S/2020/686 Security Council

I have the honour to enclose herewith copies of the briefing provided by the Secretary-General, António Guterres, as well as the statements delivered by the State Councillor and Minister for Foreign Affairs of China, Wang Yi; the Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs of Germany, Heiko Maas; the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Cooperation, African Integration and Nigeriens Abroad of the Niger, Kalla Ankourao; the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Tunisia, Noureddine Erray; the Minister for International Relations and Cooperation of South Africa, Naledi Pandor; the Minister of State for the Middle East and North Africa of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, James Cleverly; and by the representatives of Belgium, the Dominican Republic, Estonia, France, Indonesia, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, the United States of America, and Viet Nam in connection with the video- teleconference on “The situation in Libya” convened on Wednesday, 8 July 2020. Statements were also delivered by the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs of Qatar, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman bin Jassim Al-Thani; the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Algeria, Sabri Boukadoum; the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Egypt, Sameh Hassan Shokry Selim; the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Greece, Nikolaos-Georgios Dendias; the Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Italy, Luigi Di Maio; the Minister for Foreign Affairs, African Cooperation and Moroccan Expatriates of Morocco, Nasser Bourita; the High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President of the European Commission, Josep Borrell; the Secretary-General of the League of Arab States, Ahmed Aboul Gheit; the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Emirates, Anwar Mohammed Gargash; the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, African Integration, International Cooperation, and the Diaspora of Chad, Achta Saleh Damane; the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Turkey, Sedat Onal; and by the representatives of the Congo, Libya, the Netherlands, the Sudan and Switzerland. In accordance with the procedure set out in the letter dated 7 May 2020 from the President of the Security Council addressed to the Permanent Representatives of the members of the Security Council (S/2020/372), which was agreed in the light of the extraordinary circumstances caused by the coronavirus disease pandemic, the briefing and statements will be issued as an official document of the Security Council.

Let me begin by thanking Minister Maas and the German presidency of the Security Council for the opportunity to update the Council on the situation in Libya in this expanded format. This important meeting — six months after the Berlin international conference on Libya — brings together Security Council members and the participants in the Berlin process and offers an opportunity to recommit to the principles agreed in Berlin and enshrined in resolution 2510 (2020). The conflict has entered a new phase, where foreign interference has reached unprecedented levels, including the delivery of sophisticated equipment and the number of mercenaries involved in the fighting. Since my acting Special Representative last updated the Security Council on 19 May (see S/2020/421), we have witnessed the retreat of the frontlines of the Libyan National Army (LNA) in Tripoli, the takeover by the Government of National Accord (GNA) of Al-Watiya airbase, Tarhouna and Bani Walid. GNA units, with significant external support, continued their advance eastward and are now 25 kilometres west of Sirte, after two previous attempts to gain control of the city. The situation on the frontlines has been mostly quiet since 10 June. However, we are very concerned about the alarming military build-up around the city and the high-level of direct foreign interference in the conflict, in violation of the United Nations arms embargo, Security Council resolutions and the commitments made by Member States in Berlin. In addition, on Sunday, 5 July, unidentified air force planes launched an attack on Al-Watiya airbase. In this gloomy context, all opportunities to unblock the political stalemate must be seized. De-escalation efforts, including the creation of a possible demilitarized zone, are being undertaken by United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) to reach a negotiated solution and spare lives. The political situation in eastern Libya has registered some movement, indicating renewed support for a political solution to the conflict, as seen in the 23 May initiative of the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Cairo declaration of 6 June. The GNA has also been calling for national elections as a solution to the crisis. Yet, these openings are fragile given that the parties’ positions continue to be determined by military developments and support from external backers. Similarly, recent developments on the ground have yielded both parties’ agreement to reconvene the 5+5 Joint Military Commission to continue discussions on the draft ceasefire agreement presented by UNSMIL in Geneva in February. During this third round of talks, which resumed in June, my acting Special Representative has convened two virtual meetings with each delegation, where the practical key points of a possible consensus were reconfirmed. The current discussions focus on areas of convergence, including: the departure of foreign mercenaries, solid counter-terrorism cooperation between military and security institutions across the country, disarmament and demobilization of armed groups throughout Libya and modalities for a possible ceasefire mechanism that would reflect the new reality on the ground. The United Nations will continue working with the parties to reach a ceasefire and resume a political process. In recent days, through a telephone conversation I initiated with Prime Minister Serraj and a call I received from Field Marshal Haftar, I made a strong appeal for both to engage fully in ensuring an effective ceasefire and to move swiftly in advancing the political process. The United Nations, the African Union and the League of Arab States — together with other key regional actors and organizations and the European Union — will continue to work closely together to support the people of Libya as they seek to consolidate their economic, security and political future. I urge your collective support. With respect to the Berlin process, three meetings of the plenary of the international follow-up committee have taken place this year, on 2 April, 13 May and 22 June. The next meeting is scheduled for this month. The political, security and economic working groups are all operational and contributing to UNSMIL’s ongoing efforts to facilitate a Libyan-led and Libyan-owned dialogue. As a result of the latest military activities in southern Tripoli and Tarhouna, almost 30,000 people have been forced to flee their homes, bringing the number of internally displaced persons in Libya to over 400,000. When LNA forces and associated mercenaries withdrew from Tripoli’s southern suburbs, they are reported to have planted improvised explosive devices and land mines, which have injured and killed civilians seeking to return to their homes, as well as personnel of humanitarian non-governmental organizations tasked with clearing the deadly devices. The United Nations is supporting national authorities in implementing risk education and awareness campaigns. Between 1 April and 30 June, UNSMIL documented at least 356 civilian casualties, including 102 deaths and 254 injuries. That is a 172 per cent increase compared to the first quarter of 2020. Since the beginning of the year, the World Health Organization has documented at least 21 attacks on medical facilities, ambulances and medical personnel. As battle lines have moved to central Libya, acts of retaliation have grown. Social media has been used to incite hatred and violence, further fraying an already fragile social fabric. After the GNA retook control of Tarhouna, numerous mass graves were discovered. I was shocked by this horror and, once again, remind all parties to the conflict in Libya of their obligations under international humanitarian law and international human rights law. I welcome the decision by the Human Rights Council to establish an international fact-finding mission to Libya to look into human rights violations since the beginning of 2016 and promote accountability. I also note that the International Criminal Court announced that it would not hesitate to investigate possible war crimes and crimes against humanity. On 19 June, the United Nations responded to the written request from Prime Minister Serraj to support the investigation into the mass graves. The United Nations stands ready to advise on the conduct of investigations, the securing of mass graves and the establishment of national mechanisms to assist victims. A year ago last week, on 2 July, an air strike on the Tajoura detention centre killed at least 52 migrants and injured 87 others. Since then, migrants and asylum seekers in Libya continue to be routinely subjected to arbitrary detention, torture, sexual violence, abduction for ransom, forced labour and unlawful killing. I am also deeply concerned about the risks faced by migrants, refugees and asylum seekers who continue to attempt to cross the Mediterranean. Thus far in 2020, more than 5,000 refugees and migrants have been intercepted or rescued at sea and returned to Libya. Many of those intercepted have been detained, with an estimated 2,100 migrants and refugees remaining in official detention centres, sometimes in appalling conditions. The authorities must urgently strengthen efforts to find alternatives to detention in Libya and more sustainable solutions for vulnerable migrants and refugees. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic is a cause of growing concern in Libya. In the month of June alone, confirmed cases grew seven-fold, bringing the total to 1,046 confirmed cases and 32 deaths. Amid acute shortages of testing kits, the true scale of the pandemic in Libya is likely to be much higher. I strongly encourage the Libyan authorities to endorse a comprehensive national preparedness and response plan, which is a critical step in ensuring a coherent and coordinated approach to combating the pandemic. Adequate resources must be made available to strengthen the country’s capacity to test, trace, isolate and treat people. As tensions simmer in central Libya, the United Nations has continued to engage with the parties to prevent the conflict from spreading to Libya’s oil crescent region, from which the country derives 60 per cent of its oil resources. The current blockade has already cost over $6 billion in lost revenues, damaged oil infrastructure and created the conditions for an historically high budget deficit of over 50 per cent of Libya’s gross domestic product. With the support of Member States, the Mission has undertaken mediation aimed at lifting the oil blockade, in place since January 2020, in order to spare this vitally important area from the full spectre of armed conflict and to alleviate economic hardship compounded by the conflict and COVID-19. Two days ago, the economic working group comprised of the Berlin conference participants held a virtual meeting with the Chair of the National Oil Corporation and issued a joint statement supporting the National Oil Corporation as it resumes oil production across Libya. Today, the National Oil Corporation declared its intention to lift force majeure on the eastern port of Es Sider to allow a tanker to load crude oil now in storage. It has further called for the immediate departure of all armed groups from Libyan oil facilities. I am confident that the Council will continue to support efforts aimed at lifting the oil blockade for the benefit of the Libyan people. In order to improve the transparent allocation of the country’s abundant resources, UNSMIL has worked tirelessly towards conducting an international audit of the two branches of the Central Bank of Libya. Unfortunately, the audit has not achieved the envisaged progress due to obstruction by several key national officials, despite Libya’s own judicial authorities having deemed the audit legal in June. I call on the Security Council to make full use of the necessary measures to ensure that this essential exercise is initiated as soon as possible. UNSMIL remains on the ground in Libya despite the difficult circumstances. The designation of a new Special Representative will greatly facilitate the Mission’s efforts, and I count on the Security Council to expedite the process. On 10 August, we will mark the one-year anniversary of the attack in Benghazi that killed three of our dear colleagues, Hussein El-Hadar, Clive Peck and Seniloli “Tabs” Tabuatausole, and injured two others. The perpetrators of the attack have yet to be identified, but this tragedy will not discourage the United Nations from delivering on its mandate to bring peace, stability and prosperity to Libya and its people.

I appreciate Germany’s initiative to hold a Security Council meeting on Libya and welcome Foreign Minister Maas as the President of the meeting. The Libyan crisis has persisted for a decade, claiming tens of thousands of lives and displacing 400,000 people. It has brought untold suffering to the Libyan people, plunged the region into turmoil and undermined international peace and security. Even as we speak, the armed conflict in Libya continues unabated, opening the door to rampant terrorism, weapons proliferation and massive refugee outflows. The Berlin conference, held last January, reaffirmed the consensus of the international community, but its implementation is fraught with setbacks and challenges. It is imperative that the international community work to translate consensus into action, turn vision into reality on the ground and bring peace to the Libyan people as soon as possible. The Security Council has a particular duty to make that happen. In that connection, let me share the following four thoughts. First, achieving a comprehensive ceasefire and cessation of violence should be our immediate priority. We call on all parties in Libya to heed the call of Secretary- General Guterres for a global ceasefire, immediately pull back from hostilities and restart the 5+5 Joint Military Commission to de-escalate the conflict and bring about a lasting ceasefire. We urge all countries to honour Security Council resolutions, to refrain from involving themselves in the armed conflict or meddling in Libya’s internal affairs and to strictly enforce Security Council provisions on the arms embargo. Secondly, striving for a political settlement is the only way forward. Resolution 2510 (2020) endorses the communiqué of the Berlin Conference and sends a message of support for a political settlement. We call on the parties in Libya to return to dialogue and pursue political, economic and military negotiations in parallel. The principle of a Libyan-led, Libyan-owned process must be upheld by all, and the role of the United Nations must be supported as the main channel of mediation. Regional organizations, such as the League of Arab States and the African Union, have unique resources for facilitating a political solution. They should be encouraged to play an important role. Thirdly, removing the spillover from the crisis is key. The international community must firmly reject terrorism in all its manifestations. In particular, it is imperative to forestall the cross-border movement of foreign terrorists, fight the terrorist organizations and individuals listed by the Security Council and prevent Libya from becoming a hotbed of terrorism. We understand the pressure faced by some countries from the inflow of refugees and commend their efforts to accommodate them. Yet the fundamental solution lies in ending the Libyan crisis and beginning reconstruction in the country. Fourthly, the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations must be adhered to. What we can learn from the decade-long turmoil in Libya is that attempts aimed at so-called regime change only spark turbulence and that military intervention only opens the door to endless trouble. As we mark the seventy-fifth anniversary of the founding of the United Nations this year, we have a unique opportunity to reaffirm our commitment to its Charter, the principle of non-interference, respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity and the peaceful settlement of international disputes. Commitment to these fundamental principles serves as a major precondition for the Security Council to perform its duties and responsibilities effectively. It also provides a strong guarantee for upholding international peace and security. China’s position on the Libyan situation has been consistent, objective and impartial. We respect Libya’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, and we support a political settlement under the auspices of the United Nations. China will continue to work with the parties to hasten the day when the Libyan people will embrace the peace and development that they so richly deserve.

Six months have passed since the Berlin Conference on Libya. In these six months, the coronavirus disease has turned the world upside down. While doctors and patients on all continents were fighting to save human lives, hospitals in Libya were being bombed. While the whole world closed its borders and went into lockdown, ships, aeroplanes and trucks with weapons and mercenaries kept arriving in Libyan cities. It is time to stop this cynical absurdity. This is why we decided to invite all Council members and all the participants in the Berlin process here today to discuss and agree on the next steps. First, foreign interference remains the main driver of the conflict in Libya. It must be brought to an end. That means no more aeroplanes, no more tanks, no more trucks or cargo ships full of weapons and no more lies. We will use the measures at our disposal, including targeted sanctions, to make sure that Libya is no longer the battleground in a foreign war. Secondly, backdoor deals by which foreign actors carve out spheres of influence must stop. We must instead unite behind the United Nations Support Mission in Libya and the peace efforts led by the United Nations to help the Libyan people find a political solution, to achieve lasting peace and to preserve Libya’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. Thirdly, the current calm on Libya’s battlefields is more than fragile. Our duty is now to translate it into a negotiated ceasefire within the framework of the United Nations-facilitated 5+5 Joint Military Commission talks. We call on the conflict parties to bring these negotiations to a successful conclusion without preconditions and without further delay. A first important step could be a demilitarized solution for Sirte and Al-Jufra. We call on the parties in Libya and on all those present to unite behind this idea. We encourage the Secretariat to provide us with options on how this could be implemented on the ground. Five months ago, the Council endorsed the conclusions of the Berlin Conference in resolution 2510 (2020). A week ago, we backed the Secretary-General’s call for a global ceasefire during the pandemic in resolution 2532 (2020). Today, the time has come to put our words into action.

The fact that the Libyan question is being discussed, Mr. President, at the very beginning of your presidency of the Council is eloquent proof, if need be, of your country’s commitment to finding a political solution to the multifaceted crisis in that country. Six months ago, the conference on Libya was held in Berlin, your beautiful capital, and so opportunely brought together, around Chancellor Angela Merkel, the representatives of countries and organizations equally interested in finding a solution to the Libyan crisis. I would like to thank Secretary-General António Guterres for the briefing he has just given us and for his continued commitment to the search for a political formula to end the crisis in Libya. I would also like to thank Ms. Stephanie Williams, Acting Special Representative of the Secretary-General, for the work she is doing in a particularly difficult context. The presence of several ministers at today’s meeting is proof of the international community’s interest in resolving this crisis. Six months after the Berlin meeting, what could be more normal than this meeting of the Security Council, which endorsed the conclusions of this important conference, in order to assess the progress made since then. Indeed, the Berlin Conference was undoubtedly a meeting where several cardinal principles were laid down. From the reaffirmation of Libya’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity and the fight against terrorist groups to the achievement of a complete ceasefire, which is a condition for the return to an inter- Libyan political process, and respect for the arms embargo, the various facets of the situation in Libya were addressed by the participants. Six months after the Berlin meeting, I may add, it is regrettable to note that the situation in Libya has deteriorated, instead of the improvement that one could legitimately expect, particularly in view of the commitments made by the various participants at the conference. Respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity continues to be severely tested by external interference, which fuels tensions between the warring parties and seriously undermines the international community’s efforts to restore a political process driven by the Libyans themselves. Such interference, which is now known to be accompanied by massive transfers of weapons of war and mercenaries, is a flagrant violation of resolutions 1970 (2011) and 2292 (2016). Allow me to recall that for nearly 10 years, the five States of the Group of Five for the Sahel have been suffering from growing instability, which is partly rooted in the deplorable situation in Libya. In that regard, the situation in Mali, where the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali is operating in a fragile context, illustrates with great acuity the problems posed by the situation in Libya, a neighbouring and sisterly country. In that regard, we call on all participants in the Berlin process to honour their commitments by refraining from interfering in Libya’s internal affairs and by giving a chance to the creation of the conditions for a general ceasefire that will allow, as the Secretary-General so rightly requested, for the delivery of humanitarian assistance, which has become crucial at this time of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic. It cannot be said enough that Libya does not need weapons; it does not need mercenaries; nor does it need to be a theatre for the expression of the will to power of certain international actors. Today it needs reconciliation, peace and prosperity, and it can count on the immense potential of its subsoil to that end. At this juncture, my delegation would like to reiterate the importance of the role that the Security Council, the African Union, the League of Arab States, the European Union and all other relevant actors must continue to play in order to halt the current trend and help Libya to once again become a country of peace, stability and prosperity. This is also the place to recall the urgent need for the appointment of a Special Representative of the Secretary-General, who, by bringing together all the initiatives, will be able to relaunch the peace and reconciliation dynamic that I mentioned earlier. It is now up to the Council to act to fill this vacancy, which has existed for too long. The Niger also supports the work of the Ad Hoc High-level Committee on Libya, established by the African Union, and expresses the hope that the inter-Libyan reconciliation conference will be organized very soon under the aegis of the African Union. We must all convince ourselves that no political solution to the Libyan crisis can be found without the full and complete participation of all the daughters and sons of Libya. The time has come for us to show courage and imagination in order to find a definitive and lasting solution to the serious Libyan crisis. A final and lasting peace, which we all seek, cannot be achieved without addressing the serious human rights violations suffered by the Libyan people, the majority of which are against are women and children. In this period of the COVID-19 pandemic, nothing can explain the attacks against hospitals and other civilian infrastructure, which constitute flagrant violations of international humanitarian law and may amount to war crimes. In such a context, particular attention must be paid to the situation of African migrants in detention camps, who are often used as combatants or human shields by the various armed groups in that country. I commend the role of the International Organization for Migration, which continues to provide valuable assistance to these vulnerable people in that context. In that regard, I would like to congratulate the European Union on having set up the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean Operation IRINI operation, in accordance with resolution 2292 (2016). It is our hope that this operation will continue to limit the flow of arms into Libya, including through land borders, by working closely with the Libyans themselves, neighbouring countries and the African Union with a view to ensuring compliance with the arms embargo and the fight against organized crime while monitoring the trafficking of migrants and the illegal export of Libyan oil. I would like to call upon the members of the Quartet on Libya to work with the International Follow-Up Committee, which is responsible for the implementation of the commitments made in Berlin. The sustainability of the Berlin decisions depends on their implementation. Clearly, all the conditions for a long-lasting conflict, with its attendant violence, loss of human life and destruction, are in place. External interference will only exacerbate the crisis, thus further delaying a political solution, which is the only path for enabling the Libyans to take control of their country’s destiny. Only resolute action by the Council, aimed at establishing responsibilities and identifying the real culprits, will be able to stop the consequences of the unacceptable inertia of the international community in that country.

At the outset, I would like to thank the German Foreign Minister, Mr. Heiko Maas, and, through him, the Federal Republic of Germany for the initiative to hold this meeting at the ministerial level, which, we hope, conveys a message of reassurance to the Libyan people about the firm commitment of the Security Council and the international community to encourage all the parties to overcome the actual crisis, put an end to the military conflict and achieve a comprehensive political settlement. I also extend my sincere appreciation to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. António Guterres, and, through him, the United Nations Support Mission in Libya, headed by Ms. Stephanie Williams, for their valuable and continuous efforts in support of the political solution of the crisis in Libya. I take this opportunity to reiterate Tunisia’s continued commitment to facilitating the conduct of the Mission’s operations. The continuing military escalation and the blocking of the political process in Libya represent a direct and serious threat to peace and security in the region and the world. It poses a major challenge that requires concerted and combined efforts and feasible and viable initiatives in order to achieve a lasting and comprehensive solution to the crisis in this brotherly country under the auspices of the United Nations and in accordance with the agreed regional and international frameworks. Tunisia has been proactive in warning against the unfolding of the crisis, the deterioration of the security situation and, in particular, the fuelling and prolonging of the conflict due to the external interference. We have always been cautious to reiterate Tunisia’s principled position, which focuses on the necessity to adopt a Libyan political solution in accordance with international legality and on the basis of the dialogue mechanisms, as mentioned in the political agreement, and the relevant Security Council resolutions. Recalling Tunisia’s positive and impartial role from neighbouring relations and common history, we reiterate our openness to, and support of, any comprehensive inter-Libyan dialogue within the terms of reference of international legality and under United Nations auspices. In that context, Tunisia welcomes the progress in the implementation of the Berlin Conference outcomes and the stages reached in the negotiations within the 5+5 Joint Military Commission. We hope that the political path will soon be relaunched with the participation of all the Libyan parties. Tunisia commends the important role of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya and renews its plea to expedite the nomination of a new United Nations representative in Libya. Such a nomination will give a new incentive to international parties and the Libyan brothers to rebuild trust in order to achieve reconciliation and a comprehensive settlement of the crisis. Realizing the grave fallouts of the crisis for the humanitarian and social situation of the Libyan people, Tunisia joins the working group for humanitarian action of the Berlin Conference and stresses the necessity of respecting international humanitarian law and human rights law in Libya. In that regard, we call on all the parties to ensure the safety of civilians, especially women and children. The situation of migrants and refugees should also be given due attention. The coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic has brought new challenges and exacerbated the suffering of the Libyan people, especially under the continuing and widespread military escalation, putting the security and stability of Libya and the whole region at serious risk. The President of the Republic, Mr. Kaïs Saïed, was among the first leaders who early on called for an immediate humanitarian truce, as well as the elaboration of a new vision based on the values of solidarity and cooperation, to enable a rapid and efficient response to crises, unprecedented pandemics and emerging threats to peace and security in the world. The current situation following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic has proved that such challenges cannot be faced and contained through individual efforts. In that connection, Tunisia renews its deep thanks and appreciation to all Member States for their valuable and constructive cooperation, which led to the adoption of resolution 2532 (2020) on 1 July, initiated by Tunisia and France. Tunisia calls upon all parties to the Libyan crisis to firmly commit to the important contents of that resolution, to immediately engage in a humanitarian truce and to resume constructive dialogue and political negotiations. We underline that effectively tackling the internal disorder and achieving reconciliation will enable the Libyans to take their fate into their own hands through a political settlement supported by the United Nations, based on the Berlin Conference conclusions and in accordance with the relevant international resolutions. We also note that international and regional efforts and initiatives can never succeed in helping Libyans to move forward if differences, disputes and mistrust prevail and continue to divide them. Tunisia remains confident in the ability of the Libyan people to overcome the crisis. To that end, a peaceful and inclusive national dialogue is essential. Such a dialogue must occur within the framework of the Berlin tracks and be based on the Libyan Political Agreement and relevant international resolutions, the most recent of which is resolution 2510 (2020). In conclusion, Tunisia reaffirms its full readiness to continue its efforts — with the same commitment and determination — to contribute actively and constructively to alleviating the human suffering of the brotherly Libyan people and supporting all international efforts aimed at the resumption of dialogue among all parties to the Libyan crisis.

I thank you, Sir, for convening today’s meeting on the situation in Libya. The participation of ministers in today’s meeting reflects the gravity of the matter that we are discussing. The Secretary-General’s briefing clearly indicates the distressing security and humanitarian situation in Libya and their potential repercussions for peace and security in the region and on the African continent. The increased military build-up intensified by the foreign intervention we have witnessed over the past 14 months, coupled with ongoing hostilities, has had a devastating impact on the day-to-day lives of Libyans. That has resulted in injuries and deaths of innocent civilians, in particular women and children. The recent discovery of mass graves in and around Tarhouna attests to the nature of the atrocities being committed. We welcome that there will be an investigation into those atrocities and that those responsible will be held accountable. South Africa urges the parties to the conflict in Libya to heed the call of the Secretary-General and the African Union (AU) and to urgently agree to the implementation of a ceasefire with immediate effect. Furthermore, we call on all Libyan parties, community leaders and non-governmental organizations to commit to a constructive political dialogue and to work towards a sustainable and lasting political agreement. We reiterate that lasting peace and stability in Libya can come only through a political solution designed and owned by Libyans for Libyans. To that end, South Africa welcomes the African Union’s decision to convene an inter-Libyan reconciliation conference in Addis Ababa later this year, coronavirus disease permitting. In the build-up to that conference, we appeal to all today’s participants to support that initiative. Through continued cooperation and collaboration, we can all collectively work towards a lasting political solution and reconciliation process, thus ensuring lasting peace. Our country, South Africa, and the Chairperson of the African Union, President Cyril Ramaphosa, supports the ongoing efforts of the African Union through its Peace and Security Council, its Ad Hoc High-level Committee on Libya and its Contact Group, as well as the work of the AU Special Envoy for Libya as they continue to engage with main stakeholders in Libya. It is vital to enhance the synergies of the efforts of the African Union and the United Nations as they work with common purpose to end the conflict in Libya. Under no circumstances should there be a military solution to the conflict in Libya. That must be avoided at all costs. We seek a peaceful solution and thus reiterate the support of South Africa and the AU for the conclusions of the Berlin Conference. However, we are increasingly concerned that several of the commitments agreed to six months ago in Berlin have not been respected or implemented. We should recall that at the Berlin Conference international partners committed to respecting the arms embargo and refraining from interfering in the internal affairs of Libya. Nevertheless, the parties to the conflict and external players continue to violate the embargo through the influx of weapons and foreign fighters to Libya. South Africa wishes to affirm the African Union’s strong condemnation of all forms of violations of the United Nations arms embargo by whomsoever. In that regard, the African Union has called on the United Nations, through the Security Council, to fully assume its responsibility to ensure that the embargo is effectively implemented and monitored as part of efforts to end fighting and create the necessary conditions for a permanent ceasefire. In conclusion, allow me to reiterate that there can be no military solution to the conflict in Libya and that external actors’ continued political meddling and military interference in the affairs of Libya must come to an end. Such actions undermine the fundamental interests and rights of the Libyan people and detract from Libyan national unity. In that regard, South Africa reaffirms its commitment to the unity and territorial integrity of Libya and the preservation of its natural resources for the sole benefit of its people. We hope that this meeting will lead to greater success in the implementation of the agreements of the Berlin Conference.

At the outset, I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing, as well as the Acting Special Representative of the Secretary-General and her team for the continued and tireless efforts of all those working in the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL)to end the conflict in Libya. Let me also thank you, Sir, for chairing this timely meeting. Six months ago, the Berlin Conference participants represented here today unequivocally and fully committed to respecting and implementing the United Nations arms embargo, and called on all actors to refrain from activities that could exacerbate the conflict, including the financing of military capabilities and the recruitment of mercenaries. Sadly, six months later, it is clear that some of those same countries have continued to arm and supply their proxies, in flagrant violation of the arms embargo. We condemn that disregard for the commitments made in Berlin, the relevant Council resolutions and their obligations under international law. The United Kingdom is deeply concerned about the ongoing conflict, fuelled by reckless international interventions, and the unacceptable humanitarian and human rights cost, all at the time of a worsening coronavirus outbreak. There are continued reports of numerous civilian casualties. It is shocking that the World Health Organization ranked Libya first — ahead of Afghanistan and Syria — in numbers of attacks on health facilities and staff from January to May 2020. The United Kingdom is particularly concerned about unacceptable civilian and mine-clearance personnel casualties as a result of mines, booby traps, and improvised explosive devices left by the withdrawing forces aligned with the Libyan National Army. The United Kingdom continues to fund specialist non-governmental organizations to map explosive hazards, share expertise with the mine-action community and conduct demining on the ground. We are shocked by the disturbing reports of the discovery of mass graves in Tarhouna. The Libyan authorities must secure those sites until a proper investigations can be conducted. We condemn all human rights violations and abuses, as well as violations of international humanitarian law, including indiscriminate attacks, unlawful killings, sexual and gender-based violence and the silencing of journalists, activists and human rights defenders. The persistent climate of impunity in Libya must be addressed. This is why the United Kingdom co-sponsored the resolution adopted during the forty-third session of the Human Rights Council, which established an international, independent fact- finding mission to investigate violations and abuses in Libya. We call on all parties to allow the Mission access to the whole country. In the economic sphere, the independent audit of the two branches of the Central Bank of Libya is a vital step towards improved transparency and reunification. We encourage all parties to cooperate fully with that process. We continue to condemn unequivocally the blockade of oil facilities and welcome the United Nations-led efforts to end the blockade. Libya’s legitimate National Oil Corporation should be allowed to operate unimpeded for the benefit of all Libyans. We are particularly concerned about reports of Wagner Group and other foreign mercenaries entering Libyan oil fields. Wagner Group activities exacerbate the conflict, as does all external military support, including the provision of mercenaries and arms, as well as the deployment of combat aircraft. But what have the external backers of the parties gained from their continued disregard of the commitments they made in Berlin? Despite the rapid developments on the ground, it is clearer than ever that there can be no military solution. Only a political process will be able to provide a sustainable, inclusive settlement for the people of Libya. Despite such setbacks, there is now a window of opportunity to make real progress and change Libya’s troubled trajectory. We welcome the engagement of the parties in the United Nations-led 5+5 military talks, which we support as co-chairs of the security working group. This is especially important now given the high risk of further escalation around Sirte. Only by engaging in the 5+5 dialogue in good faith can the parties avoid further bloodshed and put Libya back on the road to a political agreement. We fully support UNSMIL’s efforts to de-escalate the situation around Sirte. Instead of emphasizing maximalist goals and red lines, the parties should engage constructively in the military talks in order to agree a viable ceasefire. Instead of further fuelling the conflict, the international backers must recognize that their interests lie in meeting their Berlin commitments and supporting the parties’ efforts to achieve a ceasefire, a return to a United Nations-led political process and an inclusive political solution for the people of Libya.

I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing today and for his commitment to a political solution in Libya. Belgium condemns the logic of war which the Libyan parties seem to be locked into, with the increasing support of external actors. No valid reason exists for not responding positively and immediately to the multiple calls for a ceasefire, including last week in the Council. Military action needs to stop immediately, regardless of the location of the front lines. Dialogue remains the only sustainable solution to the crisis and the parameters are well known: the Libyan Political Agreement, the principles agreed in Berlin, the United Nations Support Mission in Libya’s three-track approach and resolution 2510 (2020). We welcome the timid steps taken in the 5+5 Joint Military Commission and urge the Government and General Haftar to engage more forcefully and in good faith with the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) in that forum. I would like to take advantage of the wider participation in today’s meeting to directly address directly the States supporting the Libyan actors. I urge them to stop their current actions, which are having a negative impact on the crisis, and instead, to use their influence in a positive way by finally encouraging the path of dialogue. Most importantly, their words should be followed by concrete actions that demonstrate their commitment to the political solution. In that connection, let me thank those States around the table that have taken genuine initiatives for dialogue. I would also like to tell some of the States participating today that there is no excuse for not respecting the arms embargo. By violating it, they are contributing to the ongoing spiral of violence, exacerbating tensions among Libyans and severely undermining a durable exit from the crisis. More importantly, they are contributing to the loss of life of innocent civilians, Libyans and migrants. I want to reiterate that it is the responsibility of all parties to protect civilians, including the most vulnerable. I renew my country’s commitment to ensuring that the most serious crimes in Libya do not go unpunished, whether tried in the national courts or the International Criminal Court. I welcome the establishment by the Human Rights Council of a fact-finding mission to investigate violations and abuses of international human rights law and international humanitarian law by all parties to the conflict. The fact-finding mission is also mandated to preserve evidence with a view to ensuring that perpetrators are held accountable. In doing so, we will have taken an important step towards ending impunity for terrible crimes that took place in Libya, such as those we recently discovered in Tarhouna and have witnessed elsewhere. We are deeply concerned about the continuous blockade of oil production, which has had disastrous consequences for the country’s economy and its population as a whole. Libya’s natural resources belong to all Libyans and their use is vital to the country’s economy, particularly given the need to address the coronavirus disease pandemic. I urge all to respect the civilian nature of the oil infrastructure and encourage further dialogue on how to better share the revenue it generates. In conclusion, allow me to once again commend the courage and determination of the entire staff of UNSMIL and the whole country team. In that context, I would like to emphasize the urgent need for the appointment of a new Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya.

We would like to start by welcoming Foreign Minister Maas and all the ministers joining us today. We would also like to thank the Secretary-General for his briefing. The Dominican Republic has continuously expressed to the Council its deep concern in relation to the deteriorating human rights and humanitarian situation in Libya, stressing that all members must commit to saving lives and ending civilian suffering. It is in this regard that we strongly value and welcome the establishment of an international fact-finding mission to Libya. We urge the designated experts to independently and impartially implement the mandate, which includes establishing the facts and circumstances of the human rights situation throughout Libya and documenting alleged violations and abuses of international human rights law and international humanitarian law by all parties in Libya since the beginning of 2016. As a concrete example of the need for a fact-finding mission, we highlight the shocking recent discovery of at least eight mass graves in June, the majority of them in and around the city of Tarhouna. Such atrocities requires a thorough and transparent investigation if we are to hold accountable and bring to justice the perpetrators of these and other human rights violations. Despite the call for a global ceasefire, violence and attacks against civilians are on the rise, and thousands of Libyans continue to be displaced. We remain concerned about the prevalence of the killing and maiming of children and acts of torture and sexual violence committed against them, in addition to the flagrant abuses perpetrated against migrants and refugees. Furthermore, we call for women human rights defenders, peacebuilders and political leaders to be able to carry out their work without restriction or fear of retaliation. The Dominican Republic welcomes all recent national and international efforts aimed at bringing about peace and stability in Libya, particularly, the holding of the third meeting of the international follow-up committee on Libya and the first meeting of the international humanitarian law and human rights working group, and the resumption of the work of the intra-Libyan 5+5 Joint Military Commission. With respect to the latter, we urge all parties to work tirelessly under United Nations auspices to reach a formal, comprehensive and permanent ceasefire agreement. In parallel with the moving forward of the intra-Libyan process on the different tracks, members of the Security Council must prioritize and support a durable and peaceful Libyan-led resolution, preserving the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity of Libya. In relation to the arms embargo, the constant violations of the embargo remain deplorable and, together with the persistent interference of external actors, create the perfect storm for a perpetuation of the Libyan conflict. We reiterate the need for all States Members of the United Nations to strictly adhere to their commitments made to ceasing all forms of foreign military intervention in Libya and desisting from any destabilizing activities that exacerbate the conflict. With regard to the oil blockade, we remind members that the embargo has needlessly cost the Libyan people over $6 billion in lost oil revenue, as well as millions of dollars in indirect losses owing to the shutdown of domestic refineries and to the damage caused by the oil infrastructure remaining idle. For the benefit of all Libyans, who have already suffered unimaginable economic hardship, we encourage the full lifting of the blockade across the country, In conclusion, we urge the Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative for Libya as soon as possible.

I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his sobering account of how much remains to be done at the international level to help bring peace and stability to Libya. I also thank the German presidency of the Security Council for organizing today’s meeting, which will allow us to hear from all the participants of the Berlin process and the States neighbouring Libya. Lasting peace in Libya can come only through a Libyan-owned and Libyan- led political process. While we welcome the renewed engagement of both parties to the conflict in the third round of talks of the 5+5 Joint Military Commission, more progress is clearly needed. The fighting needs to stop. We welcome the initiatives proposed here today that aim to defuse tensions and create space for a negotiated solution. The Berlin Conference in January was an important milestone in bringing together the international community around efforts aimed at finding a solution to the Libyan conflict. It is truly commendable that the process has continued despite the restrictions and that currently all the working groups are actively conducting their discussions. The international process led and facilitated by the United Nations must remain at the centre of international efforts. However, despite the advances made in the operationalization of the Berlin process, the reality in Libya remains grim. The active conflict has continued, and foreign intervention will only exacerbate it. Such foreign interference in Libya is a blatant violation of the sanctions regime set up by the Security Council. The continuous flow of arms, private military operatives, fighter jets, drones and other assets must stop. In this regard, we note with satisfaction that the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean Operation IRINI has already been able to demonstrate its effectiveness. The true price of the Libyan conflict is starting to reveal itself only now, and it will continue in the years to come. We were shocked and appalled to hear about the recent discoveries of the mass graves in Tarhouna, and we call for a thorough investigation to be undertaken. It is critical to address all violations of international humanitarian law and human rights law and to hold the perpetrators of such crimes accountable. We remain extremely concerned about the humanitarian situation in Libya. In addition to the increasing spread of the coronavirus disease, deliberately planted landmines and other explosive devices remain a huge concern. We welcome international efforts aimed at clearing mines the contaminated areas. Finally, we hope that the new Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya will be appointed very soon. It is important to have the United Nations Support Mission in Libya and the United Nations-facilitated political process working at full capacity so as to ensure the best chances for success.

I am delivering this statement on behalf of Mr Jean-Yves Le Drian, the Minister for Europe and Foreign Affairs of France. I thank the Secretary-General for his presence and for his briefing. For France, there are two priorities today in Libya. First, it is more urgent than ever that foreign interference in the Libyan conflict ceases. The risks of regional escalation and a “Syrianization” of Libya are real. Despite the relative calm and the stabilization of the front line on the Sirte-Al-Jufra axis, the continued military reinforcement of both camps is worrying. A further deterioration of the security would threaten Libya’s interests and risk destabilizing its neighbours and Europe. It would also undermine progress in the fight against terrorism in the Sahel. Foreign interference in Libya must stop, and the arms embargo established by the Security Council must be fully respected. France reiterates its full support for the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean Operation IRINI to ensure the implementation of the embargo, in which we actively participate. The Operation is aimed at preventing all violations in an impartial manner, whatever their origin and whoever their beneficiaries may be. The European Union ensures the implementation of the embargo pursuant to the framework of the Security Council mandate. It is important in this context to avoid any incident of the kind we recently experienced as a result of dangerous manoeuvres by the Turkish navy. We remain very concerned about the repeated violations of the embargo contrary to the commitments made at the Berlin Conference and to resolution 2510 (2020) adopted by the Security Council, which applies to everyone. Turkey, like Russia, is no exception. Secondly, the end of hostilities is essential if the conditions necessary for the effective resumption of the inter-Libyan political dialogue are to be created. There is an urgent need to transform the current freeze into a solid truce and make progress towards a lasting and credible ceasefire in the framework of the 5+5 Military Committee under the auspices of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya. This agreement must specifically provide for the withdrawal from all parts of Libya of all foreign forces, mercenaries and military equipment delivered in violation of the resolutions of the Council, the disarmament of the militias, and the deployment of a monitoring mechanism by the United Nations. Those are the messages that Minister Le Drian conveyed to Libyan actors in his calls on the various parties last week. In particular, he called on them to adopt a balanced negotiating position within the framework of the 5+5 Joint Military Commission, at a time when some, both inside and outside Libya, are tempted to continue the offensive. All efforts to promote a political solution, including the Egyptian initiative announced on 6 June, should be encouraged. Any initiative in support of a ceasefire agreement and a negotiated political settlement of the Libyan crisis must be fully inclusive and resolutely consistent with the principles of the Berlin Conference, which remains the only viable international framework. It is also important to make progress in establishing a credible mechanism for monitoring Libyan oil revenues to ensure that they benefit the Libyan people and are not diverted to militias. Finally, we call on the Secretary-General to appoint a new Special Representative as soon as possible. It is high time for the members of the Council to act constructively. Despite the efforts and remarkable work of Ms. Stephanie Williams, whom I commend, the vacuum left by the departure of Ghassan Salamé nearly five months ago can only fuel a deleterious dynamic. France does not choose one side or the other in Libya and has always said that there will be no military solution to this conflict. Together with its partners in the European Union, it will remain fully committed and mobilized in the service of the Libyan people to find a political solution to the conflict in conjunction with all the Libyan parties and its partners in the region.

At the outset, allow me to welcome you, Minister Heiko Maas, and the fact that you are presiding over the Security Council today, as well as all the Ministers attending this meeting. We thank the Secretary-General for his insightful briefing. We share many of the concerns he expressed. This month will mark the one-year anniversary of Special Representative of the Secretary-General Salamé’s three-step plan to end the current conflict in Libya. Throughout the year, the implementation of the plan has been met with numerous obstacles and challenges. While we deplore the fact that the situation on the ground is deteriorating, we also note that there has been some progress. The 5+5 Joint Military Commission, the economic dialogue, the Berlin Conference and resolution 2510 (2020) are the result of that plan. A great deal has been invested in these plans, and we must therefore stay the path and continue our efforts for peace in Libya. On that note, let me focus on the following points. First, we support efforts for peace in Libya. In the pursuit of a lasting peace in Libya, Indonesia will consistently support regional and international efforts such as the Berlin process. We acknowledge the principles set out in the Berlin communiqué, including in supporting and respecting the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Libya; international laws and agreements, including the arms embargo; and efforts to ensure a return to the political process for all Libyans. Supporting the Libyans in finding peace is the responsibility of all, not only those who were in Berlin. We reiterate our call on the international community as a whole to provide honest and sincere support to the people of Libya — support to enhance development and prosperity and not to increase insecurity and instability. Foreign interference must stop. It is important to align efforts with existing international corridors, including the relevant United Nations resolutions. We welcome the efforts made by the Secretary-General, including his phone calls to Prime Minister Serraj and General Haftar, and we support his plea for a political solution in Libya. We also reiterate our strong support for the Secretary- General’s call for a global ceasefire, especially during the crisis caused by the coronavirus disease (COVID-19). Secondly, we need to focus our efforts on saving Libyan lives. This includes those who are particularly vulnerable: women, children and migrants. The shocking recent discovery of mass graves paints a grim picture of the failure to protect innocents. We call on all parties to fully respect international humanitarian law and to take measures to protect all civilians. They must heed the call for a global ceasefire, especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, and give space for humanitarian assistance. We continue to support the work that the United Nations Support Mission in Libya is doing for Libya and the appointment of a new Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya. Thirdly, I would stress the importance of regional roles for peace in Libya. The efforts made by neighbouring countries and by regional organizations such as the African Union and the League of Arab States remain relevant and should be further encouraged. We realize that, as neighbours, the countries in the region have felt the direct impact of the conflict. They should never be left out, as they provide a unique perspective for peace. The Council’s engagement on Libya has been a long and winding process. We had hoped that during our term in the Council we could see its conclusion. The people of Libya have grown tired of empty narratives that have zero impact on the ground. They are tired of seeing brothers fighting brothers. They wanted us, the international community, not to meddle but to find political solutions and to find a lasting peace. Let us not throw away our opportunity for peace in Libya.

We welcome your participation, Foreign Minister Maas, as well as that of all Foreign Ministers and representatives of the international follow-up committee on Libya and neighbouring countries, in today’s meeting. My delegation also thanks Secretary-General Guterres for his insightful briefing. It is heart-wrenching that since 2011 Libya has continued to be plagued by instability and insecurity. The protracted crisis has spiralled out of control, as is evident from the recent escalation of violence, and this, coupled with the dismal humanitarian situation, exacerbated by the coronavirus disease, means that Libya is clearly on the edge of the precipice. Accordingly, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines strongly urges the warring parties to commit to a permanent ceasefire. We call on the international community to redouble its efforts to assist in resolving the crisis. If not, Libya may soon fall into an abyss of desolation, and the repercussions will be detrimental to all Libyans, including future generations, neighbouring countries, the wider African continent and Europe. Indeed, national reconciliation is possible within the framework of a Libyan- led and Libyan-owned political process, under the auspices of the United Nations. We reaffirm our support for the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) and renew our call for the appointment of a new Special Representative of the Secretary-General. We further commend the complementary efforts of the African Union, the League of Arab States and all other actors and reiterate our support for the convening of an African Union-led, inter-Libyan reconciliation conference. In order for the approach taken by the United Nations to yield positive results, we must deepen our resolve and respond to Libya’s complex challenges in a concerted manner. To that end, the parties must comply with their international obligations, commencing with respecting the arms embargo and all relevant resolutions on Libya as well as international humanitarian law. Additionally, interference by external actors aimed at advancing narrow interests undermine constructive efforts and initiatives. We urge external actors to refrain from taking actions that compromise ongoing negotiations. We also emphasize the need to respect Libya’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. In the midst of existing challenges, the Libyan people, especially those groups made most vulnerable, continue to be adversely affected. The incessant violence and countless deaths, as well as the challenges facing migrants and refugees, including torture, sexual violence, forced disappearances and the trafficking and sale of migrants, are appalling. We therefore welcome the creation of the international fact- finding mission to Libya of the Human Rights Council to investigate atrocity crimes and ensure accountability. We also appeal to the Libyan authorities to facilitate safe humanitarian access. The exigencies of our time require us to do more for the Libyan people. We must be vigilant and consistent in addressing the current challenges, no matter their complexity, and put our efforts towards a pacific settlement of Libya’s ongoing crisis. Saint Vincent and the Grenadines will continue to work with the international community in finding a political solution to the crisis. We remain in solidarity with our Libyan brothers and sisters.

I thank you, Minister Maas, for presiding over this meeting today. I also thank the Secretary-General for joining us today, along with ministers and senior officials of other delegations and regional organizations. Since the Council last met to discuss Libya (see S/2020/421), we have seen dramatic shifts on both the military and health fronts. On the military battlefield, fighting has led to territorial gains for one side and losses for the other, and, unfortunately, a continued influx of foreign fighters, weapons and materiel for both. And, on the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) battlefield, we have watched Libya struggle to contain a rising number of cases, a challenge that the conflict only exacerbates. What has not changed since the last time the Council met to discuss the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) is the United States’ policy towards Libya. We continue to oppose all foreign military intervention in Libya. Finalizing an immediate ceasefire under the United Nations-led 5+5 ceasefire talks is key, as is compliance with the United Nations arms embargo by all Member States, including members of the Council. We urge Member States to continue to share information with the Panel of Experts on Libya on potential arms embargo violations. Success will require the Libyan parties to participate in ceasefire negotiations in good faith. They must support means to verify compliance once a ceasefire is established. Ultimately, the Libyan parties must resolve this crisis through United Nations-facilitated political negotiations, with support from the international community in the Berlin process. All external actors involved in the conflict should abide by the commitments that they made in Berlin and immediately suspend military operations, halt the ongoing transfer of foreign military equipment and fighters to Libya, and allow local authorities to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic. Let me be clear: there is no place for foreign mercenaries or proxy forces in Libya, including — as evidence makes clear — Russian Government proxies fighting alongside and in support of Libyan National Army (LNA) forces. The situations in Sirte and Al Jufra remain of grave concern, and we should not underestimate the significance of those places for the control of Libya’s oil crescent. The United States is also closely monitoring the movement of Wagner Group mercenaries and their aligned foreign fighters from the Sudan and elsewhere to southern oil facilities. We have received reports that they have installed military equipment and mines to assist their forced takeover of the sites. These are examples of the continued violations of the arms embargo and clear violations of Libyan sovereignty. To achieve a peaceful outcome, there is one obvious solution: instead of sending proxy forces and military equipment to assert control over oil facilities by force, the parties must allow the National Oil Corporation to resume its operations immediately. Resolution 2510 (2020), like past resolutions, makes clear, in its eleventh preambular paragraph, that: “Libya’s oil resources are for the benefit of all Libyans and need to remain under the exclusive control of the National Oil Corporation.” Full stop. The Trump Administration welcomes the establishment of an international fact-finding mission to Libya to investigate human rights violations and abuses and violations of international humanitarian law, with a view to ensuring that the perpetrators of such abuses and violations are finally held to account. A culture of impunity has gone on for far too long as attacks on the Libyan people and civilian infrastructure continue. This has only been heightened by the recent and horrific discovery of at least eight mass gravesites in locations vacated by the LNA. The fact-finding mission needs to investigate those findings through safe and unhindered access to Libyan territory, so that they may speak freely with witnesses to hold those responsible accountable for these acts. Finally, to ensure diplomatic success over the long term, we should ensure that UNSMIL is fit for purpose. Recent events in Libya offer a new chance — and a limited opening — for the United Nations to help achieve an enduring ceasefire. We should not squander this opportunity. It is not every day that the United Nations can act with speed to respond to an evolving situation on the ground. Reforming UNSMIL now gives us the best chance to capitalize on battlefield changes in order to bring about a permanent Libyan-led, Libyan-owned political settlement and to reinforce the commitments made by world leaders in Berlin earlier this year. In the meantime, Acting Special Representative of the Secretary-General Stephanie Williams and the entire UNSMIL team deserve our unified and unwavering support.

At the outset, I would like to welcome Minister Heiko Mass and all Ministers joining us today. I express my gratitude to the German presidency for timely convening of this important meeting. I also thank the Secretary-General for his insightful briefing. I welcome the presence of the representatives of Libya and of other countries and regional organizations, as well as the Acting Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya and Head of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL). In January, the Berlin Conference was a silver lining in the gloomy situation in Libya at that time. The outcome of the Conference and the subsequent adoption of resolution 2510 (2020) provided hope for the pursuit of an inclusive Libyan-led and Libyan-owned peace process, on the basis of respect for Libya’s independence and sovereignty. Since then, however, the situation in Libya has continued to witness ups and downs. Despite the truce agreed between the Libyan parties and the initial success of the three-track dialogue of the Berlin process, the situation on the ground has actually worsened. Viet Nam remains concerned over the ongoing violence, especially attacks on civilians and civilian objects, including schools and health- care facilities. The presence of and threat posed by terrorist groups continue to loom over the country, thus affecting the security of the whole region. With the spread of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, the situation has become even more precarious. In that context, Viet Nam wishes to highlight the following points. First, we call on the relevant parties in Libya to immediately stop the fighting and return to peace talks. We also call on members of the international community, especially the Berlin Conference participants, to spare no efforts in supporting the peace process, in line with resolution 2510 (2020). Furthermore, the collaboration among UNSMIL, regional organizations and Libya’s neighbouring countries will remain crucial. Secondly, Viet Nam once again urges the relevant parties in Libya to fully respect international humanitarian law, stop targeting civilians and civilian objects, ensure the safety of health-care workers and allow unhindered humanitarian access to effectively fight the COVID-19 pandemic. Further attention and measures must be taken to protect women, children and other vulnerable groups from the effects of the conflict. We welcome the efforts of UNSMIL and the United Nations Mine Action Service in addressing the humanitarian challenges in Libya. We would also like to commend UNSMIL and the African Union for advancing the role and participation of women in the peace process in Libya. Thirdly, we reiterate the importance of upholding the relevant Security Council resolutions on Libya, particularly those related to the arms embargo and foreign interference. We urge all parties inside and outside Libya to strengthen their commitment and actions in implementing these resolutions, especially resolution 2510 (2020). To conclude, we would like to commend the efforts of Ms. Williams and reaffirm our full support for the work of UNSMIL. At the same time, we would also like to reiterate the importance of the appointment of the new Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Libya.

We congratulate Germany on assuming the presidency of the Council and wish you, Mr. President, every success. We appreciate the efforts of France during its presidency of the Council last month. We also thank His Excellency Secretary- General António Guterres for his briefing. For over a year, the Libyan capital, Tripoli, has been the scene of attacks by illegal militias, which have targeted innocent Libyan civilians and the internationally recognized legitimate Government. They have committed serious violations of international humanitarian law and international human rights law, including attacks on health-care facilities, even in the midst of the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, when a missile strike targeted a hospital equipped to treat coronavirus patients in Tripoli. In addition, landmines placed by those militias resulted in scores of Libyan casualties, not to mention the continued systematic extrajudicial killings. The international community has also recently witnessed mass graves in areas that were controlled by the illegal militias. The State of Qatar reiterates its condemnation of those dangerous and illegal practices. It further warns against supporting a certain party against another. It has become clear that the only way to resolve the Libyan crisis is through support for the Government of National Accord and a commitment to the implementation of the Libyan Political Agreement, signed in Skhirat, the Security Council resolutions and the outcomes of the Berlin Conference. The Skhirat agreement was unanimously endorsed by the Security Council, which recognized the Government of National Accord as the sole legitimate executive authority in Libya. Unfortunately, some countries initially endorsed this agreement but have subsequently disregarded it by supporting opposing factions and empowering them against the Government. This is how we have reached where we are now. If the international community is serious about resolving this situation, any agreed political solution based on dialogue and understanding must include a clear and effective international mechanism to hold to account the States that do not abide by these agreements. Not only should the international community hold certain factions accountable for the current state of affairs in Libya, but it should also hold to account the countries that empower them for violations of international law. Unfortunately, we have witnessed systematic violations against the Government of National Accord and of the Skhirat agreement, while the international community has remained silent. We stress the need to return to negotiations and a national dialogue and complete the transitional period. We call for a solution that preserves Libya’s sovereignty and unity, realizes the aspirations of the Libyan people and leads to building the State that the Libyans seek and deserve, away from narrow interests, personal ambitions, malicious agendas and unlawful external interference. The international community and the United Nations must work to provide the necessary support to achieve this objective. To conclude, the State of Qatar reaffirms its support for the efforts of the United Nations and the United Nations Support Mission in Libya in implementing its mandate. It also renews its call on actors to ensure respect for international humanitarian law and international human rights law and to hold accountable those responsible for the violations and serious crimes.

I thank Germany for its true initiative. For nine years now, Libya has been entangled in a crisis that is having a high toll on the Libyans first, but also on the international community, mainly the neighbouring countries, among them Algeria. The time has come to root out the causes of the unending and unacceptable situation. It is needless to turn to the reasons that brought about the crisis; rather, we need to work, preferably together, on operational and practical solutions that are based on a ceasefire, the free will of the Libyans and international legality. We have the instrument, multiple Security Council resolutions, the conclusions of the Berlin Conference, the commitment of the neighbouring countries and the declared willingness of both the Libyan parties and international stakeholders. We support all sincere efforts based on the goals of peace, cohesion and reconstruction. From the very start, Algeria has lent its unwavering support to the Berlin Conference outcomes, which were confirmed by resolution 2510 (2020). We have ourselves engaged in helping the Libyans to unravel the complexity of the situation into which they were immersed, sometimes and somehow not by their choice. Let me state it as clearly as possible — Algeria is in no position to let Libya go towards an uncharted future. Libya is part of us, and we will not leave this part of us to suffer or allow it to sink in human-provoked tumultuous waters. The security of all neighbouring States, including Algeria, depends on the peace, security and territorial integrity of Libya. No one should ignore the fact that our deep-rooted family ties, our common history and our common future naturally impose our stand. The Algerian approach, overwhelmingly called for and accepted by all Libyans, is based on the following elements: an immediate ceasefire, de-escalation in all areas, including the issues of energy and the allocation of sources of wealth that must be distributed to all Libyans, and, lastly, help to assemble the representatives of Libya around a table of negotiations. There is no solution but a political one — that means no military solution — and there will be no political solution if the external forces continue to meddle in Libya through total disrespect of the arms embargo that the Council has established. We support the Berlin conclusions, and we will steadfastly participate in all the tracks of the follow-up, with the hope that all sides, not only the Libyans, will truly engage. Let me add that we hope that the Secretary-General will finally announce the designation of a Special Representative. With our support and that of the international community and the neighbouring States, it will be a very easy step and a good signal for a long-awaited restart. Let me add that our country will work within the international framework. We should not forget the efforts of the African Union and the projected inter-Libyan conference to help all Libyans, tribes and regions inclusively decide the future that awaits them and the outcome that they will freely choose, as well as their institutions and their decision-making processes. The Libyans, and only them, will define the outline with no more interference, no more arms flows and no more mercenaries. This is not yet the case today at this very moment as we are speaking with resolve. The solution that we want to promote and that seems to be accepted by all Libyans, despite their differences, will definitely preserve in the future the legitimate interests of all stakeholders currently involved in Libya. It is our shared responsibility to make that day a reality — the choice for a peaceful tomorrow clearly depends on the Libyans, but also us all — and to stop the “cynical absurdity” that Heiko Maas has so rightfully pinpointed. It is up to us to send a message of hope to the Libyan people.

At the outset, I would like to congratulate France on its leadership of the Security Council during the month of June, and I am confident that the Federal Republic of Germany will effectively discharge its responsibilities during the month of July. I must also thank Germany for convening this important meeting on Libya and for inviting pivotal regional powers, such as Egypt, and other partners that attended the Berlin summit to participate in today’s meeting. Libya has been engulfed in an escalating crisis for almost a decade. This conflict is claiming countless lives in Libya, and continues, despite our best efforts, to constitute a serious threat to stability and security throughout a region by the heavy burden of innumerable challenges. The reason for this Libyan predicament, which bedevils the international community, is clear. Contradictory visions for the future of Libya and aspirations of regional hegemony have complicated the efforts of the international community to realize our common objective of laying the foundations for a peaceful and prosperous Libya. Egypt has been steadfast in its support of every effort and initiative to reach a settlement of the situation in Libya. From Skhirat to Berlin, we have been actively engaged in the political process, including by facilitating contacts and negotiations among Libyan parties. Unfortunately, however, large swaths of western Libya have become footholds for extremism and safe havens for terrorist organizations. These forces of evil have often sought to extend their dark shadow over Egypt by infiltrating our western borders and have occasionally exacted the heavy price of the lives of dozens of men, women and children, often peacefully worshipping in mosques and churches. In that regard, it must be noted that such deadly infiltrations have dramatically decreased due to the efforts of the Libyan National Army to secure the eastern areas of Libya, thereby reinforcing the established norm that the responsibility of preserving the nation’s security must remain within the legitimate institutions of governance authorized to bear arms, not in the hands of irregular militias that seek to promote personal or ideological agendas at the expense of the Libyan people. The last time I addressed the Security Council on the situation in Libya (see S/PV.7387) was in the wake of a terrible crime that shocked the conscience of humankind when 21 Egyptians, working in the city of Sirte, were mercilessly slaughtered by Da’esh terrorists in early 2015. That appalling act of barbarism impelled the Council to adopt resolution 2214 (2015), urging Member States to combat by all means, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, threats to international peace and security caused by terrorist acts. I am dismayed, however, to report that Da’esh fighters are resurfacing in Libya and have recently reappeared in some cities of western Libya, especially in Sabratha. I therefore take this opportunity to reiterate the fact that Member States are duty-bound to combat terrorism in Libya, including by firmly and resolutely condemning any form of support or sustenance extended by any regional player to the forces of extremism. This situation is further aggravated by the transfer of extremist fighters from Syria to the Libyan territories by a regional player, as reported on a daily basis by the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights. This is a very serious threat to the security of Libyans, as well as to the neighbouring States and both shores of the Mediterranean. Such threats constitute a clear and current danger to Egypt. We will not tolerate threats of this nature, as they approach our borders and are aided, abetted and actively supported by foreign intervention. Support for extremism must cease and desist. It is incumbent upon us to put an end to the sources of aid and assistance from regional players that are obviously not keen on preserving the stability of the Mediterranean region. Resolving this issue and resisting these policies are essential to our efforts to protect the future of our peoples. Egypt’s principled position is premised on supporting a political solution for a unified Libya, as expressed by the Cairo Declaration issued on 6 June, which is in complete conformity with the conclusions of the Berlin summit and the relevant Security Council resolutions, as well as the decisions of the League of Arab States and the African Union. Accordingly, attaining stability in Libya depends on reconstituting the Presidency Council and forming an independent Government agreed upon by all Libyan parties and approved by the House of Representatives, as well as disarming militias, combating terrorism, unifying the army and guaranteeing an equitable distribution of wealth. Egypt is resolute in its determination to preserve these foundational tenets of a political solution. Indeed, in his statement of 20 June, which was delivered in the military base of Sidi Barani in the Western Desert, President Abdel Fattah Al Sisi reaffirmed Egypt’s call for an immediate, unconditional ceasefire in Libya, insisting that all parties refrain from all military activity, thereby providing the opportunity for the resumption of the political process, involving all legitimate Libyan parties, to reach a Libyan-owned solution. This Security Council meeting presents us with a unique opportunity to call for an immediate nationwide ceasefire in Libya. This would be an important step towards the revival of the political talks in Geneva under the auspices of the United Nations and within the context of the Berlin parameters. It is imperative for the international community to exert every effort to help the Libyan people achieve stability in their country and find a path to peace. Egypt will provide its assistance and support to Libya, our direct neighbour, and its people, with whom we are bound by ties of fraternity, in their quest to guarantee the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of their State, with stable and efficient institutions of Government that serve all Libyans equally, and free of non-State actors and militias, which polarize society and destabilize our region. Our hope is to ensure that Libya remains free of foreign intervention and to assist that great nation in resuming its essential and positive role as a force for prosperity and stability in the Arab world and Africa.

I would like, first and foremost, to congratulate Germany on assuming the presidency of the Security Council and to thank you, Sir, for the opportunity to participate in today’s meeting. At the same time, I would like to thank the Secretary-General for his insightful briefing and his assessment of the situation. At this critical juncture of the conflict, and in the light of the risks of a deterioration of the situation, the Berlin process remains the anchor of the international community’s efforts towards a genuine political solution. Respect for Security Council resolutions and for the Berlin Conference conclusions should be our guiding principles. That will lead to a viable and credible ceasefire and to the eventual return of the parties to the negotiating table. The strict implementation of, and respect for, the arms embargo, along with the cessation of hostilities by all parties, are the key elements that will pave the way to the resolution to the conflict. In this vein, Greece fully supports the efforts of the Secretary-General and of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya for a Libyan-led and Libyan- owned process towards a peaceful and stable Libya. Any solution should be free from external interference and from actions that exacerbate the conflict or that are contrary to the interests of the Libyan people. At this point, allow me to highlight, as other colleagues have before me, the European Union’s tangible contribution to the implementation of the arms embargo through the establishment of the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean Operation IRINI. In addition, any initiative aiming at the resumption of inter-Libyan dialogue, under the Berlin umbrella, such as the Egyptian initiative of 6 June, should be encouraged. No frank discussion on Libya can take place if we ignore the fact that international legality is being violated in the country through the provision of weapons, military means, mercenaries and ammunition; the conclusion of illegal agreements, in violation of the international law, including the law of the sea and the sovereign rights of third parties; and the conclusion of agreements that further complicate the Libyan conflict, posing, at the same time, a risk to the peace and stability of the wider region. We would like to stress, in the strongest possible terms, that this is no way forward. As a neighbouring country, with a long-standing interest in the stability, peace and prosperity of Libya, we also bear the consequences of this crisis. I was recently in Tobruk, in my second visit to Libya in just a few months, during which I met with Speaker Saleh. We underline to all our interlocutors the need for a political solution, and we stand ready to contribute to international efforts in order to observe the arms embargo and the ceasefire in Libya. We do this by working towards a viable political settlement of the conflict. At this critical juncture, we believe it is high time to exert every possible effort in promoting peace and stability for Libya. It is also time for those who use Libya as their proxy-war battlefield to respect the commitments under Security Council resolutions and those made at the Berlin Conference. The time is also ripe for Libyans to take ownership of this process in order to reach an inclusive negotiated solution that can offer a viable, long-term way out of the conflict. It is therefore time for all of us to step up, by actively and genuinely contributing to the efforts of the international community in bringing back peace, stability and prosperity to Libya.

I wish to commend the German presidency of the Security Council for convening this session on Libya. I thank Secretary-General Guterres and commend the efforts of the United Nations. The situation in Libya remains extremely concerning. The unstable balance on the ground is a consequence of a series of strategic mistakes over the past 10 years, the latest of which was the military attack to Tripoli on 4 April 2019. When I was in Tripoli a few weeks ago, I conveyed a message of self-restraint and moderation to President Serraj. The same message must be conveyed to General Haftar, as we are also witnessing a military build-up from the east. Our collective support must stand with any proposal leading to a political solution, as long as it is fully inclusive, completely Libyan-owned and firmly anchored in the Berlin process. Italy is responding to humanitarian concerns by helping the Libyan Government dispose of the threat of landmines and booby traps in and around Tripoli. I wish to make four brief points. First, all foreign interference in Libya in violation of the arms embargo must stop. To that end, the European Union (EU) launched its Naval Force Mediterranean Operation IRINI. Italy has always supported a stronger role being played by the EU and is determined to ensure that the Operation is balanced and conflict-sensitive. We call on all countries to cooperate faithfully to halt all arms transfers via air, land or sea. Public statements must be matched by concrete commitments. Secondly, we need to establish a real ceasefire. Any agreement should be taken in the framework of the Berlin process. We fully support the United Nations- mediated negotiations within the 5+5 Joint Military Commission. The United Nations Support Mission in Libya should stand ready to favour a ceasefire agreement in the framework of the Berlin process, including — as also referred to by Minister Maas — through the definition of a “demilitarized zone”, which would help defuse tensions and reduce the military presence in the area. Thirdly, we should immediately resume political dialogue with a view to achieving a fully inclusive and Libyan-owned political solution. We took note of the Cairo initiative and the agreement between President of the House Saleh and General Haftar, but we must strive for a fully inclusive, Libyan-owned political solution. Fourthly, we must reach a prompt reactivation of oil production. We are ready to support a “Libyan” solution for a more equitable and transparent distribution of financial resources. In this framework, the proposal by Chairman Sanallah of the Libyan National Oil Corporation goes in the right direction. Six months on from the Conference, it is our collective responsibility to stick to the Berlin commitments. I convey to the Council Italy’s sense of urgency to appoint a new Special Representative of Secretary-General for Libya. I call on all members of the Security Council and all countries to work towards our common goal of stabilizing Libya for the sake of the Libyan population.

At the outset, I would like to congratulate Germany on assuming the presidency of the Security Council for this month. As we meet today, the situation in Libya continues to deteriorate. Please believe that I bear this weight, every second of my speaking time. I will be concise. I would share with the Council the perspective of my country, the Kingdom of Morocco, through three main messages. The first is a message of concern. The coronavirus has not made the situation any better. While everyone has been busy attempting to overcome the challenges of the pandemic, the political, military, economic and humanitarian situations in Libya have deteriorated further. In one year, 2,356 people have died, including 400 civilians. On the humanitarian level, the number of displaced persons and refugees continues to rise. Libya has more than 400,000 internally displaced persons, and nearly 50,000 refugees and asylum seekers. On the economic level, the decline in the gross domestic product growth is estimated at 58.7 per cent in 2020. The increase in the inflation rate is forecast at 22 per cent. The security situation is alarming, with the presence on the ground of uncontrolled armed groups, militias and terrorist actors. My second message is one of disappointment. International good will is unquestionable, but international political will is yet to be found. There is indeed consensus across the international community on the need to move forward and make progress in Libya. We are gathering today to renew and reconfirm that consensus. But let us be realistic and pragmatic in addressing some basic questions. Will the proliferation of initiatives help to resolve this conflict? Are they not mutually exclusive? Would they not have the opposite effect to that which is ardently sought — namely, that of prolonging an uncontrollable situation? Libya should not be regarded as a lucrative diplomatic business — a “fonds de commerce diplomatique”. But, as a matter of fact, Libya has become an arena for external competition, where some foreign Powers are engaged in a proxy war, placing additional hardship on our Libyan brothers. Foreign intervention in no way helps the Libyan parties rise above narrow interests and face the challenge of forging together a better future for Libya. Of course, we need to be aware of the divergent objectives, different values and asymmetrical power structures of the various actors. But, first and foremost, let us be bold and commit ourselves to the specific targets of creating the conditions for inter-Libyan discussions. My third, and last, message is a call for mobilization. There is a consensus within the international community on the need to move forward and make progress in Libya. We should be determined to translate our consensus into practical and concrete terms. The Kingdom of Morocco is deeply convinced that a sustainable solution to the Libyan crisis is a political solution, not a military one; a solution that must come from the Libyans themselves; a solution that guarantees the unity, territorial integrity and national sovereignty of Libya; and a solution that is safeguarded from foreign influences and agendas, including military interference. The Libyan Political Agreement, signed in Skhirat, Morocco, on 17 December 2015, may not be the perfect deal. However, no equal alternative is on the table. Its provisions need to be adjusted and updated, in the light of developments on the ground. It is up to the Libyan parties to do so. Our responsibility is to encourage them and help them in their national endeavour. We consider the United Nations Support Mission in Libya as an important instrument. But it can be further improved, enhanced and restructured. Libya is not only a neighbour to Morocco; it is a brotherly country with which we share a common history, common bonds, common interests and a common destiny. For us, Libya is not just a diplomatic issue; our stability and security depend on the situation in Libya.

Many thanks, Mr. President — dear Heiko — for having invited the European Union (EU) to a debate an issue of such relevance to us. The protracted conflict in Libya has caused immense suffering for all Libyans and has become a major challenge for the region, and ultimately for the international community. As the European Union, we believe it is high time to put an end to this military conflict right on our doorstep and manage a proper transition in Libya. We must preserve the country as one single Libya — a united, stable, prosperous and reliable partner for all. The present meeting brings together all countries that have the capacity, if genuinely committed, to contribute to a political transition in Libya. We all undertook strong commitments at the Berlin Conference in January. It is now time to translate our words into concrete actions. We need to work collectively, under strong United Nations leadership, to truly implement the conclusions of Berlin, which everybody accepted. The polarization, which has turned Libya into a theatre of proxy wars, needs to stop. Actions in support of one or the other Libyan party fuel the conflict, and some constitute clear provocations. Unilateral initiatives go against the spirit of the consensual international dialogue Libya urgently needs, and which we need to encourage. We must go back to our Berlin commitments, starting with the enforcement of the United Nations arms embargo, which unfortunately continues to be violated on all sides every day, with full impunity, as we heard from the United Nations and as Heiko recalled. And we need a collective effort to favour the return of the Libyan parties to the negotiating table, starting with the United Nations-led 5+5 military talks to reach an agreement on a sustainable ceasefire. And we support the initiative to demilitarize the conflict around Sirte and Jufra. We, the European Union, are doing our part. I have promoted strong EU commitment to the Berlin process, to respect and implement what we all agreed. That is why we launched the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean Operation IRINI, with core tasks to implement the United Nations arms embargo and to stop the flow of weapons into Libya, as well as to monitor oil smuggling. We are reporting regularly to the United Nations Panel of Experts on the basis of the mandate given by the Security Council. It is also clear that control of the arms flow into Libya requires action beyond the maritime domain. But for that, the Council should enlarge the mandate. As co-Chair of the Economic Group, we also hope to find a sustainable solution for the exploitation of oil resources in Libya, a key issue in the conflict, which is directly linked to the increasing build-up of presence in Sirte. That is of the utmost importance; all of the European help to Libya is the equivalent of the oil revenues that Libya could generate in one week. Later this month, we will co-host the next international follow-up committee on Libya, where these discussions can continue. We need to work towards these goals together, stop all interference fuelling the conflict and join forces to support an inclusive, Libyan-owned and Libyan-led process leading to a political solution.

The League of Arab States highly appreciates the initiative by Germany to convene this meeting, which affords us the opportunity to advance the linkage between the Berlin process and the Security Council in addressing the situation in Libya. We remain fully committed to the implementation of the Berlin Conference conclusions in their entirety, including in our capacity as current Chair of the international follow-up committee and as co-Chair of its political working group. We are all aware of the complexities of the conflict and the challenges we face in its resolution. These have been exacerbated by the incessant external military interventions on the ground, the ongoing disregard for the arms embargo and the uninterrupted deployment of foreign mercenaries to the battlefield. This open- ended proxy interference in one of our Arab member States is unacceptable. Our position remains firm and clear — as was articulated once again during the League of Arab States’ emergency ministerial meeting two weeks ago — in calling for the immediate cessation of hostilities and the withdrawal of all foreign forces present on Libyan territory. The Berlin process was essentially designed to uphold those commitments, yet they remain the subject of systematic violations, as is the case with the Council’s own resolutions. That pernicious dynamic must change if we are to have any chance of returning Libya to the path towards a comprehensive political resolution of the conflict. The road map before us is clear. It was agreed in Berlin and was endorsed by the Council in resolution 2510 (2020). It was also recently afforded additional momentum by the Cairo declaration. Our immediate priority must focus on de-escalating the situation on the ground, especially around Sirte. We must continue to press the Government of National Accord and the Libyan National Army to engage in the 5+5 negotiations and reach a permanent ceasefire agreement under United Nations supervision. We must assist the Libyan parties and stakeholders in relaunching an inclusive political process to end Libya’s transition. We also recognize the urgency of restoring Libya’s oil production, under the authority of the National Oil Corporation, for the benefit of all Libyans and with arrangements for the equitable and transparent utilization of revenues. All of these tracks must remain wholly Libyan-led and Libyan-owned, under the auspices of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya and with the full support of the international community. They can succeed only in an environment free of all forms of intervention by external actors and of the threat posed by illegal armed groups and militias. The Arab League will continue to accompany the Libyan parties in pursuing these three security, political and economic tracks in a manner that safeguards Libya’s sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and national unity. We remain fully opposed to any attempt to turn Libya into yet another theatre of external military adventurism or to demarcate its territory into zones of foreign influence. Our ultimate objective must be anchored in enabling the Libyan people to establish their permanent, unified and legitimate national institutions via free, fair and credible elections, which can be held only within an agreed legal and constitutional framework and in a conducive political environment and security situation. We call on all Berlin participants to recommit, in word and deed, to those goals, and we urge the members of the Council to unite in exercising their responsibility, in concert with the Arab League, to extricate Libya from this perilous abyss.

I wish to thank you, Mr. President, for allowing this right of reply. I will make it brief despite the fact that the Libyan representative was fairly lengthy in his accusations against, I think, almost every constructive player in the international community. We regret that, given the constructive nature of this meeting under your leadership, an attempt was made by the representative of Libya to undermine it. My Minister, Mr. Gargash, outlined earlier in his statement the fact that the United Arab Emirates has consistently supported a comprehensive and lasting political solution to the Libyan crisis and that its efforts have always been in accordance with the principles of international law, the Charter of the United Nations and Security Council resolutions, and we continue to support the tireless efforts of the United Nations to work with the parties to reach a ceasefire and resume a political process. I feel that I must say this again here for the record because of the accusations that were levelled at my country. Yes, the solution must come from the Libyan people, but that includes all of the Libyan people, not a select few. Progress in Libya will necessarily involve a difficult compromise by all parties in Libya and a recognition that any hopes for a military victory are illusory. We reaffirm our commitment to Libya and the outcomes of the Berlin Conference, and we urge others to make the same commitment here today because — and I was asked why my country has an interest of being at this table — ensuring Libya’s long-term peace and stability is a core interest for peace and security in the international community at large.

Chad welcomes the holding of this important ministerial meeting of the Security Council on the situation in Libya via video-teleconference and thanks Germany for having taken that initiative. Chad notes with regret that the parties to the conflict, supported by foreign Powers clashing by proxy in the Libyan theatre, continue to foster an escalation of violence, in violation of the commitments undertaken within the framework of the Berlin Conference of 19 January. Faced with this dangerous military escalation, which could have extremely serious regional consequences, Chad calls on the Security Council to shoulder its responsibilities to enforce the arms embargo and put an end to external interference and to recourse to mercenaries and foreign fighters. The continuation of deadly clashes against a backdrop of competition from foreign Powers and the increasing use of militias, mercenaries and auxiliaries from abroad only intensify the violence and worsen the humanitarian situation. To this must be added the spectre of possible war crimes following the horrifying discovery of mass graves during the retaking of cities by one or another camp. Chad calls on all Libyan stakeholders to immediately cease hostilities and engage in negotiations for a lasting ceasefire, with a view to promoting an inclusive dialogue process leading to genuine national reconciliation in the best interests of the Libyan people. Chad is convinced that the solution to the Libyan crisis is political, not military, and that such a solution must be the result of an understanding among the Libyans themselves. The role of the international community is to help them achieve that goal. In this respect, Chad underlines the urgency of strong mobilization on the part of the United Nations, together with the African Union and the countries neighbouring Libya, in order to pick up the thread of the dialogue among all Libyan actors without any exclusion. A lasting resolution of the Libyan crisis must be inclusive and take into account all the sociological, regional and political dimensions of Libyan society in all its diversity. To that end, the best platform for allowing Libyans to talk to one another is the inclusive forum for intra-Libyan dialogue, the organization of which is entrusted to the African Union. There is an urgent need for the actors to agree on a largely consensual road map, emphasizing national reconciliation, the unity of the country and the restoration of State authority. Such a road map must also include the disarmament and integration of militias into State institutions or social life, the dismantling of mercenary and terrorist groups present in Libya and the withdrawal of foreign fighters. In that regard, Chad calls on all Libyan stakeholders to immediately cease hostilities and to engage in negotiations for a lasting ceasefire with a view to an inclusive dialogue process leading to genuine national reconciliation, in the best interests of the Libyan people.

I thank the German presidency for having organized this meeting. Almost 10 years have elapsed since Libyans expressed their desire for freedom and democracy. The quest of the Libyan people for democracy that started with the February revolution in 2011 continues unabated, and their aspirations are very much alive. Attempts at resurrecting a totalitarian regime will only cause further destabilization in Libya and the entire region. It has been more than a year now since General Haftar launched his aggression against the Government of National Accord (GNA), the legitimate Government of Libya that was endorsed by the Security Council. From the outset, Turkey has stated its position loud and clear: there can be no military solution to the ongoing conflict in Libya. We have consistently supported and contributed to international efforts — whether in Rome; Skhirat, Morocco; Paris; Moscow; or Berlin — in order to revitalize a Libyan-led, Libyan-owned political process under United Nations auspices. A viable and genuine political process can be advanced only once a sustainable ceasefire has been achieved in the country. Despite the explicit provisions of resolution 2259 (2015), many actors have engaged with the parallel entities in Libya. That attitude has served as a licence for Haftar to continue his aggression against the legitimate Government, denounce the Libyan Political Agreement and even declare his own military dictatorship. Placing the aggressor on an equal footing with the legitimate United Nations-recognized Government is wrong and counterproductive. That grave mistake must be corrected. In the case of supporters of Haftar, the provision of brazen political and military support to that warlord in pursuit of subversive objectives against the legitimate Government is incompatible with international law and the relevant United Nations resolutions, and harmful to peace and stability in Libya and beyond. Putting the blame on Turkey, as some countries have done during this meeting, all the while working at cross-purposes with the United Nations-led political process, amounts to hypocrisy and cannot be accepted. Any unilateral initiative put forward in the absence of the legitimate Government is ill-fated and cannot be conducive to a political process. The Berlin framework provides the necessary architecture for intra-Libyan talks under United Nations auspices. Another major shortcoming relates to the European Union Naval Force Mediterranean Operation IRINI, which was launched without due consultations with the GNA. In an environment in which Haftar acquires all the arms and support he needs by land and air, the operation in practice sanctions only the legitimate Government. That issue must be addressed. In that context, the French claims concerning the nature of the incident between our ships are simply unsubstantiated. Turkey regards it as an international obligation to support the GNA in its endeavours to safeguard legitimacy and civilian lives. With the technical and training assistance that we provided upon the Government’s request, the GNA was able to sustain a balance on the ground, and a larger humanitarian crisis has been prevented. The continuing illegal oil blockade is another issue of critical importance to the Libyan people. Libya has lost more than $6 billion since last January owing to the seven-month-long oil blockade. That blockade should be lifted and control of oil facilities returned to the National Oil Corporation. The discovery of mass graves in the city of Tarhouna is a grim reminder of the scope of the atrocities and human suffering in Libya. This must be a wakeup call for all sides that have condoned or supported Haftar’s aggression to varying degrees. The international community and the relevant organizations must take urgent steps to investigate this matter. As such, we welcome the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court’s decision to deploy a mission to conduct investigations on the ground. The Human Rights Council’s decision to set up a fact-finding mission to Libya is also expected to deliver results on this important matter. The mines and improvised explosive devices placed in neighbourhoods by Haftar’s militias before they retreated is yet another brutal method aimed at terrorizing civilians. Those war crimes must be investigated and all perpetrators held accountable. Before concluding, I would like to reiterate Turkey’s commitment to helping to achieve a sustainable political solution in Libya. For that purpose, we will continue our contributions in the Berlin follow-up mechanisms and the working groups.

Allow me, at the outset, to congratulate Germany on having assumed the presidency of the Security Council for the month of July and to convey to you, Sir, the warmest greetings of your counterpart, Jean-Claude Gakosso, our Minister for Foreign Affairs, who was unexpectedly unable to take part in this important debate. I would like to express, on behalf of His Excellency Mr. Denis Sassou Nguesso, President of the Republic of the Congo and Chair of the African Union (AU) Ad Hoc High-level Committee on Libya, my delegation’s heartfelt gratitude for the invitation extended to the Congo to take part in today’s timely meeting on the situation in Libya. May I take this opportunity to reiterate our deep appreciation to Chancellor Angela Merkel for her commitment throughout the Berlin process. The Berlin Conference held on 19 January was critical, as it opened the path for all participating international stakeholders in the peace process in Libya to speak with one voice. On that occasion, all of them made a commitment to complying with the arms embargo and to refraining from interfering in Libya’s internal affairs. As the Chairperson of the African Union’s Ad Hoc High-level Committee on Libya underscored in his opening remarks at the meeting of the Committee held in January in Addis Ababa, following his participation in the historic Berlin Conference, the Conference created momentum for catharsis and acknowledged the critical role of Africa. Libya is an African country and a member of the African Union. On that account, Africa has been playing its part in the Libyan crisis. In that endeavour, I would like to recognize the commendable commitment of the Secretary-General, António Guterres, to working in partnership with the African Union — and, namely, with the AU Committee — and I invite him to diligently appoint his Special Representative. Unfortunately, the ongoing war in Libya has dire humanitarian consequences. Interference from global and regional Powers have transformed the Libyan conflict into a proxy international war. Libya has become a sanctuary for terrorist groups and mercenaries from various locations. On behalf of His Excellency Mr. Denis Sassou Nguesso, President of the Republic of the Congo, Chairman of the African Union Ad Hoc High-level Committee on Libya and Chair of its Contact Group, I convey the message that the mandate of the Committee, as set out in its road map, reflects the unwavering position of the African Union on the situation in Libya, which is in line with the Berlin Conference conclusions. Accordingly, the Committee calls for the urgent implementation of an immediate ceasefire in the light of the coronavirus disease, strict compliance with the arms embargo, the resumption of political negotiations with broader representation, the disarmament of armed groups, the revival of the Cairo process and the holding of a reconciliation forum in Addis Ababa, under the auspices of the African Union, in order to discuss the road map to the general elections. For those challenges to be successfully addressed, Council unity is key and foreign interference must end. The African Union Ad Hoc High-level Committee on Libya, in close partnership with the Secretary-General, continues to support a political approach that includes all Libyans with a view to ending this conflict, to which there can be no military solution. The Committee calls upon the Security Council to take on its responsibilities and reiterates its commitment to play its part, in harmony with the African Union Commission, and on the basis of the consensus reached in Berlin.

At the outset, I would like to welcome Minister Maas, who is joining us for this important meeting. I would also like to congratulate you, Sir, on your country’s assumption of the presidency of the Security Council for this month. I thank the Secretary-General for his briefing, and Ms. Stephanie Williams for her efforts in leading the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL). I also take this opportunity to thank Germany and Mrs. Angela Merkel for her efforts to reach international consensus and find a peaceful solution to the Libyan crisis. Today’s meeting comes at an important time and provides an opportunity, in the presence of all the countries represented here, to officially announce the failure of the adventure led by the aggressor, which it named “the Jihad and the Open Conquest”. I also confirm the fulfilment of our previous promise that the invader would never enter Tripoli, and he did not. Thanks to our national army and our valiant armed forces, we affirm the triumph of Operation Burkan Al-Ghadab, a victory for those who call for a civil and democratic State over the defeated scheme of State militarization. The resilience of Tripoli is a symbol of resilience against all counter-revolution plots and those who support them, not only for Libya but on behalf of the entire region. As I have said previously, since 2011 my country has witnessed attempts by several States to extend their control over Libya, plunder its wealth and tear apart its national and social fabric. Those States benefited from interventions to create chaos and settle scores on our land. They took advantage of opportunists in order to achieve their agendas by suppressing the dream of a democratic transformation, to which the Libyans aspire. Today, as they listen to today’s briefers and speakers, Libyans are wondering why they are now talking about a political settlement and dialogue. Where were they more than a year ago when bombs were falling on innocent people and thousands of civilians, including women and children, were killed? Where were they when our civilian infrastructure was being bombed and hundreds of thousands were displaced? All those violations and war crimes occurred before their eyes. What did they do to stop them? And what have we gained from the bloody adventure launched by a rebel obsessed with power? Today we are hearing calls for reason, wisdom and dialogue, but by whom? By States that — either secretly or publicly — are still supporting the aggressor. We are hearing calls for reason by States that deliberately disrupted United Nations dialogue and the efforts of its former Special Envoy Ghassan Salamé, who spoke in an interview a few days ago. Now free from the restrictions of United Nations bureaucracy, Mr. Salamé expressed his anger and pointed out the hypocrisy of some States, saying that he was stabbed in the back by the majority of the members of the Council, and that they no longer had any role when Haftar launched his attack on Tripoli. He further said that Haftar got the support of most, while they were being criticized in Libya because they did not stop him. He concluded that some major States not only supported Haftar, but deliberately colluded against holding a national conference in Ghadames. We also heard today from some who still say there can be no military solution in Libya. In the light of the words of the sixth Special Envoy for Libya, how can we trust the international community’s stated intentions of reaching a peaceful solution, or its credibility in future? The people of Libya and the people of the world are tired of double standards. Unfortunately, the United Nations, which is 75 years-old, has become strained and helpless, and the Security Council has become nothing but an arena for arguments and empty statements. Real and fundamental reform is therefore inevitable. What more evidence of crimes and violations by the aggressor and its supporters, as documented in the Council’s own reports and in the reports of the International Criminal Court (ICC), is the Council waiting for? What about the mass graves recently revealed in the city of Tarhouna? Up to 220 bodies of children, women and young people have been discovered so far, some of whom were buried alive. What about the explosives and mines planted in the homes of citizens south of Tripoli, resulting thus far in the death of 80 innocent victims, according to the Mission? That was nothing but a cowardly act carried out by Haftar’s militias and mercenaries, evoking other atrocities committed in Sirte by terrorists of the Islamic State in Iraq and the Shams (ISIS). And yet some still consider this war criminal to be a partner for peace. In that regard, we thank the ICC and the Human Rights Council for accepting our request to investigate those violations, and we hope they will help bring the perpetrators to justice. What other evidence and proof is the Council waiting for to see that there is an international presence of mercenaries — whether affiliated with the Russian Wagner Group or Sudanese, Chadian or Syrian — working under the command of the war criminal and his agents? The Libyan people and the entire world saw them on television fleeing their positions south of Tripoli. We all saw how the mercenaries were hurriedly evacuated from Bani Walid Airport after realizing that their defeat was inevitable. Today we find them stationed in the east, hiding in broad daylight and hijacking oil fields and ports. We therefore reiterate our request to the States concerned to withdraw their citizens and hold them and those who finance them accountable. Otherwise, they are complicit in those violations and crimes and the Security Council should impose immediate sanctions on these entities and individuals. In that regard, I would like to thank the Sudanese Government for arresting, a few days ago, more than 120 mercenaries, who were trying to infiltrate the borders to fight in Libya. In response to the Russian representative’s objection that there are no Russian military soldiers in Libya, I note the presence of the Russian Wagner Group, which recruits multinationals, including Russian citizens. We ask Russia, therefore, to act and withdraw them. The Libyan people are wondering about the reasons behind the presence of some States that have no ties to Libya participating in international forums on Libya. For instance, why was the United Arab Emirates involved in discussing the future of Libya? Is it a neighbouring country? A Mediterranean country? Or a member of the Security Council? If the United Arab Emirates is not interfering in our affairs, as it claims, why do they rush to take a seat at every meeting? Why do they welcome war criminals and give them a platform to hold press conferences to incite war, and provide them with funding and weapons? Why were Emirati officers recently featured in video recordings training Haftar militias on Russian Pantsir-S1 missile systems. Does Libya pose a threat to the national security of the United Arab Emirates? The United Arab Emirates is undoubtedly involved in supporting the unsuccessful coup attempt in Libya and in threatening international peace and security in several parts of the world, as indicated in various United Nations reports. It has not been able to defend itself with regard to what was stated against them. For all of those reasons, we no longer accept its engagement in our political dialogues. In that regard, we call upon the United Nations and the international community to limit future Libyan talks to concerned Member States from neighbouring countries, Mediterranean countries and the Security Council. If not, then we will demand adding other important countries to assure proper balance when discussing the Libyan matter. In the same context, we are astonished to hear some countries today saying that they are against foreign interference, calling for the preservation of Libya’s sovereignty over its territories and presenting unrealistic and unilateral political initiatives in the absence of relevant players — as we have been hearing today regarding the so called Cairo declaration. At the same time, we see statements and threats of direct intervention, as announced by the Egyptian Government, the drawing of red lines inside our lands, as stated by its President, and threatening to arm the youth of our tribes to fight their brothers inside Libya under the excuse of national security. We totally condemn and reject those threats and remind everyone that their support for Haftar is what threatened international peace and security and regional stability, and what has brought us to where we are today. We will face any aggression with firmness and strength. We can understand that Libya’s national security falls within Egypt’s national security, but Libya cannot be reduced to a region on any country’s border. We did not interfere in the political affairs of others, as Egypt has chosen to do, but no one can impose their system on us. Moreover, Libya is not being governed by a tribal group, as is being falsely claimed. Instead, our tribes are our cultural and social foundation. We value and cherish them, and any attempts to divide us will not succeed. We remind the Foreign Minister of Egypt that the Government of National Accord liberated Sirte from ISIS and avenged the killing of 21 Egyptian citizens. We are the ones who recovered the bodies and sent them to their families to rest in peace, not Haftar and his forces. In fact, he was the one who allowed ISIS safe passage from Derna to Sirte. The continuation of military operations until the entire Libyan soil is free of rebels, militias and mercenaries is a sovereign issue that falls under the responsibility of the Libyan State and its Government. It is our national duty. It is therefore only the State that has the right to determine when and where it ends. That being said, Haftar´s militia and mercenaries retain control over several oil fields and installations. Most recently, we witnessed the invasion by Wagner Group mercenaries of the El-Sharara oilfield in an act to engage the south in another cycle of chaos and to add to the suffering of its people, who already have been through difficult times and lived decades of crisis and marginalization. According to the National Oil Company, the recent closure of oil ports has caused an estimated financial loss of more than $6.5 billion, and some foreign actors are taking advantage of that issue as leverage to achieve their objectives in other international affairs and increase their shares in the global markets. In that regard, we emphasize that oil is the wealth of all Libyans. We will liberate all facilities from militias and mercenaries, and we will use all possible means to resume production. In that connection, my Government reserves the right to prosecute those who incited the blockage of oilfields and prevented the export of oil. The allegations put forth regarding the issue of equal distribution of wealth are nothing but flimsy justifications presented in order to control State resources. That will never happen. We affirm that solving this problem sustainably and ensuring justice for all regions of Libya can come about only through ending the transitional periods and agreeing on a constitution in which the Libyan people define the State’s governing and economic systems. As noted above, I would like to emphasize the following. First, choosing our coalitions, signing security, military or other agreements with any country is a sovereign and legitimate right, and is not called foreign intervention. Some States launch interventions and violate the sovereignty of others, undermining legitimate Governments and backing coups and outlaws with money, arms and political support. If our agreements are illegal, then all of our agreements signed with other countries — whether security, economic or oil-related — are also illegal. With regard to the remark made by the Greek Minister on the interference of countries in internal affairs without the will of the State, we remind him that he is the one who violated resolution 2259 (2015) by dealing with the parallel Government in the east. Secondly, the Council’s resolutions on the situation in Libya call on all States to support the Government of National Accord in extending its control over the entire Libyan territory. Furthermore, the arms embargo should apply to illegitimate actors, instead of undermining the Government and supporting the coup against it. Thirdly, we are all aware of the problem of the spread of weapons, militias and armed groups in most cities and regions. However, the solution was not, and should not have been, addressed by waging wars and fighting. A solution can be reached only through putting an end to the division of the country, achieving stability and embracing our youth and activating disarmament, demobilization and reintegration and security sector reform programmes. Furthermore, any solution must improve the economic and social situation. Over the years, our youth have been victims of conflict and a deteriorating situation. They should not all be put in one basket. Fourthly, we believe in the significance of reaching a comprehensive political solution among all Libyans, one that leads to building constitutional institutions so as push the country out of its current crisis. However, that does not include parties that have committed violations and crimes to seize power and militarize the State. Fifthly, any political initiatives presented must be nation-owned and carried out under the auspices of the United Nations and in coordination with the African Union. We reject any unilateral initiatives that do not include all Libyan parties, are custom-made for some individuals or are presented by "impartial" States that support rebels. Sixthly, we request the presidency of the Security Council to hold a special and urgent meeting of the sanctions committee this month, in the presence of representatives of all States mentioned in the reports of the Panel of Experts on Libya accused of violating the arms embargo in support of the aggression. I do not think that this request is difficult to fulfil, and it is equally as important as today’s meeting. My Government reaffirms its strategic choice to adopt peaceful solutions to the Libyan crisis and to exclude foreign interference. It further reaffirms the participation of parties that believe in peace and work towards achieving it, which is in fact the approach adopted by the Libyan State on many occasions. We also call on the United Nations to deal with the issue of political dialogue among Libyans in a different manner from now on, since the circumstances have changed. There is no room to again talk about the outcomes of Paris, Palermo, Abu Dhabi or others. It must expand the base of the political dialogue stemming from the Libyan Political Agreement so as to be more inclusive and include real actors, political parties and figures from all regions. The only solution to the Libyan crisis and to stopping the fighting over legitimacy is to return to the Libyan people and end the useless transitional periods. The previous mistakes should not be repeated and the custom-made solutions to suit certain individuals, groups or countries must come to an end. The only solution must come through the Constitution, which was deliberately ignored in all political initiatives despite the work of the nationally elected Constitution Drafting Assembly. We must organize legislative and presidential elections as soon as possible, as this will provide an opportunity for those individuals aspiring to participate in the elections and prove their popularity and true legitimacy. This is the only solution to our self-determination, rather than having our destiny being determined by others. This summarizes the political vision of the Government of National Accord for those who ask, and it is supposed to be the subject of our Libyan dialogue. In conclusion, we call on all Libyans to reunite, side with the nation and work together to deny the opportunity to those who seek to divide us. The outcome of the aggressor’s adventure was nothing but more killings and destruction for the benefit of other States and individuals. Throughout history our beloved people in the east have been a beacon of scholars, elites, intellectuals and revolutionaries of Libya. We cannot recall any time in the past when they sent their men under any pretext to kill and displace their Libyan brothers and sisters. They have always been the voice of truth, and the independence of Libya and its unity were due to the wisdom of their leaders at that time. We all must remember our founding fathers from all over the country, east, west, north and south, who contributed through their patriotism to establishing the State and uniting the nation, rather than destroying and dividing it. It is us who could stop all foreign interference, ambitions and conspiracies, whatever and by whoever they may be, so let us work together to build our future with our free will.

Let me apologize on behalf of Minister Blok, who had looked forward to participating in this important meeting. Unfortunately, he had to cancel at the last moment because of unforeseen developments that required his attention. My Minister asked me to convey his deep appreciation for the efforts of Germany regarding the issue at hand in general and the personal efforts of Minister Maas in particular. It is now nearly six months since the Berlin Conference. We commend the efforts of the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL), and Special Representative of the Secretary-General Williams specifically, in keeping up the momentum created in January despite the unprecedented times we are now facing with the coronavirus disease crisis. It is indeed a Herculean task. Continuous disregard of the weapons embargo and increased foreign intervention have driven Libya to a point of regional escalation, putting all the Libyan people at risk. These developments endanger the country’s territorial integrity and sovereignty, which runs counter to what the United Nations and the Security Council stands for. We call on all members to recommit to the Berlin conclusions and move towards de-escalation, especially in the short term around Sirte and Al-Jufra. We are therefore supportive of the idea, proposed by you, Mr. Minister, in your national statement just now, to demilitarize this area and to create a buffer zone there. We very much welcome the resumption of the 5+5 Joint Military Commission talks and call on them to settle on a lasting ceasefire and discard the zero-sum attitude. We are also encouraged by the various political initiatives and prospects of inter-Libyan talks in Geneva under the auspices of UNSMIL. The Kingdom of the Netherlands, together with Switzerland, is pleased to have joined the international follow-up committee on Libya by co-chairing the international humanitarian law and human rights working group. We need to actively deal with the horrors of the conflict, such as the horrific mass graves around Tarhouna. We must hold the perpetrators accountable, and the Kingdom of the Netherlands fully supports the statement of our Belgian colleague to that effect just now. Accountability is crucial to breaking the vicious cycle of violence based on revenge and impunity. In that context, we also welcome the establishment of the fact-finding mission and the work of the International Criminal Court. We call on all parties, national and international, to provide the necessary support for their activities. Let me end by reiterating our support for UNSMIL in bringing about a lasting solution to the Libyan crisis within the framework of the Berlin conclusions. The Kingdom of the Netherlands believes that all parties in Libya should engage in a serious political dialogue. Any solution to the Libyan crisis should be Libyan-led and Libyan-owned. The Libyan people have suffered from insecurity for far too long. They deserve to live in a peaceful, secure and prosperous country.

I am delivering this statement on behalf of Ms. Asma Mohamed Abdalla, Foreign Minister of the Republic of the Sudan. On behalf of the Republic of the Sudan, I congratulate Germany on assuming the Security Council presidency for the month of July and for convening this timely debate on the situation in Libya. I would like to take this opportunity to welcome His Excellency Mr. Heiko Maas, German Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs. The Sudanese people recognize and appreciate His Excellency’s visit to Khartoum as one of the first foreign visits to the Sudan after the success of its peaceful revolution. May I also take this opportunity to convey once again my Government’s thanks to Germany for successfully organizing the Sudan Partnership Conference in late June. I would also like to thank Secretary-General António Guterres for the United Nations role at that conference and for his briefing today. The Sudan attaches great importance to the political and security situation in Libya. It is not only that the two countries share borders with each other, but also because what happens in Libya can affect, positively or negatively, the national security and political stability of the Sudan. Therefore, we have been closely following the developments in the country, as well as the initiatives to narrow the differences among the various actors in Libya. We thus once again express our support for those initiatives. In that regard, it is our conviction that all Libya’s neighbouring States should be engaged in any international or regional arrangements seeking to stop the fighting in Libya and save our brothers there from the scourge of war, destruction and unnecessary external interference. The neighbouring States have not only a vital interest in a peaceful Libya that lives at peace with itself and its neighbours, but also a fundamental role to play in bringing that peace to the country. The Sudan remains firm in its position that no military solution will ever put an end to the conflict in Libya. The situation in Libya is of a political nature and can be solved only through negotiation and dialogue between the parties to address their political differences through peaceful means. Let me take this opportunity to point out that, while we are aware of some reports about the involvement of Sudanese individuals and non-State actors in the conflict in Libya, the Sudanese Government categorically denies any participation of Sudanese troops in support of the belligerent parties in Libya. On the contrary, the Sudan has repeatedly offered to form a joint military force between the Sudan and Libya to secure the borders from any illegal crossings, whether in the form of individual fighters, human traffickers or organized criminal groups. Just last week, the Sudanese Armed Forces detained 122 Sudanese nationals who were trying to illegally cross the borders to Libya, presumably to fight there or cross the Mediterranean to Europe. To conclude, the Sudan remains supportive of the Government of National Accord in Libya. We also reiterate our support for Libya’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. We look forward to any engagement that realizes the Libyan people’s aspiration to security, reconciliation and sustainable peace.

We thank Germany for convening today’s debate and for the invitation to speak as co-Chair, together with the Netherlands, of the international humanitarian law and human rights working group of the Berlin process. Switzerland is deeply concerned about the deterioration of the situation in Libya and calls on all parties to the armed conflict to respect international humanitarian law in all circumstances. We also urge all those who bear responsibilities to fully respect and protect human rights. Switzerland supported the establishment of an independent, international and impartial fact-finding mission, recognizing that violations must be investigated to ensure the accountability of perpetrators. In order for the Berlin process working group to successfully implement its mandate, it needs the full support not only of the Libyans but also of the international community, in particular the Security Council. Three issues should be immediately acted upon. First is the cessation of hostilities. For any progress towards sustaining peace to be achieved, it is now time to silence the weapons and to bring all parties to the negotiation table. We therefore support the Secretary-General’s call for a global ceasefire and welcome the adoption of resolution 2532 (2020). As one of the host countries of the peace talks led by the United Nations, we will continue to support their convening in Geneva. Secondly, in the light of the deteriorating situation in Libya, the United Nations Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) needs a robust mandate in order to monitor and report violations of human rights and of international humanitarian law on the ground, as well as to ensure a close follow-up to the Berlin process. Therefore, Switzerland strongly encourages strengthening the human rights component of UNSMIL by allocating the necessary resources. Finally, peace efforts must include and reach out to the relevant Libyan stakeholders, including civil society, in order to ensure the inclusive nature of the Berlin process and anchor it in the reality on the ground. To that end, in its role as co- Chair, Switzerland will work to achieve tangible progress, in particular with regard to key humanitarian aspects, such as improving humanitarian access and ensuring the protection and assistance of the civilian population. Before concluding, allow me to address the issue of the establishment of a demilitarized zone around Sirte and Al-Jufra, which has been referred to. It certainly has the potential to prevent the emergence of renewed hostilities among the parties to the conflict. Of course, its operational modalities would need to be looked at in detail. In the meantime, in its capacity as co-Chair of the international humanitarian law and human rights working group of the Berlin process, Switzerland calls upon all countries to exert their influence over the parties in order to agree a ceasefire as a matter of urgency. In line with its long-standing commitment and holistic approach to Libya, Switzerland will continue to promote cooperation across conflict lines and support Libyan officials in their efforts to overcome institutional divisions.