Security Council — Session 32

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• Adoption of the agenda * THIRD REPORT OF THE GENERAL COMMITIEE (A!3l!250!ADD.2) I. The PRESIDENT: In paragraph 2 (a) of its report [A/32/250/Add.2/ the General Committee recommends that an item entitled "Safety of international civil aviation" should be included in the agenda of the current session. May I take it that the General Assembly decides to include the item in the agenda? It was so decided (decision 32/402 C). •
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• Financing of the United Nations Emergency Force and of the United Nations Disengagement ObseI1fer Force: Re- port of the Secretary-General REPORT OF THE FIFTH COMMITTEE (PART I) (A!32/299) 4. Mr. BELYAEV (Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Re- public), Rapporteur of the Fifth Committee (interpretation from Russian): I have the honour to present part I of the report of the Fifth Committee on agenda item 11 I [A/32/299/. 5. In paragraph 5 of this report the Fifth Committep: recommends that the General Assembly adopt a' draft resolution which was approved in the Committee by 66 votes to 2, with 18 abstentions. 6. Operative paragraph 1 of the draft resolution reads as follows: "Decides to authorize the Secretary-General to enter into commitments for the United Nations Emergency Force ... for the period from 25 October to 30 Novem- ber 1977 inclusive, and for the United Nations Disengage- ment Observer Force ... for the period from 25 October to 30 November 1977 inclusive ..."-in amounts not to exceed those established in the draft resolution-"in order to allOVl adequate time for consideration by the General . Assembly of the report of the Secretary-General 011 the fmancing of the Forces". 7. Operative paragraph 2 reads: "Also decides to apportion the above-mentioned ex- penses among Member States in accordance with the scheme set forth in General Assembly resolutions 31/5 C and D." Pursuant to nlle 66 of the rules of procedure, it was decided not to discuss the report of the Fifth Committee.
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• General debate I. Mrs. SODER (Sweden): Mr. President, it is a particular pleasure for me to extend to you our warm congratulations on your assumption of the presidency of this session of the General Assembly. Your election to this high office is a tribute to you personally, to your vast diplomatic expe- rience, and to the leading and constructive role played by Yugoslavia within the non-aligned movement and in the work of the United Nations. 2. I should also like to express my delegation's deep appreciation to Ambassador Amerasinghe, who presided over last year's session with such great distinction. 3. Our Secretary·General, Mr. Waldheim, continues to serve the world community with total dedication, and I should like to express to him our deep gratitude and to assure him of Sweden's full support for his tireless efforts. 4. As this session of the General Assembly opens, it is also a particular satisfaction for us to be able to welcome two new Members to our Organization: the Republic of Djibouti and the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, whose admission we have so strongly and actively supported, both in this Assembly and during our years in the Security Council. 5. When I addressed the General Assembly for the first time last year,· ! had special reasons to say a few words about the general guidelines of Swedish foreign policy. The foundation of that policy is neutrality. In our country we are united in the view that we should use our neutral position to pursue an active, independent and progressive foreign policy characterized by global solidarity and respect for the equal rights of all human beings. These are our guidelines as we face up to such problems as injustice in Thursday, 29 September 1977, at 3.35 p.m. NEW YORK southern Africa, the unequal relationship between rich and poor countries, or the plundedng and misuse of the resources with which nature has provided us. 6. In Steven Biko the South African people has a new martyr whose death is yet another reminder that racism in southern Africa remains a festering sore in our international society. Developments in southern Africa are important -not only to t.'1ose who live there. They are of crucial importance for the relations between free Africa and the rest of the world, as well as for international detente in general. 7. Apartheid is unique. It differs from other manifesta- tions of evil and injustice in the world, for in South Africa oppression has been legalized; it is written into the country's constitution and permeates the entire fabric of society. A minority has created a system based on the idea of its own racial superiority serving to suppress the majority. Let us not forget that the United Nations was born in the struggle against a system which was obsessed by a similar idea. The undoing of apartheid must be a central obligation of the world community. To follow passively developments there is to become, in a sense, an accomplice of the present policy of an oppressive regime. 8. Every form of black African protest in South Africa, Namibia and Rhodesia has been brutally crushed. The majority of the people is denied every possibility of political expression and participation. It is understandable that the liberation movements of southern Africa, in their despair, fmally have seen no alternative to armed struggle. 9. The United Nations was created to solve international conflicts by peaceful means. We must try to make it possible to achieve majority rule in southern Africa with a minimum of violence. Here the United Nations has a dual responsibility: one is to contribute to the aboEshment of apartheid as soon as possible; the other is to try to alleviate the suffering of the civilian population which always follows a long liberation struggle. 10. We consider the present situation in South Africa to be a threat to international peace. The Security Council, therefore, should impose sanctions to eliminate that threat. We have, as a first step, proposed that the recommendation already adopted by the Security Council calling for the discontinuation of all arms shipments to South Africa be broadened and transformed into a binding decision. 2 ~ Sweden has also proposed further steps, including measures against new foreign investments in South Africa and Namibia. Measures of this kind have already been uni· 11. Another reason for the international tension in the area is South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia and its support of the rebel regime in Rhodesia. Negotiations are under way regarding both these Territories and we note with satisfaction the commitment made by a number of leading States in this matter. 12. The task in Namibia is to make possible the free elections under United Nations supervision and control envisaged in resolution 385 (1976) of the Security Council. Although the parties would seem to have come closer to an agreement as to how this process of liberation is to be carried out, South Africa is still utilizing its illegal rule in an attempt to retain influence. The Pretoria regime must realize that the only alternative to giving up control through a negotiated settlement is international sanctions and an escalation of the armed liberation struggle. The South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO! is playing a leading part in the efforts to secure an inde- pendent and unified Namibia, and any agreement must be supported by that movement. SWAPO must also be given full opportunities of working freely in the country and of mobilizing its extensive popular following there. The United Nations will have an important and difficult task to perform during the transition to independence. We have declared our readiness to offer our services within the framework of the United Nations with a view to facilitating a peaceful transition. 16. The nuclear arms race continues. The accelerating development of military technology causes the super- Powers to seek mutual security at a steadily rising and increasingly dangerous level of armaments. There is a risk that results achieved in the disarmament negotiations will be overtaken by the creation of new weapons systems. The super-Powers, themselves, have been among the first to claim that the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks [SALT! are a vital component of the process of detente. I wish to underline the importance which the Swedish Government attaches to rapid concrete progress towards an agreement at the second round of SALT talks and the subsequent opening of the third round with a view to reaching mutual security at a lower level of armaments. 17. In this context, I want to recall the present inter- national debate on the neutron weapon, which is the latest example of the consequences of the development of technical weapons carried out by the super-Powers. The Swedish Government is deeply concerned by every develop- ment in the armaments field that could constitute a directly destabilizing factor. It is also obvious that a reversal of the present trend in the arms race of the super-Powers is a basic condition for progress in disarmament efforts. The neutron weapon is unacceptable to us. So are all other nuclear weapons. 13. The Anglo-American efforts to negotiate a settlement on Rhodesia encounter great difficulties, due above all to the vain hopes entertained by the leaders in Salisbury of perpetuating their minority rule by means of such tricks as a so-called "internal solution". The Smith regime's hard- headed resistance to real majority rule, backed up by South Africa, should be met with broadened international sanc- tions. At the same time it should be quite clear that a solution in Namibia and Zimbabwe will in no way lead to a relaxation of the world community's attitude towards apartheid in South Africa. International pressures on the apartheid regime must be maintained and intensified. 18. International negotiating efforts in the field of dis- armament have been intensified as a result of the decision to convene next spring a special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament. That session will present a unique opportunity to open a new and fruitful phase in the work of disarmament. It is an opportunity that we must not miss. 14. In the Middle East, efforts are again under way to achieve a peaceful and lasting settlement. As so often before, progress is frustratingly slow. The Swedish Govern- ment maintains the view that a solution must be based on resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (I973) of the Security Council. Israel and all other States in the area are eI1titled to their existence and integrity within secure and recog- nized borders. The principle that acquisition of territory by force is inadmissible must be respected. Furthermore, provision has to be made for the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian Arabs, including the right to establish a State of their own which lives in peace side by side with Israel. It is essential that negotiations for a peaceful solution be opened as soon as possible. The Palestinians should be assured of participation in those negotiations. 19. Questions concerning nuclear weapons should, of course, be given the highest priority at the session. The Swedish Government expects significant and concrete results concerning a comprehensive test ban treaty. It is important that the Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva should begin negotiations on this matter as soon as possible. 20. A comprehensive nuclear test ban would be a sign that the super-Powers had begun' a process towards nuclear disarmament. A comprehensive test ban is at the same time an important element in the efforts to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons to new States. It affects the security of both nuclear-weapon and non-nuclear-weapon States, of developing as well as industrialized countries. All have a common interest in co-operating in order to prevent the rroliferation of nuclear weapons or nuclear devices, the consequences of which could be truly disastrous. The Swedish Government will continue to work hard to this end. 15. Israel's policy in regard to settlements in occupied territories has added to the difficulties in the search for a solution. Sweden has consistently opposed that policy as being illegal and as complicating withdrawal from occupied 22. The rapid technologic~ development in conventional armaments and the proliferation of increasingly sophis- ticated weapons is ~arming. Sufficient attention must be given to this question during the speci~ session to be held in 1978 on disarmament. 23. According to conservative estinnates, military expen- ditures amounted to between $350 billion and $400 billion in 1976. This is a grotesque misuse of human and material resources. It can be compared with the $15 billion that the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development countries provided for development assistance during that same year. The Nordic countries have proposed that the special session initiate an urgent and in-depth study of the possibility of transferring the resources released through disarmament measures to economic and soci~ development programmes, primarily in the developing countries. Our objective is that this work should result in international as well as nation~ action. 24. It is imperative that the special session achieve re~ progress towards disarmament. The results must be lasting and be followed by further steps. Sweden is in favour of a second speci~ session being convened after a period of three to five years. The United Nations must be given sufficient means to enable it effectively to play its innportant role in the continued efforts towards disarma- ment. 25. The Diplomatic Conference on the Reaffirmation and Development of Internation~ Humanitarian Law Ap- plicable in Armed Conflicts was concluded in June this year after making important progress. It is now essenti~ to redouble our efforts in this field. The aim must be a defmite prohibition or restriction on the use of certain convention~ weapons that are excessively injurious. 26. Our efforts to achieve peace and security must ~so comprise action against ~l kinds of intern~ oppression. We strongly condemn all forms of persecution of people on account of their politic~ or religious convictions, race or ethnic identity, wherever this persecution may be practised. During the past year we have had occasion in the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, in government statements and in bilateral contacts, to denounce the policies of a number of Governments in this respect. Sweden willl continue to give unrelenting support to the struggle for human rights. 27. We have ~l seen how terror can be used by individu~s. Acts such as those that have recently taken place in the Feder~ Republic of Germany must be met with the condemnation of the world community. These outrageous manifestations of distorted minds demonstrate the impor- tance of the work being carried out in the United Nations to prevent terrorism. 29. At the last session of the General Assembly, Sweden raised the question of the treatment of persons imprisoned for their political convictions. 4 Our proposal, which has gained Widespread support, will be considered at this session: We shall work to have a resolution adopted now 30. Ever since the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Sweden has worked to convert separate articles of the Declaration into binding international con- ventions. Thus, we find it encouraging that the two International Covenants on Human Rights-one on civil and political rights and its Optional Protocol, the other on economic, social and cultural rights [see resolution 2200 A (XXI)) -have entered into force. However, to attain the objectives of the Covenants, efficient implementation machinery is necessary. So far, only a small number of countries have accepted the competence of the Human Rights Committee to consider allegations by an individual or a country that a State has violated his or her human rights. We strongly urge all countries that have not ~ready done so to accept the competence of the Human Rights Committee in this field. 31. The right of all human beings to meaningful employ- ment and the satisfaction of their basic material needs are other human rights. We are aware that these rights are also still denied to a large segnlent of the world population. The number of unemployed and underemployed is continuously increasing. More than 1 billion people now live in condi- tions below the subsistence level. The possibilities to secure reasonable material living conditions for all depend on the capacity of our earth to proVide the resources needed, and on our own ability to distribute those resources equitably. The future supply of a large number of primary products which play a key -role in our economic life is in question. We have become acutely aware that oil, one of our most innportant primary products, will already become in- creasingly scarce within only a decade or two. Nuclear power entails special problems and risks and is also based on a primary product of limited existence. The fertility of the earth cannot meet ever-growing demands. If we permit continued land. erosion and continue polluting air, water and soil, the situation will rapidly become even more serious. It is therefore necessary that we-primarily the rich countries-learn to economize resources and to take into account the ecological consequences of our activities. We must learn to use without using up, to recycle raw materials instead of piling up growing mountains of waste products. 32. At the same time, the poor countries must be given scope for increased consumption. 33. One of the most important tasks of the United Nations in the period to come is, as I see it, to engage 39. An essential aspect of the new international economic order concerns the utilization of the tremendous potential for development that exists in the developing countries themselves. Collective and individual self-reliance are con- cepts that have emerged during our discussions. Sweden supports these ideas and stands ready to contribute to their implementation. Building up domestic technological and production capability adapted to the particular require- ments in each country is an important element of self- reliance. This process should also create the necessary conditions and facilities to meet the needs of the great majority of the population. 34. The problems which spring from the inequitable relations between North and South, between industrial and developing countries, have formed the ~ubject of several important negotiations during the past years. Important international negotiations are now in progress or are pending in many vital sectors. These include the trade sector, with major multilateral trade talks under the aegis of GATT. As to raw materials, the main focus of attention is on negotiations concerning UNCTAD's Integrated Pro- gramme for Commodities. The United Nations Negotiating Conference on a Common Fund under the Integrated Programme for. Commodities will be reconvened in No- vember. Negotiations are being held in New York on an international code of conduct for transnational corpo- nitions. 40. The ultimate aim of the new international economic order is to create a just and equitable world. This is also the ultimate aim of our struggle for human rights. In planning for change we must be mindful of the needs of ail people, irrespective of colour, sex and age. When old traditions are abandoned, when established structures are broken up, there is a risk that vulnerable groups become even more underprivileged. Women constitute one such group. The statements from the United Nations women's Conferences must therefore be translated into practical action as we now press on towards the realization of the new international economic order. When planning for change we must also pay greater attention to children in our development efforts. The International Year of the Child in 1979 shouid, among other things, help to make us realize this. 35. We want to see practical results from those negotia- tions. A means must be found of stabilizing the commodity markets. We must join in assuming responsibility for developments in the energy sector, with due regard to the interests of all concerned. The United Nations target for official assistance-D.7 per cent of gross national product- must be achieved before the close of this decade. Here those industrial countries which are now lagging far behind have a special responsibility. The trade of the developing countries must be boosted. Means must urgently be found to ease the debt burden of developing countries, particu- larly the public debts of the least developed countries. 41. It is easy to lapse into pessimism when we survey the problems that beset our world. I believe, however, that it would be wrong to concentrate on the gloomy side of the picture. It is, after all, not violence and poverty which distinguish our own age from other periods of history. Both these phenomena are as old as humanity itself. What is new in today's world is that, in spite of everything, efforts are being made across national boundaries to tackle these problems on a common international basis. 36. The outcome of the Conference on Intemational Economic Cooperation can by no means be termed satisfactory as measured against development needs. No agreement was reached regarding several important prob- lems, nor was it possible to bring about important structural changes aiming at a new international economic order. Still, it is our view that the Conference did achieve some positive results. 42. True, the progress that has so far been made may seem small compared to the vast dimensions of the problems. We would do well to bear in mind that global co-operation has only existed for a brief moment in the many thousand years of human history. It is my firm belief that this co-operation will steadily grow in importance and scope, if only for the simple reason that our problems will sooner or later force us to fmd global solutions. The world we live in has become too small for national egoism. Global solidarity is the only possible base for a future solution of world problems. The existence of the United Nations and the open debate which we are able to conduct here testify to a growing awareness of this fact. Our task at this Assembly session is now to do our utmost to live up to this challenge. 37. Our task will now be to consolidate those results and search for new ways to solve the remaining problems. Sweden will press for vigorous initiatives from the United Nations in this respect. This becomes even more urgent against the depressing background of the impending failure of the most important parts of the International Develop- ment Strategy for the Second United Nations Development Decade [resolution 2626 (XXV)/. So far, the 1970s have brought no substantial improvements in the living standards of the poorest groups. Inequality within many countries has also increased. It is therefore of particular importance to bring about concrete measures to satisfy the basic needs as regards food, housing, work, education and health. The Nordic Foreign Ministers at their recent meeting empha- sized how important it was that the work for the new development strategy now be started. The present session of the General Assembly must seize the opportunity to set about these tasks.
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• Policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa : (a) Reports of the Special Committee against Apartheid,' (bj Report of the World Conference for Action against Apartheid; (c) Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Drafting of an Internatiol1dl Convention against Apartheid in Sports~ (d) Report of the Secretary-General
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• Q:iegtion ofCyprus: report of the Secretary-GeneraI (concluded) 1. -Mr. MAGONGO (Swaziland): The General Assembly Is again considering the Cyprus question. This problem has been before the General Assembly for a long lime now and its presence in our agenda does not augur well for this Orianization. My delegation wishes and hopes that matwrs such as this be solved speedily. 2. Cyprus is an independent State, a Member of the United Nations and a member of the non-aligned move- ment. Cyprus haJ a right to sovereignty and territorial integrity, like any State in the world. All States should, therefore, respect its independence &nd refrain from all acts and interventions directed against it. No independent State can rightfully tolerate the presence of foreign military forces on its soil, nor can it accept any foreign interference in its internal affairs. 3. My delegation read the Secretary-General's report in document A!32!282 and notes with deep appreciation that the Sec.retary-General of the United Nations has provided his good offices to try and solve the Cyprus problem. The Secretary-General is, in our view, prepared to continue providing his goo~! offices until this problem is solved. My deleg&tion agrees, as pointed out by the Secretary-General in his report, that: "... as a practical matter, the key to ~"1Y substantial progress towards the several goals set out in the resolu- tions of the General Assembly lies in the initiation ofan effective negotiating process in relation to the underlying political problem of Cyprus." [See A/32/282. para. 26.1 4. My delegation regrets,. however, that, due to the conflicting positions of the parties concerned,' no effective negotiating process has y~t evolved. The parties concerned have, therefore, to evoke all available reserves of political will in order to arrive at a mutually satisfactory solution of this apparently intractable problem. 5. An appropriate solution could best be sought by the people of Cyprus themselves, the Greek Cypriot and the Turkish Cypriot communities. NEW YOlK 6. My delegation would like to commend the work done by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in continuing to assist the displaced and needy population in the island. 7. In conclusion, my delegation wishes to lend its full support to the draft resolution before us in document A!32!L.16 and Add.1 in the sincere beliefthat the effective implementation of this text would lead to a mutually acceptable settlement b~tween the two communities con- cerned.
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• Question of Cypms: report of the Secretary-General
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• Question of N:mribia : (a) Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the !mplementation of the Declaration on the Grantt~g of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples; (h) p.~eport of the United Nations 'Council for Namibia; (c) Report of the Sea'etary-General 163. Mr. LAI Ya-li "(China) (translation from Chinese): The fact that the current session of the United Nations General Assembly has decided to allocate the question of Namibia for discussion in its plen~;! meetings shows that the question of Namibia has attracted th~ increasing attention of the people of the whole world. The illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist regime of South Africa has lasted for some 60 years. It is imperative to terminate the colonial rule of the Vorster regime so as to enable the Namibian people to achieve genuine independence and liberation. This is an impc.· tant matter which brooks no further delay, and it must be implemented immediately and earnestly. 164. Over the past 60 years, the Namibian people have carried out a protracted struggle against brutal colonial rule and for the attainment of national independence and liberation. Particularly in the past decade the Namibian people, under the .leadership of SWAPO, have determinedly taken up arms and launched an armed struggle. They started from scratch and expanded from a small force into a large one, bringing about an excellent situation through fighting. At the same time, the Namibian people's mass movement against racist rule has also witnessed a new development. They boycott classes and carry on strikes and demonstrations, waging political struggle to support the arnled struggle and thus pushing the liberation movement of the Namibim people to a new stage. 165. The Namibian people's struggle for national libera- tion ~md the struggles of the Zimbabwe and Azanian peoples again~t the Vorster and Smith. racist regimes are closely related, one supporting the other. In recent years, new progress has been made in the armed struggle of the Zimbabwe people, and the Azanian people's struggle against apartheid and racial discrimination is surging forward. With the support of the entire African people and people of the rest of the world, the struggles of the peoples of Namibia, Zimbabwe and Azania have merged into &"1 invincible revolutionary torrent. Receiving increasingly heavy blows, the ultra-reactionary Vorster and Smith racist regimes are . 167. The Namibians are heroic people. Through their protracted struggle they have accumulated rich experience in the political and military fields. They are deeply aware that the enemy is both ferocious and cunning. Vorster will never lay down his butcher's knives to become a Buddha overnight. Only by holding the guns tightly in their hands and persisting in &IIled struggle can the Namibian people win genuine independence and liberation after repeated trials of strength militarily and politically. At the four- teenth regular sessio~ of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government ofthe Organization of African Unity, held in LibrevilIe last July, the leader of SWAPO solemnly - declared: "We will never lay down weapons until the complete liberation of PJrica." He also said: "We will intensify our struggle until the complete liberation of our territories from the hands of the Vorster regime:' This fully demonstrates the Namibian people's finn determination to carry the struggle through to the end. 168. The Namibian people enjoy abundant support in their just struggle. The African countries and people and the revolutionary pe\lple all over the world sympathize with and support them. In its resolution on Nam-ibia {see A/32/310, annex I, CM/Res.551 (XXIX)), the Council of ~inisters of the Organization of African Unity reaffirmed: "... Africa's uneqUivocal support for the just armed liberation struggle waged by the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO for their freedom and national independence". The Assembly decided to increase diplomatic and material assistance to SWAPO to "enable it to further intensify the armed struggle for the early liberation ofNamibia from the illegal South African, colonial occupation". 170. The Chinese Government and people always sup- ported the Namibian people in their just struggle against the Vorster racist regime and for national independence and liberation. The Chinese delegation holds that the anned forces of the Vorster racist regime and its reactionary administration must withdraw from Namibia immediately and completely. The affairs of Namibia should be managed by the Namibian people themselves, and they allow of no interference from the super-Powers under any pretext The previous resolutions adopted by the United Nations against the Vorster racist regime's colonial rule over Namibia and in support of the Namibian people's struggle for independence and liberation must be implemented in earnest. In spite of the difficulties and twists and turns of one kind or another that are bound to occur on the road of advance, we are deeply convinced that the new-born revolutionary force will triumph over the decadent reactionary force, and that fmal victory certainly belongs to the heroic Namibian peopl~ who persist in unity and fighting.
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• Question of Namibia : (a) Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples; (h) Report of the United Nations Council for Namibia; (c) Report of the Secretary-General
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• Question of Namibia : (a) Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial countries and Peoples; (h) Report of the United Nations Council for Namibia; (c) Report of the Secretary-General
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• Question of Namibia :- (a) Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation ofthe Declaratfon on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples; (b) Report of the United Nations Council for Namibia; (c) Report of the Secretary-General
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