S/PV.1998 Security Council

In accordance with the decisions previously taken by the Council [1988th-1991st, 1994th and 1996th meetings], I invite the representatives of Algeria, Bahrain, Botswana, Burundi, Cuba, Egypt, the German Democratic Republic, Ghana, Guinea, Indonesia, Jamaica, Kenya, Lesotho, Liberia, Madagascar, Mauritania, Mongolia, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Sweden, the Syrian Arab Republic, Togo, the United Republic of Tanzania, Yugoslavia, Zaire and Zambia to take the places reserved for them at the side of the Council chamber, on the usual understanding that they will be invited to take a place at the Council table when they wish to address the Council. At the invitation of the Resident, Mr. A. &ha1 (Algeria), Mr. S. M. Al Saffar (Bahrain), Mr. T. Tlou (Botswana), Mr. 2, Banyiyezako (Burundi), Mr. R. Alar&n (Cuba), Mr. A. E: Abdel Meguid (Egypt), Mr. P. Florin (German Democratic Republic), Mr. T B. &m (Ghana), Mr. M. S. #mara (Guinea), Mr. A. Marpaung (Indonesia), Mr. D. 0. Mills (Jamaica), Mr. l? M. Kasina (Kenya), Mr. C. D. --- Molapo (Lesotho), Mrs. A. &ooks-Randolph (Liberia), Mr. H. Rasolondraibe (Madagascar), Mr. M. Kane (Maurita&), Mr. 1: Puntsagnarov (Mongolia), Mr. L. 0. Harriman (Nigeria), Mr. M Fall (Seielzegal), Mrs. S. I< Gbujama (Sierra Leone), Mr. A. H. Hussen (Somalia), Mr. I. B. Fonseka (Sri Lanka), Mr. A. J. Thunborg (Sweden), Mr, M. Allaf (Syrian Arab Republic), Mr. A. Kodjovi (Togo), Mr. S. A. Salim (United Republic of Tanzania}, Mr. J. Petri6 (Yugoslavia), Mr. Umba di Lutete (Zaire) and Mr. D. W. Kamana (Zambia) took the places reserved for them at the side of the Council chamber.

In addition, I shouId like to inform members of the Council that a letter has been received from the representative of Ethiopia in which he requests to be invited to participate in the discussion of the question on the Council’s agenda. Accordingly, I propose, in accordance with the usual practice and with the consent of the Council, to invite him to participate in the discussion, without the right to vote, under the provisions of Article 31 of the Charter and rule 37 of the’provisional rules of procedure. 3. In view of the limited number of places available at the Council table, I invite the representative of Ethiopia to take the place reserved for him at the side of the Council chamber, on the understanding that he will be invited to take a place at the Council table whenever he wishes to address the Council. At the invitation of the President, Mr. T. Bekele (Ethiopia) took the place reserved for him at the side of the Council chamber.

I should like to draw the attention of members of the Council to four draft resolutions sponsored by Benin, the Libyan Arab Republic and Mauritius and contained in documents S/12309, S/12310, S/123 11 and S/123 12, which were distributed this morning.

We are meeting in response to the request of the African Group to consider the question of South Africa in the context of General Assembly resolution 31/6 on the subject of apartheid and Security Council resolution 392 (1976) concerning the violence at Soweto. 6. To say that this is not the first or the second time that the Security Council has taken up a subject related to the policies of South Africa is a considerable understatement. Over the past 17 years, the Council has repeatedly had to turn its attention to the policies of the Government of 7. The Charter establishes as one of our fundamental purposes the achievement of international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion. 8. Today, more than 30 years after those words of hope were written into the Charter, the task of developing international respect for basic human rights remains before us, largely unresolved. But in one area of human rights we can point to real progress: the colonial era has virtually ended, The change of rCgime in Portugal in 1974 foreshadowed the end of that period of African history wherein the fate and future of African peoples were decided by foreign minorities. In southern Africa there remain now to be resolved, so far as colonialism is concerned, the situations in Namibia and Rhodesia. These are on their way to solution, whether by the peaceful means which the Charter urges us collectively to pursue, or, I fear, by violence if we fail in our efforts. 9. But what about the situation in South Africa itself? One perceives there policies and attitudes which resemble, in all the most negative aspects, those of the colonial era in Africa. And yet this is not a colonial situation: this is a situation in which people of different origins have been sharing for some 300 years a large and prosperous land, but have not been sharing the privileges and obligations of common citizenship in an equitable manner, 10. The Canadian Government has spoken out time and again about its abhorrence of the apartheid policies of South Africa and of the pattern of institutionalized racial discrimination which is established under them. The apartheid system is cruel and demeaning, in that it impinges upon the daily life and possibilities of the great majority of the citizens of that country. They are not permitted to participate fully in the economic, social, political or cultural life of their country on equal terms with all other citizens. Their lives are circumscribed by a web of legislation which prescribes which jobs they may hold, on what level and at what salary, what kind of education is available to them and to their children, where they may live, whether they must live separated from their families, whom they may meet, and in what circumstances. The cruelty of the _ system lies not only in the daily persecutions and repres- Il. A direct and unacceptable development of apartheid is the policy of bantustanization. The Canadian Government, along with all other States Members of this Organizatica, has rejected the so-called independence of the Transkei, the first offspring of the bantustan system. We have done so because it purports to present as self-determination a system which allocates to 80 per cent of the population of South Africa rights in only 13 per cerit of that territory. Frequently, the territory allocated to the blacks is poor and @possi@ to develop. Furthermore, the bantustans are divided up inIb as many as 10 unviable tiny parcels of land ~~--- --:- with no contiguous areas and separated by land reserved for -- _ use by whites. The bantustan policy also discriminates cruelly against the millions of urban Africans who have not been directly attached to any homeland and whose present and future attachment lies with the industrialized city in which they work and with the townships from which they commute long distances each day of their working lives, That is’ no solution for the future needs of all South Africans. Those artificial economic divisions, furthermore, make no sense in a sophisticated national and international economy which demands increasing regional economic integration rather than the contrary. 12. The violence which took place at Sharpeville 17 years ago and at Soweto last year-the latter resulting in at least 400 deaths-was not the result of outside instigation as has been alleged by South Africa. Rather, it reflects the profound discontent and frustration of the majority and their determination to obtain the justice which they have so long been denied. They look to the north and see that all their African neighbours have obtained the right to rule themselves, That does not mean to say that those countries have achieved perfect societies; no country can claim that distinction. The challenges of development in Africa are great and the problems severe. But each country in its own way is seeking ways of bringing the fruits of development to all its citizens. The disadvantaged citizens of South Africa demand nothing more than the same basic human rights and they will not rest until they have achieved their goal. 13. The events at Soweto and those which followed constituted a terrible human tragedy. But the greatest tragedy of all has been the South African Government’s reaction to those events. Thousands of people were detained without charge or arrested for no other reason than their status as social, religious or political leaders, Scores of them have been brought to trial under the repressive body of apartheid legislation. As many as 18 are said to have died during interrogations and captivity and there are indications that large numbers of others have been tortured or subjected to undue coercion. 14. We recall that in October 1974 (1800th rneetiwl the representative of South Africa said here in this chamber that it was the intention of his Government to do awaX 15. It is important to recognize that the key element in the evolution of South African policies in the direction we all want to see is the attitude of the South Africans themselves-and by that I mean the totality of the population. I have no doubt that, in time, the pressures induced by the events at Soweto and Sharpeville, the solidarity demonstrated by white university students with their black and Coloured comrades and the increasing level of active resistance to social and economic abuses will prove to be the decisive element in changing the present policies of the Government. But this does not relieve us of the responsibility to do everything within our power that we collectively deem appropriate to support the efforts of the people of South Africa to achieve self-determination and to promote the objectives that we have identified and, I hope, will agree upon in the course of this debate. 16. Canada, for its part, in 1963 voluntarily placed an embargo on the sale of military equipment to South Africa and, in 1970, we extended that embargo to the export of spare parts for such equipment, in accordance with the relevant Security Council resolutions. Furthermore, we are a major contributor to the United Nations as well as to multilateral non-governmental funds which have been established to provide education, training, humanitarian and development assistance to the African peoples of southern Africa. We discourage sports contacts with South Africa by refusing any moral or financial assistance to Canadian individuals and teams which decide to compete in South Africa and to any sporting event held in Canada in which South African teams participate. We support international actions on this subject because sports in South Africa, by law, have been and are still organized on a racial basis, contrary to the Olympic principle. 17. We also engage in major programmes of co-operation with-the independent countries of southern Africa in order to contribute to the development of those countries and to assist in their task of building societies with social and economic justice for all their citizens. Those countries will stand as proof that there is no foundation for the racist arguments of minority regimes that stability, justice and “It is my judgement that if there is not some movement, clear and visible in the foreseeable future, then we run the real risk in southern Africa of seeing a very bloody conflict erupt.” 19. The Canadian Government believes it is essential, at this stage, to take full advantage and to make constructive use of any influence which can be brought to bear on the Government of South Africa by those countries which maintain relations with it. In that group of countries, let me be frank, the United States is pre-eminent, and we are impressed by the resolve expressed by the new Administration to use its best efforts to achieve our common purpose, In our view, the Council as a whole should do everything possible to take advantage of it. Of course, we cannot be sure of the outcome, but that resolve, in itself, cannot help but influence the future policies of Govemmcnts whose positions on these issues will be decisive. 20. We believe that the Security Council at this moment has it in its power to take a significant and constructive step. We hope that it will have the courage and wisdom to do just that. It is for this reason that we consider it important that the Council depart for a time from the kind of approach which has so far provedineffective and instead adopt a declaration of principles on southern Africa which will serve as a statement of purpose for all members of the Council in terms of our objectives in that region of the world. The adoption by consensus of such a declaration will serve a dual purpose. It will, on the one hand, serve as an unequivocal declaration to the Government of South Africa of our intentions, On the other, it will serve as a clear description for the citizens of our countries of the policies of Council members towards these unresolved problems and thereby serve as a vehicle to mobilize public opinion in favour of our objectives. In other words, in pursuing this course of action, we shall be enlisting the active support of all members of the Council in working towards a solution of the problems of the area. Certainly that is the intention of the Canadian Government. -

The next speaker is the represen- _-_ tative of Jamaica, whom I invite to take a place at the Council table and to make a statement.

Mr. President, first of all let me express to you and to the Council the appreciation of my 24. The Security Council is at present considering one of the most fundamental issues facing the world community today. This is the situation in southern Afrfca, of which the question of South Africa is the core. This situation has long been the subject of discussion at the United Nations, in government circles, among business, religious and other groups and among ordinary citizens throughout the world. Here at the United Nations there have been many debates, in the Security Council, in the General Assembly and in other bodies, and a large number of resolutions have been adopted. The United Nations has sought, within the limits imposed upon it by its membership, to carry out the objectives embodied in the Charter in respect of this issue. Yet the racist regime in South Africa remains and, along with it, the pain and humiliation of those millions of Africans who are deprived by that regime of the right to live as ordinary human beings. 25. The continued existence of that monstrous system of apartheid is an affront to all humanity, but it must also be seen as an expression of failure on the part of the global community in the face of the high purposes set out in the Charter and of the protestations, declarations and resolutions which have emerged. 26. This is not to say that there has been no change in the entire situation in southern Africa. Indeed, there have been dramatic changes. These include the collapse of the Portuguese empire in Africa and the success of the liberation forces which have brought the countries concerned into full membership of the global community in the past two years, They include the growing determination of the black peoples of South Africa, of Namibia and of Zimbabwe to free themselves of the scourge of white racist oppression. They also include the growing realization, even within those countries which have given support to the oppressive regime in South Africa, that an end to the system of apartheid is inevitable. 27. In our view, the situation in southern Africa represents the most fundamental issue facing the world community. We face today a number of critical problems which have their roots in the history of the past 300 or 400 years, They are associated with the phenomenon of the emergence of Europe as the dominant community in world affairs, and the acquisition by the countries concerned of empires and spheres of influence as a basis for economic, military and political power and cultural influence. They are associated 28, The phenomenon I have mentioned is described succinctly in, a book by Mr, Leften Stavrianos entitled A Global History of Man,’ in the following words: “During the years 1763 to 1914 Europe became mistress of the world, controlling not only ocean routes and half-empty territories, but also ancient and densely populated centres of civilization in Africa and Asia, This was indeed a most extraordinary development. Never before in the history of mankind had one small portion of the globe dominated the remainder.” Integral to that system of domination was the concept of racism which produced the enslavement of Africans both in the New World and in their own homeland in South Africa. 29. Just over 200 years ago, America liberated itself and now it has become a super-Power in economic, political and military terms. Early in the nineteenth century, the countries of Latin America fought and won their liberation, but Africa, Asia and the Caribbean countries remained until this century largely under European domination. 30. Vast changes h.rve indeed taken place since those days. We have seen the abolition of slavery in the Western hemisphere, the collapse of the colonial system and the liberation of most of the peoples that once dwelt ia the shadow of that system. We have also seen the establishment and growth of the United Nations and the evolution of its interests and activities. 31. But significant elements of the past remain with us, First, southern Africa is still enslaved in a system of repression. Secondly, that vast number of’countries, naw free and Members of the United Nations, which once formed part of the old colonial system, still find themselves in a position of grave disadvantage, particularly in economic relationships with the countries which oicupied the position of dominance. Thirdly, the world has not rid itself completely of those values which emerged as a part of the relationships in the past, values which explicitly or implicitly rated different peoples and different cultures as superior or inferior and which still stand in the way of the full realization of the rights of the peoples affected, 32. It is therefore clear that the issue of the fate of the people of southern Africa is a fundamental part of the broader one, namely, the matter of the correction of those major injustices or imbalances manifested in closely interrelated economic, political and racial policies which have so deeply affected human history and the lives of so many, It is clear, in particular, that the liberation of the people of southern Africa is part of the same process which inspires the call for the establishment of a new international economic order. 1 New York, Ally11 and Bacon, 1974. 34. Vorster’s regime continues to treat with contempt and arrogance the opinions expressed by the world body. The rGgime continues its ruthless campaign of repression backed by racist laws and has adopted new and desperate policies to contain the rising tide of African resistance. Among those is the policy of bantustanization, which is no more and no less than a strategy to preserve white racist domination. This policy has been justifiably condemned in the United Nations and, by an almost unanimous vote, the General Assembly rejected the so-called independence of the Transkei [resolution 3116 A]. 35. The South African r&&e stands guilty before the world not only of the crimes it has perpetrated against the black majority of that country but also because it continues to thwart international efforts to bring about peaceful change to other troubled parts of southern Africa. It continues to defy the world body by maintaining an illegal presence in the Territory of Namibia, where it has extended its evil system of racial oppression. It continues to undermine efforts to bring about majority rule in southern Rhodesia by providing military and economic support to the illegal racist rdgime of Ian Smith. It continues to threaten and to launch aggression against neighbouring African States in violation of international law. In recent times it has invaded the territory of the People’s Republic of Angola and that of Zambia and has used economic blackmail to threaten the Kingdom of Lesotho. This catalogue of crimes testifies to the fact that the apartheid regime is a canker in Africa. It is a threat to international peace and security. 36. It is no wonder that negotiations with the Vorster Government for peaceful change in southern Africa cannot succeed. South Africa is not preparing for peace; it is gearing for war. This is evident from the increasing buildup of military weaponry which has been so well documented in statements made in this debate, particularly by the representative of Mauritius and the Chairman of the Special Committee against Apartheid, the representative of Nigeria [1988th meeting]. It is important to note that South Africa has been able to acquire that awesome military strength by way of outside assistance. It has received and 37. In addition, investments continue to pour into South Africa and the economic partnership between that country and the West is being strengthened. The links that are still maintained between Western countries and South Africa play a vital role in keeping the system intact. Although we are assured that those links with the South African rkgime constitute a means of influencing that regime in the direction of more humane policies, we know that they serve to protect certain economic and strategic interests. In fact, those links are not agents for the promotion of change but are in effect the means of giving support to the rbgime. 38. A number of the statements made in this discussion point to the various steps which are being taken to tighten the circle around South Africa and to assist in bringing about the destruction of the system of apartheid and the eventual achievement of majority rule. The representative of the World Council of Churches has informed the Council [I991st meeting] of the impressive steps being taken by the various denominations, acting separately or through their ecumenical tirganizations, to stem the flow of investment funds to South Africa alld to secure strong action on other fronts against apartheid. Mr. Olof Palme, in a particularly forthright statement [1992nd meeting], drew attention to action being taken by trade unionists towards weakening the economic basis for the apartheid system in the interests of destroying the repressive regime in South Africa. 39. Again, athletes and other sportsmen all over the world, along with many Governments, are taking steps to isolate South Africa in sports matters, and the United Nations is now charged, under a resolution (31/F] adopted by the General Assembly at its thirty-first session, with the task of preparing an international convention against apartheid in sports. 40. Thus, increasingly, non-governmental organizations, interests and individuals are taking positive action against that evil system. And as this movement grows it contrasts significantly with the inaction on the part of many Governments. 41. It should now be clear to all of us that the situation of the peoples of southern Africa represents the most flagrant violation of human rights on a scale and in a form quite unequalled anywhere else. This has for a long time been recognized by large numbers of Member States. The non-aligned movement, to which my country is happy to belong, has always placed the subject of southern Africa high on its agenda of priorities, recognizing the massive unprecedented violation of human rights which takes place daily in that region. This concern is reflected in the nine draft resolutions against apartheid presented at the thirtyfirst session of the General Assembly on the initiative of the 43, In our view, the Council carries a grave responsibility in respect of the problem of southern Africa. The struggle for freedom and equality and against racial tyranny is the concern and responsibility of all of us and must be seen as an important part of the effort by the United Nations and the global community to build a peaceful world in which fundamental human rights are respected. Failure to take action in the past has prolonged the suffering of the black peoples of the entire region of southern Africa. But it is not too late. 44. It is the view of my Government that firm and resolute action can and should be taken, particularly in the implementation of those General Assembly resolutions which call for the imposition of a mandatory arms embargo against South Africa and the cessation of economic collaboration with that racist rbgime. Great interests are at stake here: the lives of the people of southern Africa as well as the credibility of the United Nations system as a whole and of the Council and its individual members.

The next speaker is the representative of the United Republic of Tanzania. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

My delegation is gratified to have this opportunity to participate in the deliberations of the Security Council on one of the most burning issues facing our Organization today: the question of South Africa. I wish to thank you, Mr. President, and through you the members of the Council, for giving my delegation this opportunity. It is indeed not simply a matter of courtesy or formality when I say that it gives my delegation great satisfaction to take part in these discussions under your presidency. Since you took up your new assignment, my Government and my delegatidn have bad the benefit of exchanging views with you on many occasions. We have welcomed you to the United Nations in the firm belief that you will work in the best interests of the Organization and that in you we shall find a sympathetic person, one who understands the many problems that bedevil our area. In this context, we were very happy to welcome you last month to our country, both at its capital, Dar es Salaam, and in Zanzibar. Your own personal qualities as a man of principle and vast experience in political leadership in your own country, especially when it 47. It is fitting that the Security Council should have begun consideration of the item before it on 21 March 1977, the seventeenth anniversary of the Sharpeville massacres of African people by the South African police. The 21st of March has special significance in the history of South African oppression of the black majority. It was the date when peaceful demonstrators, urging the abolition of the discriminatory pass laws, were met by police violence of the most brutal kind, killing 69 people and wounding 178. This sad and cruel action by the South African police on the orders of the racist Government. was followed by enactment of numerous pieces of legislation to -ensure further oppression of the African majority and the preserva tion of white supremacy. 48. Seventeen years have passed since Sharpeville but the brutal and ruthless nature of the apartheid rGgime has not changed. Since Sharpeville, there have been many other abominable acts of repression and senseless violence perpetrated against the African people. Some of these actions are known to the outside world and others, more vicious, remain the knowledge only of the sytem’s victims. Arbitrary arrest and detention, murder of innocent people whose only crime is to oppose the obnoxious system, systematic torture and even killing of political detainees, massive repressive legislation-all these and more are part of the arsenal of the apartheid rkgime. And yet there are people-some very well meaning-who tell us, and so persistently, that South Africa is changing. It took Soweto to shatter that myth, for Soweto symbolized the height of the desperation of the apartheid rbgime. The reckless and criminal shooting of schoolchildren by Vorster’s armed forces clearly revealed the true nature of the system which, to quote my President, is itself “an aggression against humanity”. Soweto, at the same time, represented the growing resistance of the African people against the tyranny of the apartheid rkgime. The international community was outraged by Soweto. The revulsion against the Pretoria r&me was eloquently demonstrated by the unanimous adoption by the Security Council of resolution 392 (1976), which condemned the South African Government for its massive violence and wanton killings of African people, including schoolchildren. In a few weeks, a year will have passed since the uprisings of Soweto and other urban centres in South Africa and the adoption of the afore- 50. The South African racist regime does not seem to have learnt anything from Soweto. It is determined to perpetuate its white supremacy, using maximum violence and other repressive measures to do so. Furthermore, to accomplish this objective, the regime has embarked on a frenzied military buildup. This excessive militarization is taking place not only in South Africa itself but also in the international Territory of Namibia. South Africa’s military power is being used for internal repression and oppression of the African people and external aggression against neighbouring independent African States. In this connexion, South Africa’s aggressions against Zambia and Angola are a matter of record. Indeed, South Africa is the only country in the history of the Organization ever to be specifically condemned by the Security Council as an aggressor. 51. But all these facts are known to this aUgUSt Council. The Council is also aware of the unique and, if I may say so, unblemished record of the Pretoria regime of systematic and arrogant defiance of the United Nations. The issue really is not whether the apartheid regime constitutes a total negation of all the moral and ethical values for which the international community stands. It is not that that r6gime is a complete misfit in the Organization by virtue of its anachronistic colonial and racist policies and its calculated systematic violation of the Charter and the many decisions and resolutions of the United Nations. The issue is not so much that South Africa is at war with the international community and with the United Nations over its illegal occupation of the international Territory of Namibia, as was aptly and cogently put by my brother and friend, Ambassador Ramphul of Mauritius [ibid.]. Nor is it in fact necessary to point out that it is South Africa which has sustained and actively supported the illegal racist minority regime in Southern Rhodesia, in absolute contravention of the Security Council’s mandatory sanctions against that r&&me. All these are incontestable facts, of which the Council, as well as the entire United Nations membership, is fully aware. In asking for these meetings of the Council, we have not acted simply in order to state what is common knowledge. Rather, the real issue before 52. The representative of the World Council of Churches, Mr. William P. Thompson, brought the issue into proper perspective when, in his address before the Council on 24 March, he declared: “The focus of concern is upon two systems. The first is the evil system of apartheid which exists in South Africa. The second, without which the first could not survive, is that international system which supports and enables the South African Government to continue policies in gross violation of the Charter and the Declaration. That international system undergirds the military and police structures of South Africa through the sale and transfer of technology and military hardware used in and required for the support of a totalitarian system. It strengthens the economic structure through the continued operation of transnational corporations in South Africa and the continued flow of investments and loans which make the apartheid system profitable.” [I991st meeting, para. 56.1 53. Thus the real question confronting the international community today is why South Africa continues to be armed and supplied with sophisticated weapons by some of the very countries which profess opposition to apartheid? Why do those countries allow themselves to be accomplices in South Africa’s systematic acts of internal and external aggression? Why does South Africa continue to be treated as a major trading and economic ally of many of the Western nations? What is the rationale for the continuation of investments, credits and loans to that regime? DO those countries seriously want the international community to believe that they are not conscious of the fact that their cokboration and co-operation with the Vorster regime serve to give sustenance and nourishment to the policies of apartheid and its attendant evils, both internally and externally? 54. The challenge before the Council is to put an end to the misery in South Africa. It must answer the challenge constantly being thrown at it by the Vorster r&me. The Council must act once and for all to stop the flow of arms to South Africa. An imposition of a mandatory arms embargo under Chapter VII of the Charter is long overdue. The Council must also act to dissuade any type of economic co-operation with that regime. At the very minimum, lt must act to endorse the significant initiative taken by the Government of Sweden by prohibiting further investments in South Africa. But above all, the Council must provide leadership by taking such measures as are

This Security Council debate is taking place against the background of developments in southern Africa that are most disquieting. In that region, there is a growing inclination to change the political situation in Rhodesia and Namibia by force; racial conflict in South Africa produces ever more outbreaks of violence and an escalation of repressive measures. But there are also signs which suggest that the efforts to get away from the rigid fronts and overcome the stagnation by political means are not in vain. 57. The Security Council has often discussed the situation in southern Africa but its ability to have a lasting influence on the situation there has constantly decreased. Disagreement over the ways and means of resolving the problems besetting southern Africa has prevented the Council from determining the course which developments should take. We have witnessed a number of debates which ended up in fruitless confrontation instead of producing progress towards a solution. We are now faced with the choice of either repeating the counter-productive spectacle of last year’s Namibia debate and putting on record yet another struggle leading to ineffective draft resolutions, or seizing this unique opportunity of bringing about a constructive change in southern Africa, an opportunity, in my view, of historic dimensions. If the Council proposes to apply all its moral and political authority to the task of securing a peaceful solution, it must act in unison. This presupposes the understanding and co-operation of our African partners. 58. The friendly and constructive talks I have had in recent months with leading African representatives here in New York have been an encouragement to me in supporting 59. The Federal Republic of Germany is conscious of the magnitude and urgency of the tasks. In our country there is a consensus of opinion that human dignity, equality before the law and the individual’s right to develop his personality as he sees fit, as well as political freedoms and values, are rights which must be there for every man and woman to exercise. These are fundamental values-incorporated in the Charter of the United Nations. They are embodied in our own Constitution as fundamental rights. It is a dictate of humanity that people throughout the universe should be able to exercise those rights and-enjoy the benefits of tho$e values, and that dictate brooks no compromise. If human rights are trampled underfoot, we cannot remain mute. Racism is a policy which negates those fundamental values and should be condemned in any form. 60. The Federal Government has time and again declared that it condemns South Africa’s discriminatory treatment of its people on grounds of race and colour. South Africa is certainly not the only country which is open to the accusation of racial discrimination or vidlation of human rights, but the difference in South Africa is4 that racial discrimination has been institutionalized. Apartheid is a refined system which dominates the entire body politic and is designed to regulate relations between government and people as well as between population groups, The Federal Government’s condemnation of apartheid receives wide public support in the Federal Republic of Germany. The constant violations of human rights by the South African Government have incensed public opinion in my country. Our trade unions, political parties, Churches and youth organizations are actively involved in the broad public campaign against apartheid. Only recently, the large textile workers’ union sent a letter of protest to the Commission on Human Rights. 61. The question at issue is not the right of the white minority to regard South Africa as their home and to enjoy equal rights there. Nobody-including the leaders of black Africa who are conscious of their responsibility-questions 2 A/'AC.115/SR.340. 62. Apartheid also constitutes a violation of South Africa’s solemn commitments under international law. We appeal to South Africa to remember its own obligations under the Charter and the 1949 Geneva Conventions, which it has ratified, as well as under the Declaration on Social Progress and Development and the Declaration on the Promotion among Youth of the Ideals of Peace, Mutual Respect and Understanding between Peoples, adopted by the General Assembly in resolutions 2542 (XXIV) and 2037 (XX) respectively and which South Africa has endorsed. 63. In our view, Pretoria’s policy of apartheid and its support for the illegal r6gime in Rhodesia, as well as its illegal occupation of Namibia, are based on a political concept which has no chance of survival. In the long run it will neither protect nor further the interests of the white minority and before long, apartheid will damage the prospects of economic growth. In a modern industrial society, social integration of the working population is essential. The situation of conflict in southern Africa also has a bearing on our economic co-operation with other African States, in particular those in southern Africa which have become a focal point of the Federal Government’s development policy. Under a comprehensive long-term programme, the Federal Republic assists those countries in their economic development. This year the Federal Government plans financial and technical co-operation commitments of something like DM 220 million to BOtSWana, Malawi, Lesotho, Zambia and Swaziland, that is an increase of 75 per cent. It goes without saying that the Federal Government does not want long-term development investments of this magnitude to be jeopardized by a parallel increase in African defence expenditure in response to South Africa’s policy or in view of constant tensions as a result of border incidents or interruptions of major lines of communication. 64. The white minority in South Africa must not close their eyes to reality. They must not ignore the fact that those currently at the receiving end of racial discrimination will one day assert their rights. They should rather have a major interest in establishing solidarity among all who favour peaceful development on the basis of equal rights. The Federal Government endorsed the principle laid down in the 1969 Lusaka Manifesto of the Organization of African Unity, which reads as follows: “ . . . the individuals in southern Africa shall be freed from an environment poisoned by the propaganda of racialism, and given an opportunity to be men, not white men, brown men, yellow men or black men. “Thus the liberation of Africa for which we are struggling does not mean a reverse racialism.“3 66. In the Federal Government’s view, the aim of leading Namibia and Rhodesia to independence and of removing racial discrimination in South Africa cannot be achieved by force. Armed conflict would jeopardize the very objective which we are trying to achieve. The German people have learned from the misery of past experience. The Federal Republic’s policy is an expression of a deep conviction that the use of force must be avoided at all costs. We understand the bitterness of the oppressed people of southern Africa on account of the rigidity of the dominant political systems there, and we appreciate that the call to remove the yoke of oppression by all available means is a cry of desperation at the failure of previous efforts. But we do not share the view that armed conflict will resolve their problems. 67. The only way of bringing about. the necessary change in southern Africa without causing a racial war is to achieve a peaceful settlement by negotiation. But avoiding the use of force does not mean remaining inactive and letting things drift. A policy of peaceful change demands energetic and responsible action. We know that southern Africa’s prob-, lems are complex. The present situation has emerged from a long historical process which no one can ignore. But this is no justification for sticking to the status quo and ignoring the calI today for fundamental change. 68. The assessment of the present situation has prompted the Federal Government to join the other four Western members of the Security Council in advocating a new approach. We propose that the Council, in a solemn declaration, should proclaim those principles concerning southern Africa on which we all agree. On the basis of that declaration and together with the other Western members of the Council, we pledge sincere efforts and action in South Africa with a view to overcoming the present deadlock. The fact that some of South Africa’s most important trading partners are joining their efforts to that end, should dispel any doubts on the part of Pretoria as to the seriousness of the undertaking and the need to achieve progress. My Government is ready to shoulder its responsibilities as a member of the Council. 69. On the question of Namibia, the Federal Government reaffirms the points which the Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs expounded at the thirty-first session of the General Assembly? that South African rule in Namibia should be terminated and the earliest possible date for independence fixed in a binding manner; that the United Nations should supervise the transition of the former mandated Territory to independence; and that, in exercising the right of self-determination, all political groups in the country should participate in the preparations for independence, under the supervision of the United Nations. 4 Ibid,, Thirty-first Session, Plenary Meetings, I th meeting.

The decision of the General Assembly at its last session to call for a re-examination by the Security Council of the question of South Africa, and also the impressive number of those taking part in this debate, without any doubt are a reflection of the well-justified concern of the whole international community about the very serious situation in that part of the world. 72. It is a well-known fact that the policy of racial segregation and actions undertaken on the basis of that policy by the Pretoria authorities have been condemned repeatedly by the United Nations and the Security Council as being contrary to the Charter and the obligations of Member States of the Organization. Suffice it, in this regard, to recall that in 1966 the policies of apartheid practised by the South African Government were described as a crime against humanity, and herici: a potential danger to international peace and security (General Assembly resolution 2202 (XXI)/. That threat persists, and is growing, in spite of the debates and the decisions of the Security Council, the General Assembly and the whole international community. 73. Our delegation believes that what should be of particular concern to the Council now is the explosive stage which has been reached in the evolution of the South African situation, and also the fact that the conflict is continually getting worse. We whole-heartedly support the demands expressed here by many delegations, and also by the representatives of the African National Congress [1992nd meeting] and the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania [1988th meeting] for action without further delay, firm determined action to solve the grave problem created in southern Africa by the racist minority regimes, particularly that of South Africa. The path towards the solution of this problem should finally lead to the restoration of the rights and dignity of the people of South Africa, to the elimination of the policy of apartheid and to the establishment of the political power of the majority of the people based on equality and justice. In other words, we have to create the necessary conditions to permit the peoples of southern Africa to exercise, without impediment, their sacred right to a free and independent life in accordance with their aspirations and national will. 74. The events which have occurred since the Sharpeville massacres have taught us that mere declarations of intent on the part of the Security Council, and the mere reaffirmation of humanitarian requirements, are not sufficient either to eliminate the causes of the tension in South “to initiate measures aimed at bringing about racial - harmony based on equality.. . and to abandon its policies of apartheid and racial discrimination”. Indeed, the Government of South Africa has been even more energetic in its attempts to perfect the institutional framework of the system of oppression and discrimination in order to perpetuate the supremacy of the racist regime over the African population. 75. In recent years we have witnessed an escalation of - bloody repression against the peaceful population, repression that culminated in the Soweto and Nyanga massacres and those of Guguletu and Langa. The Pretoria &me has introduced ominous and very elaborate legislation, the purpose of which is to repress all opposition to the inhuman practice of apartheid. It has intensified the implementation of a policy aimed at separate development on the basis of racial criteria by the creation of bantustans. Along with those domestic measures, the Pretoria Govemment has consolidated its illegal occupation of Namibia by measures aimed at militarizing the Territory and undermining the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia. Furthermore, the South African military forces have intensified their acts of aggression and armed attacks against independent African States. 76. These are the circumstances which have made the complicated problem now being considered by the Council even worse. In our view, the mere repetition and reaffirmation of previous resolutions do not amount to a remedy to this situation; nor can a mere appeal to the better instincts of the South Aftican Government bring the hoped for results. 77. The present debate represents a new test of the Council’s effectiveness and, at the same time, a test of the willingness of its members to resort to ways and means likely to bring about a decisive turning-point in a situation which is on the way to becoming a general clash of arms in Southern Africa. The Charter of the United Nations offers a number of specific measures which can and should be used by the Council when peace and security of the world are threatened. On this score, the representatives of African States have put forward a whole series of suggestions which deserve careful consideration and should be approached with a sense of great responsibility by the members of the Council. 78. In order to be truly effective, the measures to be decided upon by the Council should go to the very heart of the problem before us, that is, the elimination of apartheid and the elimination of the causes of the segregationist policies and practices. In a word, it is a question of satisfying the claims of the people of South Africa and not of reforming the system of apartheid. 79. Like the vast majority of States in the world, Romania considers that we must do away completely and for ever 81. In a spirit of militant solidarity with the peoples of Africa-something which was once again reaffirmed by President Nicolae Ceausescu on the occasion of his recent visit to Africa-the Romanian delegation associates itself with those African delegations which, in this debate, have called on the Council to adopt resolute measures, including the application of a mandatory embargo on the sale of arms to South Africa and the application of economic sanctions, in accordance with the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. 82. The Romanian delegation is ready to contribute on this occasion also, together with all the members of the Council, to efforts to determine the appropriate measures which would win general agreement, in order to achieve significant progress towards the elimination of the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination. 83. Faithful to the principles of its foreign policy, my country is determined to continue to give its whole-hearted support to the peoples of southern Africa which are fighting against foreign oppression and occupation in order to exercise their right to self-determination and a dignified, free and independent life,

The final speaker is the representative of Mauritania. I invite him to take a place at the Council table and to make his statement.

Consideration of the question now before the Security Council is taking place at a moment when Africa is going through a particularly difficult period in its history. Political changes and acts of violence observed on the African continent, and most particularly in the southern part, are signs revealing an explosive and infinitely dangerous situation, the consequences of which threaten to have a serious effect on international peace and security if immediate and energetic measures are not taken by the Council. 86. Before proceeding to the substance of the matter before the Council, I should like to perform &pleasant duty by congratulating you, Sir, on your assumption of the presidency of the Council for the month of March. As luck would have it YOU are presiding over the Council at a time when it is considering one of the most burning issues to which the fate of the whole continent of Africa is linked and this fact can, for us Africans, only strengthen our deep and le$timate belief that on the road to the restoration Of legitrmacy and therule of law in~soutn~~~iica,-e-~-~uncil _: 88. The intransigence of some Governments and their desire for domination have twice brought mankind to the brink of catastrophe. Since the end of the Second World War and the birth of the United Nations, the hotbeds of tension that had arisen in South-East Asia, Latin America and a part of the African continent have been extinguished one after another. While the cessation of those conflicts are largely due to the determination and sacrifice of oppressed peoples, it was also due to the wisdom and political courage of public opinion in the former colonial Powers. The wisdom that has prevailed has made it possible for colonial Powers and the oppressed nations of yesterday to weave new relations in a climate of confidence and mutual esteem. 89. Such a change could have served as an example. But, despite that lesson of history, the situation in southern Africa remains what it was at the birth of the United Nations. That situation is a permanent challenge which the citadel of apartheid has flung down before the international community. It has caused so much ink to flow, has provoked so much anger and indignation and has disappointed so many hopes, that the weak and oppressed nations have sometimes doubted the reason for the existence of the Organization and the value of its aims. 90. There are few countries that have benefited from so much indulgence on the part of the Organization and there is no country that, like South Africa, which has openly flaunted its policy of oppression and discrimination, has been given so many chances to make amends. 91. Despite the hundreds of resolutions and decisions taken by the General Assembly and the Security Council and despite the unequivocal opinion of the International Court of Justices concerning the specific case of Namibia, South Africa remains unapproachable and unbending. Because of our heavy schedule, I should not like to go into @z details. Iv@eover such an appfoach would take UJ _ .-... ..L m-3 &-gal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notrr(it(lstanding Security Council Resolufion 276 [1970), Advisory Opmion, I.C.J. Reportr1921, p.;16. 92. I should like to add that a year before that resolution was adopted the Pretoria regime said it would take six months for it to change the conditions existing in southern Africa and abide by the wishes expressed by the international community. But, once again, the mountain has brought forth a mouse. On 27 May 1975, in its reply to the Security Council (S/11 7011, the Pretoria regime said it was not in a position to assume commitments in compliance with resolution 366 (1974). 93. Other initiatives were taken by some African Governments as well as by some other Governments throughout the world to unfreeze the situation in southern Africa. Despite the good will of the former Secretary of State of the United States, Mr. Henry Kissinger, and despite promises made by him to the Pretoria Government, Vorster and his friends preferred to remain silent and to play the game of the ostrich, a tactic which has been successful up to now. 94. This attitude on the part of South Africa can surprise no one because it is part of an immutable policy deliberately designed and maintained for more than 25 years. In the opinion of the Government of South Africa, the South African people prefer colonization to sovereignty, exploitation to prosperity, brutal police methods to freedom, division to unity. This is what has constituted and continues to constitute the policy of the South African Government. 95. The frequently dashed hopes of the African majority could only lead to mass uprising in the towns and viIlages and in the country. The war of resistance waged by the South African people under the direction of the liberation movements has made it possible for the world, through the mass media, to witness the brutalities to which the African majority is subjected and the Calvary imposed on it for more than 25 years. 96. After the massacres of Sharpeville, which continue to haunt our consciences, the massacres of Soweto, a modemday genocide, have come as a last warning to remind us of the fact that the time for negotiating with the citadel of oppression and apartheid has for ever passed. For more than a week each of us was able to see on television the scope and the brutality of the repression unleashed on the South African people. Clubs, police dogs, machine guns and automatic rifles ravaged, like a plague, a population whose only fault was to have demanded the liberty that exists everywhere else. 97. It is not desirable and it is not possible for the Security Council to continue to spare the South African Government, which has now become a past master of the 98. While the role of preserving international peace and security is incumbent upon the Security Council, the strength of the Council depends essentially upon scrupulous respect by the wealthy member countries of its resolutions and decisions, It is paradoxical, in fact, that those countries vote for resolutions with the aim of drawing political advantages from them and that, on the other hand, they flout them by maintaining illicit relations with racist Pretoria. 99. The productive trade some developed countries main. tain with Pretoria and the massive sale by those countries of weapons utilized by South Africa to massacre the African population are immoral acts which the Council should condemn unflinchingly, One cannot attempt to preserve friendship with the peoples of Africa and at the same time try to enrich those who are the potential enemies of Africa and of the international community. 100. It is a simple and clear choice: the developed countries involved should choose Africa or place themselves on the side of the enemies of Africa. The breaking point has been reached, and positions must be taken unequivocally. 101. With regard to trade with the racist regimes of southern Africa, although I may be touching upon a subject which is not before the Council at present, I should nevertheless like to pay a well-deserved tribute to the Government of President Carter for the decision it took to halt imports of Rltodesian chrome. We are all aware of the difficulties to which the United States Government is exposing itself in taking that courageous decision. But the decision of President Carter to bring morality into international relations could not find a better terrain. Map it serve as an example to other countries that have trade relations with Rhodesia and South Africa. 102. A great head of State, President Mao Tsetung, said that even the longest voyage in the world begins with the first step. The first pioneers who understood this lesson preferred to give their lives at Sharpeville so as to serve as examples to posterity. The events of Soweto and the mass uprisings throughout South Africa demonstrate, as is said in an African proverb, that “from the roots to the leaves the sap rises and never stops”. South Africa will finally understand that it can do everything with a bayonet except sit on it. Oppression cannot be a system of government for ever. 103. An irreversible process leading towards the total liberation of the African continent and southern Africa in particular has thus been begun. It is our wish and our hopa that the Security Council will help that liberation. The meeting rose at 1.15 p.m. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATIONS United Nations publications may be obtained from bookstores and distributors throughout the world. 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