international institutions is equally crucial. Partnerships will help mobilize resources, share expertise and amplify the implementation of global initiatives such as the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Finally, a stronger United Nations must be anchored in the promotion and protection of human rights and the rule of law. Strengthening human rights mechanisms, ensuring accountability and supporting national capacities for the rule of law are indispensable to achieving peace and sustainable development. By addressing these vital areas, the United Nations will evolve into a more effective, representative and capable organization, one that is equipped to meet the demands of our increasingly complex and interconnected world.

Egypt thanks you, Mr. President, for convening this joint debate, and we will focus this statement on agenda item 123, “Strengthening of the United Nations system”. Egypt aligns itself with the statement to be delivered by the representative of Pakistan on behalf of the like-minded group. Egypt welcomes the convening of the Summit of the Future and favourably recognizes the adoption of the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) and its two annexes, the Declaration on Future Generations and the Global Digital Compact. Egypt congratulates the co-facilitators of the intergovernmental negotiations on the three outcomes, the Permanent Representatives of Germany, Namibia, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, Jamaica, Sweden and Zambia, for the success of their tireless efforts. Egypt also congratulates the Secretary-General for the success of his initiative in the General Assembly, as outlined in his report “Our Common Agenda” to convene the Summit to accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and take additional steps to re-evaluate multilateralism and advance the role of the United Nations. Egypt also wishes to express its gratitude to you, Mr. President, for your fair and wise intervention in the last stage of the negotiations to ensure the successful adoption of the Summit’s outcome, and we are grateful as well to the previous President of the General Assembly for his tireless efforts to the same end. Amid continued global crises and in the aftermath of the hardships that came along with the coronavirus disease pandemic, Egypt recognizes that the adoption of the Pact and its two annexes represents a certification by the international community of the need to advance global efforts to achieve sustainable development by 2030, especially in developing countries, which continue to face increased challenges. In this regard, Egypt welcomes the Pact’s reaffirmation, in its chapter I, of the principles of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, including the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, as set out in Principle 7 thereof. We recognize that the last stretch of the negotiations made it possible to include this cardinal paragraph, which was also agreed in the 2023 Sustainable Development Goals Summit’s political declaration. Through this reaffirmation, developed countries acknowledge the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit of sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command, as outlined in the Rio Declaration. It is crucial that, throughout the implementation of this Pact, we uphold the principles of global solidarity and international cooperation with an overall objective to address the challenges that have long hindered developing countries from attaining socioeconomic progress. Therefore, we affirm that the eradication of poverty and hunger must be an essential goal in the implementation of the Summit of the Future’s outcome, including the Pact and the Declaration on Future Generations. Furthermore, we express immense regret regarding the weakening of the language on nuclear disarmament in chapter II of the Pact and its overall deletion in the Declaration on Future Generations. This does not correspond to the worrisome reality that nuclear weapons pose an increased threat to humanity and, even worse, when one Cabinet minister shamelessly threatens to use nuclear weapons against civilians. With respect to chapter III of the Pact, we regret that Member States were unable to agree on ambitious language on enhancing the application of existing flexibilities in intellectual property rights and exploring further flexibilities to enable Governments in developing countries to support the development of digital industries. In chapter V, in particular paragraph 78 (b), which invites the International Monetary Fund to undertake a review of ways to strengthen and improve the sovereign debt architecture, Egypt reaffirms the central role of the United Nations, set out in its Charter, in promoting higher standards of living, full employment and conditions of economic and social progress and development, in addition to promoting solutions to international economic problems. Egypt therefore reiterates the need to review ways to strengthen and improve the sovereign debt architecture to make it comprehensive, inclusive and transparent. Finally, Egypt welcomes the references in the Pact to the commitment to strengthen international cooperation on the return or restitution of cultural properties. Although the final language was mild and did not respond to the very pertinent calls of the African Group, Egypt looks forward to the swift implementation of this commitment and calls upon concerned States to urgently take steps towards rectifying the injustices of the past, reinforcing mutual respect in international relations and for the heritage and history of countries of origin, and to ensure their efforts promote the full enjoyment of cultural rights for the generations who have been deprived of their precious heritage. Egypt stands ready to take part in all efforts aiming to achieve the internationally agreed-upon goals in the Pact of the Future.

The United Kingdom welcomes the adoption by consensus of the final documents of the Summit of the Future, namely the Pact for the Future, the Declaration on Future Generations and the Global Digital Compact (resolution 79/1). We congratulate and thank the President of the General Assembly, the United Nations Secretariat and, of course, the co-facilitators and their teams for their energy and efforts in agreeing the three texts. As my Foreign Secretary said, the Pact for the Future and the Summit offer a chance for Member States to show responsible global leadership to engage with the rapid changes of our age and go further in meeting the needs of everyone, especially the most vulnerable. That Member States were able to come together to agree such an ambitious and wide-ranging set of commitments across a broad range of issues against a challenging geopolitical backdrop, reflects the importance of the Summit of the Future and the value we all place in multilateralism. Today, on the anniversary of the horrendous attacks of 7 October 2023, that context is at the forefront of our minds, and we reiterate our call for the release of the hostages and a ceasefire in Gaza and Lebanon. And with conflict raging in other regions, too, it is testament to all Member States that through this process we negotiated texts that offer this level of ambition, hope and unity. The fact that this unity was challenged through to the very end is a reminder of the challenges that we face. The United Kingdom would have liked to have seen stronger language on human rights and gender across all three texts. The protection and promotion of human rights is critical to inclusive development, and we welcome the acknowledgement of the important advisory service on human rights in the digital space provided by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in the Global Digital Compact. As the Compact seeks to guide the design, development and deployment of digital technologies, the United Kingdom reiterates that it supports technology transfer that is on voluntary and mutually agreed terms as the principal and most effective means of disseminating innovation. The United Kingdom will continue to do so based on these principles. The new artificial intelligence commitments are an opportunity to confirm the United Nations contribution to the wider international landscape, drawing on the collective views of the membership. We welcome the emphasis on increased information-sharing and building independent scientific understanding of the opportunities and risks. As this technology continues to evolve, we should focus our efforts on ensuring United Nations mechanisms and respective agencies complement, iterate and amplify wider international work in this space. As we noted throughout the negotiations, United Kingdom sanctions are in accordance with international law and the Charter of the United Nations. We are also disappointed that the Pact does not reaffirm the application of international law, including the Charter, to cyberspace, despite this being established consensus. On the Declaration, the United Kingdom was pleased to join consensus. We recall, however, that the Declaration is not a legal document and cannot therefore impose obligations or liability on anyone, nor is it intended to do so. In particular, nothing in the Declaration can affect the general legal principle which precludes the retrospective application of international law in matters of State responsibility. Our joining of consensus on the Declaration underlines our commitment to work with partners to shape a safer, more peaceful, sustainable and inclusive world for tomorrow’s generations. To conclude, the task now is for all of us to work in genuine collaboration with each other, with a wide range of organizations and institutions and with civil society, who played such a critical role throughout this process, to deliver on these actions and make the ambitions of the Summit a reality.

Let me begin by thanking the permanent representatives of Germany, Namibia, Sweden, Zambia, Jamaica and the Kingdom of the Netherlands for their enormous efforts in conducting negotiations, which led to the adoption of the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) and its annexes. Our delegation aligns itself with the statement to be made by the representative of Pakistan on behalf of the like-minded group of countries, and we wish to make the following additional points. Without a doubt, the adoption of the outcome documents of the Summit of the Future shows the level of trust in multilateralism and in the United Nations. This event, however symbolic, should not be minimized, particularly in the current context, in which one country has undermined and disrespected the United Nations and declared the Secretary-General persona non grata. Once this process has concluded, we hope that it will not be all about the symbolism of achieving a grandiose Pact for the Future and that there will truly be a greater political will to solve the problems that threaten humankind. We will avoid addressing, in our statement, the limitations of the Pact caused by the lack of in-depth reform in the international financial institutions, which is due, in essence, to the objections by a single country which benefits disproportionately from an archaic and unjust international economic order. On the contrary, we will emphasize the potential of the Pact to accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which is, after all, its primary purpose. We would therefore like to draw to your attention, Mr. President, and to the attention of the Secretary-General, the five following points for immediate implementation, which could lead to the proper implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals and set us on the right path. First, in the Pact for the Future, it was agreed that we should move urgently to have discussions on the Secretary-General’s stimulus for the Sustainable Development Goals. We would ask you, Mr. President, to take the initiative during this session to begin discussions on this in the General Assembly. We would suggest that an open-ended group of experts be established to address the implementation of the stimulus for the Sustainable Development Goals, the sheer scale of which would require detailed and structured discussions in order to move towards tangible results. We must highlight that this initiative would be essential to preserving any real chance of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. Without immediate financial support for developing countries, we will be condemning the 2030 Agenda to certain failure. Secondly, we hope that the Secretary-General’s report — requested in the Pact for the Future — on the impact of the increase in military spending on sustainable development receives due attention and is the subject of in-depth discussions within the General Assembly. Just a few days ago, the statement by our Minister for Foreign Affairs during the general debate (see A/79/PV.15) highlighted that over the past nine years, there has been an increase in global military spending, which has reached new heights. This issue has not been sufficiently addressed by the United Nations, and it is time to think about making progress towards our collective prosperity rather than our collective extermination. Thirdly, it is essential that the Secretary-General make proposals to strengthen the United Nations capacity to measure global progress towards shrinking the digital divide and supporting national governments in taking advantage of science and technology for development. These proposals should not provide an excuse to expand the bureaucratic apparatus of this Organization. The goal should be to take full advantage of the system’s capacities, not only to provide assistance and advice in the area of science and technology, but to mobilize the necessary support that developing countries need to move forward technologically. Fourthly, the Pact for the Future invites the multilateral development banks to come up with options to improve access for developing countries to better financing conditions. This could involve the active involvement of the Secretary-General, and we also recommend updating the membership on the progress achieved. We would like to ask the Secretary-General to establish a road map for possible timelines and goals to be achieved in this regard. Once again, we highlight that financial support for developing countries is essential. That proposal in the Pact of for the Future must not be set aside indefinitely or founder in uncertainty. Fifthly, the Global Digital Compact established a completely new and essential dimension for the United Nations in terms of governance over artificial intelligence. Developing countries cannot be left out of this new technological revolution, as the resulting global imbalances would be disastrous. In this regard, your guidance is crucial, Mr President, in moving towards the establishment of the international independent scientific panel on artificial intelligence. Similarly, it is therefore crucial that the Secretary-General, without delay, put forward concrete proposals to set up a global fund for artificial intelligence. Countries of the global South will be excluded from the benefits of this new technological advance if we do not receive appropriate training and knowledge-sharing, which, of course, requires financial support. The Pact for the Future and its annexes must guide the efforts of the multilateral system to ensure the progress of humankind. In no way should the Pact be used to undermine previously existing international commitments, nor should it erode the intergovernmental nature of the United Nations. Instead, the relevance of these documents will be measured by how they drive action that truly benefits the millions of human beings who are today marginalized. Implementing the five points we have outlined is only the beginning of efforts to give true meaning to the Summit of the Future.

Before addressing the item before us in our statement, we would like to highlight that today marks one year since the most recent escalation of violence by the occupying Power against the civilian population of the State of Palestine. We would like to reiterate our full support to the brotherly Palestinian people in their just struggle, and we extend our solidarity to families and loved ones of those who have been brutally killed by Israel during this new phase of a genocide that has gone unpunished, including because of the complicity by a handful of Governments, which continue today to supply arms in order to prolong this tragedy even further. We also extend our solidarity to the brothers and sisters of the Middle East, where the occupying Power is now attempting to expand its aggression. Our words of encouragement go in particular to the people of Iran, Lebanon and the Syrian Arab Republic, whose countries have also been recent victims of Israeli barbarity. The Bolivian Republic of Venezuela endorses the statement to be made shortly by the representative of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. Turning to the process which led to the adoption of the Pact for the Future and its annexes (resolution 79/1), we would like to thank the co-facilitators and their teams for all of their efforts, but at the same time we would express our disappointment at the way in which the General Assembly deliberately opted to disregard provisions of the resolution that was adopted by this same body on modalities for the Summit of the Future. The forced adoption of the Pact for the Future is a flagrant violation of paragraph 4 of resolution 76/307, which requires that the documents of this Summit of the Future be agreed in advance by consensus. Needless to say, this has never happened before, as demonstrated by, among other factors, the fact that our delegation, along with many others, felt the need to submit an amendment to the draft document on the very day of the Summit of the Future. We hope that this situation is not going to be a precedent for the future work in the General Assembly, and we hope that in future intergovernmental negotiations we will avoid practices that seek to impose artificial consensus. We therefore thank you, Mr. President, for all of your efforts, including during the preparatory process for the Second World Summit for Social Development, to be held in 2025, and the International Conference on Financing for Development. In terms of substance for the Pact for the Future, my delegation regrets that this document does not really serve the central animating impetus behind the Summit of the Future, nor does it help to accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Rather than promoting a truly ambitious and development- centred approach, the documents adopted promote a human rights approach, undermining any truly balanced approach to the three pillars underpinning the Organization. We also regret, for example, that the Pact for the Future omitted any reference to the central principle of international law contained in the Charter of the United Nations, such as non-intervention in the internal affairs of States. We categorically reject this selectivity with respect to the purposes and principles enshrined in the Charter, the founding document of this Organization. It is also not a good sign, particularly as there are ongoing efforts to revitalize and rebuild trust in multilateralism, that there are attempts now to rewrite and even go back on agreements and commitments that have been landmarks in our history. This is absolutely unacceptable, and we need to put an end once and for all to such attempts by a handful of western Governments. In view of the aforementioned, the Bolivian Republic of Venezuela would like to announce its decision to disassociate itself from any paragraph that is incompatible with its national foreign policy and interests and with respect to which there is no consensus. This includes paragraph 38 and paragraph 74 (a) of the text contained in that document, which we consider to be a mere political declaration and with respect to which there are no legally binding obligations on States. And finally, with regard to the implementation of the documents annexed to resolution 79/1, we call for efforts to avoid duplication of efforts and the creation of new processes that have not been agreed upon in advance by all States Members of the Assembly.

I would like to make this statement on behalf of a group of like-minded countries consisting of Algeria, the Plurinational State of Bolivia, China, Cuba, Egypt, Eritrea, the Islamic Republic of Iran, Iraq, Libya, Nicaragua, the Russian Federation, Sri Lanka, the Syrian Arab Republic, the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Zimbabwe and my own delegation, Pakistan. We would like to express our appreciation for the efforts of the six facilitators of the Pact for the Future and its annexes (resolution 79/1) for their considerable work in ensuring the adoption of the Pact. The like-minded group accords the highest priority to the strengthening of the United Nations system in order to ensure compliance with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations, turbocharging the implementation of the 2030 Agenda and reinvigorating multilateralism through the restoration of trust among Member States. We believe that these objectives can be best achieved through an inclusive, transparent and balanced negotiating process among Member States. This is why the like-minded group consistently advocated a line-by-line negotiation of the Pact. This would have contributed to a more ambitious and a more fairly agreed outcome. The modality of negotiations followed for the formulation of the Pact for the Future and its annexes, with successive iterations prepared by co-facilitators rather than line-by-line negotiations, should not set a precedent for any future intergovernmental negotiations. Clearly, there are portions of the text on which there were concerns, as a number of delegations, including the like-minded group, formally objected to some of those provisions by breaking silence on them. The United Nations system can only be strengthened through strict adherence to all the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. We therefore regret that the Pact could not mention certain core principles, such as sovereign equality, non- interference in internal affairs and the right to self-determination of peoples under colonial and foreign occupation, as reflected in previously agreed initiatives and documents of the United Nations. On development, it has been the like-minded group’s consistent position that turbocharging the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development requires building on and not regressing from or rewriting previously agreed agreements and commitments. Thus, the like-minded group has concerns on the weakening of language, for example, on trade, specifically the language relating to preferential trade treatment in paragraph 24 (a) of the Pact. Moreover, all three pillars of the United Nations are interlinked and mutually reinforcing, and all the Sustainable Development Goals are equally important for the achievement of sustainable development. Consequently, our delegations are compelled to express our reservations on paragraph 19, which attempts to elevate one pillar and one Sustainable Development Goal over the others and rewrites the understanding that the 2030 Agenda seeks to realize the human rights of all. On climate change, the like-minded group reiterates its position that the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) is the appropriate forum in which to negotiate the global response to climate change and that the language in the Pact cannot be seen as superseding agreements reached within the Conferences of the Parties of the UNFCC and within the UNFCCC itself. Consequently, we regret that paragraph 28 (i), on adaptation finance, in its current iteration diminishes the agreement reached in the global stock-take, and that paragraph 80 diminishes the understanding on the additional nature of climate finance as specified in the Paris Agreement. On peace and security, we have consistently emphasized the importance of addressing the real threats and challenges to international peace and security, including their root causes, such as violations of the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter, international law, geopolitical polarization and tensions, festering conflicts and unresolved disputes. The Pact falls short in effectively addressing the critical threats to international peace and security. On science and technology, the omission of the agreed language on the imperative to foster and promote an open, fair, inclusive and non-discriminatory environment for scientific and technological development and cooperation may represent a major setback in building through multilateralism. Restoring trust in multilateralism undoubtedly requires an in-depth reform of the international financial architecture, including the debt architecture, to make it more equitable and responsive to the needs of developing countries. This can only be achieved by strengthening the role of the United Nations in global economic governance. We appreciate the efforts made in this regard but are compelled to highlight our reservations with regard to paragraph 76 of the Pact, as its language is contrary to the authority of the United Nations enshrined in the Charter. On the critical issue of debt, we believe that we must seek an urgent, comprehensive, inclusive and transparent multilateral solution to resolve the ongoing debt crisis of a large number of developing countries. The United Nations must play a central role in this process. The Pact does not necessarily guarantee that role. Consensus is a bedrock for the United Nations system, especially when it comes to reforms with long and far-reaching consequences. It is for this very reason that resolution 76/307 clearly specified that the draft Pact and its annexes were to be intergovernmentally agreed in advance by consensus. In this regard, the like-minded group would like to express its appreciation to you, Mr. President, and to your office for your invaluable efforts in promoting consensus on the Pact in the final stages of the process. In particular, we would express our appreciation to you for accommodating the legitimate concerns of developing countries on the application of the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities to the entirety of sustainable development, as reflected in paragraph 20 of the Pact. The purpose of the Summit of the Future was to turbocharge the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals and to rebuild trust in multilateralism. This has not been achieved as yet. This can be achieved, but only if Member States sincerely fulfil both new and long-standing unfulfilled commitments, including those contained within the Pact of the Future. The members of the like-minded group are fully committed to achieving this aim in future processes, including the upcoming Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development and the Second World Summit for Social Development. Finally, let me add a few words in my national capacity as the representative of Pakistan. First, the priority actions for developing countries — that is, on the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals — cannot and should not be linked to any other actions or commitments in the Pact. We look forward to the fulfilment of the commitments on development finance, on reform of the financial architecture, on sovereign debt review and on trade and tax reform. Secondly, we expect that the United Nations, with its comprehensive Charter mandate, will play a central role through intergovernmental negotiation and processes for the implementation of the Pact actions. This includes financial, trade and tax reform. Thirdly, the Pact’s decisions on peace and security and disarmament are severely deficient. It failed to address the key ongoing disputes and conflicts, such as the ongoing genocidal war in the Gaza Strip and the wider conflict in the Middle East that is spreading today, as well as conflicts in Europe, Africa and South Asia. None of these have been frontally addressed by the Pact, nor does the Pact address the breakdown of arms control or the renewed multidimensional and global arms race that is taking place in front of our eyes. The United Nations relevant bodies, the Security Council, the Conference on Disarmament, the Disarmament Commission and, in particular, the General Assembly must address these realities that we face and which we must not dodge. Fourthly, reform of the Security Council architecture is needed, in particular to redress the historic injustices against Africa and other developing countries, but let us be clear: the architecture is not to be blamed for the failure to promote peace and resolve conflicts. This failure is due to the strategic ambitions and policies of some major and some minor Powers. Efforts to achieve Security Council reform should not become a part of the strategic competition between rival Powers whereby they seek privileged positions for strategic allies on the Council while ignoring the aspirations and positions of the vast majority of the General Assembly, which consists of small and medium-sized States. Such an approach will not strengthen the world order; it will erode it further. Security Council reform should be accompanied by a revival of the General Assembly. Precisely because the Security Council is frozen on key issues, it falls to the General Assembly to play its Charter role and exercise its residual authority to resolve conflicts, enforce peace and renew the disarmament and arms control processes. In this context, Mr. President, we look to you to guide the revival of the General Assembly at this crucial stage and to address the real and present threats to international peace and security with the democratic participation of all Member States.

Switzerland welcomes the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) as an important commitment to multilateralism. We all need effective multilateralism to solve today’s challenges. Switzerland is firmly committed to the values of multilateralism, and we are determined to pursue a path towards a more sustainable, just and peaceful world. Switzerland has joined the consensus. Nevertheless, allow me to clarify Switzerland’s position on the following points. First, we regret that the climate and security action section has not been retained, even though it was accepted by the vast majority of Member States following the last silent procedure. In our view, this is a missed opportunity, in particular since the negative impacts of climate change continue to intensify and especially affect the most vulnerable people and regions. Switzerland will continue to press for more discussion on this important issue. We reiterate, at the same time, our commitment to fight against climate change, and we call on countries to submit new emission- reduction targets aligned with the objectives of the Paris Agreement. We reiterate our commitment to achieving our global energy transition objectives, in particular, the transition to eliminating fossil fuels, as well as fighting against deforestation, as these elements were not sufficiently taken into account in the Pact. In addition, Switzerland was also willing to compromise on the international financial architecture section. Switzerland supports the reforms. However, we would urge caution if they are to be discussed in the competent bodies. We deeply regret, furthermore, that the action on intellectual property was removed towards the end of the negotiations. The contribution of intellectual property to the advancement of science, technology and innovation, as well as to the achievement of sustainable development, is crucial. We would have welcomed recognition of the importance of intellectual property protection in this key document. Finally, Switzerland welcomes the fact that human rights are firmly anchored in every chapter of the Pact, reflecting a clear commitment to placing human rights at the heart of its implementation. In this context, however, Switzerland regrets that the chapeau no longer explicitly notes this fact. As for the Global Digital Compact, we would point out that within the United Nations there are already a number of processes and forums dealing with the issue of digitalization, including artificial intelligence. We stress that any new initiative, in particular the scientific panel and the global dialogue on artificial intelligence governance, must be built on these existing mechanisms, as stated in paragraph 5 of the Global Digital Compact. The Pact does not contain reforms that have already been decided. It is just providing impetus for us, the Member States, to begin the processes envisaged in it. It therefore constitutes the beginning of many possible undertakings and not an end point. It is now up to us, the Member States, to decide which reform ideas they wish to take up and to negotiate concretely on how, when and in which forums this should be done. Switzerland is ready to shoulder its responsibilities. We invite all States to participate in these efforts.

Before beginning, my delegation wanted to note today’s sombre one-year anniversary since the heinous terror attacks of 7 October 2023, which have ushered in a scale of violence the Middle East has not seen for decades. As we mark this terrible anniversary, our thoughts are with the victims of that day and the many Israelis, Palestinians, Lebanese and others who have lost their lives since then. At the Summit of the Future last month, world leaders gathered together and adopted by consensus the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) and its annexes, which seek a new way forward for the United Nations and the world as we try to respond to the most pressing challenges of our time. Canada commends the Secretary-General of the United Nations for launching this important discussion on how we make the international system fit for purpose in Our Common Agenda. We thank you, Mr. President, and the co-facilitators of the Pact and its annexes — Germany, Namibia, Jamaica, the Kingdom of the Netherlands, Sweden and Zambia — for so ably leading these processes over more than a year and a half. We acknowledge the contributions of fellow Member States who, with few exceptions, worked to negotiate a Pact that reflects a commitment to a stronger multilateral rules-based system. We are facing escalating insecurity, conflict, displacement and humanitarian needs in Gaza, Israel, Lebanon, Ukraine, the Sudan, Haiti and Myanmar. We are dealing with growing inequality and suffering, climate crises and their consequences of untold proportion. We are seeing the norms and principles on which this Organization was founded and which are reflected in the Charter of the United Nations undermined and flouted. We are witnessing concerted efforts to erode human rights, including, in particular, the rights of women, girls, LGBTQI+ persons, indigenous peoples and other marginalized groups. The Summit reaffirmed that multilateralism, diplomacy and dialogue remain the foundations on which we must continue to build. We must not let slip the opportunity that the Pact offers us to continue our collective work to ensure the United Nations is able to adapt and face today’s challenges and those the future will bring, including our ongoing collective efforts to implement the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Canada would like to note the following considerations on the Pact and its annexes. All human rights are universal, indivisible, interdependent and interrelated. The achievement of any particular human right cannot and must not be at the wholesale expense of the realization of any other right. Every State has the obligation to respect, protect and fulfil all human rights and fundamental freedoms. Sexual and reproductive health and rights are fundamental to gender equality, human dignity and sustainable development. We regret that, despite their undeniable importance, sexual and reproductive health and rights were not included in the Declaration on Future Generations. Ignoring sexual reproductive health and rights not only jeopardizes progress on health and rights for millions of people but also undermines efforts to create a more just and equitable world, in which all individuals can exercise control over their bodies and their lives. The Pact and its annexes exist as a single complementary text. It is our understanding that references to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights in the Pact apply to all women and girls, including future generations. Civil society plays a crucial role in advocating for human rights and holding Governments accountable. It continues to face increasing restrictions on freedom of expression, assembly and association. This undermines the vital contributions of civil society in fostering inclusive and transparent decision-making processes. Unfortunately, the Pact for the Future missed a key opportunity by failing to include civil society in a robust and meaningful way. We reiterate the importance of references to inclusive processes and meaningful participation of stakeholders throughout the Pact and its annexes and our commitment to facilitate their participation in the work of the United Nations. Canada is and will continue to be a strong advocate for indigenous rights at home and abroad, including their right to participate in decision-making in matters that would affect their rights, in accordance with international human rights obligations. We remain concerned at attempts to distort or to undermine the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. We reiterate that indigenous peoples possess rights distinct from other groups, including but not limited to local communities. We regret that we could not find agreement within the Pact to include additions to address the nexus between climate change, environmental degradation and security. The adoption of the Global Digital Compact was an important step forward. To realize the full potential of artificial intelligence and other technologies, we need to double down on our efforts to bridge digital divides and leverage the positive impact of artificial intelligence to help accelerate implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. We must continue to work together to ensure that the benefits of artificial intelligence and other technologies are equitably shared and leave no one behind. In harnessing the benefits of technology, we must also keep the risks in mind. We must work together through a multi-stakeholder approach to develop rules for the use and governance of technologies so that they can be used responsibly and in ways that respect international law, including international human rights law. Canada also recognizes the need for future-oriented policies and programmes that are more robust and resilient. The principle that the needs of the present generation must be met without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs underpins our commitment to sustainable development. Canada is committed to intergenerational equity and welcomes the adoption of the Declaration on Future Generations. Canada remains committed to accelerating progress towards the Sustainable Development Goals. We reiterate Canada’s commitment to unlocking increased financing to build a more stable, equitable and sustainable future for everyone. Last month, Canada’s Prime Minister Justin Trudeau delivered Canada’s national statement affirming our support for the Pact for the Future. It is not perfect, but it is a starting point. It represents consensus across the United Nations membership on a way forward that we must collectively seize. Canada stands firm in our commitment to the United Nations, to multilateralism, to the 2030 Agenda and to the international rules-based order as the best — perhaps the only — way forward. We stand ready to work collaboratively with all Member States to realize the commitments we all made in the Pact.

At the outset, allow me to thank you, Mr. President, for your efforts in conducting the work of the General Assembly. The Secretary-General of the United Nations proposed holding the Summit of the Future to achieve one main goal: turbocharging the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) includes language that could contribute to that. However, we would have hoped to see a more ambitious document that includes specific practical steps that make it possible to change the current reality and ensure a better future for all our peoples and States, especially developing States, which are facing major challenges in their quest to achieve sustainable development, well-being and prosperity. It is unfortunate that the negotiations turned into consultations leading to a non- consensual text, although the Pact for the Future was adopted without a vote. My delegation and other delegations have serious concerns regarding some of its paragraphs, in particular the paragraphs on providing new mandates to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Commission on the Status of Women, and how they threaten the governmental nature of the work of the United Nations. My delegation stresses that any new mandate granted at the United Nations requires in-depth negotiations and consensus among Member States. However, the consultations on the Pact for the Future did not meet this condition. For this reason, my delegation is forced to distance itself from paragraphs 66 (d), 71 (d) and 74 (a) of the document. The Pact for the Future includes language on unilateral coercive measures, which are illegal, inhumane and imposed by the United States and the European Union on several countries, but it is unfortunate that the two annexes, namely the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations, did not reference these unilateral coercive measures, on information communications technology and technology transfer, as well as their tragic repercussions on the daily lives of people in targeted countries. On the other hand, a group of States including my country, the Syrian Arab Republic, called for this document to address an imminent threat to current and future generations, namely foreign occupation. Today we witness a violent and barbaric Israeli occupation focused on committing genocide against an entire people and depriving it not just of its right to self-determination, but also its right to life. We see how the Israeli occupation is expanding its aggression to Lebanon and other States, including my country. This threatens international peace and security and puts the future of our region and the Charter of the United Nations, as well as the principles for which it was established, on the line. Despite all of that, unfortunately, the Pact for the Future did not address this imminent threat, namely foreign occupation. It fully disregarded this essential issue for political reasons. Despite the flaws in the Pact for the Future and its annexes, we must acknowledge the efforts made by the facilitators of the consultations and their teams. We would like to express our thanks and appreciation to them. The process was long and arduous. It lasted for more than 18 months. Today, following the adoption of these documents, we look forward to their practical implementation while avoiding any differences and translating the texts that enjoy consensus into practical steps to promote international cooperation, improve the situation of developing States and revitalize multilateralism while fully respecting the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of States, without interfering in their internal affairs, in line with the purposes and principles of the Charter. As we have thanked the facilitators and their teams, I would also like to conclude by expressing our thanks to the delegations of Cuba, Uganda and Pakistan for coordinating and leading the work of the Group of 77 and China and the like-minded group during the process we undertook in preparing for the Summit of the Future.

Let me start by commending the co-facilitators for their tireless efforts over the past 18 months in intense negotiations leading to the outcome documents of the Summit of the Future (resolution 79/1). Türkiye has consistently advocated multilateralism, recognizing it as a vital mechanism to address today’s global challenges. In a rapidly shifting international landscape, effective and responsive multilateral institutions rooted in contemporary realities are not optional, morally speaking. They are essential to fostering a fairer, more resilient and sustainable global order. With this understanding, Türkiye has engaged constructively in the negotiating process of the Pact for the Future and its annexes. The adoption of the Pact, alongside the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations, reflects our collective commitment to restoring faith in the multilateral system. These documents signify the international community’s determination to safeguard and reshape our common future. In this context, we emphasize the critical importance of consensus in intergovernmental negotiations, the principle enshrined in resolution 76/307 on the modalities for the Summit of the Future. Adhering to this principle is fundamental, not only to fostering cooperation but also to ensuring the successful implementation of the outcomes that will guide us towards a more secure and inclusive world. Being fully cognizant of the difficulty as well as the significance of adopting the Pact for the Future and its annexes by consensus, we have displayed flexibility throughout the negotiations on several issues of utmost importance to my country. Nevertheless, we would like to reiterate our position on some of these issues by putting them on record. As part of these negotiations, Türkiye, alongside several other nations, advocated for the inclusion of references to the Alliance of Civilizations, a key United Nations platform fostering intercultural and interreligious dialogue. Furthermore, we expected recognition of the Technology Bank for the Least Developed Countries, which plays a role in bridging the growing digital divide in an age defined by technological advancements and artificial intelligence, and which is the first implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals. However, the Pact’s reference to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, to which Türkiye is not a party, must not be misconstrued as altering our legal position on the Convention. Türkiye formally disassociates itself from the references made to the Convention within the Pact. Similarly, we wish to record that commitments outlined in the Declaration on Future Generations, particularly in paragraph 27, will be interpreted in line with the Turkish constitutional framework, as noted in the introductory paragraph of the actions section. We will respect this not as a conclusion but as a starting point for the transformative actions required to address the pressing challenges faced by the global community. It offers a crucial opportunity to reaffirm our commitment to multilateralism and cooperative global governance in shaping a more equitable future for humankind. The Pact has been adopted at a time when the globe faces multiple simultaneous crises and conflicts, posing significant security and humanitarian risks. I reiterate here our demand for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and Lebanon and adherence to international law without exceptions. It is imperative that all institutions responsible for maintaining international peace and security, in particular the Security Council, as well as the international community take necessary measures to avoid further bloodshed and further spillover of the conflict. Türkiye actively supports efforts at the United Nations emphasizing the importance of international law and international humanitarian law, which is violated on a daily basis in Gaza. We are particularly keen to advance efforts to reform the United Nations, especially in relation to the Security Council, to make it more reflective of today’s global realities. Türkiye stands ready to continue collaborating with all Member States to achieve the goals set out in the Pact for the Future and the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. I again reiterate our thanks to all delegations for their cooperation during the negotiations.

At the outset, allow me to start by commending your efforts, Mr. President, and leadership and those of the co-facilitators for the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), Namibia and Germany, for the Global Digital Compact, Sweden and Zambia, and for the Declaration on Future Generations, the Kingdom of the Netherlands and Jamaica, in skilfully leading this complex process during a very complicated time. India had actively and constructively engaged in the year-and-a-half-long consultations on the action-oriented document. Under India’s civilizational vision of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, or “the world is one family”, we have contributed towards making the Pact more human-centric and amplifying the voice of the global South. India’s approach to the Pact for the Future aligned with its broader vision of inclusive and sustainable development, as articulated in the Viksit Bharat@2047 initiative to realize the goal of a prosperous India. While prioritizing sustainable development, we try to ensure that human welfare, food security, health security, energy security and climate finance are also addressed. Evasion of climate action responsibilities by the developed undermines the growth prospects of the developing. As Prime Minister Modi stated in his address at the Summit of the Future (see A/79/PV.5), reform is the key to relevance. My delegation would have liked to see a more ambitious chapter V. We continue to believe that the intergovernmental negotiations input for the Summit of the Future did not go far enough in addressing the critical issues related to Security Council reforms and expansion. We wish that the views expressed by a majority of the Member States had been clearly captured, in particular with regard to expansion of the Council in both permanent and non- permanent categories and the beginning of text-based negotiations within a fixed time frame. On this aspect, we believe the Pact definitely falls short. My delegation would like to reiterate that while we have seen progress in the language on the reform of the international financial architecture, more needs to be done in strengthening the participation of developing countries in international financial institutions, as well as in urgently and effectively addressing debt vulnerabilities. In this regard, the Group of 20 New Delhi Leaders’ Declaration and the Pact for the Future converge on some key principles, such as making the international financial system more inclusive, sustainable and resilient, while advocating at the same time for stronger, more democratic global financial institutions. We particularly appreciate the strong message in the Pact condemning terrorism, which continues to be a serious threat to global peace and security, while areas such as cyberspace, maritime and space emerge as new theatres of conflict. On this, we would like to stress that global action must now match global ambition. India supports global digital governance that ensures that national sovereignty and integrity are upheld. We visualize a comprehensive framework for the development, deployment and governance of digital public infrastructure through an open and inclusive process. The Global Digital Public Infrastructure Repository, created under our G20 presidency, was the first-ever multilateral consensus on digital public infrastructure, and we believe that digital public infrastructure should be a bridge, not a barrier. We are pleased to see that the Global Digital Compact attempts to address this. Promoting a meaningful engagement of youth and youth-led, youth-focused organizations in the work of the United Nations is imperative. India has the largest youth cohort globally, and they make a vital contribution through their participation in governance and sustainable development. Our policies on youth are multifaceted, aiming to address the diverse challenges and harness the demographic dividend. We recognize the pivotal role of the Declaration on Future Generations in this regard. The world has changed profoundly, and so have its concerns and opportunities. It is essential that the United Nations be the central platform for finding common ground and a way forward through a reformed multilateralism. A United Nations that is effective and efficient, that is more representative and fit for purpose in the contemporary era is therefore very essential. The Pact and its annexes are a starting point, only a means to an end, as we collectively work towards changing the world for the better.

The Islamic Republic of Iran would like to extend its appreciation to you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting. My delegation aligns itself with the statement to be delivered by the representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter of the United Nations and the statement delivered by the representative of Pakistan on behalf of the like-minded group. The Islamic Republic of Iran actively and constructively participated in the consultation and negotiation processes of the Summit of the Future, recognizing it as a crucial platform to address the world’s urgent challenges and needs, with a focus on strengthening the United Nations, multilateralism, global cooperation and solidarity. However, the Pact for the Future, (resolution 79/1), as presented, falls short of these ambitious objectives and does not achieve the necessary benchmarks to protect our world and lead it to towards prosperity, well-being, sustainable development and peace. Regrettably, our legitimate inputs have been ignored throughout the processes. The Islamic Republic of Iran therefore submitted its explanation of position on 21 September 2024, prior to the adoption of the draft resolution. I would like to highlight a few issues, among others. The Pact fails to address the root causes of violation of international law and the Charter of the United Nations. It is regrettable that, even though genocide was occurring right in front of our eyes, this document ignores the problem and fails to address our immediate and basic threats, including nuclear weapons, foreign occupation — in particular, the genocide occurring in Gaza — and ongoing war crimes and atrocities being committed against the people of Lebanon. Similarly, the Pact and its annexes have overlooked the negative impact of the imposition of unilateral coercive measures, external economic sanctions and other restrictive measures that are contravene the sovereign equality of States, international law, the fundamental principles of human rights and international cooperation and solidarity. We emphasize the pivotal role of national sovereignty and the right of each country to determine its own development path. Iran considers the outcome documents of the Summit as non-legally binding, voluntary instruments presenting non-mandatory and non-obligatory actions and recommendations. Iran declares that it is not committed to those parts and elements of the abovementioned documents that are, in one way or another, in contradiction with the national priorities, laws, regulations, legislation, Islamic culture, cultural and religious norms, and ethical and moral values of the Iranian society. Countries have jurisdiction and sovereignty over infrastructure, data resources, services and activities related to information and communication technologies in their territories. Therefore, we cannot accept paragraphs 11 (c), 14, 17, 43, 44, 11 (d), 23 (a), 29 (d), 31 (d) and 39 (d) of the Global Digital Compact. Transitioning away from fossil fuels, as referred to in the Pact, is a deviation from the language adopted by the twenty-eighth Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. The Pact falls short of mentioning the voluntary nature and consideration of the national context and realities in the shift from fossil fuels. We cannot agree with this paragraph and this approach. Regarding the multi-stakeholder vision of the Global Digital Compact, it is necessary to clarify and identify the accountability and responsibilities of big technology companies and cross-border social platforms to the users, people and regulatory bodies of countries. We also express our reservation on certain controversial and non-consensual terms, phrases and concepts in the Pact and its annexes. This includes, inter alia, preventive diplomacy, gender-related terms and reproductive rights. Moreover, we insist on using the term “the family” as the natural and fundamental unit of society instead of “families”. The idea of strengthening or revitalizing the United Nation human rights mechanisms, including strengthening the role of the Human Rights Council, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and the Commission on the Status of Women, as proposed in the Pact, should only be advanced with the consensus of all Member States, as part of comprehensive and sufficient negotiations. We emphasize that any mechanism for governing or managing digital technologies and artificial intelligence, as well as data governance, should respect the national sovereignty rules and regulations and be advanced with the equal participation of all Member States of the United Nations. Unfortunately, the Pact has fallen short of restoring the original balance of the pillars of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) in preserving and strengthening the inalienable right of all parties to the NPT to develop research, production and use of nuclear energy for peaceful purposes without discrimination. The Pact should have called upon nuclear-weapon States to engage in good faith and bring to a conclusion a negotiation leading to nuclear disarmament in all its aspects, under strict and effective international controls, under article VI of the NPT. It is regrettable that the Pact did not address this significant issue and it is not included in the final document. Moreover, the Pact needs to emphasize that States should do their utmost to implement immediately the resolution adopted by the 1995 Review and Extension Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons concerning the establishment of a Middle East zone free of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. Action 25 of the Pact does not reflect this concern, so we cannot accept the Action. There is no direct and immediate link between climate change and international peace and security. Focusing on climate change as a security issue could divert attention from more immediate threats, such as nuclear weapons and foreign occupation. While the Islamic Republic of Iran recalls the importance of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, it underlines that the reference made in the Pact for the Future to the Convention does not affect or prejudice the positions of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its legal status as a non-party to the above-mentioned Convention. The Islamic Republic of Iran reiterates that measures in the implementation of the Pact for the Future should be in full compliance with the fundamental principles of sovereign equality, non-intervention and respect for the territorial integrity of States. Nothing in the document should be interpreted as to allow for derogations from an encroachment upon the obligation to comply with and respect these principles.

Russia aligns itself with the statement made by the representative of Pakistan on behalf of the like-minded group. In addition to our statement on the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) as part of the national statements made on 23 September during the Summit of the Future (see A/79/PV.5), we would like to share the Russian Federation’s views of a more substantive future — our future work in the United Nations. Once again, we recall that Russia was, from the outset, supportive of the idea of the Secretary-General to convene the Summit of the Future, since our Organization’s crisis is worsening. We engaged frankly in preparing for the Summit. Along with the like-minded group of countries, we called for proper negotiations between Member States, which could help us to reach consensus on thorny issues and ensure that all Member States were committed to implementing the Pact without exception. The principle of consensus is the fundamental principle of the work of the United Nations as a whole, and it absolutely must prevail when decisions are taken that will determine the direction of the Organization for the years and decades to come, as the Secretary-General urged. In this regard, right up until the last day, including during the consultations convened by the new President of the General Assembly, we urged all participants in the process and the coordinator to do just this. Unfortunately, during the entire negotiation period, neither the coordinator nor western delegations demonstrated any interest in direct cooperation, in a quest for compromise or in open or frank discussions. The proposed working methods did not enable opportunities for discussions on the draft text between delegations, but rather solely allowed positions to be shared with the coordinators and the room. In our understanding, this is the systemic problem with the Pact: contrary to the provisions of resolution 76/307, consensus was not achieved before the Pact was submitted for adoption, and this is the outcome of a lack of negotiation work. Furthermore, the actual role of non-governmental organizations is still unclear to us, given the murky process for the revised versions of the Pact. I was very impressed by today’s impressions and comments on the Pact, which just confirm what we have been saying. Given this, Russia distanced itself from the consensus on the Pact and the Global Digital Compact, in particular on specific parts. In the history of the United Nations there have been a lot of ambitious events with grandiose statements that were soon forgotten. For example, let us recall the Millennium Summit of 2000, which set the task of freeing peoples from the scourge of war, or the World Summit of 2005, during which there was a commitment to establishing a just world in line with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. All of these “sacred obligations” adopted at those events were grossly trampled upon, inter alia in Iraq and Libya. The Sustainable Development Goals that were adopted in 2015 with such pomp and circumstance have only been 17 per cent implemented in an almost 10-year period. So for the Pact for the Future not to go down in history as yet another dud, we are prepared to work jointly with all Member States on the basis of provisions on which there was consensus reached, for example on the reform of the global financial architecture, expanding access to technologies and overcoming the digital divide in the interest of achieving the Sustainable Development Goals and, in its entirety, the Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1, annex II), which clearly shows that consensus is possible in the Organization if there is political will. We support the implementation and incorporation into the work of the United Nations of provisions to help to promote the interests of developing countries. Furthermore, we would like to insist that the outcome documents of this Summit do not impose obligations in relation to those provisions for which there was no consensus, that is to those provisions that received formal objections, that were not reflected in the final text. That includes wording that seeks to undermine the intergovernmental nature of the United Nations; the pre-empting of our debate on increasing financing for the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights; the speeding up of the process of nuclear disarmament while ignoring the principle of equal and indivisible security; an attempt to equate non-governmental organizations with States in the area of adopting decisions on the international technological agenda; and the flagrant rewriting of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development agreements in the area of the interlinkages between sustainable development and human rights. These elements will not help to achieve the stated aims of the Summit and are fraught with negative repercussions for the very basis of the work of the United Nations and the pace of implementing major agreements among Member States, in particular in the area of development. They also grossly inflate possibilities for expanding instruments that seek to serve the aim of external interference in the sovereign affairs of States. Such elements must not automatically be transferred to other United Nations documents and should not be viewed by the Secretariat as guidelines for actions. As we understand it — and indeed we heard this confirmed today, many delegations share our concerns, but perhaps they do not dare to say anything about it. They did not dare to do so when the Pact was adopted. We would like to reiterate that remaining silent might be very costly for those who are not proactive in ensuring that work on our shared future is conducted specifically on the basis of consensus. Decisions are being taken right now as to whether Member States’ interests are going to be taken into consideration or if they are simply going to be ignored. We would urge everybody not to forget this. The interpretation and implementation of the document must fully comply with recognized principles of international law, including the principle of non-interference in domestic affairs, the principle of the sovereign equality of States and the principle of cooperation. We believe in the future of equal States, the future of dialogue and cooperation, the future without double standards, the future in which the right to development is the right of each and every person and does not depend on the pernicious terms and conditions in the small print. We do understand that we should also make a statement on agenda item 13, since we have a general debate right now. We regret the fact that the issues of Africa are not reflected in the statements by other delegations We believe that this is an equally important issue. We are grateful to the Secretariat for preparing the Secretary- General’s report, contained in document A/79/255, on the Third Industrial Development Decade for Africa (2016–2025). There is no doubt that the African continent has enormous potential for economic development. Given the unremitting growth of its population, key factors for successful industrialization are political stability, job training, a favourable investment climate, capital investment in local manufacturing and in industrial commodities processing, the introduction of new technologies and an enabling international environment for this. This involves fair profit from participating in global value chains, including critical mineral chains. The establishment and successful harnessing of Africa’s industrial potential depends on building effective external partnerships. Russia, a long-standing reliable friend and partner of the African continent, not just in words, but also in action, during the time of the Soviet Union, helped to start from scratch the robust economic basis of many States in Africa. Now we are taking things further. During the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, held in the summer, Russia pledged to engage with its partners, offering fully fledged industrial partnerships. This includes ensuring the full life cycle of goods and services, training national staff, making manufacturing local, engineering support, technical services and insurance. Such an approach to cooperation — on equal terms, transferring technologies and skills and not monopolizing them — allows for more lasting links to be built between States with more future possibilities. We would invite our African friends to discuss this potential new area for cooperation on 9 and 10 November in Sochi, Russian Federation, where we will hold the first ministerial conference on the Russia-Africa Partnership Forum. The event, in which the heads of various departments will participate, is seeking to strengthen comprehensive cooperation between Russia and African countries in all its dimensions — in the political, security, scientific, technical, cultural and humanitarian spheres. During its chairmanship of BRICS, Russia has actively developed external contacts with the formerly 5 and now 10 countries of the organization, as an important mechanism to constantly strengthen cooperation with States of the global majority. We are drawing from the achievements of the South African chairmanship, which announced a new BRICS bank as a development instrument, established by developing countries for developing countries. Conditions are being put in place to harmonize approaches to establishing mechanisms for mutually beneficial cooperation free from negative external influences and diktats. The Ministries for Foreign Affairs of this global union reiterate their readiness to support Africa in the areas of industrialization, developing professional skills, developing vaccines, nuclear development for peaceful purposes and scientific exchanges. Expanding cooperation with African countries and assisting their industrial development, of course, will be addressed during the key event of the Russian chairmanship, namely the BRICS summit to be held on 22 to 24 October in Kazan, Russian Federation.

Let me first express our gratitude for the convening of this joint debate. Japan would like to take this opportunity to briefly share our views on the Summit of the Future and its outcome document, the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), including the annex documents, the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations, as they were all adopted under the same agenda item, entitled “Strengthening of the United Nations system”. We have come a long way from the declaration on the commemoration of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the United Nations, adopted in 2020 through Our Common Agenda, published by the Secretary-General, and to the Pact, adopted two weeks ago, on 22 September. The adoption of the Pact is surely not the end. The world is still in turmoil, just like in 2020, or even worse. Necessary reforms are not yet met. However, Japan firmly believes that the fact that we were able to adapt the documents, varying in so many areas in consensus, is a strong message to the people and to ourselves that it is through multilateralism that we make this world a better place. As the President of the General Assembly and the Secretary-General have said, the Pact lays the foundations for a sustainable, just and peaceful global order and opens a pathway to new possibilities and opportunities. We fully agree with the President of the General Assembly — the path we choose must lead to a future in which human dignity is respected and human rights are upheld. That is only possible when all the Member States uphold the rule of law. Allow me to elaborate on some of the issues that were brought to light when we finalized our path heading into the Summit. The pathway to a world without nuclear weapons has gotten tougher in recent times, but we were able to renew our commitment to advancing that goal in the Pact. It is noteworthy that Member States recommitted to the total elimination of nuclear weapons. As the First Committee has started its programme of work this month, Japan would like to highlight the importance of strengthening the disarmament and non-proliferation architecture and the prevention of any erosion of existing international norms and encourage Member States to seek to accelerate the full and effective implementation of respective nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation obligations and commitments. We must persistently pursue realistic and practical initiatives. With respect to Security Council reform, the Pact became the first-ever concrete text on the agenda, endorsed at the leaders’ level, which is a significant step towards the shared goal of making the Council better reflect today’s realities. In particular, Japan welcomes that the Pact shows that world leaders strongly call for urgent reform of the Security Council; call for finding an agreement on categories of membership to expand, taking into account the discussions held in the intergovernmental negotiation process; look towards 2030 as a timeline for enlarging the Council to make it more representative; encourage work towards developing a consolidated model in the intergovernmental negotiation through structured dialogue, which we hope will lead to text-based negotiations; and highlight the importance of limiting the scope and use of the veto. However, what is more important is how to implement agreed actions. In this regard, we are more than willing to work together with fellow Member States, looking ahead to the upcoming eightieth anniversary of the United Nations, next year. Now, regarding peacebuilding and the strengthening of the Peacebuilding Commission. As has already been recognized during the Security Council open debate in March (see S/PV.9574), on promoting conflict prevention, we are pleased to have reaffirmed our commitment to preventive diplomacy and the United Nations role as a collective effort in the Pact. We also decided to develop and implement early warning and crisis management mechanisms to address new and emerging threats to international peace and security. To strengthen the United Nations system to implement these initiatives, I hereby assure members of Japan’s continued commitment ahead of the upcoming 2025 peacebuilding architecture review, including efforts to strengthen the role of the Peacebuilding Commission within and beyond the United Nations. There is no Member State that denies the need to reform the international financial architecture in order to address the financial gaps faced by developing countries in realizing their development goals. The issue is how to chart the narrow path that balances the immediate financial needs of developing countries today and the long-term sustainability of the international financial architecture into the future. We would like to reiterate that the implementation of the Pact should take place in a complementary manner, with the governing boards of the international financial institutions in all the relevant actions, including the mobilization of additional funding. To conclude, we would like to echo the Secretary-General, who described the Pact as just the end of the beginning, and that now we must breathe life into actions we have agreed. Members may rest assured — Japan will continue to engage earnestly in putting words into action so that we will have a better optics of the world at the beginning of the eighty-third session, when we review the overall implementation of the Pact.

First of all, allow me to express our appreciation once again to the co-facilitators of the Pact for the Future, the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1). While aligning ourselves with the statement made earlier on behalf of the European Union, I seize this opportunity to deliver the following statement in our national capacity. Hungary, as a Member State, is deeply committed to reinvigorating multilateralism with the United Nations at its centre and to work towards the implementation of the comprehensive set of actions agreed upon in the aforementioned documents in order to make the system more effective and the representative of today’s realities. Accordingly, Hungary has joined the consensus on these documents. Nevertheless, I would like to take this opportunity to put on record our position concerning the migration-related paragraphs of the Pact and the Declaration, which include language from the Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration. We would like to recall that Hungary did not endorse the Global Compact and does not participate in its implementation. Therefore, we cannot accept any reference to it in international documents. Having this in mind, Hungary would like to separate itself from action 6, paragraph 25 (e), of the Pact and paragraph 21 of the Declaration. We question the explicit assumption that migrants necessarily contribute positively to sustainable development. We also stress that expanding the legal channels for migration is not an appropriate way to tackle this serious issue, while recalling that defining migration policy remains a prerogative of Member States.

I am speaking on behalf of my Government to report that the Argentine Republic, regrettably, is in a position in which it needs to disassociate itself from the Pact of the Future (resolution 79/1) and its annexes. The Argentine Republic values the concept of multilateralism, as it is based on consultation and the inclusion of various viewpoints, guaranteeing that all States have the same rights and obligations. As expressed by President Javier Milei in his statement at the seventy-ninth session of the General Assembly, “Argentina, which is undergoing a profound process of change, has decided to embrace the ideas of freedom”. Those ideas are at the very heart of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and include the right to life, private property and freedom of expression, religion and trade. The Argentine Republic has decided to disassociate itself from the consensus at this time, but we reaffirm our commitment to continue to work on a better multilateral agenda that respects individual human rights and economic, social and sovereign political freedoms for all States. The Argentine Republic is on the side of peace and prosperity and will defend a better future for all of humankind.

Today marks exactly a year since Hamas invaded Israel with the aim of genocide, not resistance or liberation or a two-State solution, and with the utmost inhumane means such as mass murder, sexual violence and kidnapping. As we sit here today, 101 innocent hostages, including women, children and the elderly remain in Hamas tunnels. Hamas has denied the International Committee of the Red Cross access to these hostages and has failed to provide any signs of life. The international community must urgently and unequivocally demand the immediate and unconditional release of the hostages. Turning to the Summit of the Future, Israel congratulates the President of the General Assembly and the co-facilitators of the three outcome documents of the Summit of the Future (resolution 79/1). The purpose of the Summit is to provide a comprehensive road map that will guide us for years to come. Narrow political agendas only undermine this important objective. Reaching consensus was crucial, and for our part we could have equally insisted on addressing terrorist threats in detail, including the use of civilians as human shields and the exploitation of civilian infrastructure by terrorists. We also would have liked to see stronger language on human rights, climate and gender equality. Furthermore, we do not believe that the right to development should be highlighted above other human rights. We disassociate ourselves from language on unilateral coercive measures, and we believe that any transfer of technology should be based on voluntary and mutually agreed terms. Any effort to single out a specific country — in this case my own — to politicize these documents runs counter to the fundamental principles of the United Nations. Such actions weaken the Organization by eroding its core values of participation and universality. My delegation also categorically rejects the accusations made against Israel today. Israel, a law-abiding nation, acts in full accordance with international law to defend its citizens from ruthless attacks like those we witnessed exactly a year ago on 7 October 2023 by Hamas, which were orchestrated, funded and trained by the Ayatollah regime in Tehran. This regime blatantly violates numerous Security Council resolutions and international law, destabilizes our region and openly and actively supports terrorism. Regarding the earlier comments on nuclear-weapon-free zones, particularly with respect to the Middle East, as we have stressed before, there is no place to add any reference to a regional matter in a global framework.

We wish to express our sincere appreciation to the President of the General Assembly and his predecessor for the critical role that he played in ensuring the success of the Summit of the Future. South Africa warmly welcomes the Pact for the Future, the Global Digital Compact and the Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1), recently adopted by consensus after many months of intensive and transparent intergovernmental negotiations in which everyone was given a chance to express their views and positions. We would like to convey our deepest appreciation to all of the co-facilitators for their tireless efforts and for fairly and exhaustively taking into consideration all the different points of view and coming up with bold and results-orientated outcomes that represent the broadest possible common ground. The world faces unprecedented global challenges, and the co-facilitators did well to rise above lowest-common-denominator politics to provide us with a road map to renew and reinvigorate the United Nations and the broader system of global governance that we all agree are outdated and are being overwhelmed by international events. We would also like to salute the strong African leadership that led to these outcomes, including the final adoption of the Pact. South Africa was pleased to join the overwhelming majority of world leaders in agreeing that the Summit of the Future left us with a more ambitious, clearer and concrete call to action to build a world for future generations that is far better and in a better state than the one in which we found it. The Pact, the Compact and the Declaration lay out a vital platform that enables us to focus on those actions we need to take together to build a world in which the equal worth of every person and the equal worth of every country is recognized and valued. The task now is to build on the momentum and goodwill generated by the Summit to deliver on these three agreements and make good on the promises to bridge the development divide and fully implement the important new commitments and actions that we have agreed, especially moving forward on the long-overdue reform of the global governance architecture. While we appreciate the earnest efforts of the majority of delegations to reach an ambitious outcome on the matter of nuclear disarmament, South Africa is disappointed that we were unable to display the ambition required in the Pact to further the goal of a world free from nuclear weapons. South Africa was part of a cross-regional group of States that engaged proactively and constructively in negotiations in an effort to spare future generations from the looming existential threat that the existence of these weapons continues to pose to humankind. Nuclear-armed States, however, continue to rationalize this threat and the need to maintain these inhumane weapons, thereby opposing much-needed ambition in the text. It is regrettable that nuclear-armed States’ intransigence merely resulted in a recommitment to the general goal of the total elimination of nuclear weapons, while largely failing to acknowledge the concerns of the vast majority of humanity and yet again not committing to any clear path to attain this goal. In our view, this was a missed opportunity in the Pact. South Africa calls for urgent, unconditional action to fulfil all commitments towards nuclear disarmament in a complete, verifiable and irreversible manner as a matter of utmost urgency, bearing in mind the unfathomable devastation that any use of these weapons will have on all existing and future generations.

Nicaragua associates itself with the statement made by the representative of Pakistan on behalf of the like- minded group of countries. With regard to the adoption of the so-called Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1) and its annexes, Nicaragua would like to state that, during the process on this Pact — which, as members know, was adopted without a vote — a consensus cannot be considered to have been reached among all Member States. There are vital elements in the document, such as principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, which were not included. The Pact is therefore incomplete. At the same time, nothing in this Pact can transform, substitute, replace or modify what was adopted in the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and its Sustainable Development Goals. We reiterate that any implementation or application of all of these documents must comply with the principles of international law, including non-interference in the internal affairs of States, the sovereign equality of States and cooperation. Therefore, Nicaragua disassociates itself from any implementation of this Pact that would violate our national sovereignty or our laws.

Australia was pleased to join the consensus on the Pact for the Future and its accompanying Global Digital Compact and Declaration on Future Generations (resolution 79/1). The Pact is testament to our collective determination, even in challenging times, to make our multilateral system fit for purpose, to meet contemporary needs and expectations. Let me take this opportunity to thank our co-facilitators, Ambassadors Leendertse and Gertze, and our colleagues from Zambia, Sweden, the Kingdom of the Netherlands and Jamaica for their tireless efforts. I also commend the leadership of the President of the General Assembly in helping us reach a consensus outcome. Australia was a founding member of the United Nations, and we continue to believe there is no alternative forum capable of bringing all members of the international community together to address shared challenges and to improve our citizens’ lives. Yet we are conscious that today trust in and respect for the United Nations is declining. For this reason, we celebrate the Pact as a demonstration of our collective determination to address this. Australia welcomes the Pact’s emphasis on sustainable development, including the reaffirmation of our commitment to accelerate progress towards achieving all 17 Sustainable Development Goals. We support action to provide and mobilize finance from all sources to address sustainable development gaps. We agree with the need to reform the international financial architecture and institutions to improve the voice and representation of developing countries and to strengthen the development impact and build resilience in the most vulnerable countries. We endorse the call for reform of the Security Council. Australia will continue to advocate for greater permanent and non-permanent representation for Africa, Asia Pacific and Latin America and the Caribbean. Australia welcomes the Pact’s focus on strengthening the Peacebuilding Commission, and we look forward to supporting this during our forthcoming term. We are pleased the Pact highlights the importance of women and peace and security. As all of us know, gender equality is a primary predictor of peace and sustainable development. The Pact also makes clear that peace and security or sustainable development cannot be achieved without recognition of human rights. We welcome recognition that it is the duty of all States, regardless of their political, economic and cultural systems, to promote and protect human rights and fundamental freedoms. Australia welcomes the Global Digital Compact’s foundation in international law, including international human rights law. Both international cooperation on and the governance of emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, must be in compliance with existing international law and universal human rights. Australia supports the Compact’s focus on narrowing the gender digital divide and its commitment to women’s and girls’ leadership and participation in cyberspace and digital technology, design, development, regulation and use. Australia reaffirms the Compact’s commitments in support of an inclusive, safe and secure digital future. We reaffirm our view that implementation of the Compact will be most impactful and enduring if it aligns with existing processes, including the World Summit on the Information Society and the Internet Governance Forum. Inclusion is not only based on connectivity. A focus on increased digital literacy and civic participation is vital to ensuring that no one is left behind in the digital age. On the Declaration on Future Generations, Australia stands ready to play our part in creating a better future for all. We particularly welcome the Declaration’s emphasis on respecting, promoting and protecting the deep knowledge and rights of First Nations peoples. Of course, there are elements of the Pact, Compact and Declaration that we, like others, believe failed to be sufficiently ambitious, or which were excluded in the final text. This includes the missed opportunity to strengthen the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights and United Nations human rights mechanisms. We also share the concern that the Compact fails to reflect adequately the indivisibility and interdependence of all human rights. It is regrettable that the Pact fails to address the very clear links between the adverse impacts of climate change on our efforts to sustain peace. On the Compact, we missed the opportunity to recognize the vital place of multi- stakeholder engagement and cooperation. Digital governance is not the responsibility of individual States. For Australia, it is clear that digital governance, including of the Internet, data, artificial intelligence and emerging technologies, must be multi- stakeholder-driven, expert-led and consensus-based. It is also unfortunate that the Compact only superficially addresses the essential interrelation between technology as an agent to progress the Sustainable Development Goals and the promotion of human rights. On the Declaration, we would have preferred to see an appropriate reference to sexual and reproductive health and rights. Universal access to sexual and reproductive health services and the realization of these rights are critical steps towards empowering women to make their own choices about their sexual and reproductive health without coercion or discrimination. Excluding this from the Declaration is a grave denial of human rights, and we urge all countries to commit to protect, respect and ensure the fulfilment of their human rights through the development and implementation of policies that advance comprehensive access to sexual and reproductive health and rights. In conclusion, Australia commits to engage actively in the development of the mandates, structures, modalities, time frames and funding for the new mechanisms contemplated in the Pact and its associated instruments.

Colombia joined the consensus in adopting the Pact for the Future (resolution 79/1), which we trust will provide a decisive impetus to implementing the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals in this decade. We are conscious of the fact that what we do in the next six years will not just determine the opportunities for achieving sustainable development for our peoples but also ensure that future generations have opportunities for a dignified life. However, Colombia regrets the difficulties that we faced in arriving at a consensus on the call to transition away from fossil fuels in energy systems, despite the language agreed in that respect. Climate change is the biggest challenge of our time, and fossil fuels should have no place in a Pact for the Future. Greater ambition and commitments are needed from the biggest emitters to successfully limit the increase in the global temperature to 1.5 degrees. Similarly, we regret that this lack of ambition was also reflected in the language on fulfilling the developed countries’ obligations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Paris Agreement and decisions adopted in related forums with respect to providing the means for implementation to developing countries. We reiterate that climate financing must be adequate, sufficient, predictable, additional, highly concessional and accessible for all developing countries. Furthermore, with respect to paragraph 28 (a) of the Pact, Colombia recognizes as agreed language what was reflected in paragraph 86 of the Paris Agreement, which established that financing for climate adaptation must be significantly increased and indeed more than doubled, in accordance with decision 1/CMA.3. Finally, we reiterate our opposition to the use of the wording “local communities” to refer to Indigenous peoples, given the lack of consensus on what this phrase means, precisely in the context of such Indigenous peoples. The general use of “local communities” to refer to Indigenous peoples in a number of multilateral forums is problematic, as Indigenous peoples have rights, are acknowledged by the United Nations as a separate group and have certain specific collective rights that are not applicable to local communities, regardless of how the latter are defined.

The exercise of the right of reply has been requested. May I remind members that statements in exercise of the right of reply are limited to 10 minutes for the first intervention and five minutes for the second intervention, and should be made by delegations from their seats.

It is regrettable that we witness once again that the representative of the Israeli regime misused this body and made baseless allegations about my country. We categorically reject these unfounded allegations. The reality is that the regime of Israel is the exclusive source of terrorism, insecurity and instability in our region and beyond. The continued aggressions and crimes of this brutal regime in Palestine and Lebanon continue to seriously threaten regional and international peace and security. I would recall that the Islamic Republic of Iran strongly warns against any act of aggression by this terrorist regime against its national security and vital interests.

With regard to the statement by the representative of the Ayatollah regime in Tehran, we had expected no less from the shadow regime behind Hamas, Hizbullah, the Houthis and other terrorist groups in the region. This regime offers nothing positive to the world or even its own people, a people who cry out for freedom. Instead, it resorts to destabilizing countries across the whole region, in a desperate grasp at international relevance. For decades, the Ayatollah regime in Tehran have been purveyors of death at home and in the region, and we view their statement in this light. In our turn, we will use this stage to pray for the freedom of the brave Iranian people, who are under their yoke. The brave and brotherly people of Iran deserve better representatives than those that the Ayatollah regime provides them with, and, God willing, this will happen as soon as possible — “woman, life, freedom”.

The General Assembly has concluded this stage of its consideration of items 13, 118, 123 and 124.

Before proceeding further, I should like to inform members that the Assembly will hold a debate on this agenda item on 6 December 2024. I now give the floor to the representative of the Secretariat.

The present oral statement is made in the context of rule 153 of the rules of procedure of the General Assembly. The statement has also been distributed to Member States. The requests contained in operative paragraphs 25, 105 and 106 of the draft resolution would constitute an addition to the workload for the United Nations Environment Programme and the Department for General Assembly and Conference Management (DGACM) in 2026 and subsequent years and entail additional resource requirements net of staff assessment in the amounts of $236,100 in 2026, $208,100 in 2027 and $177,300 in each of 2028 and 2029. Detailed cost estimates and their underlying assumptions for the requirements are provided in the annex to this statement. With regard to operative paragraph 106 of the draft resolution, in the absence of modalities for the high-level meeting in 2029 in New York, it is not possible at the present time to estimate the potential cost implications of the requirements of the meeting. When the format, scope and modalities of the meeting are determined, the Secretary-General would assess the budgetary implications and advise the General Assembly in accordance with rule 153 of the rules of procedure. Furthermore, once modalities are known, in accordance with established practice, availability of conference services and the date of the meeting would be determined in consultation with DGACM. Accordingly, should the General Assembly adopt draft resolution A/79/L.5, additional resource requirements estimated in the amount of $236,100 net of staff assessment would be included in the proposed programme budget for 2026 under section 14, Environment, for the consideration of the General Assembly at its eightieth session. In addition, an amount of $10,500 dollars would be included under section 36, Staff Assessment, to be offset by an equivalent amount under income section 1, Income from Staff Assessment. Resource requirements for 2027, 2028 and 2029 would be included in the related proposed programme budgets for consideration by the Assembly at that time.

I wish to recall that this draft resolution is not open to co-sponsorship, as it was put forward by the presidency. The Assembly will now consider this draft resolution. Before I give the floor to delegations in explanation of vote, may I remind members that explanations of vote are limited to 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats.

The Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela has the honour to take the floor on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter of the United Nations. Just as last year during the adoption of the political declarations resulting from the three high-level meetings of the General Assembly on health-related matters — namely prevention, preparedness and response to pandemics, universal health coverage and the fight against tuberculosis — the crucial issue of the negative impact of unilateral coercive measures on health has once again been excluded from the final declaration of the high-level meeting on antimicrobial resistance. This ignores the repeated proposals from various stakeholders, including those presented by our Group of Friends and the Group of 77 and China, supported by over 130 countries. This only adds another affront to the history of accommodative standards that some Member States apply to issues critical for humankind as a whole and not only to a few of them. This is a problem that, we would highlight, can no longer be ignored or swept under the carpet, especially in the current context in which we face a growing trend towards the continued, systematic, relentless and even expanded use of such so-called sanctions in flagrant violation of the Charter and norms of international law. Unilateral coercive measures are having an impact not only on the nations and people subjected to them but also on the global economy, supply chains, food security, energy security and other areas. These unilateral coercive measures are deliberately exacerbating the multifaceted global crisis that humankind faces today. It is therefore alarming that the draft resolution we are about to adopt this morning omits such a critical issue as the aforementioned unilateral coercive measures, which as the facts demonstrate, and as the United Nations independent experts themselves have demonstrated, continued to have negative repercussions on, among others, the right to health. This includes their impact on the fight against antimicrobial resistance, which is so crucial in combating diseases and improving life expectancy. It seems that developed countries have learned nothing from the tragedy we experienced during the coronavirus disease pandemic, when countries affected by these illegal, cruel and inhumane measures were unable to access vaccines, medicines, diagnostics and medical supplies in a timely manner. From the very beginning of this negotiation process, we decided, as has always been the case, to participate actively and constructively, determined to reach compromises that would ultimately allow us to achieve a consensual outcome. We engaged in good faith at all times and, as usual, demonstrated a high degree of flexibility. Our delegations emphasized, both individually and collectively, the critical importance of including the issue of unilateral coercive measures in the political declaration. This issue was even present in earlier versions of the document, which only adds to the confusion surrounding its exclusion and underscores the need for all due transparency throughout the negotiating process. In a further demonstration of the willingness and flexibility of our countries, the language proposed on this matter was even removed from previous consensus-based documents. In the light of this reality, we believe that the United Nations must go beyond imposed and false consensuses and put forward truly inclusive formulas that lead to genuine agreements. This means addressing the priorities and concerns of all Member States in a comprehensive manner. Documents of such significance must be genuinely agreed upon before they are presented to Heads of State and Government or ministers. This would prevent a deceitful consensus from being imposed on Member States, which is exactly what has happened in recent years. We firmly insist that this is not the way to conduct intergovernmental negotiations within the United Nations, as this approach undermines the credibility, transparency and the strength of the outcomes of our meetings, especially on matters of such importance for both present and future generations. In conclusion, the Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter of the United Nations wishes to reiterate its unwavering support and firm solidarity with the nations and peoples subjected to unilateral coercive measures, while renewing our strong call for their total, immediate and unconditional lifting. In strict adherence with the Charter and the rules of procedure of this body, we reserve the right to take whatever action we deem necessary to prevent this situation from happening again in the General Assembly.

Our delegation associates itself with the statement made by the representative of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela on behalf of the Group of Friends in Defense of the Charter of the United Nations and the statement to be made by the representative of Uganda on behalf of the Group of 77 and China. We are witnessing all over again the events that took place in 2023 with regard to political declarations on universal health, pandemics and tuberculosis. Once again, the western countries have obstructed the inclusion, in this political declaration on antimicrobial resistance, of language on illegal and terrorist unilateral coercive measures. The countries of the global South continue to be assaulted by blackmailing policies from those imperialist and neo-colonialist countries aimed at excluding mentions of unilateral coercive measures from issues of such importance for our developing countries. We reiterate that the political declaration on antimicrobial resistance remains incomplete, excluding the effects of the violation of the rights of millions of people who are victims of such illegal measures through their lack of universal access to healthcare, thus hindering the achievement of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the Sustainable Development Goals. These aggressive measures have a negative impact on international cooperation and solidarity, which is so needed to enable universal health coverage. Given the sanctions, embargoes and other forms of aggression, how can countries prevent and respond effectively to the challenge of antimicrobial resistance and the urgent need to address this issue quickly? Health is a right that should be fully upheld by all countries, without any exclusion. Unilateral coercive measures are incompatible with and stand in contradiction to the United Nations Charter and the joint efforts of the United Nations to implement the 2030 Agenda. Therefore, we will be unflagging in our calls and efforts to ensure that these illegal measures are eliminated.

We have heard the last speaker in explanation of vote before the vote. The Assembly will now take a decision on draft resolution A/79/L.5, entitled “Political declaration of the high-level meeting on antimicrobial resistance”. May I take it that the Assembly wishes to adopt the draft resolution?

Explanations of the vote after the vote will be heard on Wednesday, 8 October, in the General Assembly Hall. The full programme for the meeting will be available in the Journal of the United Nations. The General Assembly has thus concluded this stage of its consideration of agenda item 127.