S/32/PV.40 Security Council

Mr. President, con- sidering that in his statement to this Assembly [17th meeting] my Head of State has conveyed to you the greetings and congratulations of the people and Govern- ment of the People's Republic of Mozambique on your election, I shall simply reaffirm the detemtlin~tion of my delegation to co-operate actively with you for the success of the work of the Assembly session that yell are ably conducting. 2. I should like, however, to salute especially the United Nations Council for Namibia for the detailed report [A/32/24] which it has provided as well as for the efforts it has been exerting to find a just solution to the problem of that Territory. 3. The deterioration in the political and mHitary situation in southern Africa, where the flame of the liberation torch of the peoples still under oppression burns intensely, has made world public opinion and all peace-lOVing peoples concentrate their attention on the agenda of the thirty- second session of the United Nations General Assembly in quest of a just solution that may serve the real interests of those peoples. 4. The victory acpleved by the peoples of Angola and Mozambique over Portuguese colonialism, which pro- foundly changed the balance of forces in that part of our continent, has forced imperialism to adopt a new strategy with a view to stopping the irreversible process ofnational liberation in Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa. The ruthless domination and exploitation to whic!r: the people NEW YOlK of those countries are still subjected constitutes a challenge to the conscience of the entire international community. 5. In order to muzzle the oppressed people the colonialist and racist regimes of South Mrica aIJ.d Rhodesia intensify their violation of the most elementary human rights. The most recent example of this is to be found in the odious measures taken by the racist regime of Vorster in banning their social and political organizations. That is why we believe that the General Assembly in considering the question of Namibia as a priority item is in fact recognizing that the situation in southern Africa today is so explosive that it puts international peace and security at stake. 6. In Namibia we find a situation in which Vorster's racist forces illegally occupy the Territory, defying all United Nations resolutions and decisions and denying the Nami- bian people their right to self-determination and inde- pendence. 7. However, in the face of the advancing struggle of the people of Namibia led by the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], their legitimate representative, which has won many victories in both the mHitary and the diplomatic field, the South Aflican regime, backed by Western Powers and unable to fight the liberation move- ment, started manoeuvres to divide the people. In trying to fmd ways of granting a false in~ependence to Namibia the racist regime is only trying to safeguard colonial interests to the detriment ofthe Namibian people. 8. It is in this context that, in his speech at the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Narirlbia, held in Maputo in May, the President of the Frente de Libertagao de Mogambique and of the People's Republic of Mozambique, referring to the situation in Namibia said: "On Namibia, the United Nations has often held debates and proposed the just way for the solution of the conflict. Resolution 385 (1976) of the Security Council taken as a whole consthutes such a platform. "The recent initiatives by the five Western members of the Security Council, if taken in this context, will contribute to the acceleration of the resolution of the conflict. If, however, once again they are aimed at safeguarding interests which are alien to the people and privileges for the settlers, if they contribute to the divisions of the Territory and the appearance of puppets pretending to be valid interlocutors, then the initiatives will only serve to uselessly lengthen the conflict. "The question of Walvis Bay is an artificial one, an inheritance from Anglo-German rivalries during the Berlin 9. Thus, the People's Republic of Mozambique considers that the initiatives of the five Western Powers members of the Security Council constitute a basis for negotiations between the concerned parties. However, it is necessary that the principles.and objectives so often announced by SWAPO and reiterated by its President, Mr. Sam Nujoma, before this Assembly two days ago [35th meeting] shoUld be strictly observed. 10. The'withdrawal from Namibian territory of all occu- pation forces is a fundamental condition for the holding of free elections under United Nations supervision. It is the United Nations forces which should secure the peaceful transfer of power, defend the territorial integrity of Nawjbia and see to it that the elections take place in an atmosphere of peace and neutrality. 11. We cannot legitimize the usurpation of power by t.he Vorster racist regime. The presence of United Nations troops and a United Nations representative in Namibia should not be regarded as a compromise between South Mrica and SWAPO. 12. The United Nations goes to Namibia because it has every right to do so and because it is its duty to defend the Territory against an foreign interference and encroachment until such time as the Namibian people may' exercise their power. South Africa has no right to demand any guarantee in Namibia because it is an aggressor and an illegal occupier who must quit the Territory. 13. During its hideous hysteria, colonialism always resisted the withdrawal of its forces from the colonized territories, using always the same arguments that their withdrawal would mean chaos, civil war and even occupation by other forces. The aggressors claim to the last moment to be defen.ders of the people they have been oppressing and exploiting.

The question of decolonization in 14. But, as a matter of fact, the withdrawal of the the Territory of i~amibia under the illegal occupation of colonialists has never left a vacuum in any part of the South Africa is a unique case, ,of the last vestige of world. In the case of Narnibia we do not see why South colonialism in southern Africa~ where the long and sus- Africa is worried abollt the situation in the Territory after tained efforts of the United Nations have not yet been the withdrawal of its forces, since the United Nations has fruitful It arises because one of the Members of the United - enough administrative, technical and military personnel to Nations, in total disregard of the principles and ideals - run the country until the Namibian people can assume embodied in the Charter, has flagrantly violated its obli- power. Therefore, so far as we are concerned, it is not a gations towards the numerous resolutions and decisions of matter of a mere reduction of forces but of total this world body. withdrawal. 24. Eleven years have passed since the United Nations 15. The illegality of the presence of South African troops General Assembly on 27 October 1966 decided to ter- is not decided in numerical terms. For even if there is only minate the Mandate of South Africa over Nomibia [reso- one South African solider, his presence would be just as ·lution 2145 (XXI)], and the TerritOIY came under the illegal and would continue to constitute a violation of the direct responsibility of the United Nations. The advisory Elt ~. _!!'Y""l 17.. The United Nations should not play into the hands of South Africa,' whose manoeuvres aim at perpetuating its domination and exploitation by placing in the organs of power tribal chiefs who will carry out Vorster's orders. 18. The colonialist and racist regime of apartheid should implement Security Council resolution 385 (1976). In this context, it is necessary that it set free all political prisoners and allow the return of all exiled Namibians so that they may t~ke part in the process of creating their new organs of power. 19. Before I conclude, I should like to reaffirm my Government's support of the work done by the United Nations CC?uncil for Namibia which, since its inception, has fought for a just solution to the problem of Namibia. 20. Let not the initiatives of the five Western Powers discourage the role of the Council for Namibia. On'the contrary, it is fundamental that the Council should re- duuble its efforts to guarantee a true independence for Namibia, giving all political, moral and material support to SWAPO, even after it has assumed power. 21. Likew!se, we appeal to the international com':!1unity to implement the Maputo Declaration and Programme of Action [A/32/109/Rev.l-S/12344/Rev.1, annex VI issued by the International Conference in Support of the Peoples ofZimbabwe and Namibia, especially at this crucial stage of the liberation ofNamibia. 25. The people of Namibia have been not only denied their inalienable rights but subjected to untold suff",ring under the discriminatory racial policy of the apartheid regime. Besides the unequal treatment based on the anachronistic system of racial segregation there has been ruthless exploitation of the human and natural resources of Namibia for the benefit of the foreign occupiers, who have no concern for the indigenous people. 26. The people of Namibia, after the failures of several attempts at a peaceful settlement of the question of Namibia, have been forced to· take arms against the racist domination for their liberation. SWAPO, the sole represen- tative of the Namibian people, is spearheading the struggle to liberate Namibia from the clutches of racist South Africa. 27. But the regime in Pretoria, in order to perpetuate its domination in Namibia, has resorted to various measures for the suppression of: the legitimate demands of the people. Furthermore, to suppress the intensified struggle for liberation, South Africa has extensively militarized the Territory. A state of emergency has been announced in many parts of the Territory, to create terror among the people and to resist the rightful opposition to the tyranny of the apartheid regime. Oppressive laws have been enacted to empower the authority arbitrarily to arrest, detain and imprison innocent people. Inhuman and brutal treatment aud torture inflicted upon those detained and imprisoned have been widely reported. 28. South Africa's policy of racial segregation designed to maintain white supremacy is clearly manifested in the creation of bantustans or the so-called "homelands". This sinister plan to destroy the territorial integrity and national unity of Namibia has been strongly denounced by the justice-loving people of the world. The Turnhalle Constitu- tional Conference was another manoeuvre of South Africa to retain control over the Territory with the help of its hand-picked agents. The Vorster regime attempted without success to proceed with its plan to .have the so-called constitution adopted by the constitution c.ommittee and to establish an interim government in Namibia. It is clear that any settlement of the problem in Namibia without the participation ofSWAPO and the United Nations is unaccep- table to the world community. 29. The report presented by the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the 1 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithsta:.ding Security CouncI1 Resolution 276 (1970). Advisory Opinion. 1\:.1. 34. The five Western members of the Security Council Reports 1971, p. 16. have taken the initiative in seeking a negotiated settlement 30. The position of my delegation with regard to the question of Namibia is well known. Nepal has consistently held the view that South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia must end without delay and. the indigenous people of Namibia should be allowed to enjoy their right of self-determination and independence. We are of the opinion that mere condemnation of South Africa is not enough. Strong measures are needed against the racist r~gime for its policy of apartheid, bantustanization and repression,'and for its attempts to destroy the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia. My (ielegation continues to support the liberation struggle led by SWAPO and all the activities of the United Nations for the settlement of the problem of Namibia. 31. The excellent report of the United Nations Council for Namibia, {A/32/24] gives the details of the commendable work of the Council on behalf of the people of Namibia. My delegation would like to pay a tribute to the United Nations Council for Namibia for its untiring efforts to help the Namibian people. It is imperative not only for the United Nations but for all specialized agencies and other international organizations to make the nationhood pro- gramme a success and to assist the Namibian people by equipping them to undertake the development of inde- pendent Namibia. 32. The international community has succeeded in con- solidating world public opinion against the illegal presence of the Vorster regime in Namibia, and has denounced it in the strongest terms. The International Conference in ~ilpport of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, held at Maputo, Mozambique, from 16 to 21 May 1977, not only condemned the illegal occupier but proclaimed its full support for the struggle of the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO, to acrJeve self-determination, free- dom and independence- in a united Namibia. This Inter- national Conference vva:;: another step forward manifesting the unflinching detenrnination of the international com- munity "to bring to an early end the last vestige 'ofcolonial domination from southern Africa. 33. The port of Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibia. The announcement of the South African regime that that port was being separated from Namibia is another attempt to destroy the territorial integrity and unity of Namibia. In this regard my delegation supports the views expressed in the Maputo Declaration, and the statement of the Council for Namibia, strongly condemning the sinister attempt by the South African regime and setting forth appropriate and adequate measures to be taken by the Security Council to maintain the status of Walvis Bay as an integral part of Namibia. 35. The appointment of a new Administrator-General in Namibia by the South Africm regime is.by no means a step in the direction of a negotiated settlement on Namibia. It is the view of my delegation that.the racist regime should be advised by tho~ countries engaged in the talks to comply fully with all the provisions of Security Council ~esolution 385 (1976) of 30 Januarj 1976. The resolution has demanded, inter alia, that South Africa should comply fully with the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, release an the political prisoners, abolish all the discriminatory laws and facilitate the return of all exiled Natrubians to their country. These demands have not yet been fulfilled by South Africa. 36. At this stage of rapid development in the situation of southern Africa tIi.e struggling people of Namibia have become stronger than ever in their fight for their birthright. If the Vorster regime fails to recognize this reality and remains adamant in maintaining the status quo in Namibia its defeat is inevitable, because no colonial Power, however strong it may be, has been able to resist the spontaneous upsurge ofthe people under colonial domination.

Comrade President, sit~~e this is the fmt. time I have spoken in a plenary meeting at the thirty-second session of the General As- sembly of the United Nations, I should like, first of all, to congratulate you warmly on your election to the 'important post of President of the thirty-second session and wish yOll every success in the conduct ofits proceedings. 38. The Soviet delegation welcomes the participation in the consideration of the question of Namibia of the delegation of the liberation movement of the Namibian people, SWAPO, headed by Mr. Sam Nujoma, its President. The participation of the outstanding leaders (\f" SWAPO in ilie work of the General Assemby will undoubtedly help us all not only to understand better the situation which has been created in Namibia, which is a very dangerous one, but also to produce decisions which could help to promote a just and speedy solution to the problem of eliminating the colonial domination of racist South Africa in Namibia. 39_ Now, what does the situation look like today in Nafuibia? We have heard quite a number of convincing statements, and we have a great many more still to hear. Some people say that the situation in Namibia has improved. Others assert that this is far, from being the case and that 'the situation has deteriorated even more and has 45. In the view of the Soviet Union there are objective become even worse than it was a year ago. We will be possibilities for the effective and speedy ridding of the objective. It is alleged that South Afrir,a has changed its peoples of South Africa of colonialism, racism and apart- mind about installing a puppet regime by means of the heid. A good foundation for this exists in the earlier Windhoek talks, and also has buried the 1dea of a resolutions of the Security Council and. the General constitution at Tunlhalle. Is this the case? Assembly ofthe United Nations. • nll'!!!II!II!!!II~I!I'.r.lt~-~ft!~.".~i !!J!!A!lr~,!! ~"=-~-~'!".-;;-3Y~,!!"!!!!!fl'.~."'l~LI!I.I!.!I.I!J!I!III~P 'IlMl!kll!l~tl~r.~~J.'t~-~.~.~u~~j~ii!!!Il~,~:!"I.~Mim'~!M~*!lMr!.~H~,j~.~J.!!I!".,!!Jti$~(~4!jii~I.~"'!!t~).~i~~i~;,~,)~Ii\i.fPi~_,~_5~,,,~~,~~~~. 41. We are told that the position in Namibia is improving, but have the massive repressions and the acts of terror ceased or even been reduced? By no means. Far from it. On the contrary, they have been continuing on an even greater scale than hitherto in Namibia and in the Republic of South Africa itself. We are told that the racists are ready and willing to preserve the integrity of Namibia, but how can we fail to note that_Pretoria has declared the annexation of the important port Walvis Bay, which is important to Namibia. We are told that in certain circum- stances the racists will be ready to reduce the strength of their punitive detachments in Namibia and later, in certain circumstances, perhaps to withdraw them altogether. 42. But in actual fact the number of the troops ofPretoria in Namibia MS grown considerably and continues to grow. Active training is going on of large detachments of mercenaries from the northern and north-eastern parts of Namibia. Furthermore, Namibia is being used for the production by Pretoria of nuclear weapons. Mor~ver, Pretoria is setting up military detachments from the tribes which, without any doubt, can only serve to inflame internecine conflict and civil war. In the same paper, any one who wants to read it can see photographs of the formation ofthese detachments. 43. We could confme ourselves to these facts, which in any case give sufficient grounds for stating here that in this part of Africa the racists have created an extremely explosive situation-as many previous speakers have already affmned from this same rostrum. We are witnessing the growth of a colossal threat to the freedom of the peoples of Africa and to peace throughout Africa. 44. Recent years have been marked by the processes of a deep restructuring of the whille system of international relations on anew, progressive and democratic footing. There is a steady consolidation of the principles of peaceful coexistence. As a result of the efforts fof all peace-loving countries and peoples of the world, considef1ble success has been achieved in the easing of international tensions. More favourable conditions have been created for resolving some urgent international problems, including such a topical problem as the total elimination of the colonial-racist regimes in the south of Mrica. 47. Anyone who really wants to see a just solution to the problem of Namibia-and indeed a just solution of all the problems in southern Africa-should fIrst and foremost comply with the resolutions of the United Nations and carry out the decisions on sanctions against the racist regimes. 48. All States should call a halt to any contacts with South Africa, to any conomic or military co-operation with it, and take effective measures to prevent the recruitment of mercenaries for service in Namibia or South Africa. 49. All these measures are not new: they flow from earlier decisions ofthe United Nations. 50. Unfortunately, our ~xperience has shown that many States are not even thinking of complying with these decisions. Quite the contrary. Co-operation with the racist regime of South Africa in the political, economic and military spheres is by no means being reduced, but is being expanded. Surely, everyone can see that the growing economic and military co-operation of the transnational monopolies of Western countries with the racists in the colonial exploitation of the people of Namibia is helping to prolong colonial domination in the south of Africa. 51. If further facts are needed, I shall just mention a few. Take the miIi~ sphere. In the course of the hearings which occurred in the American Congress in July of this· year some very alarming facts were revealed about the fact that the countries members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, for a number of years} had been violating the United Nations embargo en the supply of weapons to the Republic of South Africa and were secretly sending tremendous consignments ofweapons to that country. 52. Reserves of weapons of South Africa obtained from Western countries are valued at more than $3 billion. For this year alone, South Africa intends to import military equipment to the value of more than $1 billion. 53. Those who run the Republic of South Africa have quite often openly boasted that with the support of the Western countries they were able to create a military industry which, to a considerable degree, satisfies the needs of the growing armed forces of the racists. 54. We should not forget, and we cannot forget, who is also helping South Africa in its attempts to reach the brink ofthe creation of its own nuclear potential. . 55. Now W£3 are told that there are pvssibilities for a peaceful settlement of the problem of Namibia. Frankly speaking, there has been more than enough time for such 56. The Government of South Africa, which is illegally occupying Namibia, not only fails to comply with the rerolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly, but recently has gone even further in carrying out its cruel, repressive policy against the people of Namibia. It has not ceased but, in fact, has actually stepped up its policy of confrontation with the United Nations. Pretoria is still unwilling to hold talks with SWAPO on the future of Namibia. 57. What is Pretoria after? Just one thing: it is trying by all means in its power to eliminate the ?atrioticfor.t;es from the political arena in Namibia. 58. This is the way in which the situation was assessed by the leadership of SWAPO in the statement of 24 September: "In spite of all diplomatic steps of the five W~tern States members of the Security Council, ~.nd in spite of the public statements of South Africa to the effect that it is ready to put an end to its illegal occupation of Namibia, the situation in Namibia has not changed for the better. "Quite the contrary, it has deteriorated since the division of the country is continuing. For example, the process of including 11 tribal ~parliaments' and 11 tribal annies is still going full steam ahead. "Furthermore, the repressive machinery of the South African army continues to exist, as a result of which the threats, arrests, trials, tortures, and a reign of abject terror are still in force. "Furthermore there is a new and more alarming development. That is, South Africa has committed a new act of aggression, having declared the port of Walvis Bay part of South Africa, in violation of the territorial integrity ofNamibia. "There is still one more explosive element which has been added to the dangerous situation in South Africa.. This is the development of nuclear weapons by South Africa by means of using the Namibian part of the Kalahari Desert as a testing ground. Responsibility for -this dangerous development lies wholly with the major Western Powers, which have been providing nuclear technology to the fascist regime of South Africa." 61. There is every ground for doubting that South Africa is ready to comply with the decisions ofthe United Nations or that the racists have given up their plans for the pre~rvationof ilieir colonial domination, for the disarming of the patriotic forces of Namibia, and for the fragmen- tation of Namibia. 62. In such circumstances there is only one path for the United Nations to follow. The United Nations must, even more actively than before, support only that which is in keeping witk the interests of the people ofNamibia and its vanguard, SWAPO. The choice of the peaceful path to settlement or the path to a continuation of the armed struggle depends not on the people of Namibia and not on SWAPO, but on the policy of South Africa. If South Africa renounces its colonial Fascist policy in Namibia; if it puts an end to terror and repr6ssion against the patrio:.s of Namibia; if it releases the patriots languishing in its dungeons; if it allows all the exiles to rgturn home; if, not behind the sceD\~S but openly, it declares its readiness to bury the- Tumhalle plan and to transfer power to the indigenous population of Namibia; and if it withdraws all its troops and its administration even before the next elections, then there will be a favourable situation propi- tious for a peaceful settlement. 63. But we cannot ask the struggling people to cease its anned struggle for liberation without giving the people any guarantee that, in actual fact, it will be able to"rid itselfof colonial and racist domination and become master in its own hC'.1se. 64. The immediate imposition ofa mandatory embargo on deliveries of arms to the racists; the cessation of any economic co-operation with South Africa; the isolation of the racist regimes-these are just a few of the sine qua non conditions which can help the peoples of southern Africa win an early victory and independence and freedom. 65. One speaker in this debate expressed regret that the Council for Namibia has been unable to carry out its functions and that we are therefore still faced today with the unsolved problem of Namibia. We have a somewhat different view about the role of the Council for Namibia and of the Special Committee-and I would recall that we participa~e in the work of both those organs. The Council for Namibia and the Special Committee have done some very useful and consL."llctive work. Indeed, it is precisely as a result· of their work that the attentiQn ofthe whole world has been focused on the situation in Namibia and the situation in South Africa. It was precisely the Council for Namibia and the Special Committee which have drafted those constructive resolutions' that were subsequently adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations. 67. The SGviet Union has consistently and unswervingly defended the principles ofthe equality of peoples and their right to self-detennination. The Soviet Union categorically con'demns the criminal policy pursued by the racist regimes of the Republic of South Africa and Rhodesia. The Soviet Union has been and continues to be resolutely in favour of isolating and boy'cotting those regimes. It is in favour also ofthe total eradication of the inhumane policy ofapartheid and all fOnDS and manifestations of racial discrimination and oppression. 68. In the statement of the Soviet Union on the complete elimination. of the vestiges of colonialism, racism and apartheid, recently circulated as an official document of the United Nations; the following is stated: "The Soviet Union reaffirms its readiness to support the proposds of African countries concerning application of the effective sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter against the racist regimes in • Southern Rhodesia and the Republic of South Africa, which are ignoring the United Nations decisions ail)led at the prompt elimination ofthe colonialist breeding ground in southern Africa. In particular, the United Nations must adopt specific measures aimed at halting deliveries of arms and other military assistance to the Republic of South Africa by certain Western countries." {A/32/259, annex, p. 2.J 69. Eliminating the last remaining hotbeds of colonialism and racism represents one of the most important tasks of Soviet foreign policy as laid down for the next few years by the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The speediest possible fulfJ1ment of the task of the full decolonization of the world will be a serious contribution to the improvement of the whole international climate; the deepening of detente and the restructuring of the entire system of international relations on a just, long-tenn basis. It will put an end to crude and massive violations ofhuman rights in this field. 70. The Soviet Union is ready to do, and is doing, everything possible, together with other countries, to ensure that the foregoing goal is attained as soon as possible. At the Twenty-fifth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Comrade Brezhnev, stated: "Our Party has been giving and continues to give support to the peoples fighting for their freriom. The Soviet Union is- not thereby seeking any advantage for itself. It is not seeking concessions. It is not striving for political domination. It is not trying to obtain military 72. In two weeks progressive mankind as a whole will be celebrating, along with our own people, the sixtieth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution, which laid the foundation for a new era in the history of the world. 73. On the eve of that anniversary in our country, a new Constitution of the Soviet Union has been adopted. Between these two major events in our country there is a very profound conn~xion. The new Constitution, we could say, is the concentrated product of the entire 6().year period of the development of the Soviet State. It con- vincingly demonstrates that the ideas engendered and proclaimed by the October revolution, the legacy of the founder of our State, the great Lenin, are being successfully put into effect. 74. From the very fllSt days of its existence, our socialist State placed on its banner for all time the words "peace" and "friendship among the peoples", as the very highest principle of its foreign policy, in keeping with the interests of all the peoples of the world. 75. Article 28 of the new Constitution of the Soviet Union states, inter alia; "The Soviet Union unswervingly pursues the Leninist policy of peace and is in favour of the strengthening of the security of the peoples of the world and broad international co-operation. "The foreign policy of the Soviet Union is designed to ensure favourable international conditions for the build- ing of communism in the Soviet Union, the defence of the State interests of the Soviet Union, the strengthening of the position of world socialism, and support for the struggle of the peoples of the world for national liberation and social progress, for the prevention of wars of aggression and the attainment of general and com- plete disamlament, and for the consistent implementation of the principle of the peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems. "In the Soviet Union propaganda in favour of war is prohibited." 76. Inspired by the ideas of the October Revolution and anned with this powerful weapon for building communism, the new Constitution of the Soviet Union, the Soviet people has always been in the vanguard of those who advocate the total liberation of all oppressed peoples on earth and are ready to continue to give assistance and support to' the peoples struggling for freedom, indepen- dence and social progress. That is how our State, has acted in the past and that is how it will act in the future. 78. One of the major vestiges of colonialism, Namibia, is the subject of our consideration today. The General Assembly terminated the Mandate of South Mrica over Namibia on 27 October 1966 [resolution 2145 (XXI)] and placed the Territory under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. In 1967 the General Assembly created the United Nations Council for Namibia and entrusted it with the responsibility of administering that Territory till its independence [resolution 2248 (8-V)]. Since then the Council for Namibia has been endeavouring to fulfil this mandate. The General Assembly and the Security Council also have adopted numerous resolutions on this subject So far, unfortunately, it has not b~~ll possible either to persuade or to compel South Mrica to implement the United Nations decisions on this subject. 79. However, the consistent and constantly increasing pressure brought to bear against South Mrica over the last decade both through the Council for Namibia and the international community-and, even more, through 'the war of liberation being waged by SWAPO, the sole authentic representative of the people of Namibia-has forced the South Africa regime to recognize the futility of its efforts to make a bantustan of Namibia and to impose an unrepresentative and illegal administration over Namibia through the process of the so-called Tumhalle constitu- tional talks. 80. We have heard the s~tement of"Mr. Sam Nujoma, the President of SWAPO [35th meeting], and my delegation desires to convey its felicitations to him for the presenta.. -tion of a comprehensive, graphic and objective analysis of the present situation in Namibia. Needless to add, we agree and fully endorse his observations. 81. At this stage, it may be pointed out that my delegation has noted the efforts of the five Western countries members of the Security Council to persuade South. Africa to relinquish its control over Namibia. A negotiated settlement of Namibia can come about only if South Africa undertakes, first, to implement all United Nations resolutiQns on Namibia in all their aspects; secondly, to withdraw its forces completely from South West Africa; thirdly, to accept SWAPO as the only authentic representative of the Namibian people; and,. fourthly, to uphold Namibia's territorial integrity with the inclusion ofWalvis Bay. 82. It would ~ppear that South Africa has not given up the hope of maintaining some kind of control over Namibia. Despite its commitment to give full independence to Namibia by the end of 1978, it is creating obstacles in the way of a smooth transfer of power to the people of Namibia through its insistence on, inter alia, maintaining its . forces on Namibian territory during the period of transi- tion. It is our view that the initiative taken by the five Western countries might founder on the rock of South "If the racist regime in Pretoria has conceded the principle of independence for Namibia., this is because of the heroic sacrifices of its people and their determination to achieve freedom at all costs. "No arrangements for the transition to independence can be acceptable to the mternational complUnity or to the Namibbln people if they contravene the basic prin- ciples established by the resolutions of the United, Nations fQr the decolonization ofNamibia. To leave the supervision of this transition in the hands of the Vorster regime would be to perpetrate a farce on the Namibian people anc,l the world community.'South Africa's adminis- tration arid armed. forces must withdraw from Namibia. "The United Nations must· assume its legal and moral responsibilities to ensure a fair and impartial transfer of power. Moreover, the legitimate representatives of the Namibian people, SWAPO, should be fully associated with the interim arrangements towards independence. There is no 10ubt that, apart from other interested Powers, the African States will, in accordance with the decisions of the r.ecent Summit of the OrgaraJzation of African Unity, piay an effective part in facilitating the final steps towards Namibian frefJd·cm.~' 84. My country has had the priVilege oibeing a member of the Council for Namibia since it was established and suppvrted the struggle for the freedom and independence of Namibia. My delegation does not the'refore wish to comment on the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia [A/32/24J, m the drawing up of which it had the honour to participate. We should simply like to reiterate that we associate ourselves fully with the contents of the report and the ..~commendations contained in part three thereof. 85. We should also like to express our appreciation to the Special Committee on the ,Situation with regard to the Implementation of the De9laratiorr on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for the comprehensive and valuable report which it has prepared [A/32/23/Rev.l, chap. VIIIJ. We support the consensus on Namibia adopted by the Special Committee as contained in its report/ibid., para. 12J. 86. We have consistently upheld the right ofthe Namibian people to self-determination and independence and made every endeavour to contribute to this objective within our modest means: We are determined to continue to assist morally and materially in ensuring the success ofthe noble struggle of the people of Namibia for independence from colonial domination and exploitation. 87. We should like to avail ourselves of this opportunity to express our abhorrence for anq unequivocal condemnation of the South African policies of intimidation and repression pursued in Namibia to perpetuate- t4.e, subjugation of the 88. The latest series of measures taken by the Pretoria regime against the black community m South Africa reinforces our conviction that South Africa is bent upon fonowing its brutal and repressive policies. Today's issue of Th.e New York Times has characterized these steps as the "most drastic crackdown in nearly two decades". Such actions can only lead to more violence, bloodshed and suffering, for whjch the Vorster regime would be entirely to blame. 89. The people of Namibia are engaged in an epic struggle for their independence under the leadership of their liberation movement, SWAPO, which we recognize as the only authentic and legitimate representative of the people of Namibia. The courageous struggle which SWAPO has waged over the years against overwhelming odds will fmd few parallels mthe annals ofhistory. Through that struggle the people of Namibia and SWAPO have brought the South African regime to a situation in which it finds itself incapable of any longer denying the right of Namibia to independence. 90. We note with satisfaction the support that the international community has given to SWAPO and to the people of Namibia in their historic struggle. The Inter- national Conference held in Maputo in May this year was particularly instrumental in placing in sharp focus the problems confronting the struggle for the independence of Namibia. My delegation whole·heartedly supports the Declaration and the Programme of Action adopted at Maputo. The Eighth Islamic Conference of Foreign Min- isters, held in Tripoli in May this year, expressed its solidarity with the people of Namibia and reiterated the commitment of the Islamic countries to the just struggle of the people of Namibia for liberation and national indepen- dence .[see A/32/133, annexJ. The fourteenth regular session of the OAU Assembly of Heads of Sltate and Government, held in Librevi11e in July 1977, was the most recenf expression of full support for the people of Namibia and the detennination of the African countries to rid their continent'of all vestiges of colonialism [see A/32/310, annexIll. 91. We have no doubt that the struggle of the people of Namibia, which has entailed immense sacrifice and suf- fering, will succeed. The independence of Namibia will come either through negotiation or, if that should un- fortunately faft, on the battlefield. Pakistan continues to hope that the Vorster regime will see the futility of its ways and remove all obstacles from the way of mdependence for Namibia. We hope that the international community, and particularly the Western countries, will continue to exert both political and economic pressure on South Africa to force it to give to the people of Namibia the .right to self-determination it has denied them for such a long time. 93. Today more than ever we must fmd a speedy solution of the problem of Namibia by bringing to an end once and for all the illegal occupation of that country, because with each day that passes the number of victims-innocents and combatants alike-increases and because this illegal occupa- tion reaffirms the military occupation and deepens tribal conflicts among the child~n of the same people and consolidates the continuation of the policy ofapartheid. 94. The question of Namibia has passed through four stages in this world Organization. The first stage was a realization of the importance of the problem by world public opinion and an increasing conviction on the part of States Members of the United Nations that they were directly responsible for the Namibian people, whose terri- tory was delivered to the racistc.! in South Africa for administration umier their tut~r~.;;..;. Many State~ have shouldered the heavy responsibility even in the absence of the majority of African States from the international scene and in spite of the intransigence of certain States whose interests are linked to those of South Africa. 95. The second stage was the admission to the United Nations of a large number of Mrican countries which had recently attained independence, and the support that Namibia has found among the non-aligned countries, and friendly countries, thus implementing the legal advice issued by the International Court of Justice in 1962. 96. The third stage began with the adoption by this Assembly of the famous resolution 2145 (XXI) of 27 October 1966, which ended the administration of Namibia by South Africa and placed the Territory under the auspices of the United Nations until it attained final independence. 97. The fourth stage, which we are witnessing today, includes the preparation of the Territory for sovereignty and independence by the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia and its recognition as the administrative and legal authority in charge of admin- istering Namibia under the provisions of General Assembly resolution 2248 (S-V) of 19 May 1967, and the establish- ment of a special fund for Namibia. Thus the United Nations is responsible for the fourth stage and for putting an end to the presence ofracism and ensuring the Namibian people's recovery of their independence. 98. The illegal presence of South Africa in Namibia is of political, strategic, legal and economic significance and prevents the people of Namibia from exercising their legitimate right to choose the regime they desire and from 99. In the view of the Sudan, the conditions imposed by the OAU for the settlement of the Namibian question remain valid; they are: the withdrawal of all regular forces of the South African Government from Namibia, the liberation of political prisoners and the return of exiles to their country; the participation of SWAPO in any future provisional government to administer the Territory until independence is achieved in all parts of Namibia, including the port ofWalvis Bay. ! 00. Sudan notes with satisf:tction the efforts made by the United Nations Council for Namibia and appeals to ill countries to respond to the Fund and to increase their contributions to it to help the Ccuncil in the fulfJ!ment of its mission. Sudan also supports the proposal that th~ efficiency of the United Nations should be increased in relation to Namibia. 101. We support the appeal made by the former President of the United Nations Council fer Namibia to the Security Council this year2 on the implementation of Chapter VII of the Charter against the South African Government, which has violated the Charter on tWo COli11tS: frrst, because it persists in apF~ving a policy of racial discrimination ~ Namibia, and, secondly, because it has not heeded resolu- .tion 2145 (XXI) putting an end to the South African Mandate over Namibia. 102. In sum, the Sudan supports the struggle of the Namibian people and of the leadership of SWMO, the only legitimate representative of the people, and offers them moral and material support. We also support the efforts being made to force South Mrica to renounce Namibia. Our support for SWAPO will never cease; the struggle for liberation must continue until the desired results are obtained.

I call upon the representative of Belgium, who will speak on behalf of the nine States members of the European Community.

Ever since their voices becfu'"1le united on the important problems of the .world, the countries of the European Community have claimed constantly that the Narnibian people, and they alone, should define the political and constitutional future for the whole of their Territory. . 106. Allow me to recall the principal steps taken in this direction since the common declaration of the nine countries at the General Assembly of 1916.3 On 7 Febru- ary 1977 the nine members of the Community, through their President, approached the South African Government in writing to express their disapproval of a possible so-called autonomous regime based on the recommendations of the Tumhalle Conference. At the Maputo Conference in May 1977. our President unequivocaUy repeated the position of the nine countries as well as their commitment to seek, together with an interested parties, a peaceful solution acceptable to the international community. The moo countries repeated this in their message on Namibia Day. 107.. The European Developm~nt Fund has provided for some assistance to Namibian refugees in the fram~work of the Lome Convention,4 and specifically as part of the regional programme for Botsw~ the United Republic of Tanzania and Zambia, through the Institute for Namibia in L~ and by offering scholarships to Namibian students. 108. The nine countries reaffirm that it is for the Namibian people, and for them alone, to det~rmine their futures as I said a moment ago. To that end the population of Namibia must in the near future be enabled to prepare itself for a free decision on its political destiny and so to exercise its right to self-determinatIOn. 109_ The nine members share the conviction that the Namibians must be guaranteed a democratic electoral process, to be preceded by the h"beration of political prisoners and the return ofthe exiles to their country. 110. To mention the problem of guarantees for a proper democratic process in Namibia implies stressing the neces- sity of a United Nations commitment and a United Nations presence during the period preceding accession to indepen- dence. 111. We wish the emancipation of Namibia tn take place as soon as p~ble, and no later than the end of 1978. To attain this purpose we feel that the Namibian nation must hold elections throughout its territory so as to give the entire nation an opportunity properly to pronounce itself on its future. 3 See Offtcitd Recorth of the GenmJ A_mbly, Thirty-fint Sellion, Fourth Committee, 31st meeting. paras. 21-26, and ibid., Fourth Committee. SeIlJoIt/I' FillCIcle, corrl&enduJD. 113. Such 1w been the constant meaning of the joint approach~s made by the nine countries to the South African authorities. 114. In the same spirit the nine' cuuntries have welcomed the efforts of the five Western countries members of the Security Council to fmd an internationally acceptable arrangement in Namibia in accordance with Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 115. Considerable progress has been made. Consequently there is now reason to believe that a chance for a peaceful solution is in sight. The United Nations hopes for such a solution and looks forward to contributing to it. . 116. One call therefore only express satisfaction at the decigon of the South African authorities to dissolve the Tumhalle Conference in accordance with the wishes of the international community. 117. The nine countries support the efforts of the five Western members of the Security Council to accelerate Namibia's peaceful accession to independence. 118. Consequently, today the nine countries lu\Ve stronger hopes that the intervention of the United Natiollls, coupled with other current par;allel efforts, will be crowned with success. They look forward with confidence to the day when they will be able to offer their co-operation in the framework of the Lame Convention to a Namibia that is fmally master ofits destiny.

Mr. President, I take personal satisfuction in reiterating our pleasure, already expressed by the Peruvian Foreign Minister during the general debate, at se1eing you preside over this important thirty-second sessicm of the General Assembly. Yugoslavia and Peru are joined not only by bonds of brotherly friendship but also by shared convictions that have been strengthened through the non-aligned movement, and we ara convinced that yolir excellent personal qualifications and professional skills will see the difficult task before us fulfilled in the best way possible.' . 120. The very thought that the question of Namibia is being considered directly by the Assembly in its plenary meetings with the participation of more than 100 dele- gations in this debate shows the very gr:eat interest felt by the international community in the; situation of that occupied Territory and the priority thf~y accord to it and to the serious consequences ofthe illegal act of occupation. 121. I sball not refer to the histo7.ical background of the situation in Namibia from the time when South Africa occupied that Territory by force; in 1915, an illegal act which at the endofthe First World Warwas vouched for by those who, disregarding the legitimate rights of- the in- habitants, sought to strengthen a new political order which 122. But it is those same powerful economic interests which have decisively contributed to the maintenance by South Africa of its occupation and exploitation of that wealthy Territory. In that regard, we fmd of value the report prepued by the Special Committee [see A/32j23/ Rev.l, chap. IVj on the activities of foreign economic and other interests which are impeding the implementation in Namibia of the Declaration on the Granting of Inde- pendence to Colonial Countries and Peoples as well as the efforts to eradicate apartheid from that Territury. 123. The general debate in the Fourth Committee on this important question, which was concluded last week, also provided proofof the various subtle ways in which Namibia is exploited by economic inZerests which in their desire to retain their profits seek and obtain the support of other economic forces for the rebellious behaviour of South Africa. 124. In the meantime, the Territory continues to suffer the exploitation of its non-renewable natural resources, with grave consequences for the economic future of its inhabitants. There is also exploitation of indigenous labour based upon the apartheid system imposed by South Africa. Suffice it to recall that, as stated in the re:;?ort of the Special Committee on decolonization, which I have men- tioned, the gross per capita income of ~e African popu- lation in 1972 was $250, while that of the white population was $4,250-that is, nine times an grerit as that of the African in his own land. This exploitation is more obvious still if we take into account that it is the vast majority of the population-that is, the 80 per cent that constitutes the indigenous population of Namibia-that subsists thus at this incredibly Iow level. 125. The selfishness of a powerful internatiQnal minority makes its commercial interests prevail over international morality and justice. This is true in developing countries that suffer from economic exploitation by neo-coloniaiism, as it is also in all nations struggling for their political independence and for the attainment of their economic liberation. 126. The seves of measures adopted by the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia held in Maputo in May of this year, at which Peru was represented at a high level, require close attention by our Governments and detailed consideration in this Organi- zation, which bears a crucial responsibility for that Terri- tory and for Namibians still awaiting the day when they will be free and equal citizens in their own land. 127. In this regard, we are concerned over the attempts by South Africa to consolidate its occupation of the Walvis Bay area, given the evidence that the progress made by the liberation movements is irreversible. This desire to divide the Territory runs counter to the firm principles of international law such as the principle ofuti possidetis and that of the self-detennination of peoples. They are prin- ciples for which Latin America fought in the past century 129. It is also our duty to denounce the methods adopted in recent months by SouthAfrica to strengthen its colonial domination over NamibVi, such as the discriminatory referendums which seek to cloak with pseudo-constitu- tional legality the new substitute structure of domination now being organized, the establishment of various ban- tustans, the training of corresponding military organizations likely to be used in post-independence divisive manoeuvres which could provide a pretext for future intervention and the persecution and imprisonment of resistance leaders made possible by the presence of South African troops designed to restrict participation in futuM political struc- tures of the more active sectors of the liberation ~paign led by SWAPO. 130. Despite these manoeuvres aimed at blocking the way to negotiation, Peru reiterates the need to achieve a peaceful solu&n to gum..Dtee genuine independence, which would be the result of a genuine process of self-determination free from foreign interference and in keeping with the true and free decisions of the people of Namibia. But this tranquil and constructive position must at no time weaken our rum detennination to maintain international pressure in order to bring about a rapid end to South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia. 131. The delegation of Peru, in keeping with its well- known policy in favour of Namibian independence, which . has been repeatedly demonstrated by our active partici- pation in decision-making organs, especially when Peru presided between 1973 and 1974 over the so-called "group of three" members of the Security Council which worked for Namibia, will continue to lend its fum support to all measures agreed on by this Organization-including those the Security Council may take in implementation of Chapter VII of the Charter-which are aimed at putting an end to the illegal occupation of that Territory, measures that, in the fmal analysis, will help the Namibian people to attain, under the leadership of its legitimate representatives, the independence and territorial unity of Namibia in an atmosphere of peace and security, a guarantee which is essential for its true progress. 132. The process of liberation is irreversible. It will be obtained even through greater sacrifices and history will know how to place in a position ofhonour the courageous men who led their people to liberation and it will point the fmger at those who refuse to use their political authority to put an end to the abnonnal situation of a people which suffers slavery in its own Territory. 133. The repressive measures adopted yesterday by the South African Government are eloquent proof ot the increasing effect of international condemnation and of the

In L'tis important debate I wish to express, on behalf of the Gbvemment of the Hungarian People's Republic, the earnest hope of my country and peQple for progress to be made under your presidency, Mt. President, at the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly, in fmding a solution for the grave problem of Namibia. 136. Our present debate in the General Assembly provides a special opportunity for recalling the fact that the revolutionary changes that had occurred in tsarist Russia 60 years ago L.-t the wake of the victorious Great October Socialist Revolution started a process in human history which has shattered the coherent system of imperialism and has led to the emergence of the Soviet Union and of the world socialist system. It is this historical pro::ess that has created the possibllity for a multitude of newly- independent countries to liberate themselves from colonial' bondage and has hastened the day of fmal abolition of the surviving vestiges of colonial domination. 137. A most shameful and stubborn legacy of the colonial past i~ evidenced by the situation in the southern part of the African continent, where the conditions of colonialism, racism and racial discrimination, redolent as they are of the age of slavery, still persist in spite of continuing efforts by the international community and of constant pressures by progressive mankind. The racist minority regimes in southern Africa maintain their illegal domination over Namibia and Zimbabwe. The repression and terrorization of., and racial discrimination against, the indigenous popu- lation in Namibia have been elevated to the rank of official State policy by the Pretoria regime. The subjugation of the indigenous population by force of arms is enforced by a police State, the arbitrary rule and atrocities of which we have all learned from the most authentic sources, and we received an appalling picture also from the statements made here in the United Nations on the Day of Solidarity with South African Political Prisoners. Vorster's illegal minority rCgime has, in collaboration with certain Western Powers and international capitalist monopolies, built up a military potential which, in addition to being used to maintain Namibia's illegal occupation, constitutes a constant threat of aggression against neighbouring independent and peace- loving countries while, by stubbornly following the course of the policy offorce, it also raises dangers for international peace and security. 138. We are all aware of the large-scale activities which our Organizatkn has long been carrying out in order to resolve thequc5tion of Namibia, as reflected in the resolutions adopted year after year by the Security Council and the Gen~la1&sembly. 141. There is sufficient cause to ask what means the racist minority regime of Pretoria has at its disposal to defy all such efforts and to maintain its flagrantly llIegal, arbitrary colonial rule in Namibia. Regrettably enough, it would take a rather long time to give an exhaustive answer. }42. I think it will suffice to refer, inter alia, to the report ID document A/3?/24 of the United Nations Council for Namibia, to chapter VIII of document A/32/23/Rev.l containmg the report of the Special Committee on th~ Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, to the general debate in the Fourth Committee on the item entitled "Activities of foreign economic and other interests which are impeding the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples in Southern Rhodesia and Namibia and in all other Territories under colonial domination and efforts to eliminate colo- nialism, apartheid and racial Discrimination in South Africa" {item 941, and to the statements made and yet to be made in the course of our present plenary meetings. 143. According to the latest news, the situation is typi- fied, right up to the present moment, by continuing arrests, and by the recent banning of the population's organizations and of several publications, including the largest newspaper. 144. The racist minority regimes in southern Africa are able to maintain oppression and colonial domination and to exploit and subjugate the indigenous population of the countries in that part of the world because the multi- national corporations of international imperialism, which cannot fmd opportunities elsewhere to increase their wealth as fast as in the southern part of Africa, are present ~1 give them assistance with the approval of the Governments of the countries involved. This is an added reason why, in spite of broad international pressures, the Pretoria regime is able to continue poisoning the international atmosphere and threatening international peace alld security. 145. The situation prevailing in Namibia does not permit us to lend support to endeavours that seek sham solutions and that serve to perpetuate the existing situation instead of ensuring a just and final settlement. 146. The Hungarian People~s Republic, consistent with its policy of principle, supports the implementation of the resolutions seeking to solve the problems persisting in Namibia and in the southern part of Africa and to grant independence to Namibia and its people. 148. We know full well that this struggle is me(:i~ng with a resistance of the racist minority regL"lle of Pretoria which compels the Namibian people to take up arms under the leadership ofSWAPO to crush it. 149. However, we are convinced that success will crown their struggle, which enjoys the deep sympathy and all-round support of the whole progressive world.

I should like flI'St on behalf of my delegation to welcome the delega!ion of SWAPO to the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly and to express our appreciation for their participation in this debate through the statement by its President, Comrade Sam Nujoma. I wish also to congra- tulate our dear colleague, Ambassador Gwendoline Konie, the Permanent Representative ofZambia, for the very lucid report she presented to this Assembly on the situation in Namibia [35th meetingf and on the untiring efforts of the United Nations Council for Namibia-of which she is President-aimed at achieving the independence of that Tenitory through the implementation of all the numerous resolutions of the Security Council and this Assembly on the question ofNamibia. 151. So long as Namibia continues to be occupied by South Africa and while that colonial Power persists in its . refusal to withdraw unconditionally all its ~epressive mili- tary and police forces from the Territory, so long as South Mrica persists in violating the territorial integrity of Namibia or tefuses to acce&t SWAPO as the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people in any negotiations on independence, and so long as South Africa continues its apartheid policies in the Territory, the situation in Namibia will continue to constitute an explosive threat to inter- national pear.~ and security. 152. The Sierra Leone delegation raises its voice once more in serious condemnation of the apartheid regime that controls Namibia, and takes yet another opportunity to join t.'le international community in its search for peace in that region. 153. The question of Namibia is not only one of the longest standing issues that have engaged the attention of the United Nations since its inception, but it is also one that has for over 30 years plagued the international scene. The United Nations inherited the problem of South West Africa from the League of Nations, which had entrusted South Africa with a Mandate over that Territory in accordance with the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. But four years before that Mandate was given, South Africa had 1948, the Pretoria Government, made up of an unreprcsen.. tative gang of desperadoes who had no right even to govern their own territory, speedily developed its \,~olonialand expansionist designs on tlie neighbouring Territory of Namibia, starting with the tran;;fer of the then South West Africa police to Pretoria in 1958 and developing through the 1962 Odendaal Commission of EnquiryS set up by the apartheid regiree, which contributed in a very large measure to the present deterioration of the political and constitu.. tional future ofttie country. 154. Since that Commission issued its fmdings an4 recom- mendations in 1964,6 the United Nations has .(mamed seized of th~ question of Namibia. That year, the Special Committ~ on decolonizati,.,n warned the world in a declaration of the dangers posed ~y the Odendaal plan," namely, the disintegration of the Territoty and its ultimate absorp:::<Jll into South Africa. While calling on South Africa not to implement the pl3t'ls, it pointed out the critical situation to the Security Council. The General Assembly did not only approve the Special Committee's repiJ'lt but went further, stating t.~t any partition of Namibia would end South Africa's mandate and any annexation attempt would constitute an act of aggeession {see resolution 2074 (XX)J. FollowL'lg the final decision cf th,e Inter- national Court Qf Justice in 19667.' in its case of Ethiopia and Liberia ve~us South Africa, which left most United Nations Members stunned and disappointed, the United Nations General Assembly, acting on the advisory opinion given earlier by the Court on the obligations of South Africa and the supervisory powers of this Organization, terminated South Africa's Mandate over the Territory and took on direct responsibility for it. South Mri£a ignored that decision and stayed on. Between that time and now, the United Nations has witnessed many demonstrations of South Africa's defiant attitude and utter disregard. of international opinion. 155. ~~ was not until 1974 that South Africa started to take any cognizance of international pressure and the new reality of the times. It was then that South Africa promised to change the situation in Namibia, and the National Party announced its so-called new initiative. On the basis of this new initiative some Members of the United Nation3 and Qf the Security Council were persuaded to believe that the South Afri~an regime was still an honourable Member of 5 Commission of Enquiry into South West Africa ~JTain. estab- lished in 1962 by the RepUblic of South Africa under to·: chairmanship of Mr. F. H. OdendaaI. 6 For a summary ofthe recommendations, see Official ReeOl'ds (if the General Assembly, Nineteenth Session. Anne;-:es. annex :t-:'e. 8 (part I) (A/SaGO/Rev.l), chap. lV, paras. 18-65. 7 Ibid.. para. 232- 8 South West Africa, Second Pha~. Jud{ment. I.c.J. Rep. tt.f 1966, p. 6. 156. Since 1974, the Votster administration of South Africa has not participated in the work of the Generall Assembly, and rightly so. Whtte it has, without doubt, beeIil fhl1y aware of all the resolutions adopted since then, on the question of Namibia, it may be arguecl that it cannot be bound by them, being officially absent from the world body. This is ohe reason why my Government welcomes the role which is now being played by the five Western members of the Security Council, because their initiative in holding talks with South Africa, based on r~solutionsof the United Nations, assures us that South Africa has been clearly informed of the intentions of the world community through them. Besides, the five countries concerned put themselves in a position enabling this Assembly to work through them informally to ensure sp~Jtliy,..compliance by South Africa. The Western move is not the fast ofits kind mNamib.\a. The Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and ii.~" representative, Mr. Alfred Escher, conducted several ro·.mds of negotiations with the Pretoria Government, rollowing Security Council resolution 309 (1972), but, in' spite of solemn assurances of good intentions by that n'igime the negotiations had ta be formally terminated in 1973 because of the mockery made ofthose assurance~ and of the United Nations negotiators. The United Nat:ons Council for Namibia, which is the legal Administering Authority of th~ Territory, has made several attempts also to resolve the situation and implement United Nations resolutions, but South Africa would not even admit that OOdy into the Territory. The Kissinger discussi;;ns with the Pretoria regime equally produced no reau:ts in Namibia. But we believe that the five Western countries together are better placed to carry out the responsibility which they have now willingly taken, in view of the hold they have on ~uth Africa economically, politically and militarily. It is only pract;cal, therefore, to call upon them to take full wantage of their special position and use the power which :is theirs alone, in the interests of humanity as represented by the oppres:-ed masses in Namibia. 160. In acco:~dance with Security Council resolution 385 (1976) elections are to be held for the whole of Namibia as a political entity, and the Council demanded in that resolution that South Mrica recognize the territorial integrity and unity of the Territory. South Africa's blatant annexation of Walvis Bay, which is physically distinct from 157. In the view of the Sierra Leone delegation, Security the territory of South Mrica itself, therefore demonstrates Council resolution 385 (1976) in its entirety, clearly yet another mockery of the world body by the Vorster indicates the intentions of the world community in regime, but· this time it would seem also of their closest Namibia and constitutes a pmgra.nune for peace in that friends, who after receiving proposals from South Mrica fGr Territory. This is a resolution which was not the result of a the independence of Namibia, which included indepen- ~yranny of the majority, or minority or otherwise of the dence of the Territory as a w"tole, have now witnes..'Cd full _.--1..J J..uu-r.;;, but a ummi.-nous resolution taken by the f f S th Afri ' .. . thr gh th M WUIW -., proo 0 ou ca s msm~nty ou at act. y executiYeorg:m of our Organization, without any absten- delegation condemns this act of aggression, and calls upon mm. !t mUlt therefore not only be presented as a basis for the fIVe Western countries to ensure hi their negotiations negotiation but must be regarded as the minimum require- with South Mrica, at least that the territorial integrity of menu f~f peace, th:st the recalcitrant Vorster regime must Namibia in its entirety, including Walvis B'y, is ensured ~ forced tu ~pt im~:diate,uncondi~io?aland ,~~p~ete before the general elections; ifthey giVf: any credence at all Wlth.drawal from NamibJa. While apprecl.atmg the mlt!at1~es to their own Security Council resolution, but preferably ~d ef!orts of t!Je fIVe Western ~ountn~s. of the Se~nty they should ensure a peaceful settlement of the whole CouncH to negotJate a settlement In Namlblt. ~m.the ~asls of Namibian question. that feJ()lution, we call upon them to'do everY'th\ng in their_ . poWetto make JUre that the programme which they 161. In conclusion, my Government is committed'to the tJrmnel'YeJ have cndorICd will be followed to the letter. attainment of independence in Namibia in one way or 159. It is not'enough also to discuss the withdrawal of Snuth African troops from Namibia while the illegal regime continues to train tribal armies which may either be meant to constitute themselves into a puppet force against participation by fWAPO in the general elections by intimidation o~ continue to promote tribal considerations above national ones. On this question of withdrawal of troops, my delegation believes that full cognizance must be taken of the fact that South Mrica's prese~t:ein Namibia is purely illegal, and that the forces it is called upon to withdraw have been the instrument used to repress and frustrate the 9",ti-colonial resistance of the Narnibian people. South Africa cannot therefore be ]ermitted to present any time-table for withdrawal or save its face by withdrawing completely, at its own pace. 162. It is the victories of that anned struggle that render SWAPO the most important force to contend with in any negotiations leading to independence. We are confident that SWAPO will not be flattered by its position and yield under pressure to a cease-file before it is time to do so. 163. My delegation fully endorses and contributes to the Libreville resolutions of the OAU which were communi- cated to this Assembly by the Pennanent Representative of Gabon as the representative ofthe current Chairman of the OAU [35th meetingj. We pledge our fun support for the Maputo Declaration and Programme ofAction on Namibia, which contain appropriate political, economic, fmancial and material measures to be taken within the context of the individual and collective responsibility of all States Mem- bers of this Organization, and call upon all States to respect and implement the provisions therein. 164. My delegation is hopeful that the end is near in Namibia and that the Namibian people are soon to enjoy their inalienable right to self-detennination which each and every nation represented in this Assembly has enjoyed. But there is every reason to believe that the South African r~gime, dreading a SWAPO-ruled Namibia that would undoubtedly become a front-line State in the liberntion struggle in South Mrica itself, will stop at nothing to explore all avenues to establish a government of puppets. There is that threat hanging over us. The world body must resolve now not to lend any support or recognition to such a government, and the Security Council must hold itselfin readiness to take the most immediate and appropriate action in that eventuality. 165. As a concrete demonstration of the commitment of the Sierra Leone Government to matters of lib~ration in southern Africa, its cabinet has approved an additional sum of $50,000, over and above our regular budget of assistance to the liberation movements and the United Nations Trust Fund for South Africa, to be made available through OAU and United Nations channels, as appropriate.

The events which over the last twn years have distinguished the international political situation by their importance and significance, have undoubtedly given a new impetus to our Organization and invigorated its activities in the search for lasting solutions to the many problems which continue to threaten international peace an~ ~.iCUrity. 167. The debate which our Assembly ~cided unani- mously, as an exceptional measure, to devote to the question of Namibia, after so many years ofprocrastination and ineffectual decisions, are an eloquent testimony to that effect. 170. This may be the reason for the attitude of South Africa, notable hitherto for obstruction, defiance and insolence, even towards our Organization. 171. However, one cannot accuse the United Naiions of not having been indulgent towards this citadel ofapartheid, which, to say the least, has for more than a quarter of a century betrayed our trust and misled the international community. 172. The question before our Assembly today has been the subject of so many decisions, has aroused so much indignation, and has dashed so many hopes that at times one was tempted to doubt the usefulness of the United Nations and the value ofthe ideals on which it is based. 173. More than 130 resolutions and decisions adopted by our Assembly and an impressive number ofresolutions and appeals to reason by the Security Council, have remained dead letters. With particular reference to the decisions taken by the General Assembly, I would like to recall its resolution 2145 (XXI) of 27 October 1966, whereby it ended the Mandate of South Africa over Namibia. and placed this Territory under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. The following year, oh 19 May 1967, our Assembly, by resolution 2248 (S-V), established the United Nations Council for South West Africa and entrusted to it . the responsibility of administering the Territory until the attainment ofindependence. 174. The International Court of Justice had the same question referred to it, and on 21 June 1971 handed down an unequivocal opinion declaring illegal the presence of South Africa in Namibia. Furthennore, the Security Coun- cil, in resolutions 366 (1974) and 385 (1976), called upon South Africa to abide by the decisions of the General Assembly and the International Court of Justice, to withdraw its forces from Namibia and to put an end to the policy ofthe bantuS'tanization ofthe Territory. 175. None of these decisions and none Qf these appeals has even disturbed the conscience of the Pretoria adminis- tration and prevailed upon it to faciIita·'e the task of our Org:mization. 176. In a continuing spirit of defiance, South Africa continues to block anything that could help to thaw out the situation and settle the Namibian problem. This negative attitude can be illustrated in many ways, particu- larly by the continuing presence of South African troops in Namibia. 177. The plan to set up an interim government manipu- lated by the Pretoria admwstration, the holding of 178. But all these .plans anu this negative attitude could not have succeeded and stood out sa long against the decisions of most of the States of our Organization, if the implementation ofthose decisions had not been blocked by the systematic opposition of certain States which enjoy special powers under the Charter. 179. However, in spite of all the obstacles and all the indescribable sufferings, which have been imposed upon them for more than 25 years, the Namibian people have resisted, but have sometimes paid a heavy penalty for doing so. Their defIance is undoubtedly hert·ic and the battle they have engaged is an unequal one if we take account of the weapons possessed by the South African Government and the refmed methods of torture it uses to crush Namibia's will to resist. 180. The Narnibian people, however, have never agreed to give up the struggle. Quite the contrary. From these initial spontaneoU8 and scattered revolts, the resistance of the Namibian people gradually turned into an organized an~ well structured liberation struggle. Today, all the Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, are engaged in a merciless struggle against oppression, divisiveness and exploitation imposed by the Pretoria administration. 181. There can be no doubt that the military and diplomatic victories of the Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, were responsible for the positive changes which have occurred in our Organization in the past two years and to which I referred earlier. 182. The abuses and the bad faith of the Vorster administration fmally had the effect of annoying and discouraging those who wanted to help South Mrica to make amends by restoring the international Territory of Namibia to the United Nations. The combination of these two factors was a powerful impetus to the total isolation of South Africa and the diplomatic victory of the cause of the people of Namibia and of our own Organization~ Evidence of this positive evolution is the recognition by the United Nations of SWAPO as the legitimate representative of the Namibian people. Further evidence of this evolution were the Conferences in Lagos and Maputo, at which the States of our Organization unanimously and defmitively con- demned the apartheid regime and the occupation of Namibia by the Vorster administration. Further evidence of the same evolution were the severe warnings and the scarcely veiled threats issued to South Mrica by those who just a few years ago were the fervent champions of the Pretoria administration. 184. I have said that we are sceptical about the success of these moves, and I do not think that in saying so I am exaggerating. This scepticism has already been justified if we consider how much time has elapsed and what immense diplomatic pressure has been exerted in an attempt to prevail upon South Africa to withdraw from Namibia. 185. In spite of the warnings, the appeals to reason, and even the legal status of the annexed Territory, South Africa has remained intractable. Recent events in Namibia and the measures taken by the South Mrican administration in the Territory further strengthen our conviction that there is nothing that can shake South Africa's determination to annex Namibia. As an example, I would mention the annexation ofWalvis Bay, which was recently decided upon by South Mrica, and the inclusion of this integral part of Namibia into South African territory. I would also mention as an example the recent criticism levelled against the fIVe Western Powers by the administration of Vorster, who accused these Powers of being unrealistic and seeking to damage the interests of South Africa and Namibia. Finally, I should li"e to mention the various acts of intimidation taken by the South Mrican Government against neigh- bouring Mrican States, ranging from direct military inter- vention to sabotage ofeconomic and social targets. 186. The scorched-earth policy pursued by South Mrica in Namibia, the individual and collective massacres, and the sufferings of all kinds imposed upon the Namibian people are for us enlightening examples, and they enjoin upon our Organization an attitude of unbending severity towards the South African administration. 187. The attitude of our Organization should be un- flinching because every passing day shows that South Mrica's ambitions do not stop merely at the colonization of Namibia and the application in Azania of an unjust policy, cont~ to the very spirit and letter of our Charter. 188. The world recently witnessed South Africa's ma- noeuvres designed to conceal the nuclear tests it intended to carry out in the Kalahari Desert. Had it not been for the vigilance of the nuclear Powers, ~~JIIlibia would have been transformed into a nuclear testing ground, with :111 the danger that would involve for Africa and the world. 189. South Africa's objective in attempting to acquire nuclear weapons is not only to subject the Namibian and the South Mrican peoples to the dictatorship of the Vorster administration. The South Mrican Government is also seeking to blackmail the African States and not only them but all the States of our Organization. We know that the possession by South Africa of such a deadly weapon could be dangerous not only to the tountries of southern Mrica and the African continent, but even to the peace and security ofthe world. 191. It is therefore for all these reasons and because they are convinced that the world has changed while South Mrica will never change that the heads of State and Government of the African countries decided to call upon the Security Council to meet in 1978 to take concrete measures to close once and for all the Namibian case, which has taken up all too much of the time of our Organization. In the meantime, the Assembly has the duty and even the right, to indicate to the Security Council the nature ofthe measures to be taken to compel South Africa to comply with its many resolutions and decisions. 192. In this respect we should demand that South Africa do the following: lUst, withdraw from Namibia, together with all its troops, thus enabling the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia to discharge his functions effectively in the Territory; secondly, to free uncondi- tionally all political detainees and to agree to the return of political exiles; thirdly, to hold free elections under the supervision of the United Nations and with the participa- tion of SWAPO, the authentic and legitimate representative of the Namibian people; fourthly, to maintain the unity and territorial integrity of Namibia. This is the only policy that can lead to a proper settlement of the problem with which we are concerned. 193. The heads of African States have once again pre- ferred to turn to the United Nations, and th~s to peaceful means, to settle the problem of Namibia. This decision, far from being a sign of weakness or an abdication ofprimary responsibilities incumbent upon Africa, strikingly conIJIms the moderation and wisdom which have always char- acterized and continue to characterize the policy of our Governments and our continent. The United Nations and the Powers friendly to South Africa should take this last opportunity to settle the problem of Namibia and thus avoid the outbreak of a conflict which would have incalculable consequences. 194. However that may be, the Namibian people is certain of victory, as indeed it is assured of the unconditional support ofthe OAU and the international community. 195. The United Nations should contribute to the advent of an era ofjustice ilIld independence for Namibia, because the peace and security ofthe world, and also the prestige of our Organization, depend on that.

We are at present engaged on the consideration of the question of Namibia in the plenary meetings of the Assembly for the fmt time since 1968. It will be recalled that at its twenty-lust session in 1966 the General Assembly termi- 197. In spite of those injunctions to South Mrica, that regime in Pretoria sought last year to foist upon the international community the so-called Turnhalle Constitu- tional Conference. That Conference, which was attended only by certain specially selected tribal elements and by representatives of the National Party and which excluded SWAPO, the legitimate representative of the Namibian people, has been rejected outright by the international community as not even approximating the requirements laid down in various United Nations decisions and reso- lutions for the accession to genuine independence of Namibia. The universal disapproval with which the Turn- hal1e formula met convinces my delegation beyond any doubt that that fraudulent attempt by South Africa at an exercise in self-determination for the Narnibian people has Imally been laid to rest. 198. Conscious of the repeated failure of South Africa to implement any of the decisions or recommendations of the United Nations relating to Namibia, my delegation has followed the initiative recently taken by the present five Western members of the Security Council with the aim of securing a negotiated and peaceful transfer of power in Namibia. While we are not party to those ongoing nego- tiations, my Government supports.all efforts designed to effect a peaceful hand-over of power in the Territory, in keeping with the relevant provisions of Security Coun~il resolution 385 (1976). We feel compelled, however, to . emphasize the need for adherence to certain positions of principle which have been repeatedly laid down in various United Nations decisions and resolutions. These matters of principle include the need for, lust, an end to the illegal occupation of the international Territory of Namibia by South Africa; secondly, the repeal of all racially discrimi- natory and politically repressive laws and practices; thirdly, the immediate cessation of the policy of bantustanization which, by its very nature, seeks to violate the national unity of the Territory; fourthly, respect for the territorial integrity of Namibia; ftfthly, the unconditional release of all persons held prisoner or detained in Namibia or South Africa for their opposition to South Africa's continued illegal occupation of the Territory; sixthly, the unqualified recognition of the right of Namibian patriots, exiled for political reasons, to return to their country without fear of harassment, intimidation or imprisonment; and, seventhly the holding of free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations for the whole of Namibia as one political entity. These conditions constitute the basic minimum requirements for an orderly and peaceful transi- tion to majority rule and independence in Namibia.. 199. But, for there to be such a transfer of power '.1. the Territory, a climate of political security must exist there free from intimidation or the threat of intimidation. It does not seem possible to my delegation that fair lli.ld free 200. Notwithstanding all the foregoing, it is clear that all efforts aimed at transferring power to the people of Namibia and at securing the accession to independence of Namibia must .involve SWAPO which has been recognized by the United Nations as the sole and authentic represen- tative of the Namibian people. The leadership of that Organization has demonstrated over the years its tenacity amidst adversity and its sincere determination to break the bonds of colonial domination whi::h affect the lives of so many Namibians daily and which have resulted in the unbridled exploitation of the human and natural resources • ofthe Territory. 201. Namibia is an African Territory which has the potential to provide all its people with increasingly better standards of living-better schools, better health-care ser- vices, better housing. Regrettably, much of the wealth of the Territory is in the hands of foreign investors who come from thf; West European group and who benefit from the vast mineral resources of the Territory and the abundance of displaced African labourers. Very little ofthe enormous wealth generated by the productive utilization of the Territory's resources trickles down to the Namibians who continue to live and work under shameful conditions. Fears were expressed as long ago as 1966 that the exploitation of the country's mineral wealth by foreign investors was proceeding at such a rate that the Territory's wealth would be exhausted within 20 years. We have only nine years left and, in view of the frantic pace at which the mineral resources are being exploited, it may well be less. The international community must halt this rapacious exploita- tion of the resources of Namibia until such time as the people of Namibia, in the exercise of their sovereignty and through their freely elected Governments, are in a position to dispose freely oftheir natural resources. 202. The situation in Namibia remains a cause for concern to my Government. The more we procrastinate in our efforts to fulfil the fundamental aspirations of the Namibian people -for freedom and independence, the more we increase the tension and instability in southern Africa and jeopardize the chances of a peaceful transition to independence. Namibia continues to be among the main preoccupations of Govetnments because of the volatile nature of the situation and the failure of South Africa to demonstrate any willingness to abide by me decisions and resolutions of the United Nations. Within recent months its proclaimed annexation of Walvis Bay, an integral part of Namibia, has unequivocally demonstrated the arrogance of 203. We are mildly optimistic that the prevailing climate in international relations is conducive to Namibia's early accession to independence. Until that time, we shall continue to support all efforts and, more particularly, the efforts of the United Nations Council for Namibia in the unrelenting struggle to safeguard the legitimate interests of all Namibians. In this respect we wish to reafrmn our endorsement of th~ Declaration in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the Programme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia, adopted at Maputo on 21 May 1977. 204. We call on the Security Council to take all necessary measures, including measures under Chapter VII of the Charter, to end the illegal occupation of the international Territory"of Namibia and to ensure the speedy fulfilment of the Namibian people's desire for a free and independent Namibia.

Many years have passed since 1967, when the General Assembly gave the United Nations Council for Namibia the solemn mandate to administer the Territory ofNamibia until its independence. The Assembly has repeatedly called upon South Africa to withdraw its illegal administration from Namibia. This demand was incorporated in Security Council resolution 264 (1969). Time and again United Nations resolutions have been adopted on the subject, but South Mrica continues its illegal occupation of Namibia in defIance of the authority of the United Nations. The political will for an all-out effort on the part of the United Nations appears to be lacking. 206. In recent months diplomatic initiatives have been taken by certain Western members ofthe Security Council. It is noted"that the representative of Canada, speaking on behalf of this group [38th meetingl, has indicated that there has been certain progress in the negotiations with South Africa for the independence of Namibia. 207. However, the facts contained in the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia an(l in the statement of Mr. Nujoma, President ofSWAPO, make it clear that the basic situation in Namibia has worsened. The following are some of the points which bring out these facts: rust, the area in Namibia where martial law is applicable has been increased; secondly, the South African army of occupation has been raised to the massrle strength of 50,000 men; thirdly, repressive measures have been sharply st2pped up; fourthly, there has been further legislation to establish bantustanization by South Africa, the so-called Nama Legislative Council and the so-called Damara Legislative and Executive Council having been inaugurated ·on 19 July and 28 July, respectively; fIfthly, 11 tribal armies are under- going intensive military training on a crash programme; sixthly, military centres and bases in Namibia have been increased by the South Mrican administration; and, sev- enthly, in addition to all that, the South Mrican regime declared its annexation of Walvis Bay by proclamation on 31 August 1977. 209. Walvis Bay is an integtal part of Namibia and no antiquated, arbitrary, illogical and unjust colonial agree- ments can make it anything eke. We all know that this is a direct attack to try to ruin the unity and economy of Namibia so that the Territory will ever remain dependent on South Africa. It is planned to cripple the genuine independence ofNamibia. 210. All those matters give irrefutable proof that South Mrica has no intention of giving genuine independence by peaceful negotiations. This Assembly and the United Nations Council for Namibia must reassume fun and direct management in the drive for Namibia's independence. 211. It is sad and very disappointing that Namibia is having its mineral resources exploited for the benefit of the illegal South African regime and ofits business associates in Western Europe•. The wealth of the nation is being drained away. It is the particular duty of this world body to devise active means to bring this abuse to an end. 212. The Government of Somalia is fully committed to the support of total and genuine independence of Namibia. This has been the fmn stand of Somalia throughout the years. We are totally pledged to support all the United Nations and OAU resolutions in support of the inde- pendence of Namibia with its national unity and integrity intact. We fmnly believe that peaceful and genuine inde- pendence can be reached only on the basis ofthe following criteria outlined by the Heads of State or Govemment of the OAU at Libreville: fll'st, withdrawal of all the military and para-military forces of South Africa from Namibia to allow the creation of a nonnal political atmosphere free of fear; secondly, unconditional release of all political prisoners and the return to the Territory of all Namibians in exile; thirdly, any interim authority to be fonned in Namibia before the attainment of its full independence must be under the United Nations Council for Namibia; and fourthly, the area of the Territory acceding to inde- pendence muat confonn to its present boundaries, which incorporate Walvis Bay [see A/32/310, annex I, CM/Res.551 (XXIX)j. 213. We want a strong and independent Namibia in full possession of its national unity and integrity gained in fulfilment of the full exercise of self-determination under the terms of the United Nations resolutions adopted in the interests of Namibia. 214. My Government appeals to this Assembly fur clear and decisive action that will bring an end to the illegal occupation of Namibia by the South African re8ime so that the Territory can speedily enjoy its independence. 216. The white racist minority regime has since 1964 insisted on the implementation of the so-called Odendaal Pian, which is designed to establish apartheid, to maintain the indigenous population as a reservoir of cheap labour and to undermine the territorial integrity and national unity of Namibia by dividing it into black areas and white areas along the lines of the bantustans of South Mrica, where the whites, who constitute less than 12 per cent of the population, occupy over 43 per cent of the land, including the best and most fertile areas. 217. The United Nations is responsible for the Territory by virtue of General Assembly resolution 2248 (S-V) of 19 May 1967, which established the Council for Namibia and outlined its mandate with a view to obtaining independence and sovereignty for the Territory. That action was sup- ported by the International Court ofJustice in 1971. 218. But what happened subsequently? The racist mi- nority regime· did not allow the Council for Namibia to enter the Territory but increased·its intransigence, sup- ported by its well-known allies, and continued repeatedly to disregard United Nations resolutions and world public opinion. It has widened its application of apartheid and . racial discrimination and has opened the doors to inter- national monopolies in flagrant violation of Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia, adopted by the Council for Namibia. It has also intensified its acts of repression and terrorism and its arrests and has imposed a boycott on the Territory. In addition to increasing its military presence, it has launched repeated attacks on neighbouring Mrican States. 219. However, the Namibian people, who have suffered greatly at the hands of foreign occupation and the colonialists for over a century, have determined, after the fallure of all peaceful attempts to return the Territory to legitimate owners, the Namibian people, to wage a long and arduous armed struggle for national liberation, to repel the aggressor, who disregards the significance of human rights and dignity. That has resulted in the fonnation ofSWAPO, which is now waging an heroic struggle for freedom, unity and independence in the Territory. I should like to reiterate our constant support for SWAPO, the only legitimate representative of the people of Namibia in their str.uggle against all forms ofexploitation, colonialism, racial disuim- ination andapartheid. 220. It always was and still is natural that there should be growing international support for the just demands of the Namibian_people and of SWAPO. The expression of such non~aligned countries for the struggle of the Namibian people~ urged the implementation of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) and condemned "the illegal occupa- tion of the Territory by South Africa. Furthermore, the International Conference in Support of the Peoples of • Zimbabwe and Namibia, held in Maputo from 16 to 21 May 1977, expressed complete and constant support for the Namibian people in their endeavour to set up an inde- pendent State. 221. In spite of that support and assistance for the Namibian people and their organization, SWAPO, and the universal condemnation of the racist and apartheid regim~, we find that racist, Fascist regime, backed by its allies- certain Western countries as well as the Zionist entity in occupied Palestine-blatantly continues to misrepresent the true will of the Namibian people through the so-called Constitutional Conference of 1976, which merely gathered together tribal leaders and even recruited a tribal army to • protect their interests and those of the occupation. 222. We strongly condemn these illegal measures and practices; they flout every resolution of the United Nations, an Organization which has assumed responsibility for the administration of the Territory, pursuant to General As- sembly resolution 2145 (XXI) of27 October 1966. 223. The Iraqi Republic, in its steadfast stand beside the African liberation movement, a stand reaffirmed on each and every occasion, once again would like to pledge its support for the demands of SWAPO regarding a radical settlement of the Namibian issue. We consider Walvis Bay to be an integral part of Namibia and we call for the application of all measures leading to the isolation of the Fascist, racist regime of South Africa and the implemen- tation of the provisions of the United Nations Charter, in particular Chapter VII, together with all United Nations resolutions calling for the full independence of Namibia.

The tragedy facing the people and Territory of Namibia is nota recent one. The problem of that Territory has constantly been included in the agenda of the General Assembly since 1966, when the South African Mandate was terminated and the Council for Namibia was set up to administer the Territory so that it might attain inde- pendence in 1968. The United Nations was unable to deal with the defiance of the racist regime in South Africa. Despite the various resolutions and recommendations of the General Assembly and the Security Council, the minority white regime in South Africa, by its illegal presence, continues to dominate the Territory of Namibia exploiting its immense resources and applying the apartheid system there. All this is being experienced by the people of Namibia as a result of the collusion of vile foreign interests, and this is a source ofinternational concern. 226. The initiatives undertaken by certain Western coun- tries to eliminate colonialism in Namibia should take due account of the fact that no settlement of that problem can be reached unless the United Nations lives up to all its responsibilities in Namibia by setting up an interim adminis- tration under the auspi~es of this Organization; putting an end to the racist South African rule over that Territory, which does not respect the territorial integrity of Namibia, including Walvis Bay; securing the freedom of the political prisoners; allowing exiles to return to their homes; obtain- ing the withdrawal of the administration and armed forces of South Africa and the elimination of all military bases; recognizing SWAPO as the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people; and enabling them to hold free elections in the Territory under the supervision of the United Nations before the realization of self-determination for that people. 227. The white minority regime in South Africa stub- bornly and arrogantly rejects the provisions of the reso- lutions of the international community and continues its illegal occupation and its efforts to "Balkanize" the Territory by setting up so-called bantustans on the .land owned by the Africans, which constitutes only one third of the area, whereas the Africans represent 90 per cent of the total population. The white European settlers occupy those two thirds of the Territory that contain all the mineral resources and the good agricultural land. That, of course, is not touched by bantustanization. 228. The action of the South African Government is a total violation of all humanitarian principles and its objective is to tear apart the Territory in total disregard for the repeated appeals by the Security Council calling for its withdrawal from Namibia and in violation of the United Nations Charter in this regard. It is attempting to maintain domination over the African people of Namibia by trans- forming -the land into a military zone and using it as a launching pad for aggression against neighbouring African States, thus threatening world peace and security in such a way as to create an atmosphere of tension and terrorism, repression and oppression, in order completely to under- mine national unity and the aspirations of the people to freedom and independence. 229. The Declaration in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia, adopted by the International Conference held in Maputo, Mozambique, in May last and the Declaration of the Lagos Conference of August 19779 against apartheid and racial discrimination drew attention to the dangers to world peace and security in South Africa, 9 See Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.77.XIV.2), chap. X. 230. My delegation believes that in order to put an end to the apartheid regime in South Africa and to liberate the Territory of Namibia occupied by force, the allies of this abominable racist regime must exert pressure on it and sever all economic and military relations. 231. The plunder by Western monopolies of the immense resources of Namibia through active and continuous col- laboration with South Africa is clear proof that those monopolies go hand in hand with South Africa in repressing the Namibian people and exploiting their resources despite the fact that the United Nations has long condemned the activities of Western interests in Namibia and considered such interests to be the principal impediment to the liberation of that Territory from foreign domination. 232. We urge all the members of this international family to confront the abhorrent racist regime and to hold out a hand of assistance to the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania so as to put an end to the heinous regime. We believe it is incumbent upon the United Nations to impose all possible sanctions to force the illegitimate racist regime to end its occupation of the Territory and its aggression against the peoples of Namibia; to support them in their struggle by all possible means, including armed struggle, in order that they might realize self-determination and na- tional sovereignty, to extend all possible forms of assistance in order to allow t.he Namibian people to accede to independence and to attain national unity pursuant to the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976); and to take appropriate steps and effective actions including those included in the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter, in order to obtain the compliance of the racist Government of South Africa with Security Council reso- lutions on this subject. 233. In conclusion, I should like to reaffnm that the Government of my country continues to support the people of Namibia and SWAPO in their legitimate struggle against colonialism and apartheid in Namibia, and we shall continue to extend all possible assistance so as to allow this heroic people to attain self-determination, freedom and national independence.

Mr. President, since this is the rust time I have had the honour of addressing this General Assembly of the United Nations, which is holding its thirty-second session, may I add the v0ice ofmy delegation to the voices of the many eminent speakers who have addressed the Assembly before us in congratulating you" Sir, on your unanimous election to the presidency of this session. Your competence and your experience in the field of international relations, strengthened through your rrrm ideals concerning social, economic and cultural progress, which are supported by your Government and country, convinces us that consideration of the items on our agenda will lead to the taking ofjust decisions once again reflecting the imperative need to realize and lmplement the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. 236. Yugoslavia, a non-aligned country, has never spared any effort in supporting the liberation struggle in Africa in general and the struggle of SWAPO in Namibia in particular. That is why there is no doubt that our debate on the situation prevailing in Namibia will be crowned with well deserved success and that this Assembly will adopt opera· tional measures to end the illegal occupation ofNamibia by Vorster's apartheid regime. 237. Through. you, Mr. President, we wish to address our congratulations also to all the officers'of this thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly. 238. It is encouraging indeed that at every session we can record praiseworthy acts by all countries which love freedom, peace and justice. To the party and Government of the Republic of Equatorial Gumea, wisely led by His Excellency Constitutional President-for-Life of the Re- public and Chairman of the Central Committee of the Partido Unico Nacional de Trabajadores, Comrade Masie Nguema Biyogo Negue Ndong, the admission of the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam as Members de facto and de jure ofthe United Nations is one more victory over the diabolical systems of colonialism, neo-eolonialism, imperialism, racism and all their inhuman ramifications. 239. For these reasons we congratulate and greet the heroic peoples of Djibouti and Viet Nam for having entered the great family of the United Nations, and at the. same time we are convinced that they will make a valuable contribution to our Organization, in our joint effort for the maintenance of international .peace and security, the promotion of friendship and solidarity among nations, based on a strict respect for the sacred principle of sovereign equal rights and the self-determination ofpeoples, and the realization of international co-operation in the settlement of economic, social and cultural problems. 241. The question of Namibia, the object ofour debate, is as old as the United Nations itself;. consequently the delegation of the People's Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea does not wish to dwell on the details of the distressing situation which still today prevails in the African Territory of.Namibia. The excellent reports which have been submitted to us by the Special Committee on decolonization and by the United Nations Council for Namibia, as well as the statement made to this Assembly by Mr. Sam Nujuma, amply illustrate present-day developments' in Namibia. In this regard I wish to pay a well-deserved tribute to the members of the United Nations Council for Namibia and of the Special Committee on decolonization for the valuable work they are carrying out with such devotion in order to realize the legitimate aspirations ofthe oppressed people of Namibia. 242. The question of Namibia must be considered with. the full attention it deserves; developments are increasingly distressing in this part of the world, where the white racist minority regime of South Africa obstinately continues its illegal occupation of the Territory of Namibia, desperately striving to smother the irreversible national liberation movement of the people of Namibia, which is resolved to fight for the freedom and independence of its country. The odious South African regime is establishing its evil policy of apartheid with impunity in Namibia, and' increasing the installation of military bases throughout the Territory in order to intensify its acts of provocation and·aggression against independent States. 243. The escalation of atrocities and crimes of all types being carried out by the minority regimes of southern Mrica must be stopped. 244. The facts are clear, Namibia is occupied by foreign troops which have established a racist illegal regime of oppression in a Territory which does not belong to it; Namibia is occupied by a regime of repression which has condemned the majority ofthe African population to a life in arid territories, limiting their movement and establishing the odious system of bantustanization and apartheid. 245. The international community in general, and speci- fically the United Nations, bear special responsibility in the case of Namibia, and it is imperative that something should be done to prevent Vorster's allies from prOViding mer- cenaries and weapons, as well as all types of economic assistance, thus enabling him to fulfJI his criminal plan in Namibia and southern Africa. 246. The international community must fully support the struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of its only legitimate liberation movement, SWAPO, as well as recognize that the United Nations Council for Namibia is the only legal authority to co-ordinate the means of leading Namibia to real independence. 248. With these aims in mind, the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea: strongly condemns the illegal occupation of Namibia by the apartheid system of the white racist ,minority regime, which has seized power in southern Africa, disregarding and defying the verdict of the International Court of Justice, the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, and world public opinion in general; condemns with abhorrence the continued and growing militarization of Namibia by the Pretoria regime which has tUI;I1ed that Territory into a spring-board for the launching of aggression against independent neighbouring African States in the region and, in this connexion, appeals "to all States to cease and desist immediately any military co- operation or collaboration with Vorster's racist regime; vigorously condemns and rejects all colonialist and impe- rialist manoeuvres by South Africa aimed at the separation of Walvis Bay, and to that end it calls on the General Assembly to declare once and for all that Walvis Bay is an integral, inseparable part ofNamibian Territory. 249. In the same context, the Government of the Re- public of Equatorial Guinea, fmn in its constitutional principles: totally supports the legitimacy of the armed struggle undertaken by the courageous people of Namibia, strongly united iri their only authentic liberation move- ment, SWAPO, to attain the self-determination, freedom and independence of a united Namibia; firmly supports the recommendations on Namibia contained in the historic Maputo Declaration, particularly concerning the urgent need for a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa; once again insists that any independent discussion on the question of Namibia must take place between the represen- tatives of SWAPO and South Africa under United Nations supervision, for the sole purpose of establishing the means for the transfer oof power to the African people of Namibia. And, so that the Namibian people may freely decide its own destiny, the Government of the Republic of Equatorial Guinea fmnly supports the holding without delay of free elections under United Nations control throughout Namibia as a united political entity; and to this end the necessary prior conditions .should be established throughout the Territory of Namibia in keeping with the relevant reso- lutions of the United Nations and, in particular, with resolution 385 (1976) of the Security Council. 251. It would be superfluous at this stage ofthe debate to recall the horrors and ravages of that odious system, the wanton massacres of demonstrators, the arbitrary arrest of members of the opposition and the oppression of the black popiJiatiOll. which has been subjected to the most abject harassment and suffering-the most notorious examples of practices vJhich have to this very day given rise to the indignation of the international community. Although a certain basis for agreem6nt between South Africa and the parti\~s concerned makes it possible for us to see some progress in the march of the Namibian people towards independence, the attitude of the racist authorities of South Africa does not seem to promote a climate conducive to a peaceful solution of the question. 252. It has doubtless been heard that the South African Government agreed to self-determination for Namibia as a unified State in accordance with the United Nations Charter, or that it had ended institutionalized apartheid and racial discrimination in Namibia and reportedly had set 1 January 1979 as the date for the independence of that country. However, can one trust a regime which, after the so-called·fruitful talks with the Western Powers members of the United Nations Security Council, declared its decision to annex Walvis Bay in Namibia, a regime which continues to launch acts of aggression from military bases situated in Namibia? 253. Of course the new strategy of the ~etoria regime should not and can not in any way deceive the watchful observer of the events currently taking place in Namibia and in South Africa. Those concessions and that muting of the barbaric intransigence of the apartheid regime are results of the independence of Angola and Mozambique, which had been very important trump cards for that regime. The progress of the liberation movements in Zimbabwe and Namibia, combined with the defeat of the South African troops that had invaded Angola in 1976, have discouraged the powerful foreign corporations which supported the apartheid regime. The Western Powers, for their part, despite the economic and political ties which they still maintain with South Africa, have finally agreed that a non-racist society including the entire South African population, on the bas!~ of equal rights, should be established in Namibia. However, whether South Africa agrees to change the framework of its policy or whether through machinations with the parties involved it wishes to uphold its strange gospel, the apartheid regime, which in its very essence is inhuman, will always be an oil stain in the heart of our world and it should liot survive any longer in a 254. South Africa's decision to annex Walvis Bay, which by virtue of its ethnic, geographic, economic and cultural ties constitutes an integral part of Namibian territory, is of great concern to my delegation, which is closely following the progress of events. The Haitian nation, which itself was born of its armed struggle for the freedoms proclaimed by the famous and bloody French Revolution of 1789 has always fought for the reign of equity on our earth and to ensure that the chains would fall from all captive peoples. The Government of the Republic ofHaiti, headed with the greatest humanitarian idealism by His Excellency Mr. Jean- Claude Duvalier, President-for-Life of the Republic, cannot endorse the South African decision. That decision is illegal and violates the principles and aims of the United Nations Charter. Under the recommendations ofthe United Nations Council for Namibia and the report which it has submitted to us, it is null and void just as it is under General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), which renders the actions of the Republic of South Africa in this regard illegal in the eyes of the international community. 255. Therefore, recognizing that the only political solu- tion to the Namibian problem must be the free exercise of the right to self-determination for all Namibians, the Government of the Republic of Haiti will continue its moral, political and fmancial assistance to the people of Namibia, who are struggling valiantly under the leadership of SWAPO for the restoration of their rights and· the development of man in all his aspects, in a reborn free, indep~ndent and proud Namibia. 256. In conclusion, the delegation of Haiti feels that the illegal continuation of the occupation of Namibia by South . Mrica constitutes an act ofaggression against the Namibian people and its liberation movement, SWAPO, as well as against the United Nations itself, the only legitimate Administering Authority of the Territory, pending: its independence. The Haitian delegation expresses the wish that the General Assembly will unanimously support the Declaration in Support of the Peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia and the Programme of Action for the Liberation of Zimbabwe and Namibia adopted at Maputo during the last international Conference held there. - 1.57. It will be well if all the peoples of the world realize the dangers of apartheid and the evils which it can bring to all mankind, fOf, to paraphrase a Latin poet ofold: "Woe be to those who, near the shore, When on the vast sea The winds raise the tides; Contemplate without being moved The perils to which the poor sailors are exposed." The meetingrose at 6.40 p.m.