S/PV.2054 Security Council

Before turning to the first item on the agenda, I wish to state how pleased the Government of Mauritius is at having the honour to preside over the work of the Council, which has very important problems to solve. My presence here today is an expression of my Govemment’s genuine solidarity with and firm belief in the noble purposes and lofty aims of the Organization, which are directed towards the achievement of world peace. 2. I am sure that I am expressing the feelings of all members when I ask the representative of Cyprus to convey to his Government our earnest hope that the President of Cyprus will very shortly have the joy of being reunited with his son. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The situation in CyprllS: Report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations operation in Cyprus (S/12463 and Add. 1)

I have received letters from the representatives of Cyprus, Greece and Turkey in which they request to be invited to participate in the Council’s discussion of the question before it. I therefore propose, in accordance with the provisions of Article 31 of the Charter and rule 37 of the provisional rules of procedure, and in conformity with the usual practice of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion without the right to vote. 4. There is a slight hitch in the sense that Mr. Celik is 1eaVillg New York tomorrow. We have had a hard day in the course of discussions and negotiations in which his co. operation has been forthcoming in a very genuine and open way. 1 know that many of us have obligations this evening, but, if we only take the vote tonight and defer untj] tomorrow morning the statements of members of the Council in explanation of vote and statements by the representatives who have asked to be allowed to participate in the discussion, that wiIl certainly hamper Mr. Celik’s movements. 1 am, therefore, in the hands of the Council. 5. Perhaps we could find a solution by accepting the suggestion that the statements of the members of the Council should be handed over to the President, who will in turn hand them over to the Secretary-General. They can then be bound in one volume and considered as official documents of the Council. Since we met for consultations in Conference Room 5, I have discussed this question again with the representative of the United Kingdom. 1 believe that after the little legal tussle we had over it, even the United Kingdom delegation had some doubts about its own proposal, and I think that it would now go along with the suggestions I am making if it meets the wishes of the Council. This procedure would, of course, shorten the debate and enable the representative of Cyprus to be invited to speak, to be followed by the other representatives in the order in which they have been invited to take part in the discussion.

I am not quite sure what procedure the President is proposing. IS he proposing that the representatives of the parties directly concerned should speak tonight and that the statements of the members of the Council should be distributed as Council documents?

What I meant was this. The members of the Council have priority in the debate. After the vote, members will ask to be allowed to speak in explanation of their vote. That procedure will take us into the early hours of the morning, even though we have had promises from certain delegations that their statements would be extremely brief. Therefore, if there is a consensus on the Part of the members of the Security Council that they accept the procedure that statements in explanation of vote will be handed 0x1 to the President, it will save us the time that would be taken by that part of the debate. I know that I 8. We are faced here with this typical situation where somebody has, as the result of very forceful persuasion and convincing arguments, agreed to go along with the other side to facilitate our task and I believe that in return we should be kind to him by allowing him to address us tonight so that he can leave tomorrow as planned. 9, I am only making a suggestion to members of the Council and they may, of course, overrule me; I am but their humble servant. Probably I have spoken out of turn and have gone beyond the limits of propriety, but it is time that something shook, and let us shake it now.

Mr. President, I think that your proposal might create a situation which would be rather difficult and delicate for the Council. I thought we had agreed on a particular plan during our consultations, which was to adopt the draft resolution this evening and hear cxplanations of vote tomorrow. I think that that would be desirable, and, with all due respect and in all humility, should like to ask that you keep to that plan, on which my delegation thought a consensus had been achieved. In any event, my delegation intends to have its say in a sovereign manner in this debate, not to submit a written document to the Secretariat. I 1. The PRESIDENT (interpretation from French): 1 fully agree with the representative of Benin that there was a consensus before we left Conference Room 5. But something unforeseen has happened: I had not been aware that Mr. Celik was leaving New York. That is why 1 made my suggestion to the Council. I can assure my brother that at no time did I wish to exceed my rights or the limits of propriety. I simply wanted to make a suggestion, acceptable or unacceptable.

May I make a suggestion? Perhaps we could please everyone by deciding that the Council should hear only Mr, celik this evening and defer until tomorrow the statements to be made by Council members. Otherwise I am afraid we will be in a rather awkward position if we make it possible for a non-member of the Council to speak but prevent members from doing so and simply have their statements circulated. I think that would be somewhat abnormal. For its part, my delegation would be quite prepared to hear Mr. Celik this evening and to defer any other statements until tomorrow.

I was going to propose something along the lines of what has just been suggested, namely, that we should vote and then hear Mr. Celik and the representative of Cyprus, the remaining statements being deferred until tomorrow.

I was going to make a proposal along the lines of that made by the representative of France. 16. I should like to ask you, Mr. President, to proceed in this manner: that you invite the representatives of the parties-I am referring specifically to the representatives of the Republic of Cyprus, Turkey and Greece and, perhaps, the representative of the Turkish Cypriot community-to speak this evening if they so wish. If we proceed otherwise, then I should like to ask you to open the debate and to follow the usual procedure under the rules.

May I request the representatives seated at the Council table to meet me in my office now? I shall suspend the meeting for five minutes; I have an important communication to impart to you in the light of what Canada and France have suggested, whichprimnfncie seems acceptable but which I, as President, know will be unacceptable. The meeting was suspended ut 7.55 pOm. and rcsumcdat 8.10 p. in.

As I said, I have received letters f&n the representatives of Cyprus, Greece and Turkey, in which they request to be invited to participate in the discussion. I therefore propose, in accordance with the provisions of Article 31 of the Charter and rule 37 of the provisional rules of procedure as well as in conformity with the usual practice of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion without the right to vote. If 1 hear no objection, I shall presume that the Council agrees to this request. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Rossida (Qp?us), Mr. Papoulias (Greece) and Mr. Tiirkmen (Turkey) took places at the Council table.

I should also like to inform the Council that I have received a letter from the representative of Turkey requesting that Mr. Celik should be invited to participate in the consideration of the question on the agenda. I propose, if I hear no objection, to extend an invitation to Mr. Celik, in accordance with rule 39 of the provisional rules ot’ procedure. It was so decided.

Members of the Council have before them the report of the Secretary-General on the United Nations operation in Cyprus for the period 8 June to 30 November 1977 [S/12463 and Add.I]. In addition, the Council has before it the text of a draft resolution contained in document S/12489, which was drawn up in the course of consultations. 21. I shall now put the draft resolution in document S/12489 to the vote. A vote was taken by show of hands.

Mr. President, J should like to thallk you iUld the other members of the Council for having invited my delegation to participate in this debate. We arc particularly gratified to see you, Sir, the Minister for External Affairs of Miluritius, the representative of a fellow non-aligned country, presiding over the C’ouncil’s deliberations. We are convinced that under your wise and able leadership the Council will conduct fruitful deliberations. 30. These expulsions still continue; they are coupled with Jooting and illegal confiscation of property, even including the New Famagusta area. What began in July 1974 is still continuing. These are facts that cannot be overlooked, no matter how much we would wish to avoid stating them. The continuing expulsions increase the number of refugees, in direct conflict with United Nations resolutions in Cyprus, all of which call for the urgent return of the refugees to their homes in safety. So, again, on this urgent appeal by the Security Council there has been no response. 24. I should like to toke this opportunity to express our sincere thanks to Sir IIilroId Walter, our President, for the collcern lx showed in his stutcment of sympathy to my President, Mr. KyJ?rianou, (111 the sad event that hiis taken place today. 25. 1 should also like to place 1x1 record our deep sense of gratitude to the Secret;iry-(;clicr:il, Mr. Kurt W;lldheim, fol ]lis continuing efforts to J)romote 11 ,jusl and lasting solution of the Cyprus problem in aCCord;mCC with his mandate. Our wami thanks rind apprCCiilti0ll go al%.) to Under-Sccrctaries- General Mr. Jioberto Guycr and Mr. Brian Urquhart, for their dedicated work in promoting the objectives of the IJnited Nations. J should alscl like to pay 3 warm tribute to the Commander of the United Nations J’cacc-keeping Force in Cyprus (UNFICYJ’), Major-(;encrol J:umcs Quinn, as well as to the senior political adviser, Mr. lidmy Gorg6, for their significant contribution to the cause of pc~c in our island. 31. The right to return is a fundamental and inalienable human right. No passage of time can affect it, nor can the criminality of faits accomplis create acceptable realities. 1n any case, at no time will the Government of Cyprus forsake the inalienable rights of tile 200,000 refugees to return to their homes and properties. 32. The report of the Secretary-General [S/12463/ shows that the number of Greek Cypriot refugees has reached the figure of exactly 198,556, that is, one third of the total pbpulation of the island has been turned into destitute, bereaved and desolate refugees. Their ancestral hearths and properties are being openly usurped by Anatolian settlers massively brought in from Turkey in an ongoing process to change by force the population ratio of the island. Thus, daily, Greek Cypriots have been passing through the ordeal of cruel Jlarrassrnent to the sad lot of refugees. 26, It is indeed with real regret that WC see the highly esteemed Ambassador JVrcz dc CuBlIar relinquishing his duties in Cyprus, which hc handled in a mosl exemplary way and in the best traditions 01’ the United Nations. The integrity of his character and his sense of justice lyuve been deeply appreciated by the Cypriot people. We most sincerely wish him cvcry progress and hi~ppinCS!i in a brilliant career. 33. A recent variety of territorist activity to that end-that is, to the end of expulsion---is the burning alive of elderly women through setting fire to their habitations, of which we have had a number of recent instances. These and other crimes with the Greek Cypriots as the victims go unrestrained by any action on the part of the United Nations and are raInpant in the occupied area. Lists and details are available. Nowhere has such a pattern of officially sanctjoncd racial discrimination exceeded in criminality these :IctJons. 27. Furthermore, WC arc particularly indebted to those States which, through VUll~lltilry contributions of pCrSl)nlEl and funds, enable IJNI:IC’YI’ to function in Cyprus. 28. The Security Council is meeting for tile renewal of the mandate of the ITorcc. On this occasion, it SCCIIE pertinent to have a brief look at the scqucncc of events that IIWC taken place since July 1074, namely, since the time when the situation in Cyprus in its implications and rcpcrcussions became one of the prcscnt grave intcrnotional problems, as referred to in the latest report of the Secretary-Ccncral 011 the work of the Organization.2 34. T]IQ report of the Secretary-General points out in paragr:lpll 32 that UNFICYP’s freedom of movement in the nortllcrn part of cyprus continues to be restricted and that the Force llas 110 access to Greek Cypriot habitations. The reason for this ~311 be seen in the results of this absence of col~tact with Greek Cypriot habitations. 29. Three ye;lrs hilvc ;llrc;ldy clapscd since the armed attack and invasion of Cyprus by Turlccy. Its occupation 35. Tl~s continuing aggression against Cyprus and the multiple crimes against its people remain unchecked, i.n flagrant violation of international law, the Charter and unanimous General Assembly and Security Council resolutjon. These acts should be and are wholly unacceptable to the world community. They mark a dangerous breakdown 36. The report of the Secretary-General, referring to the intercommunal talks, notes that “The efforts to achieve a solution of the underlying problems . . 1 have continued to yield disappointing results.” [Ibid., para. 69./ Nevertheless, the Secretary-General continues “to hold to the view that the negotiations between the representatives of the two Cypriot communities . . . are the best available method of achieving a just and lasting settlement of the Cyprus problem” [ibid., para. 701. 37. We fully concur with this view. The process of negotiation is the best available means for the peaceful solution of problems and my Government firmly supports the intercommunal talks provided they are meaningful and constructive, as required also by the Secretary-General. In the progress of negotiations there must, however, be concrete proposals from both sides on the constitutional and territorial aspects, as is indeed demanded by Security Council resolution 414 (1977) and Genera1 Assembly resolution 32/15. Such concrete proposals from the Turkish side have been totally lacking all thraugh the negotiations, which has resulted in the meaninglessness of the talks. It is therefore pertinent and necessary to inquire into the causes that have been rendering the negotiations unproductive for these three years, Bearing in mind the statements of the various Members of the United Nations on different occasions regarding the importance of the intercommunal talks, we must inquire into the causes that make it impossible for these negotiations, td proceed any further. 38. I wish in this respect to refer to the fundamental requirements for any negotiations-and Cyprus could not be an exception. These requirements are good faith and common purpose. Both must be present for any negotiations: good faith in honouring agreements made and obligations undertaken in the course of the negotiations; good faith, also, in the conduct of the parties during the negotiations by refraining from unilateral actions contrary to the very purpose of the talks, which would undermine them and lead to their frustration. 39. A demonstrable example of the regrettable lack of all good faith in the course of the intercommunal talks is the manifest reneging on the solemn agreement reached between the parties in the third round of talks on 2 August 1975 under the auspices and in the presence OF the Secretary-General, which is recorded in his report as follows: “Mr. Denktag reaffirmed, and it was agreed, that the Greek Cypriots at present in the north of the island are free to stay and that they will be given every help to lead 40. A corresponding obligation by the Greek Cypriot side in the agreement was that the Turkish Cypriots in the south who wanted to go to the north would be allowed to do so. This obligation was promptly and completely complied with by the Greek Cypriot side. However, no sooner had the transportation of the Turkish Cypriots to the north been completed, than the Turkish side wholly reneged on all its commitments in the agreement. 41. Thus, none of the conditions to provide for normal life as specified in the agreement were in the least degree honoured. As appears from the Secretary-General’s report, Greek Cypriot farmers in the Karpas region are severly restricted and can hardly cultivate their fields for their livelihood, teachers are expressly not allowed to proceed to the north, medical teams are refused clearance, and UNFICYP’s freedom of movement in the north is prohibitively restricted in violation of a specific paragraph in the agreement of 2 August 1975 providing for free access of UNFICYP to Greek Cypriot habitations. 42. But worse still, not only has the Turkish side reneged on the agreement, not only has it not provided the facilities agreed upon, not only has it not allowed freedom to stay and to live normal lives, but its forces of occupation have renewed and intensified the expulsion of Greek Cypriots through harassment and terror in a manner calculated to effect their elimination from the occupied area or else from life itself. The choice forced upon them in such a dilemma is now presented by Ankara as “voluntary departure”. 43. In consequence, the number of Greek Cypriots remaining in the north has perforce been constantly dwindling. Thus, their original number fell to 3,631 at the end of 1976 and in the six-month period to June 1977 fell further to 2,000. It dwindled further during the period covered by the report. 44. Can it therefore be assumed that there is any degree of good faith shown by the Turkish side in the negotiations? We see by this one example-and there are more-with what degree of respect or disrespect the agreements reached in the negotiations have been treated by the Turkish sjde. 45. As regards the good faith which must be demonstrated by refraining from unilateral actions, as demanded by United Nations resolutions, the fictitious setting up of a State within a State in Cyprus as a means of promoting Ankara’s objective of partition and annexation could not be considered evidence of that good faith. 46. As is natural, the unilateral declaration of the so-called Turkish Federated State of Cyprus was disapproved and rejected by the relevant United Nations resolutions and this State was not recognized by the international community. Yet, Ankara tries to impose this illegal entity and repeatedly puts forward its representative in order to provide a means of creating confusion and eclipsing itself from the properties have been distributed to Turkish Cypriots alien to l]le j& ;wJ to colonizing settlers frorll Turkey to whom 54. General Assembly resolution 31/12 expressed the hope “that the Security Council [would] consider appropriate steps for the implementation of its resolution 365 (1974)“. Security Council resolution 365 (1974) is the resolution reaffirming General Assembly resolution 3212 (X.X1X), by which Turkey was called upon to withdraw, without delay, its military forces from Cyprus and to allow the return of the refugees to their homes in safety. Regrettably, there has been no response from the Security Council as yet to that expression of hope by the General Assembly. Hence, the General Assembly, in its current session, by its resolution 32/l 5, more emphatically recommends that the Security Council should “adopt all practical means to promote the effective implementation of its relevant resolutions in all their aspects”. My Government trusts that the Council will not fail in its responsibility to take early steps in accord with the aforesaid recommendation of the General Assembly. fake “tit]e$ of OWErS]lip” are issued iii Violation of a]] concepts of ]e@ty. Indicative 0L’ the underlying intent in these actions is thiit t]lC Slid 1:~ describes the rightful inrJigeIIol1s mmx’s Of t]lC ]m[Jerties 35 “dicns” --a]ietls to Cyprus. 48, A furltiler L’sscIl tiai o]~m~lt in the negotiations is that they &o&l bc freei)’ ctJnc.htctcti. ‘I’ll0 opprcssivc presence of the Turr<ish army ol‘ occilpatk~n and the fails accomplis perpetr;tted by it i~Mtnb]y ~lt’f’ect the coIlduct of llcgotiatjolls, which caIJ1llJt ~Jc said 10 IX fr~iy coIltillcted. This sjtu;itiou ~icecis to bc remedied so as to rcndcr the talks positive and productive, as they should be. 49. Negotiations ccmducled ftom it posilion of strength ZIld from a SC~~~~IICC of Ibrcc ci\nn<lt ]IC mcaningfu] or ]ead to a just rind lasting solution. it has by now become manifest that the implc~ncllt:ltiolI by l’urkcy of jts obligations under the relcvan t reso]utiolIs is becoming compclliligiy needed for ally projircss tuWilKiS solution and fiJr the S.5. This is the crux of the whole problem of Cyprus and of its solution. Indeed, the practical road to the solution of all problems, in general terms, lies in the effective implementation of Security Council decisions as appears from the tenor of other resolutions adopted by the General Assembly at its present session. conduct of mcaningl‘ul and J~r~~ductivc negotiations on this subject. 50. Furthermore, a spirit (II’ mutual uiitlerstanding bctwen the two collllllilnitics sil~~uid prWilil. But tilis will be unattainable SO IOIlg ilS LilC policy Of AIlkXil, which dominates the Turkish Qpriot leadcrsllip, is based MI intensifying lho division illlli raising the walls 01’ separation which nre being imposed 011 the rank anti I’ilc of tllc Turkish Cypriots. 56. At the present critical times in the history of my country, and while I have at this moment the privilege of addressing this principal organ of the United Nations, may 1, on behalf of my countrymen and the hundreds of thousands of desperate, desolate refugees, echo a fervent and deeply felt appeal that the Security Council should take the positive decision to proceed to the appropriate measures required from it by the Charter, in order to give me:lninglitl content and effecect to its vital decisions on matters of international security and peace, so that justice and respect for fundamental human rights may prevail in our world. 51. 01X iNiJCflli ciWN!nt towards SUciI il positive spirit of understanding between the Greek and ‘I’urkish Cypriot cofnm~ii~itics is the I;lCt tllilt tilt hUlli 01’ Illc (;rcek :lIKl Turkish Cypriot people ~dti eagerly conciliate and CO-operate il’ left free frcmi outside intcrt’creiluc intcrference for purposes illi, to tix true jiltcrests 131‘ llic Cypriot people Of Greek and ‘I’urkisfi origin iliikc.

I call on the representative of Greccc. 52. In this respect, it Wi\S rCpC:ltl’diy I’~lllilrkCd ill a number of reports ol‘ the Sccrcl;u’y-(;oncral that there WiIS 1 yearning and impalicnce ol’ the ordinary people of Cyprus for a full return to normal conditions and that this yearning was obvious. The report ol’ 1 I) March 1066 states: 58. Mr, JIAPOULIAS (Greece): Mr. President, I take great pleasure in extcndiug to you the warmest congratulations of my delegation on your accession to the presidency of the Security Council for this month. Your prestige and the important role that your country and you personally have played in the affairs of the United Nations and in the non-aligned movement, as well as your authority and well-known diplomatic skills, give us great confidence that this dcbatc wil] be successfully concluded. It is, indeed, a great privilege and honour for us to be guided in the discussion on this important item by the Minister for External Affairs of Mauritius, Sir Harold Walter. 1 dS0 wish to thank you and the members of the Council for having allowed mc to participate in this discussion. “There hnvc been recently a number ol‘ indications that both the Greek and ‘J’urkis]l Cvpriot populations of QpCUS iliT increasingly il~~iJilLiCllt i.or il rcturll to nurtnai conditions.” [s/7/ 01, pm. I.o./ 5% The tragcdv (31’ (Yyprus ill its very n;iturc becomes the tc%edY Of tile &itcd Nati(bns in that it nlakes manifest the 60. I avail myself of this early opportunity to express, on behalf of the Government of Greece, profound appreciation to the Member States that are providing contingents to UNFICYP at considerable financial burden to themselves. Our appreciation goes also to the Governments that are making voluntary contributions for the maintenance of the Force. Further, we wish to join in the tribute paid to the Finnish contingent which, after 13 years of distinguished service, has been withdrawn from Cyprus. Finally, I wish to express our sincere thanks to the Force Commander, Major-General Quinn, and to the officers and men of LJNFICYP who are discharging with exemplary devotion their difficult responsibilities and humanitarian tasks. 61, The question of Cyprus has been debated twice during recent months: first in the Security Council following an urgent request made by the Government of Cyprus in view of an impending threat of colonization of the new city of Famagusta, which debate led to the adoption of resolution 414(1977); secondly, in the General Assembly itself during the current session, which debate resulted in the adoption of resolution 32/l 5 by an overwhelming majority of I 16 votes to only 6. Therefore it is perhaps not necessary to deal at length with what the Council already knows, Equally well known is the framework in which the Council has been called upon to extend UNFICYP’s mandate, namely, the framework established by the unanimously adopted General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), endorsed by Council resolution 365 (1974), as well as by subsequent Council resolutions and by General Assembly resolutions 3395 (XXX), 3 l/l 2 and 32/l 5. 62. All these resolutions provide for respect for the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and nonalignment of the Republic of Cyprus, abstention from unilateral actions and interventions directed against that Republic, including changes in the demographic structure of the island, withdrawal of all foreign armed forces from the Republic of Cypms and cessation of all foreign interference in its affairs, the return of all refugees to their homes in safety, and the resumption of meaningful and constructive negotiations between the representatives of the two communities, under the auspices of the Secretary General, on the basis of comprehensive and concrete proposals with a view to arriving at a just and lasting settlement. 63. Now, we have before us the Secretary-General’s report, document S/12463 of 1 December 1977, and we have once again, regrettably, to bear witness to the fact that no progress whatsoever has been made as regards the implementation of United Nations resolutions, the result being that we are no nearer to a solution than we were last year or the year before. We certainly share the disappointment expressed by the Secretary-General in paragraph 69 of his report. 65. First, there is the continuation of the aggression against the Republic of Cypms through Turkish military occupation of about 40 per cent of its territory in the name of a minority community not exceeding 18 per cent of the island’s total population, in contravention of the principles of the Charter and the relevant United Nations resolutions. 66. Secondly, 200,000 refugees-refugees in their own country-are being kept by force from returning to their ancestral homes. That is in itself a gross violation of human rights, to which is added the usurpation of their properties, in spite of basic international legal norms and, specifically, of the fourth Geneva Convention, regarding the treatment of the inhabitants of occupied territories. 67. Thirdly, the other side is utilizing all kinds of delaying or “salami” tactics, instead of conducting negotiations properly, in order to perpetuate faits accomplis and to create the notorious “irreversible situations” and “new realities”. 68. I shall spare the Council and refrain from going through the various paragraphs of the Secretary-General’s report, which faithfully describes a pattern with which the Council must by now bc painfully familiar: the need for concern for the Greek Cypriots remaining in the north, who have been reduced to the token number of 1,814 souls and whose numbers are still being diminished, despite the monitoring of departures by the United Nations, through such devices as the withholding of schooling facilities for children or of adequate medical attention. the continuation of the restrictions on UNFICYP’s freedom of movement in the occupied part of Cyprus and on the performance of UNFICYP’s humanitarian tasks on a limited scale; harassmcnt of the Greek Cypriot farmers in the Karpas and restrictions on their cultivation of their fields; the confiscation of Greek Cypriot-owned land and further looting of appreciable quantities of commercial commodities and other movable properties from houses and other premises in the Famagusta area, and so on. 69. What makes the present situation in Cyprus all the more revolting is that whereas we, the Security Council and the General Assembly, have constantly been hearing from the other side about their alleged readiness to negotiate, particularly when there is to be a debate at the United Nations on the Cyprus problem, or when it serves some other purpose, nothing at all has ever been done that could promote a serious negotiation, let alone bring about a settlement. 70. Indeed, despite eight rounds of intercommunal talks held al Vienna over the past three years under the auspices of the Secretary-General, and the first round of the new series of those talks which took place last April, it has not proved possible to reach the stage of serious and meaningful negotiations. 73,. May 1 again assure the Council that the Greek ~~m~JlJmnt Will continue, as in the past, to lend its full support to the Secretary-General’s mission of good offices. Wc fully agree with him when, in paragraph 70 of his wOrt, lx states that the negotiations between the representatives of the tW0 Cyprjot communities are the best available lnethod of achieving a just and lasting settlement of the Cyprus problem. For our part, we wish again to stress that, in order to have a chance of success, these JWdiations must be carried out in a substantive way on the basis of concrete proposals covering au major aspects of the problem, including territorial and constitutional questions. J need not remind the Council that the concrete propos:~ls made by the Creek Cypriot negotiator on those cp?StkmS are still awaiting a reply from the other side. Rel>ctition of dilatory methods and of faits accomplis can OJ~Y worsen the situation and diminish the prospects of a peacefill solution. Therefore we share the Secretary- General’s concern about the need for him to obtain assurances that the parties are prepared to negotiate concretely and substantively on all major aspects of the problem before initiating a new round of talks. That is exactly what is called for in resolution 414 (1977) and resolution 32/l 5. 73. As the Secretary-General observes in his report, the situation in Cyprus continued to be quiet during the period under review, but the underlying tensions have shown no sign of abating and the political differences confronting the people of Cyprus have been brought no nearer to a solution. This is prolonging a crisis which continues to endanger international peace and security, as has been rccognjzcd by the General Assembly in its resolution 32/15 and in previous resolutions. It is therefore urgent that the Cyprus problem should be settled by means of a just and lasting solution in conformity with the basic principles of the Clvartcr and through t.he effective implementation of the Security Council and General Assembly resolutions. 74. I have waited until the end of my statement to Pay a tril~utc to the outgoing Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Cyprus, Ambassador Javier PBrez de Cu@ll:ir. Mr. PBrez de Cu&lar has served with great distinction and unswerving dedication and has rendered invaluable services to the cause of peace and to the people of Cyprus. J-Ie has gained our gratitude, and we shall certainly miss him -very I~IUC~. He takes with him our warm and heartfelt wis1les for the success, of which we are confident, of his future endeavours. 75, The PRESIDENT: I am informed that Mr. Celik, who has been invited by the Council under rule 39 of the provisional rules of procedure, would like to address the Council. I therefore call upon him to take a Place at the CoLlncil table and to make a statement. 7’7. Allow me also once again to express, on behalf of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus, our profound gratitude to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his dedicated and untiring efforts to achieve a just and lasting solution to the Cyprus problem. 78. On this occasion, our special thanks and appreciation go to Ambassador PCrez de CuBlIar, the outgoing Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Cyprus, who has decided to relinquish his post and return to the diplomatic service of his country. I should like to express to him our deep appreciation for the exemplary and most efficient manner in which he carried out his assignment in Cyprus and to wish him every success in the future. 79. I should also like to thank the staff of the Secretariat, and in particular Under-Secretaries-General Mr. Roberto Guyer and Mr. Brian Urquhart, as well as Mr. George Sherry, for the efficient and impartial manner in which they have discharged their difficult responsibilities. 80. Last but not least, 1 should like to express our gratitude to the Commander of UNFICYP, Major-General Quinn, to the senior legal and political adviser, Mr. RCmy GorgB, and to all the officers and men of UNFICYP, as well as to all contributing countries in Cyprus. 81. The resolution that has just been adopted for the fourth consecutive time with very minor changes is being considered by the Council as a vehicle for the extension of the mandate of UNFICYP without due regard to the fact that some of its contents have become obsolete and irrelevant. Had it not been for the shortage of the, we would have insisted on a new procedural resolution that would have better met the needs of the present situation. Our views on and reactions to this resolution are already on record. The resolution has been adopted four consecutive times since June 1976, and our reactions to it have been placed on record on all four previous occasions. Therefore at this late hour I shall not repeat our views on the subject. 82, I should also like to place it on record that, although we have given our consent to the extension of the mandate of UNFICYP for a further six months with a view to avoiding a last-minute crisis, in view of the present situation in the island the mandate in its aCtUai form is no loJ%er realistic and must therefore be changed to conform with the present situation. 83. The points made and the allegations raised by the Greek Cypriot representative in the statenlent the f&Wil has just heard are not new. We have been hearing then] for the last few years; they have been adequately answered and tile answers put on record, so I shall not go into detail in answering each and every one of them at this late hour. 85. Despite the fact that promising developments took place earlier in the year-in particular the meeting between the leaders of the two communities on the initiative of President Denktag-and although the vastly improved security stituation in Cyprus afforded an unprecedented opportunity to carry out a meaningrul dialogue between the two communities on an equal footing, unfortunately the political struggle waged by the Greek Cypriot side left us with no time or energy to pursue constructive negotiations. I am sorry that the year 1977 will no doubt go down as yet another year of missed opportunities in the history of Cyprus. 86. Instead of building upon the framework agreed upon by President Denktag and the late Archbishop Makarios for the establishment of a b&communal and bi-zonal, independent, non-aligned federal republic, the Greek Cypriot leaders chose to erode the very essence of that agreement through statements evincing an intention to create a unitary State, and destroyed the momentum brought about by the meeting through their divisive actions and their constant reference to and preparation for a “long struggle”. 87. It should be realized that there is no going back to the pre-1974 period, that the two communities are destined to co-exist and that there can he peaceful co-existence only within a bi-communal State with equal rights and equal opportunities for both sides. 88. We do hope that during the coming year, and in particular after the expected political developments in the south, a more constructive and realistic approach will be forthcoming and new opportunities will arise for concerted action to bring about normalization as a first step towards solving the Cyprus problem. We sincerely hope that a new spirit of co-operation and harmony will be established. 89. The Turkish Cypriot side, for its part, is and has always been ready and willing to solve the Cyprus problem in accordance with the legitimate rights of both communities. We shall be prepared, as always, in the coming year to do our share in the efforts to reconcile the differences betwen the two sides. 90. Indeed, in line with this policy, throughout the past two years, the Turkish Cypriot side, in an effort to find a political settlement, has repeatedly proposed the establishment of a joint federal transitional government or an ad hoc joint administrative arrangement; it has offered to run some common services jointly; it has offered to open the international airport and the international Famagusta port to intercommunal use-actions which would have brought an end to the political war between the two commmunities and encouraged the re-establishment of trust and confidence that is a definite prerequisite for normalization and a political settlement. 92. We are always open to co-operation in all areas, provided that it is carried out on the basis of equality and mutual respect. A positive response to our appeals would have reduced the growing rift between the two communities. A positive response would have contributed to the strengthening of the areas which bring the two communities together rather than allowing the present circumstances to perpetuate the differences which divide them. 93. Unfortunately, however, all our appeals fell on deaf ears. All our efforts to secure co-operation were of no avail, for not only did the Greek Cypriot leaders resolutely refuse to establish any links between the two communities but, with their policies and actions, they have helped to increase mistrust and friction and deepen separation. 94. In response to our appeals, we were met with a further intensification of the Greek Cypriot policy of isolating the Turkish Cypriot community politically and economically. The refusal to open the Nicosia International Airport to civilian traffic, the efforts to disrupt international trade between the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus and the outside world, the attempts to undermine the development of tourism in northern Cyprus and the obstruction of sea and air services to northern Cyprus are only a few of the actions of the Greek Cypriot leadership calculated to pressure the Turkish Cypriot community into submission. 95. At the risk of repeating myself, I should like to take this opportunity to state once more that the Turkish Cypriot side wants nothing more in Cyprus than its right to exist as an equal partner in an independent State. We still consider valid the agreement reached between the two leaders earlier in the year. We are for a b&national, bi-ional federation. We want a new set-up which will give US effective guarantees for life and property. We want a new arrangement that will permit the effective participation of the Turkish Cypriot side in the government of the island and that will give us an equal opportunity to participate in the economic life of the country without discrimination. We demand actual effective guarantees against a repetition of the unfortunate past, on which I need not elaborate here. 96. If our Greek Cypriot friends accept the fact that there is no going back to the pre-1974 days and are prepared to negotiate with us within the aforementioned framework, there is no reason why the year 1978 should not be the year of a permanent settlement for Cyprus. I do hope that this spirit will prevail and that this debate will be the last of the series of acrimonious debates that have characterized the past three years.

I now call on the representative of Turkey. 99. I wish to reiterate to the Secretary-General our gratitude for his tireless efforts in carrying out his mission of good offices. We trust that he will be able, in a not too distant future, to deploy new and fruitful efforts in this field. 100. We value highly the efforts of Under-Secretaries- General Mr. Urquhart and Mr. Guyer and of the Force Commander, Major-General Quinn, in the fulfilment of their functions. 101. A special and warm tribute is due to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Ambassador Perez de Cuellar, who is relinquishing his post. During the two years that he served as Special Representative, his contribution to the maintenance of quiet and tranquillity in the island and to the continuation of the negotiating process has been invaluable. He has distinguished himself by his remarkable diplomatic tact, his capacity to deal diligently and effectively with the most complex and intractable situations, and his ability to inspire confidence in all the parties concerned. 102. Mr, President, with our permission I should like to say a few words about the statement of the representative of Greece. The representative of Greece has again referred to the intervention of Turkey in Cyprus under the Treaty of Guarantee,3 which also bears the signature of Greece, as an aggression. The only intervention which can be termed an aggression is, as the representative of Greece knows only too well, the military coup initiated by the Greek Government in 1974 against the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus. The Turkish intervention was a lawful response to that aggression. 103. I shall not reply to the other distortions and false allegations contained in the remarks made by the representative of Greece. But I must say that I was surprised by those remarks only a few days after the Turkish and Greek Foreign Ministers met at Brussels and repeated their support for the continuation of negotiations. Does the Greek Government want serious negotiations or just 3 United Nations, Treaty Series, Vol. 382, P. 3. 105. In paragraph 32, the Secretary-General makes reference to restrictions in the freedom of movement of UNFICYP, but he omits to mention the arrangements which were being negotiated on the stationing, deployment and functioning of UNFICYP in the territory under the authority of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus, There is no mention of the exchange of letters, on the basis of a text which had been agreed upon long ago. As long as that situation continues, it is difficult to judge the criteria which are used in determining the exact nature of the restrictions mentioned. 106. The circumstances prevailing at present in Cyprus, the lack of an agreement on the functions of UNFICYP in northern Cyprus and the chronic deticit in the UNFICYP financial accounts are factors which have an important bearing on the mandate of UNFICYP as originally defined in Security Council resolution 186 (1964). 107. I should like now to state the position of my Government on the resolution just adopted. 108. In the eighth preambular paragraph there is again the irrelevant reference to a “Government of Cyprus”. Our point of view in that respect has been repeatedly explained. A reference to an entity which does not exist either ill 13% or in practice, is all the more misleading since tl;L> framework agreement of 12 February 1977 /see S/j_?.K!,T of 30 April 1977, para. .5/ established the basis of an independent, non-aligned, bicommunal Federal Republic and provided for the merging of the two separate Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot administrations. COnSeqUentlY. this resolution is unacceptable t0 US in toto. 109. The resolution contains two basic and operative elements. First, it gives UNFICYP a mandate for another period of six months. We concur in that extension, having heard Minister Celik who informed thC Coud of the consent of the Turkish Federated State of Cyprus. lt should be noted, however, that Minister Celik underlined tiil’ necessity of reviewing the mandate of the ForLf as estabhshed in 1964, in order to adapt it to the circum- ;tances now prevailing h cyprus and to new and reduced dimensions of the problem. Price: $U.S. 1.00 (or equivalent in other currencies) 77-70001-November 1978-2,200 Litho in United Nations, New York

As regards the first part of the statement of the representative of Turkey, I reserve my right of reply for tomorrow morning. The meeting rose at 9.15 p.m.