S/32/PV.45 Security Council

The General Committee, in para- graph 2 rh), recommends that the item should be allocated to the Special Political Committee and that it should be accorded due priority in that Committee. That recom- mendation was adopted by the General Committee without objection. May I consider that the General Assembly adopts that recommendation?

The Chairman of the Special Politi- cal Committee will be infonned promptly of the actionjust taken by the Assembly. • Resumed from the 15th meeting. 1 For decision 32/402 A, see 5th meeting, para. 101; for decision 32/402 B, see 15th meeting, para. 2. NEW YORK

I shall now call on those representa- tives who wish to explain their votes on the draft resolution recommended by the Fifth Committee.

With regard to the question of UNEF and UNDOF, the Chinese delegation has repeatedly stated the consistent principled position of the Chinese Government at meetings of the Security Council. Basing ourselves on this position, the Chinese delegation is opposed to the inclusion of expenditures for the above-mentioned Forces in f .. United

My country has explained its position On the fmancing of UNEF and UNDOF on numerous occasions, the last of which was dUring the 23rd meeting of the Fifth Committee last night. Since my country has announced that it will not participate in the financing of theGe forces this year, for the reasons enunciated by my delegation in the Fifth Committ~e,we shall not participate in the vote on the draft resolutio~ind~umentA/32/299.

In accordance with the fmn position of my delegation, based on the premise that the expenses of UNEF and UNDOF on the Arab fronts must be shouldered by the party which isthe aggressor, that is the racist Zionist Israeli entity, which is illegally occupying the Arab terri- tories by force in contravention of all United Nations resolutions which call for its complete withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territories and the recognition of the positive national rights of the Palestinian people, my delegation, while reserving its right to take part in the discussion on the item before the relevant Committee at the appropriate time, at present restricts itself to stating its position for the record. We shall vote against the draft resolution in the report ofthe Fifth Committee.

In explaining my delegation's vote on the financing of UNEF and UNDOF, I wish to make it clear that the Government of Israel regards the presence of UNEF and UNDOF as an integral part of the Agreement on Disengagement of Forces between Israel and Egypt entered into freely by both Governments in January 1974.2 Isnel will continue to observe on a basis.of strict reciprocity, the disei1gagement agreement in all its com- ponents and implications, including the prevention of terrorist acts. 13. I consider it to be beneath our dignity even to comment on the remarks just made by the Arab representatives.

The position ofmy Government on the resolutions providing for the establishment of the Forces whose imancing we are considering this morning.is very well knOVin. That position has been explained re- peatedly, both in the Security Council and in the General ASlembly_ 15_ This morning I wish simply to put on record once again our wen-known position on the fmancing of UNEF and to state that we shall not vote for the draft resolution inthe document before the Assembly. 16.. 1he PRESIDENT: At this juncture, there iIl'e no more speakers. We shall now vote on the draft resolution 2~ O/ftdaI ReCfJrdl of the Stcurlty Council, Twenty-ninth Ye#ir, JJupplement for '6/1Ulry, Februtzry Ilnd MaTch 1974, docu- "'SlJ119S,~-

Eight draft resolu tions have been submitted and circulated in documents A/32/L.4- A/32/L.lt. 18. Mr. 0YONO (United Republic of Cameroon) (imer- pretation from French): It has almost become a truism to say that the situation in southern Africa, where the system of apartheid and the question of Namibia are among the major features, is not only an affront to the central and most sacred values of our human condition as well as to the authority and credibility of the United Nations but also . poses a constant threat to international peace and security in that part of the world. 19. The vigilant attention and sustained and active interest of o\lr Organization has given the dramatic events taking place there the priority tbat should be accorded them, and the various initiatives which have been undertaken and all the efforts that have been made on the subject testify to the deep concern of the international community and, to its determination to act resolutely against the racist minority of Pretoria, whose arrogance and cynicism have become intolerable. 20. There is every reason, therefore, for our Assembly to give priority consideration to the question of Namibia in terms of the constant violations of the purposes and principles of the United Nations by South Africa stemming from its policy of apartheid, a question which also continues to shed light on that country's cynicism towards our Organization, whose decisions it treats with disdain. . 21. In this regard, the excellent report prepared by the United Nations Council for Namibia for the period 21 October 1976-5 October 1977 {A/32/24], which my dele- gation supports, could hardly put matters more plainly. 22. It was on 27 October 1966 that the General Assembly, in its resolution 2145 (XXI), ended South Africa's Mandate over Namibia and placed that Territory under the direct responsibRity of the United Nations. Since then not a year has passed without a decision by our Organization aimed at inducing South Africa to withdraw from the Territory. But every time, with its characteristic scorn and arrogance, the Pretoria regime has, for its part, invariably reacted with a further provocation, taking measures to strengthen its hold and its policy of apartheid in Namibia despite the fact that 23. Since then, and by reason of the persistent refusal of South Africa to withdraw, a trial of strength has come about between that country and the United Nations, in regard to which the Security Council and the General Assembly have taken the decisions we all know. 24. But South Africa does not budge and will not yield an inch of ground. Vorster deliberately ignores the decisions of the United Nations, multiplies his manoeuvres and stops at nothing in his attempt to perpetuate the illegal domination over that international Territmy. His Turnhalle programme, his policy of fragmenting Namibia's territory through the creation of "homelands" headed by puppets in his pay, whom he hopes to use in order to create the appearance of a central government, are dictated by the logic of usurpa- tion, a logic which is peculiarly his own and from which Vorster has never departed. At the same time he has strengthened the repressiveness of the administrative, police and military machine of apartheid, fed by the influx of weapons, materiel and combat technology furnished by certain Powers for use against the South West Africa People's Organization[SWAPO}. 25. The revelations made a few days ago in the Assembly by the President of SWAPO, our brother Sam Nujoma[35th meeting}, are eloquent in this regard. On 31 May this year the racist Government of South Africa executed Philemon Nangolo simply because that brave Namibian belonged to his country's liberation anny. It arrested Nathaniel Maxuilili and condemned him to more than five years of close custody in prison. Two months later, other members of SWAPO met with a similar fate. They have all joined in South Mrican gaols an unknown number of Namibian patriots who have been stlffering torture for years and will perhaps long continue so to suffer, for no reason other than that they dared to oppose the illegal occupation of their own country. . 26. The South African Government is not content merely to Balkanize the Territory, to set up local puppet govern- ments there and a system ofrepression; it has accompanied all thm with measures ensuring the brazen pillage of natural resources and a cruel exploitation of the black labour force for the profit of the multinational companies, which pour enormous sums into South Africa's treasury in the form of taxes, sums that should properly go to the budget of the United Nations Council for Nanuoia, the legal administrator ofthe Territory. 27. In order to ensure for itself control of this organized plunder without striking a blow and with interruption, Pretoria has annexed the port of Walvis Bay. The impor- tance of such an operation is clear to all, for we know that Walvis Bay is Namibia's biggest port and its major means of access to the sea for trade of all kinds with the outside world. Vorster has set up in Walvis Bay a major military base from which he controls all of Namibian territory, constantly organizes acts of aggression against neighbouring countries and could now, from that same base, mount acts of military aggression against any country on the African continent. 29. My country, Cameroon, obviously' protests in the strongest possible terms against such machinations the result of which is to deceive international opinion, to compromise the United Nations and to enslave for ever the Namibian people by means of a truncated and sham independence. 30. The most worrying thing about all this is that these plans are going through at the very moment when a number of great Powers have understood that it is time to dissuade South Africa from its arrogance and to try to bring it back to reason. For its part, Cameroon remains sceptical about the tyrannical Pretoria minority's will and ability to change. That regime is based essentially on disdain for non-whites. We nevertheless wish these Powers well if indeed they can succeed in their endeavour. 31. But we would like to reaffirm that genuine negotia- tions must be held with SWAPO, the only authentic representative of the Namibian people, for Namibia to accede to independence. If there is still any need, we would like to draw the attention of the great Powers to the fact that the counter proposals put forward in response to their initiatives by South Africa signify a categorical refusal to abide by the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which lays down the essence ofthe conditions for Nanubia's accession to independence as follows: flI'st, withdrawal of South African occupation forces and of the illegal administration that South Africa maintains in Namibia; secondly, the release of Nanuoian patriots im- prisoned or detained in South Africa for having participated in the national liberation struggle; thirdly, the holding of free elections under United Nations supervision and con- troL 32. For Cameroon the situation is clear: where Nanuoia is concerned, the United Nations has a duty to restore its authority by exercising fully its responsibilities under the Charter in order to secure respect for its decisions and their implementation by South Africa. 33. To this end, the support of all Members, and partic- ularly of the permanent members of the Security Council, is necessary-indeed, essential. It is only on this conditicn that the United Nations can take measures vis-A-vis South Africa commensurate with the magnitude· of the insult repeatedly directed against it by the white racist minority of Pretoria, which continues with impunity persistently to violate the principles and purposes of the Charter, to create situations of dangerous tension in southern Africa and to commit acts ofaggression against neighbOUring States. 34. It is high time, as Mr. Ahmadou Ahidjo, my country's Head of State has said, for the determination and arrogance of the racists to be met"... by an equal determination and an unfailing fmnness in our support for the struggle of the liberation movements to secure the dignity of the rtoples ofZimbabwe, Namibia and Azania".

The Ethiopian delegation speaks at this time principally to state, once again, its 37. It is now over a decade since the General Assembly, fonow~g the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice,3 put an end to South Mrica's Mandate over Namibia and placed the Territory under the direct adminis- tration of the United Nations Council for Namibia until complete and genuine independence was achieved Iresolu- tion 2145 (XXI)). Subsequent to this decision by the General Assembly, the Security Council declared in its resolution 276 (1970) that the continued occupation of Namibia by the South African regime was illegal and that any and an acts taken by the Pretoria Government inside the Territory were null and void. The response of the defiant Pretoria regime has been the extension of its vicious policy of apartheid and the intensification of its oppressive and inhumane rule over the international Territory of Nanubia. 38. During these same years, however, the situation has not remained static. The confrontation between the forces of liberation and those of the illegal occupation has forced the racist regime to engage again in its game of deceit. First South Africa sought to give the impression that it. wanted to give up Namibia with its cynical promotion of the idea of a confederation ofbantustans. As time has shown, it was essentially a change of strategy designed to ensure South Africa's colonial control and domination over Nanubia behind a transparent facade of puppet black chiefs who had been assembled in the Turnhalle tribal talks. Failing that, Pretoria has modified its position and is now peddling the promise of some sort of elections under some unspecified international supervision and, of course, United Nations observation. 39. Be that as it may, as a result of the political mobilization and the intensification of the armed struggle by SWAPO, coupled with international pressure, the strug- gle of the people of Namibia for total and complete independence has entered a decisive phase. 40. The Ethiopiafl delegation fully recognizes and sym- pathizes with the Namibian people, who have been forced to resort to armed struggle when all attempts to achieve their independence by peaceful means have been rendered nugatory.. It is also on the basis of this recognition that the people of Nanubia are receiving the unstinted support of the overwhelming majority of the States Members of the United Nations, the Organizati(lD of African Unity, the 41. We are doubtful also because those primarily respon- sible for South Africa's intransigence in the past are the very States that are now busily engaged in the current initiatives. 42. As for Ethiopia~ we reaffum the position we have taken, along with the rest of Africa, that any negotiation leading Namibia to genuine independence must first fulfil the pre-conditions of the withdrawal of all the military and paramilitary forces of South Africa; the unconditional release of~ all political prisoners and the return of all Namibians in exile; the recognition of the United Nations Council for Namibia as the sole legal Administering Authority for the Terr~tory, and the accession of the Territory to independence in unity within its present boundaries,. including Walvis Bay, under the leadership of the legitimate representative of the people of Nam- • ibia, SWAPO. 43. Any negotiation regarding the independence of Namibia must, of course, be directly between South Africa and 'SWAPO und~r the auspices of the United Nations. The General Assembly has brought Namibia under the direct responsibility of the United Nations, and the Council for Namibia alone has the legal mandate to exercise any and all authority over Namibia, to promote the legitimate aspira- tions of its people for self-detennination, freedom and independence as a united and indivisible political entity. 44. It is, therefore evident that Ethiopia rejects all attempts by South Africa to dismember the Territory of Namibia and particularly the decision to annex Walvis Bay. We deem Walvis Bay to be an integral part of Namibia, and the Pretoria regime has no right whatsoever to change its status or to appropriate it as part of South Africa's own territory. 45. My qelegation condemns, in the strongest possible terms. the increasing militarization of Namibia by the racist Pretoria regime. In its ever-increasing arrogant and aggres- sive posture, South Africa has expanded its repressive military apparatus in Namibia and has engaged in incessant intimidation and harassment of the neighbouring African States. It is, therefore, imperative that the Security Council should be called upon to impose on the racist regime of South Mrica comprehensive mandatory sanctions within the purview of Chapter VII of the Charter. 46. The Ethiopian delegation gives its unreserved support to the recommendations of the Council for Namibia and urges that free elections be held urgently under the supervision and control of the United Nations in a Namibia united and indivisible.

It is not my intention to make a long statement on the matter being debated by the General Assembly, namely the question of Namibia. My delegation's statement in this Assembly during the general debate [29th meeting] put very clearly the position ofmy country vis-a-vis the problems of southern Africa, including the question of Namibia. I will therefore be very brief. 49. The question of Namibia has been occupying the attention of the United Nations for a long period and we are happy with the way in which this world Organization has been handling it, especially in its reaffmnation that the racist regime of South Africa is occupyLqg Namibian soil illegally and that it must relinquish that occupation without delay. It is with this in mind that my delegation wishes to express its appreciation for the eloquent and clear state- ment made in this Assembly by the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia on the present situation in that country [35th meeting]. 50. We are also aware of the efforts being deployed by many other countries to have the Namibian problem solved by peaceful means. Special mention should be made ofthe moves now under way by the five Western countries with a view to solving the problem. However, experience and history have taught us that the imperialists and racists are always tricky and unreliable, so that when one hears them talk about peace that is the very time when they are preparing for war, and so that, when thay begin using sweet words, they are in actual fact arming the racists to the teeth. 51. That is why my country has always viewed with suspicion and caution any moves by the imperialists and racists in southern Africa. The recent actions by the racist regime of Vorster are the best example to illustrate this point. While Vorster tells the whole world that he is interested in the peaceful settlement of southern African problems, we see him bent on implementing his policy of bantustanization and Balkanization of Namibia through the creation of tribal armies and puppet chiefs. We see him claiming that Walvis Bay is part of South Africa and, of course, he does not talk about the withdrawal of his occupation anny from Namibia but rather increases its number to now 50,000 soldiers. 52. The United Nations has proved beyond any doubt that it is is fully committed to the independence of Namibia. It has given valuable assistance to the Namibian people in various fonns such as the creation of the United Nations Institute for Namibia in order to prepare the Namibian people for assuming responsibilities for an independent Namibia, and we are glad to note that the Institute for Namibia, which opened in 1976 with 100 students, is increasing the student body to 200 this year and will eventually prepare 300 Namibians annually to contribute to the construction of an independent Namibia. 53. My delegation would like to take this opportunity to pay a special tribute to the people of Namibia under the stre~gthening of the military capability of SWAPO to enable it to protect the Namibian people now and after independence.

Allow me, first of all, to express in the name of the Tanzanian delegation and on my own behalfour very profound shock and loss at the most untimely and unfortunate death in tragic circumstances of Mr. Ghobash, the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Emirates. We convey to our colleague and brother, Ambassador Humaidan, and the delegation of the United Arab Emirates, and through them to the Government and people of the United Arab Emirates as well as to the family of the late Minister, our very heartfelt condolences. 56. The decision to debate the question of Namibia in the plenary meetings of the General Assembly is a wise one for two main reasons. First, it underscores the importance which the United Nations attaches to the problem of Namibia. Secondly, it symbolizes the involvement of the international community as a whol~ in the search for a solution to that problem. For the problem of Namibia is more than a typical colonial question where a colonized people revolt against a colonizing Power in order to regain .their freedom and the independence of their country. The problem of Namibia is the illegd occupation of a United Nations Territory by the racist regime of South Africa in defiance of the wishes and all the decisions of the United Nations, and in violation of international law. Thus, as we debate this issue, it is important to bear in mind that the United Nations is not simply attempting to assist the people of Namibia in their struggle for freedom and independence. The United Nations is debating this question in order to regain its legitimate authority over that Territory and, in the process, to regain its credibility and its image, which have been so badly tarnished by what appears to be iis inability to dislodge the South African regime from its illegal occupation of the Territory. The United Nations has a direct moral and legal obligation to be deeply involved in the Namibian problem. 57. As I have already stated, Namibia is a Territory ofthe United Nations. The South African regime is illegally occupying it ·by using troops and all other instrum~ntsof coercion, oppression, suppression and repression. Even by very conservative estimates, there are tens of thousands of South African regular troops in Namibia. There is an unspecified number of commandos and paramilitary forces as well as agents of the notorious South African Bureau of State Security operating in the Territory. All these instru- 58. Furthermore, the South African regime has used the Territory of Namibia to launch acts of aggression against neighbOUring independent African'States, principally the People'& Republic of Angola and the Republic of Zambia. For that pUipose the regime maintains huge military bases at Grootfontein and Oshivello, in addition to several bases along the Natmbia-Angola border and in the Caprivi Strip. Thus, the United Nations is dealing with a regime that has defied the decisions of this Organization and also a'regime which, by its total disregard for the territorial integrity of its neighbours, clearly constitutes a threat to international peace and security. 59. When we speak about the criminal nature of the South African regime and the inhuman system ofapartheid which it has been implanting in Namibia, we do not speak about a hypothetical case, we are talking about a situation which is as real as the Kalahari Desert and as disastrous as terminal cancer. 60. And it is this regime with which some Members of this Organization, mainly the Western countries, continue to maintain economic, diplomatic and military relations. In recent years, some of those countries have even found it appropriate to enter into nuclear collaboration with the regime. They are the same countries which even today refuse to recognize the fact that SWAPO is the sole and authentic representative of the people ofNamibia. 61. It is against the background of these actions by the Western countries-actions which for all practical purposes and common logic have maintained and strengthened the South African regime in the past and do so now':'that we look at the initiatives of the five Western countries, which . besides being among those having important relations with South Africa, are also currently all members of the Security Council. Clearly, we are not in a position at this juncture, to make any meaningful evaluation of these initiatives, but we wish to make certain issues clear. Tanzania does not believe in the sincerity of the South Mrican regime. We do not believe that there has been a change in the attitutesof the rulers ofSouth Africa towards the problem of Natmbia. The serious events in South Africa in the last few days are a further manifestation, if further evidence was needed, of the type of intransigent and defiant mentality of the authorities in Pretoria. We fmnly believe that the South Mrican regime will do everything within its power to ensure that its hold over Namibia is perpetual. To that end, the regime will employ all tactics advantageous to its objective. If need be, it could introduce some cosmetic changes in the stmctuIe ofits administration ofthe Territory. It will do all this for the purpose of ensuring that Namibia remains an appendage ofSouth Africa. 66. Tanzania does not want to dwell on the recent outlandish statements and acts by South Africa with regard to the territorial integrity of Namibia. For us there is only one Namibia stretching from the Caprivi Strip to Walvis 62. Thus, as we hear of the current initiatives of the five Bay. We therefore dismiss as ridiculous assertions by the Western countries, we are compelled to a~..one §y S.o.uth AfJican regime that Walvis Bay is part of South question and that is, what kind "of'iRdepen~;~'~t':1.~ff.ic.a...Ftif'it is obvious that the armed struggle in Namibia envisage in Namibia? Are they working for the total and will not ~top until the whole of the country is free- and complete independence of Namibia in accordance with independ.ent. That includes Walvis Bay. And the inter- 63. If the five countries in their initiatives are working for the genuine independence of Namibia in accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations and if they seek the support of the international community, it is imperative that they must be guided in their efforts by the positions collectively taken by the intematiopal community. In this respect, they must, interalia, insist on the withdrawal from Namibia of South Mrican military forces of all types, and they must demand the implementation ofall the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976). It is needless to emphasize that an immediate end must be put to the continued bantustanization of the Territory as well as to the dangerous policy oftraining and equipping the so-called "tribal armies". 64. While it is not the intention ofthe Tanzania delegation to prejudge the initiatives of the five Western Powers in respect ofNatm'bia, our apprehensions must be appreciated. For it is a fact that the five Western countries are among the leading countries which have given the South African regime both the military and the economic strength which it now enjoys. It.is our conviction that only meaningful pressures against the Pretoria regime can create conditions - conducive to the elimination of the illegal regime in Namibia. In this context those involved in the current initiatives have a particular responsibility to take concrete action against the Vorster regime so as to make It responsive tq the will of the international community. We have every right, therefore, to expect that if the South African regime continues to refuse to bring to an end its illegal occupation of Namibia as demanded by the United Nations, they-that is, the five countries-will support a Security Council resolution calling for the application of the provision of Chapter VII of the Charter against South Africa and that they will also commit themselves to implementing such a resolution. 65. In this context it is perhaps necessary to state that the initiatives of the five r;ountries cannot and should never be taken as a substitute for the armed struggle which SWAPO, the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people, is now waging in Namibia. The armed struggle must continue. Furthermore, all the pressure that the inter- national c.ommunity is able to put on South Africa must not only continue, but must also be intensified. The South African regime fJhould be left in no doubt that the international community will not compromise on the independence of Namibia. I believe that the President of SWAPO, our brother and colleague Mr. Sam Nujoma, has eloquently and succinctly dealt with this matter and I need say nothing further in this connexion.

I call next on the representative of Sri Lanka who, on behalf of the group of sponsors, will introduce the eight draft resolutions on the item under consideration.

It was with a deep sense of shock that we heard today of the assassination of Mr. Ghob,ash, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Emirates. I should like to express to the G0l7emment and people of the United Arab Emirates, through their representative here, our sincere condolences. 70. The debate on the question of Namibia has already involved the participation of more than 100 Members of this Organization. I am sure that all representatives are fully sated with oratory and that the facts are clear to everyone. Everything that needed to be said about the question has aiready been said and the question has been dealt with exhaustively. What is yet left is the most important point of all, that is, the action that we should take. 71. I appear here today in a dual capacity, that of leader of the delegation of Sri Lanka to the thirty-second session of the United Nations General Assembly and as the representative of the current Chainnan of the non-aligned group of States. It is in that second capacity that I propose to introduce eight draft resolutions that have been sub- mitted on this question today. 72. At the Fifth Conference of Heads -of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held in Colombo in August last year, the Conference adopted a general declaration4 and a resolutionS on Namibia which stated in unmistakable terms four propositions: IlISt of all, the non-aligned group's unswerving solidarity with the Nam- ibian cause and the Namibian people; secondly, its recog- nition of SWAPO as the acthentic national liberation movement for Namibia in the attainment of the Namibian people's inalienable right to self-determination and national independence; thirdly, the unrepresentative character of the so-called constitutional talks of Windhoek asa mere charade between the Vorster regime and its servile and subservient ~gents, the quislings of Namibia, who are tribal chieftains concerned more with their personal aggrandize- ment than with the aspirat50ns and rights ofthe people-we believe and hope that those talks have not only· been suspended but also will not be resumed-and, fourthly, the recognition that any talks for the transfer of power must take place between the Vorster regime and SWAPO, as the genuine representatives of the Namibia people under United Nations auspices. 4 ~ document A/31/197, annex I. paras. 52-SS. 5 Ibid.. annex IV. NAC/CONF.5/S/RES.3. 74. At the outset, I wish to congratulate the two United Nations bodies that are principally concerned with the question of Namibia on their outstanding contribution to the caUse of the Namibian people. They are the United Nations Council for Namibia, under the charming and distinguished leadership of Miss Konie, Ambassador of Zambia, and the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation Df the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, under the experienced guidance of Ambassador Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania. Their reports- the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia IA/32/24] and the report of the Special Committee [A/32/23/Rev.l, chap. VIIl]-provide us with excellent background material Particular credit is due to the Secreta- riat for the admirably comprehensive and clear working. paper which it prepared and which appears as an annex to the report of the Special Committee. 75. There have been four important milestones on the rough road to Namibian independence. First of all, we had General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), terminating South Africa's Mandate over the Territory of South West Africa, or Namibia. Secondly, we had General Assembly resolution 2248 (S-V) adopted at its Illth special session, establishing the United Nations council for Namibia. Thirdly, we had Security Council resolution 276 (1970), which declare~ in paragraph 2 that South Mrica's con- tinued presence in Namibia was illegal and that all acts taken by the Government of South Africa on behalf of or concerning Namibia after the termination of the Mandate were illegal and invalid. It would bear repetition to note . that paragraph 5 of Security Council resolution 276 (1970) caned upon all States, particularly those that had econo~ and other interests in Namibia, to refrain from any dealings with the Government of South Africa which were iP.con- sistent with paragraph 2 of that resolution, which I have just quoted. That resolution was adopted by 13 votes to none, with 2 abstentions, both ofwhich were by permanent members of the Security Council. The reasons for their abstentions are understood, even if they are not fully appreciated. . 76. Finally, as a grand climax to all these efforts we had the advisory opinion of the highest judicial organ er-the United Nations, the International Court of Justice, deliv- ered in 1971.6 That is an organ which is held in the highest esteem, commanding almost reverence by many among us whose piety is unfortunately not necessarily matched by their practice. The International Court of Justice declared that South Africa was under an international obligation to withdraw its administration from the Territory of Namibia, that by maintaining the illegal situation and occupying the Territory without title, South Mrica incurred international Security Council Reaolution 276 (1970). AdPisory Opinion. LCJ. Reports1971. p. 16. 77. Next, we have Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which was adopted unanimously. Even the two previous abstentions on Security Council resolution 276 (1970), which were no doubt occasioned by Paragraph 5, which calls for the cessation of all dealings of an economic and imancial character with South Africa so far as they concerned Namibia, were converted into affmnative votes. 78. It wtypical ofthe intellectual acrobatics of diplomacy that paragraph9 of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) demands that South Africa make a solemn declaration undertaking to comply with the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice and with the resolutions and decisions of the United Nations, but some members ofthe selfsame Security Council would not assume the same responsibility. In other words, those members are calling upon South Africa to respect their resolutions before they themselves show a proper respect for them. This is a deplorable dereliction of duty and a palpable evasion of responsibility. That is the duplicity that is often the haDmark of diplomacy. 79. We must, of course, be realistic. Ideals, like principles, are only meant for others. Expediency is the explanation we give when principles are onvacation. 80. The most recent development is the initiative taken by five Western members of the Security Council-the United States, the United Kingdom, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Canada-to arrive at a negotiated settle- ment with the Vorster regime. It was realistic to allow these Powers an opportunity of negotiating the arrangements for a negotiated settlement between the Vorster regime and the authentic representatives of the Namibian IX~ople, SWAPO. 81. It must, however, also be realized that you cannot at the same time preserve your professed principles and protect your prospective profits. Conscience and commer- cialism cannot al\Vays be reconciled. 82. I hope the quintet will remember this in their negotiations with the Vorster regime. I realize also that the quintet includes' a trio that has struck a discordant note on more than one occasion. I hope they are now playing in hannony in the symphonic exercise in which they are engaged. The Western quintet can play a decisive tole if they can harmonize certain different elements that are central to their relationship with South Africa. I refer to their financial and economic relations, including the trade in arms and nuclear collaboration with South Africa, their common security interest, and their shared apprehension of a competitive, ideological infiltration, which give them the 84. We support unconditionally SWAPO's tenns for a settlement and for the transfer of power. We support its refusal to renounce armed struggle until the terms of a settlement have been agreed upon, all South African armed forces are withdrawn from Namibia, and the policing and maintenance of law, order and security are placed under a United Nations peace-keeping force. We support SWAPO's demand for the release of all political prisoners and the admission .to Namibia of all Namibian refugees abroad before the date set for campaigning for the elections that must be held on the basis of universal suffrage. 85. During the campaign and the elections themselves there can be n0 Sou,th African military or police presence in Namibia, as such a presence would militate against a fair ~ election. A people so long enslaved by a regime lacking in scruple, conscience or decency must be free from the least semblance of duress or undue influence in the exercise of its right of self-determination. Only a United Nations peac~keeping force can ensure those conditions. That would be the United Nations' crowning hour of glory. 86. We accept the need for the presence ofelements of the South African civilian administration, including the admin- istration of justice, under an administrator general ap- pointed by the United Nations. We support SWAPO's demands for the rescission of all discriminatory, restrictive or repressive legislation, such rescission to coincide at the latest with the arrival of the United Nations peace·keeping force. 87. We are frrmly opposed to any measures that would undermine the economic viability of Namibia, such as the excision of Walvis Bay from the Territory of Namibia. Walvis Bay accounts for 25 per cent of the gross domestic product of Namibia. That Territory must not be looted before it is'handed over. We are aware that the rich mineral resourc~s of Namibia dazzle the covetous eyes of Western entrepreneurs and cause their rapacious hands to itch. We are aware also that diamonds are Mr. Vorster's best friend. And we are aware that Namibia contains the largest potential source of uranium in the world for the remainder of this century. If the Western Powers behave with justice and decency-and these are attnbutes that are claimed for free enterprise-they could still, after Namibia gains its independence, share with the Namibian people, on fair and eqUitable terms, their patrimony and develop it to the mutual advantage ofNamibia and its friends. 88. I should now like to introduce the eight drait resolutions that have been submitted today. I do so on behalf of the sponsors who come from the non-aligned movements. "The Inter-Governmental Maritime Consultative Organi- zation to assist the United Nations Council for Namibia in enacting a decree on navigation in Namibian waters which would further the cause of the liberation struggle of the Namibian people led by the South West Africa People's Organization and to prepare training programmes in maritime skills for the benefit of suitable Namibian candidates". That, I think, in some way at least, looks forward to the day when we will have a new treaty on the law of the sea. 90. Subparagraph re) of operative paragraph 4 calls upon: "The International Atomic Energy Agency to take urgent measures to ensure that South Africa does not in any way represent Namibia in the agency and to assist the United Nations Council for Namibia in the hearing in 1978 on the question ofthe exploitation and commercial- ization of Namibian uranium"-Namibia's most prized asset. 91. In fact, it would appear to me that by some means or other ways should be found for the United Nations Council for Namibia to be represented at meetings of the IEAE in all matters concerning Namibian uranium. 92. I now turn to draft resolution A/32/L.5, which deals with the United Nations Fund for Namibia. I should like to draw attention to operative paragraph 4, which states: "Decides to allocate as a temporary measure to the United Nations Fund for Namibia the sum of $500,000 from the regular budget of the United Nations for 1978". The present amount is, I think, $300,000. The increase which we are seeking is not very substantial. . 93. I now turn to draft resolution A/32/L.6, entitled "Dissemination of information on Namibia". That draft resolution repeats what has very often been said before and requires no special comment f~"Jm me. 94. Draft resolution A/32/L.7 is entitled "Situation in Namibia resulting from the illegal occupation of the Territory by South Africa". This is the key draft resolution, the most important ofall. I should like to draw attention to operative paragraphs 6 and 7, which read as follows: "Declares that the decision of South Africa to annex WaIvis Bay is an act of colonial expansion in violation of the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) and that such annexation is illegal, null and void; "Declares that WaIvis Bay is an integral part ofNamibia with which it is inextricably linked by geographical, historical, economic, cultural and"ethnic bonds". Those are incontrovertible facts, and I trust that those operative paragraphs will present no problem to anyone. 96. Draft resolution A/32/L.8 is entitled "Action by intergovernmental and non-governmental organizations with respect to Namibia". Here, too, what we are asking is merely that the specialized agencies all participate in preparing Namibia for the d~y-whic~ we hope, is not far distant-when it will be an independent country. 97. Draft resolution A/32/L.9 is entitled "Programme of work of the United Nations Council for Namibia". That, too, does not require any special observations on my part. 98. Draft resolution A/32/L10 is entitled "Intensification and co-ordination of United Nations action in support of Namibia". Here, too, we have some very impmtant provi- sions, especially that in operative paragraph 2, which "Calls upon those States which have not yet done so to (Jmply with the relevant pl'Ovisions of the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council concern- ing Namibia and the advisory opinion ofthe International Court ofJustice of21 June 1971". The sponsors wish to emphasize here any dealings· with South Africa which affect the interests of Namibia, such as trade in arms, nuclear collaboration and so on. 99. Finally, we have draft resolution A/32/L.11, entitled: "Special session of the General Assembly on the question of Namibia". I should like to draw attention to its operative paragraph, which has been drafted with great prudence by SWAPO and was accepted by the sponsors. It reads as follows: "Decides to keep the situation under continuous rev!ew and to hold a special session before the thirty-third session on a date to be determined by the Secretary- General in consultation with the United Nations Council for Namibia". Clearly, SWAPO's intentions are genuine and honest. SWAPO wants to give the Western initiative a chance of success. It could have been more emphatic and demanding, but it very prudently refrained from such a course of action. I hope that that will be appreciated by all those who consider this draft resolution and the other draft resolu- tions. 100. I commend those draft resolutions to the Assembly and I trust that they will receive full $Upport. 101. Thr PRESIDENT: I thank the representative of Sri Lanka for his introduction ofthe eight draft r~solutions. 102. The next speaker is the representative of the Pales- tine Liberation Organization. I call on him.

It was with shock that we heard of the cowardly assassination of a brother, Mr. Saif bin Ghobash. To our colleague Ambassador Humaidan and the members of his del. ,::;ation 105•. tt is ho mere coincidence that both the question of Namibia dd the question of Fclestine are as old in the WfXk of the United Nations as the Organization. Both cpatio. have been legacies inherited from the defunct ~ Ol Nations and its system of mandates, an institu- mU toficeived 'in innocence and delivered in sin, an mstitution which merits the label "legalization of colonial- ism'·.. hi both cases the Mandatory Powers exercised all in thsit respective power to impeue the development of the ~plain South Weat Afriu as wen as in Palestine, to the nefth-.ut of Africa. Racist c~lonial settlers have in one way Of uttotlter seized territori(~s further to deprive the _dileSiDUi peoples of their m:ilii:nable rights, including the rlsht id .df-determina!ioD, and to deprive them of the use Gftht ottirat resources of their respective motherlands for the aGvlfiC&tttent and welfare of the Namibian people and the Pa1estiniln people respectively. In Palestine as in N._ the indigenous inhabitants were referred to as the "othen". In P!'lestine, where only 8 per. cent of the .. ~1a.tiotl was of Jewish faith, we were labened "non- I,evil" by the infamolt~Balfour Declaration. In Namibia the population was c1.ass'tfK.'d as "whites", numbering 99,000, mQ "fion-whites'\ numbering 7S3,OOO-an example par ~cdettct ef racism. lOb. Since 1966 a racist colonial Power has been illegally • d brutally mbjecting our fellow brethr.m to the worst forms ofexplnitation and inhuman horrors. 107. The hfAoic people of Namibia, undf.;r the "leadership of SWAPO, itc} sole authentic representatwe,.is confronting the racist onslaught with courage and determination. 108. C3S1:.ut ar1d rep~essive regimes understand only one language, alia that is the language of armed struggle. Sweet talk about negotiations through a third party-in fact, a f5WuP of States with particular interests-or conducting elections is not even a sedative; it is a pernicious drug administered to ~lte Namibian people; it is ail insult to the intelligence of the international community, for how can anyone of us here enjoying his mental faculties, conceive of free elections or the exercise of self-d.etermination under the auspices or supervision of a regime that has for d~cades entbrced all savage and military methods to suppress the Narnibian people? Such a circumstance per se negates the freedom to exercise the right to self.,determination. 109. For the laSt 11 years h~ particular, the racist regime of Pretoria has acted in contempt of the international community and in violation of the principles of the Charter and of numerous resclutiiJfis of the United Nations, and of the UniversrJ D~claration of Human Rigt'1ts. 110. It is high time that this Assembly should bring to an end such a dtuation and apply sanctions and other remedial methods pres.:ribed in the Charter. We sin~erely believe, Ill. Our comrade-at-arms, Sam Nujoma, told this Assem- bly on 18 October: "When in May of this year the five told us and the rest of the world that they had initiated talks with South Africa to explore the possibilities ofimplementing United Nations Security Council resolution 385 (1976), we told them that SWAPO welcomes all genuine efforts to implement not only resolution 385 (1976) but all out- standing United Nations resolutions in respect of Namibia. We also reminded them that there were man~' other such diplomatic explorations in the past which we accepted reluctantly in the ho~ that there would be progress towards a negotiated settlement in Namibia. "But nothing came of any of them, not because of Namibia's intransigence but because of South Africa and its supporters •. ;"•[35th meeting, paras. 76 and 77.} Sam Nujoma told us this: "Our resort to aimed struggle is a direct result ofSouth Africa's colonial oppression and brutal repression, and also of the ruthless exploitation of our people and resources by certain foreign interests. We see no Wf.>..': out but to continue our political and military struggle against "South Africa and its supporters until all the conditions causing our struggle are eradicated." [Ibid., para. 75.} 112. Like the other racist r~gime in Palestine, the Pretoria regime is still bent on. entrenching its colonial domination. In Palestine the Zionists have made it very clear before the General Assembly that they have no intention of giving up the occupied territories. They lmve an insatiable appetite for an expanded lebensraum meaning, in this instance, "ancestral home"• 113. Vorster and Dayan are bent on defying the will of the world community and flouting the resolutions of the United Nations. 114. The anriexation of Walvis Bay is just one step and one example. The Zionist experience in Palestine and the Hitlerite' experience in Europe and the rest of the world show beyond any doubt that the racist militarist regimes are expansionists and enemies of all moves towards peace. They are the enemies of peace. 115. The links between Tel Aviv and Pretoria constitute a threat to world peace Md international security. Nuclear testing in the Namibian territory known as the Kalahari Desert is merely an extension of nuclear experiments at Demona in the Negeb Desert in southern Palestine. We cannot and should not be satisfied with a mere condem- nation of such nuclear testing; more is demanded from the international community. 116. My delegation views with concern the bantustan- ization of NanuDia, but we are certain that the Namibian people wK.: remain united. The will and detennination of succe~ of an enwrprise in which commercial and strategic considerations have played a larger part than genuinely political or humanitarian concerns, as propaganda would have us believe. 117. The Mandate over Namibia has left the destiny of our Namibian brethren in the hands of mistrusted and untrust- worthy racist colonialists. In Palestine and in some other places, the peoples have learned that the road to indepen- dence from colonial rule and to national liberation is the road of armed struggle and the road of mandate or trusteeship.

Events over the past few months in southern Africa have made the pro1?lem of Namibia even more serious and urgent than before. World opinion has at last come to undeIStand that the United Nations must no longer maintain a discreet reserve but must now take a more aggressive attitude. 119. It is 11 years ago almost to the day that the United Nations General Assembly terminated South Africa's Man- date over Namibia and placed that Territory under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. 120. In order to fill the political and institutional gap created by that decision, an agency was established by the United Nations to administer Namibia until its indepen- dence. That agency was the United Nations Council for Namibia. The process leading that Territory to national and . international sovereignty was clearly defmed: it involved the withdrawal ty Socth Atiica ofits occupation troops in Namibia and the release ofall political prisoners as essential prerequisites for the holding of free elections under the supervision of the administering Power~ that is to say the United Nations. 121. For 11 years South Africa's reaction has been constant: that country has obstinately refused to take the slightest a.ccount of United Nations decisions. On the contrary, it has multiplied obstacles and acts ofprovocation to thwart all attempts at a settlement of the Namibian problem. The most recent acts have been the fragmentation of the Territory on a tribal basis, the establishment ofa mle of terror, the annexation of part of Namibian territory and repeated acts of aggression against sovereign countries such as the People's Republic ofAngola and Zambia. 122. The United Nations must now, therefore, emerge from a state of passivity which threatens to immobHize it and prevent it from seeing clearly its responsibilities, and thus dooms all the highest hopes systematically to failure. 123. So far as responsibilities are concerned, it clearly appears that an those through whose complicity the problam of Namibia was created and cDntinues to exist 124. However, the People's Republic of the Congo has never harboured the slightest illusions about the chancea for 125. In this regard, the People's Republic of the Congo is convinced that if the overt or covert allies ofPretoria really wanted to they would be perfectly capable of bringing decisive pressure to bear on their proteges, which would spare the people of Namibia the moral and physic21 sufferings they are undergoing-today. . 126. It so happens that these Powers, permanent members of the Security Council, have vast economic interests in Namibia, where they are investing in and exploiting all the wealth of the soil, the subsoH and the sea. Vorster can therefore confidently point to the risks inherent in their attempt and engage in out-and-out blackmail, which in the eyes of the international community clearly establishes the limits of the capricious acts that have thus far been given the nod by certain membeIS of the United Nationc Security Council. 127. Thus Pretoria can with impunity consider strength- ening its military occupation of the entire Territory of Namibia, can conduct nuclear tests, can.exploit the country through the odious system of bantustans and can, without fearing to lose the unstinting support of its allies and protectoIS, decide to grab from Namibia the major port of Walvis Bay in order to annexit to Cape Province. This time, therefore, South Africa is no longer content with the formula of buffer States or half-measures. It is resolutely committed to expansionism and megalomania. 128. If these facts sumcj~ntly demonstrate the magnitude of Pretoria's arrogance, they also establish the limits of a naive diplomacy in which we hope the United Nations will not allow itself to become defmitively involved. . 129. tVe have become convinced that the racist South African ideology in our time represents a threat to peace and security in Africa and in the world, for, (ar from having been eased, the situation has been dangerously aggravated. Must the administering Power-that is; the United Nations-be reduced to helplessness? Must it reign without being able to govern? Such is the mstoric paradox with which we are confronted by the narrow-minded pigheaded- ness of the South African Fascists. 130. Would they have been capable of thus flouting the United Nations if they did not have among us discreet and effective allies? .We now know that South Africa's scorn for all the decisions of our Organization is rooted in the hypocrisy of certain Western Powers which in this same 132. Faced with such challenges~ the international com- munity should be led to consider what behaviour is required.and what action would ~e most effective. • 133_ We must fust of all continue to be attentive to the legitimate will of SWAPO, the headquarters of the freedom struggle of the people of Namibia. Its President, Sam Nujoma, a few <days ago stated before this Assembly that. SWAPO gives its support to all negotiations because-and this is an impQrtant point-negotiation is a fonn of combat. This statement points out the need to continue the fignt while at the same time encouraging initiatives which may speed up the decolonization ofNamibia. 134. For its part, the People's Republic o( the Congo considers that this all-too-belated initiative by certain Western countries-although, as we have already said, it has" little chance of succeeding-should take its place among the efforts undertaken in and by the United Nations. If, in what they are doing, these countries plume themselves on the very understandable prestige they may enjoy with the racist, expansionist regime of South Africa, it would then be their duty to make use oftheir long-standing trade with South Africa to induce it to bow to the decisions of the United Nations. 135. As we have already said, we have no reason for the moment to hope for such an outcome, for South Africa is no more grateful to its Western protectors, to whom it owes the fact that it has not been expelled from the United Nations, than it is grateful to the wretchedly paid black labour force upon whose backs it built its buildings. 136. That is why SWAPO h~s wisely intensified the armed struggle in order to keep faith with the people it has sworn to free at all costs. This attitude must receive the total support of the United Nations. 137. The People's Republic of the Congo has always taken pride in maintaining close relations with the organization led by our comrade and brother Sam Nujoma, who has just completed an official visit to Brazzaville. True to its basic policy options and to the spirit of the resolutions of the United Nations, the People's Republic of the Cungo, notwithstanding. the modesty of its resources, k:llows that such relations can only be based on a concrete foundation. Thus for the past few years we have had young Namibian patriots studying in our schools and universities. We have made our national broadcasting system available to them, and we have constantly sought together with our comrades in SWAPO to fmd ways and means of strengthening this co-operation. On a bilateral level, at least, these are the provisions whereby we have given expression to the fum commitment of the People's Repu{\lic of the Congo. 140. This demand in the mmunum the international community must secure in order to enable the United Nations Council for Namibia, the legal authority jn the Territory, to play a direct and decisive role in the irreversible process which should lead Namibians towards self-determination.'Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which calls for genUinely democratic elections under United Nations..auspices, expr~sses this idea most adequately. 141. It is also important that, drawing on ~he lessons of -the past, the United Nations must ponder ways and means of increasing the effectiveness of its actions. In other times, and in what were doubtless different circumstances, the United Nations pas stepped in with peace-keeping forces, precisely to see to the maintenance of territorial integrity and of peace and security where they were in jeopardy in certain parts of the world. We are aware that these initiatives were not always appreciated inasmuch as the legitimacy of the United Nations was sometimes called into question, but we believe this not to be the case with Namibia, whose administration is a direct United Nations responsibility. 142. The Pretoria regime should in no circumstances enjoy the benevolence with which it is now surrounded. As a malignant growth on the body of society, the most appropriate remedies should be applied and none other. Otherwise the international community will only betray itself, its principles and its very existence.

We wish to a<!~l'ess ourselves first to the represen- tatives of the United Arab Emirates and to tell them how deeply mocked' we were by the news of the assassination of Mr. Ghobash, the Mini~ter of State for Foreign Affairs of their country. We ifequest the delegation of that fri~ndly nation to express to its Government, its people and the bereaved family our delegation's sincere condolenfe3 and sympathy. 144. It is with a feeling of well-founded confidence in the irreversible nature of the march of the p~oples towards their independence and in their ability to overcome the machinery of oppression that my delegation participates in this debate on Namibia. 145. This confidence is derived from the history of the peopl~s and the history of Africa, which show with what determination our peoples have been able to follow this path of struggle against retrograde colonialist regimes and their allies and hence to enter upon a new era of 147. Our colonial past, replete with suffering and assaults on our dignity, only reinforces our determination to destroy it once and fOl all and to have our legitimate rights prevail. 148. The Namibian people, by thair long and courageous struggle against South African occupation, show that they are imbued with the confidence and determination that are the guarantees of the certain success of the just cause for which they are fighting. 149. Some 100 speakers have preceded us, which shows the interests of the international community in the situa- tion prevailing in this Territory. The international com- munity needs no additional proofs to convince it that in Namibia, under the oppression of the Pretoria regime, the African is being arbitrarily imprisoned, tortured and put to death, and th~t constitutionally ~ systematic effort is being made to destroy his national awareness and to reduce him to thtllevel of a mere tool of production. 150. The international community has repeatedly pro- nounced its views on this situation, which is inconceivable in our century, and has condemned it by innumerable resolutions both in the United Nations ed in other international bodies. 151. Despite all these efforts~ we can only deplore the ineffectiveness of the measures that have been taken. Hence, every time this problem is taken up, while we express Owr solidarity with the people of Namibia and reaffum the universal condemnation of the South African regime, we cannot disguise our Organization's deep sense of frustration in face of the challenge and the stubbornness of the racists of Pretoria. 152. Ever since the United Nations put an end to South Africa's Mandate over Namibia in 1966 and created the United Nations Councn for Namibia in 1967, it has been struggling against South Africa's illegal presence in that Territory. After all these years of effort to fmd a solution in accord with the aspirations ofthe Namibian people, after the struggle of the Namibians, the United Nations and Africa against a regime officially condemned by all, the results are clearly not at all satisfactory. 153. South Africa continues to occupy Namibia with its habitual arrogance, using the same methods of repression, going ahead with the pillage of the natural resources of the Territory and thus scorning the rights of the oppressed people and flouting the repeated demands of the Security Council for its withdrawal from the Territory. 154. Why is it that this backward regime is able to survive and to defy the whole world? 155. We know that the arrogance, the defiance and the sulVival of this regime test essentially on the sinister mechanism of repression that it has built up and, above all, 156. To the allies of South Africa we say again that that collaboration and the duplicity of which they are gunty constitutes a demonstration of profound contempt for the human rights of the African and a Sv'"'Vere blow to the effectiveness of our Organization and the lofty mission incumbent upon it. 157. It is because this alliance exists tilat South Africa continues to oppress the Namibian' people, whose life is a sinister tableau that has been so often denounced by those who are its victims. 158. The oppressive regime has created a climate ofterror with its unending procession of arbitary imprisonments, torture and executions, in which the fmest sons of this martyred people are sacrificed. 159. The repression in Namibia, whose purpose is to destroy an ideas of nationalism and stifle the struggle being waged courageously by the Namibian people and its avant-garde, SWAPO, is the mainstay of the exploitative machinery of the natural resources of the Territory. 160. Thus we see that, despite the resolutions of the Security Council on the pro1ection of Namibian resources to prevent their pillage, the Pretoria regime continues to exploit those iesources in complicity with the multinational corporations0:the capitalist countries. 161. Everyone knows that the rapacious action of the . South African regime in Namibia has made itself felt above all in the mining sector, which is the major sector of the Territory's ecoilomy. Its mineral resources, from diamonds to uranium, are the object of a systematic pillage. What kind of unbalanced and impoverished economy will South Africa bequeath to the Namibian people some day? 162. There is a particular threat in tIns exploitation of uranium by South Africa when we bear in mind its capacity to enrich it and thus start the production of nuclear weapons. The acquisition of nuclear weapons by South Africa will be the responsibility of its friends that, in their greed for profits, are co-operating with it in the nuclear field. 163. Co-operation in that field between the Western countries and S0!1th Africa is certainly the major evidence of their ambiguous position regarding the Pretoria regime. 164. Not satisfied with the fact that their constant collaboration with the apartheid regime hps deprived the countless resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council of any practical effect, they still follow their own petty interests and so scorn the interests of the peoples of southern Africa, and are escalating their assistance to South Africa in this new field. 166. We are aware of the limited chances of the United Nations to fiud a just and lasting solution to the problem of Namibia. The fact is that a truly independent Namibia must result from the stmggle of its own people and its vanguard, SWAPO, to which we wish to reiterate our support. 167. The situation that obtains in Namibia has been described to us by fu~Presidentof SWAPO, Comrade Sam Nujoma. We have noted that the situation, far from improving, tends to deteriorate and to become morc complex because of the injection of new elements that are part of a plan {evealing the long-term aims of South Africa and its intention to perpetuate its presence in the Territory. 168. Accordingly, with the object of dividing the people of Namibia, South Africa is continuing to go ahead with its plans for the creation of 11 bantustans. Assured of the complicity of·puppet elements, it ilas created tribal armies, thus laying the basis for a situation of future conflict and domestic instability from which it will e2sily be able to profit. 169. This manoeuvre, based on the exacerbation of tribal leanings, is '8 blatant attack on the conscience and:national unity of the Namibian people. We denounce the machi- nations of Pretoria and reafimn the lack of any represen- tative character on the part of the bantustan adminis- trations and their complicity With the racists. 170. More recently still, on 31 August, South Africa announced the annexation of Walvis Bay, which obviously belongs to Namibia and which, under continued South African domination, could become a serious threat to the security ofthe country. 171. This assault on the territorial integrity of Namibia shows clearly what Pretoria's objectives are. 172. We are at one with the detennination of SWAPO to defend the territorial integrity of its country and we second the appeal made by that organization that the General Assembly condemn the arbitrary nature of the annexation. 173. Concerning the manoeuvres of the enemies of the Namibian peoples, we must stress the efforts being made to induce SWAPO to participate in election~that wnI not fulm the conditions laid down by the Security Council. The Council called for free elections under the supervision of the United Nations. It is only on those conditions that the Namibian people will be able to express themselves freely. Elections held with present structures being as they are and under the influence of the machinery set up by South Africa, would run counter to the conditions laid down by our Organization and constitute a clumsy trap into which SWAPO has vel)' wisely avoided falling.. 174. The refusal of South Africa to accept the recommen- dations of the Security Council, its escalation of repression and its refusal to enter into a dialogue with the only true 17(,. But a false sense of humanism must not bOOd us to the legitimacy of that struggle and lead us to refuSe SWAPO the help it needs and deserves. 177. While reafftrming our unconditional support for the efforts of its fighting people, we appeal to the international community to give SWAPO the material and other a.ssist- ance it needs. 178. A people engaged in an armed struggle to regain its freedom is inevitably a people that is at hean pellte-ldving and wRtalways be a sincere negotiator for those who seek a negotiated and just solution to the confliCt and thus to put an end to its sufferings. 179. That people will also know whether the proposed negotiations are intended to ensure respect for its legitimate rights or to induce it to stop fighting and thus ptclong its subjugation. 180. In this connexion, we suppOrt the efforts being made by the five Western countries in the Security CouncR to fmd a negotiated solution to the Namibian problem. 181. We are aware of the ties that link those countries with South Africa and, therefore, the immense pressures that they could exert on the Pretoria regime to force it along the road to a just solution. 182. The actions of these countries will pe judged ulti- mately by the results achieved. 183. At the very moment when we took up the question of Namibia, the authorities in South Africa, in their usual fashion, have given new proof of the repressiveness and bOOdness oftheir regime. 184. They have carried out further brutal acts of oppres- sion against several press organizations and organs in South Africa. lndividuaIs helve been arrested, organizations banned and.newspapers suspended. 185. This is South Africa's reply to the international community, to its goodwill, to its concern and to its hopes for a peaceful solution to the problem of the peoples of southern Africa subjected to the monstrous system of apartheid. 186. Mt. SIMBA..~ANIYE (Burundi) (interpretation from French): It is with deep sorrow that my delegation learnt of the untimely and tragic death of Mr. Ghobash, Minister of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Arab Emiratest a country with which Burundi has fmn ties of friendship and co-operation. On behalf ofmy Government I should like to request the delegation of the United Arab Emirates to convey to his Government, his people and to the farony of the deceased our deepest condolences. 188. Despite the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, South Africa's apartheid regime continues illegally to occupy Namibia, to carry on the policy of oppression of the Namibian people, to engage in the systematic plunder of the country's wealth and resour- ces and to perpetuate constant acts of aggression against the independent States of the region. 189. On the basis of its laws against terrorism and its martial law, the neo-Nazi and Fascist regime of South Africa has placed an entire people under a reign of terror and intimidation. Despite the indignation of world opinion and the numerous condemnations by the United Nations, the apartheid regime is engaging in arbitrary arrests, imprisonment without trial and is inflicting ill treatment and torture on the civil population. The world knows that so-called· round-up operations called "Cobra", "eagle" and others of a similar kind are organized by the police State in pursuit of its acts of cruelty and banditry. 190. The assassinations, death sentences and executions of Namibian nationalists and patriots have become a sad reality. 191. The policy of bantustanization and the programme for the formation of 11 tribal armies are grave obstacles to the national unity of Namibia and are contrary to the harmony which should prevail among fellow countrymen. The raising of a tribal army by South Africa is a further act of provocation of which the unavowed aim is to ferment civil war and to weaken the armed liberation forces ofSWAPO. 192. In pursuit of its mad. policy, the Vorster regime decided on 31 August last to annex Walvis Bay, which is an . integral part of Namibia. 193. This act of colonial expansion has no other purpose than to deprive independent Namibia of its most important harbour and the principal centre ofits fishing industry. 194. My delegation supports SWAPO which, as stated by its President, is committed to the liberation of Namibia and to the defence of its territorial integrity, including Walvis Bay. 195. While the Namibian people lives in poverty and destitution, while the United Nations launches appeals for contributions to the United Nations Fund for Namibia and the United Nations Institute for Namibia, the South African apartheid regime is engaged in the unprecedented plunder of the wealth and resources of Namibia. 196. Despite Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia, adopted by the United Nations Council for Namibia,7 the plunder of Namibia's wealth is being stepped up. It is no secret that Namibia is 197. According to the report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [A/32/23/Rev.l, chap. VIII] the 1973 statistics show that the total value of minerals sold amounted to 230 million rand, of which diamonds accounted for 147 million rand or 64 per cent and base metals 83 rnilIion rand or 36 per cent. 198. The large uranium deposits at Rossing are exciting the greedy attention of foreign capitalist companies. These reserves of uranium, estimated at 100,000 metric tons of ore, have, as we know, already been the subject of sales contracts for substantial amounts. 199. Furthermore, under the South Africa Atomic Energy Act of 1948, South Africa has the sole rights to search for, prospect or mine uranium. South Africa's direct access to Namibian uranium enables it to produce the enriched uranium necessary for the manufacture of nuclear weapons. This nuclear capability of South Africa was confirmed by the The New York Times on 5 December 1976. 200. The United Nations can no longer tolerate the shameless plunder of Namibian resources or the scandalous exploitation of Namibian manpower. Effective measures should be taken by the international community to put an end to that plunder which produces enormous profits. We know, for example, that the income from the Rossing uranium mine, which has international capital, sometimes reaches £100 million sterling per annum, taking into account the rise in the world market price ofuranium. 201. In a completely different field, South Africa and the multinational corporations have made enormous profits in the fishing and livestock industries. In 1974 income from fishing exceeded 100 million rand, and from cattle ranching and karakul farming it reached 96 million rand in the same year. 202. This exploitation of the human and natural resour- ces, as well as the taxes that South Africa levies on the income of the transnational corporations, represent a major source of incoJ!le for consolidating its armed aggression against the peaceful Namibian people. 203. The rnilitarization of the Territory is anotherchal- lenge by South Africa to the United Nations. We know that today more than 50,000 men are in military occupation of Namibia. These Soath African military forces of repr'ess!on, backed by mercenaries, are eqUipped with very up-to-date weapons: tanks, armoured cars, helicopters, combat air- craft, and so forth. 204. Worse still, South Afric2. has ·~hosen the Kalaha."i Desert in N(h'!1ibia as a testing-ground for its nuclear weapons. What an intolerable violation of the country's territorial integrity and the resolutions of ilie Organi- zation! 206. The General Assembly is once again called upon to face its responsibilities. The United Nations has the mission of leading Namibia to independence. Unlike other colonial situations, Namibia comes under the direct authority of the United Nations. Any delay in the decolonization of the Territory damages our Organization 7s credibility. That is why urgent measures must be taken to halt the repression in Nanubia, the plunder of its resources and the acts of • aggression against sovereign States in the region, like Zambia and Angola. To this end, support must be given to the armed struggle of the Namibian people under the leadership of SWAPO, the sole authentic liberation movement. 207. All States should, in this critical and decisive phase of Namibia's hberation, give SWAPO the material and political assistance it needs to win independence as soon as possible. 208. My delegation fmnly supports the conditions posed by SWAPO for negotiations with South Africa on arrange- ments for the transfer of power as laid down in resolution 385 (1976) adopted by the Security Council in 1976. As stated by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Co-operation of the Republic of Burundi, my country's position is unequivocal. Any agreement negotiated with a view to leading Namibia towards genuine independence must meet the following prior conditions; fIrst, the withdrawal of the administration and all South African military and para- military forces; secondly, the unconditional release of all political prisoners and the return of all exiled Namibians; thirdly, the obligation to respect the territorial integrity of Namibia, including Walvis Bay. 209. The elections envisaged under Security Council reso- lution 385 (1976) cannot possibly take place unless those conditions are met. Otherwise, as was declared by Mr. Sam Nujoma, President of SWAPO, asking SWAPO to participate in elections organized in the presence of Fascist armed forces of repression would be tantamount to committing national suicide. 210. The United Nations must be consistent and call for the immediate withdrawal of all South African troops from Namibia. Instead of trying to neutralize SWAPO, what should be done is to isolate South Africa's apartheid regime. 211. In my delegation's view, the time has come for all States to act in accordance with the relevant provisions of resolutions adorted by the General Assembly and the Security COWlcil relating to Namibia and the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice dated 21 June 1971. 212. Against this background it is strongly recommended that States should decide; to break off economic relations 213. Those measures would be meaningless, however, unless the United Nations decrees a mandatory embargo on weapons to South Africa. My aelegation calls on all States to discontinue all forms ofmilitary co-operation or military collaboration with South Africa. 214. It is time for all Members of our Organization to take appropriate measures to prevent the recruitment of merce- naries for service in Namibia or in South Africa. . 215. A historic responsibility rests on those Western States which have helped South Africa in its programme to acquire nuclear-weapons capability. Before it is too late, we urge those States to put an end to South Africa's attempts to develop nuclear weapons. 216. In regard to the agreements for the supply of arms and spare parts and licences in the field of military and nuclear technology, my delegation urges States to put an end to these contracts, which are maintaining and strength- ening the arsenal of destruction with which Vorster's criminal regime and his clique have equipped themselves. -217. Since 1976 the United States of America has been taking diplomatic steps towards a constitutional settlement in Namibia on the basis ofgovernment by the majority. For some time that initiative has been carried on by the five Western members of the Security Council, namely, the United States, the United Kingdom, France, the Federal Republic of Germany and Canada. Some have set great hopes in this diplomatic initiative with a view to a negotiated settlement. My delegation respects the decisions of those sovereign States which have a great responsibility in this matter. 218. However, while appreciating these efforts, my dele- gation c.annot but make the following comments. South Africa's isolation in the United Nations is obviously now complete. The South African apartheid regime can no longer speak either in the name of the South African people or, still less, in the name of the people of Namibia. That is why South Africa's seat is empty. 219. Whereas Vorster's regime has been outlawed by society, Mr. Vorster has, for the first time, met the head of the United States diplomatic corps. Some people thought without doubt that that was a miracle because the talks were taking place at a new high level. The whole world was expecting major changes in South Africa, but what actually happened was the bloody repression of Soweto. 220. The new initiative of the five representatives of the Western countries members of the Security Council has also aroused new hopes in as much as Mr. Vorster had taken an important st~p in his contacts with the hierarchy of his partners in the Western world. In his political and diplo- matic isolation decreed by the United Nations, Mr. Vorster, 221. Going back to the current negotiations, Vorster has already rejected the plan for a negotiated settlement. Indeed, the application of the Turnhalle programme through strengthening of the policy of bantustanization, the annexation of Walvis Bay and the appointment of an administrator in Namibia, the imprisonment and condem- nation of members of SWAPO no longer leave the slightest doubt as to the bad faith of the champions ofapartheid or of their resolve to maintain their hold over Namibia and to perpetuate the apartheid regime. The resounding publicity that Vorster has given his promises has but one aim, namely, to win time in which he can equip the country with nuclear weapons capable of destroying independent neighbouring States that might still serve as bases for the liberation movements. In these circumstances, all progres- sive and democratic forces of the world must mount a joint action to put an end to the racist and colonialist regime. 222. There is need to strengthen the joint action by the front-line countries. We must consolidate the victories won by SWAPO against the forces of aggression. At this decisive point, it is the duty of the General Assembly to urge (he 224. My delegation supports the draft resolutions on Namibia introduced to the General Assembly this morning by the Pennanent Representative of Sri Lanka, who spoke on behalf of the non-aligned countries. My country is also a sponsor of those draft resolutions. 225. To conclude, I should like, on behalf of my Government, to hail the heroic struggle of the Namibian people and to congratulate SWAPO on the success achieved in the noble national liberation struggle for independence and freedom. 226. I hope that in the near future the United Nations will be able to raise the national flag of that country and celebrate its fmal victory. The meetingrose at 1.25 p.m.