S/32/PV.64 Security Council

The item under discussion is o~e to which my Government and delegation attach great importance. We gilJ~ it such importance not only because of the agony Cyprus has gone through since the tragic events of 1974, when its sovereignty and national integrity were violated by a 7-1.t;lerior Power, but partly a!so because ofthe role Cyprus has played in the non-aligned movement, which has made such a great cnntribution to international understanding and tolerance, now pCl'ularly referred to as detente~ and, above all, bt~ause Cyprus has been a testing-ground for the efficacy ofthe United Nations itself. Painful as the experience of Cyprus hfls been since 1974, the historians are likely to pick this period as one of the times when the United Nations capacity to maintain international peace and security for all Members, big and small, was under the greatest test. 9. Although the Security Council took action which helped to s&ve the Government of Cyprus, it was not able to prevent the invasion of Cyprus by a Power whose main obligation was to protect Cyprus itself from external attack. That Power has persistently violated resolutions of the Security Council and of the General Assembiy to which it is a party. That Power, by encouraging one of the communities to continue to frustrate conciliation efforts, has blocked all efforts of the United Nations to restore normality to Cyprus. By carving up the island by military force in a manner reminiscent of colonial annies of conquest and by enCQuraging thO.ie enjoying temporary advantages, Turkey is creating a very dangerous situation in the area. We call upon TtL:key to respect and help to implement resolutions of the United Nations which Turkey itselfhelped to draft. 10. Allow me to sum up briefly the views of my delegation with regard to the problem of Cyprus. Kenya reaffrrms its support for General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) of 1974 and Security Council resolution 365 (1974) which call upon all States to respect the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non- alignment of the Republic of Cyprlts. We believe that the interests of the communities can be met fully within the larger interests ofone State. 12. We are aware of the humanitarian problems that have been occasioned by the events of 1974. For their solution, we urgently call upon both Cypriot communities, as wen as the international community, to tackle them by affording humanitarian assistance to those in need while faithfully contributing.in every way possible towards the efforts being made for a just and lasting settlement of the problem. We urge the internatidnal. community to give humanitarian assistance to the displaced persons while efforts continue to make it possible for them to return to their homes and properties. 13. Finally, let me imish by reiterating that Kenya considers Cyprus as one country and does not recognize the S!J-called Turkish Federated State of Cyprus. We reject ethnic a.ld racial considerations as a basis for the creation \.f States in the twentieth century. To accept this proposition would be to render support to the racists and the proponents of tlfA'l11heid, whom we condemn regularly in this forum. We give support, therefore, to all efforts for leconciliation and the restoration ofnonnality to the State (,f Cyprus. My delegation will therefore join others in support of draft resolution A/32/L.16 and Add.I.

The del2gation of Panama continues to maintain that the situation in Cyprus demands the most serious conaideration by this Assembly and the Security Council. It is quite clear that time has not resolved md will not resolve the painful crisis in Cyprus, whi~h is being prolonged by the illegit.imate presence of a foreign military occupation force which violates the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity ofa Sv.te Member ofthe United Nations. 15. The fact that my country is a member ofthe Security Council has enabled my delegation to follow events closely. Conscious of the gravity of the problem, we have advocated and ",ill continue to advocate the urgent implementation of General Assembly resolutions 3212 (XXIX) of 1 November 1974, 3395 (XXX) of 20 November 1975 and 31/12 of 12 November 1976 and ~ ,;atity Council resolution 365 (1974) of 13 December 1974, which contain the necessary elements for the .solution of the problem of Cyprus in accordance with--the principles of the United Nations Charter. We believe that those resolutions con· stitute the logical and just fonnula for the elimination by ~ peaceful means of that source of tension which not only dimlpts peace in the island but threatens to lead to a warlike ~onfrontation wJUch might bring in other members of the international conimunity. 16. I said in the Security Council on 2 September 19771 that the unilateral measures of the occupying army, which were denounced by the Government of Cyprus, were 17. We have said that it is inadmissible to attempt to interfere in the internal affairs of other States. Resolution 1514 (XV) is clear-cut and absolute when it states, in paragraph 6, that: "Any attempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of the national unity and the territorial integrity of a c9untry is incompatible with the purposes and principles ofthe Charter of the Unit~dNations." 18. The question arises whether any substantial progress has been achieved in the process of implementing the resolutions- which I have mentioned and which were a10pted by the General Assembly and the Security Council. The reply is far from encouraging. Assessing the situation in Cyprus we fmd the continued occupation of40 per cent of the national territory of a State Member of the United Nations and a me.nber of the non-aligned community by the armed forces of another State Member of this Organiza- tion. Is this tolerable or even acceptable? It certainly is not. This is an unacceptable situation from all· points of view and my delegation wishes to emphasize the urgent need to carry out, under the auspices of the United Nations, some positive action which will enable the Government Q~ Cyprus to regain comple~ely its sovereign attributes: over its whole population and tne whole of its territory, including the soil, the subsoil, airspace and maritime zone, including the continental shelf. 19. The delegation of Panama feels it is only just to pay a tribute to the untiring and tenacious efforts of the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, and his associates, headed by his Special Represe~tative, Mr. Javier Perez de CuelIar, to reconcile, through their good offices, the differences that divide the parties to the conflict on the basis of the premise that Cyprus is a single State and that it should exercise effective sovereignty over the whole na- tional territory of Cyprus,without limitations of any kind other than that of meeting the interests, aspirations and needs of the two communitirs which live on the island. 20. In accordance with these views, it is. obvious that Panama resolutely supports draft resolution A/32/L.16 and Add.I. The content of that draft is moderate and balanced. In its language we fmd the minimum elements that should be taken into account in order to normalize the situation in Cyprus. 21. In essence, these elements, which have already been embodied in the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council which serve as the anteceoonts for the draft resolution we are now discUssing, are the fonowing: fust, the cessation of the military occupation of the island repr~sentatives of the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypribt communities in order to attain the objectives of ajust and lasting peace in the island and in the eastern Mediterranean region. 22. Regrettable situations such as those prevailing today in the Cypriot nation put to the test the powers ofsurvival of· the United Nations system and uven call in question the future ofmankind. 23. The Republic of Cyprus is anon-aligned State. It does not belong to any military-pacts or alliances, whether of the East or of the West. For this reason, its fate should not and. cannot be linked to the future of any military alliance nor should its territory be subject to the military or strategic interests of any group of nations. The absence of success that has characterized the attempts at solving the problem over these past years cannot be charged to the United Nations but are attributable rather to the lack of political will on the part of the military Powers with interests in that region. It is those Powers which have power 2nd the capacity to exert pressure on the occupying Power to make it comply,fully with the United Nations resolutions which essentially advocate" respect for the sOvereignty, indepen- dence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of the Re- public ofCyprus.

When last year we voted in this room on the resolution relating to the question of Cyprus, I was one of those who 5elieved that some progress would be achieved in the forthcoming months. 25. I was not the only one entertaining sucn. hopes. Indeed, as our Secretary-General put it in his report on the work of the Organization for the 'past year, there was a general feeling "that 1977 could and should be a year of progress in such crucial areas as' the Middle East, South Africa and Cyprus" {See A/32/1, sect. IJ. 28. I do not iritend, nor do I fmd it necessary, to dwell in detail on the history of the Cyprus problem, which has the sad privilege of having been debated so many times in this forum since 1954. . 29. Nevertheless, I feel that a short review of the facts is necessary in order to make an assessment of the situation, especially after the pronouncements made yesterday by the representative ofTurkey{62nd meeting]• 30. On 20 July 1974,on the pretext of countering the insane coup d'etat of 15 July engineered by the dictator- ship of Athens, Turkey invaded Cyprus in countravention of the basic provisions ofthe Charter, and more specifically of Article 2, paragraph 4, and Article 103, as well as those of other relevant international documents. That invasion, \\-itich the Turks have euphemistically labelled a "peace operation", was carried out by an anny of 40,000 troops, 200 aircraft and 300 tanks. Let me incidentally mention that this so-called "peace operation" was given by the Turks the name of"Attlla", the notorious conqueror of the fifth century who overran nearly the whole ofEurope. 31. Turkey pretended that the aim of that intelVention was the re-establishment of legality and the protection of the Turkish Cypriot community. As. a matter of fact, legality was re-established three days later. As for the alleged need for protection of the Turkish Cypriot" com- munity, it is sufficient to recall that the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community, Mr. Denkta§ himself, declared before the invasion that the coup d'etat was an internal matter of the Greek Cypriots. It should be noted that not a single Turkish Cypriot was hurt between 15 and 20 July 1974. Thus, the declared aim of the Turkish intervention once having been achieved, Turkey should have, logically, imniediately withdrawn its troops from Cyprus. Instead, Turkey, totally disregarding the resolutions ofthe Security Council calling for the cessation of hostilities and the withdrawal of all foreign troops, launched a new offensive three weeks later, completing in this way its so-called peace operation by the occupation of the wealthiest 40 per cent of the territory of the island. This, I must add, happened while negotiations to reach a solution were in progress in Geneva, pursuant to Security Council resolution 353 (1974). 32. Where do we stand today? 33. We have on record 17 resolutions of the Security Council, three resolutions of the General Assembly-one of them unanimous-and six rounds of talks, under the chairmanship of the Secretary-General of our Organization, held in.Vionna and New York. 35_ Today, 200,000 Cypriots-that is, one third of the wholl~ population of the island-continue to be refugees in their own country. 36. The numerQUS United Nations resolutions provide all the elements for a just and peaceful solution of the problem of Cyprus on the basis of respect for its sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. 37. But I ask" Can words such as "independence", "territorial integrity", and "sovereignty" sound differently to one Member of this Organization than they do to all the other Members? Are they not universal principles em- bodied in our Charter that must mean the same in all countries and must apply alli~t: to all situations in all parts ofthe world? 38. What is the answer to these questions? I believe that it is a simple one. Such principles cannot apply differently in each case in accordance with whim or self-interest, since the Charter elevates them to supreme rules of international relations. 39_ Moreover, one cannot condemn, as Turkey does, the acquisition of territorl.es by force in one part of the world and yet militarily occupy the territory of an independent State in another. One cannot condemn the policy of colonization in one country and be guilty of practising it elsewhere. Finally, one cannot invoke respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms and still deprive thou- sands of human beings of the rights laid down in our Charter, as well as in other international agreements. 40. In Cyprus, the world community fmds' itself con- fronted with one of those cases in which one State contemptuously disregards the will of this Organization and refuses to comply with its resolutions. In the process, the world community has witnessed fait accomplis and delays. It has heard pretexts and threats. It has been served with excuses, such as elections and the political instability in Turkey. It has been presented with commitments that remain unfulfilled. Last but not least, it has seen the fabrication, under the auspices of the Turkish army, of a so-called Turkish Federated State of Cyprus. In one word, the world community has witnessed, especially during the six rounds of intercommunal talks and in between, all sorts of obstructionist tactics. 41. Indeed, the Turkish invasion of Cyprus was the cuIniination of a policy systematically pursued by Turkey since the creation of the Republic ofCyprus. 42. In fact, the two communities, ifleft alone, could have lived in harmony as they did for centuries. But it was the "•.. the hardships"-he says-"suffered by the Turkish Cypriot population are the direct result of the leader- ship's self-isolation policy, imposed by force on the rank and fJle".3 It may well be surmised that this was done at the instigation of Turkey. 43. The sequence of this plan was designed to give the impression that the two communities could not live together so that the next stage would be to create separate areas. The Turks envisaged: u a compulsory exchange of population in order to bring about a state of affairs in which each community would occupy a separate part of the island".4 The quotation I have just read is from the report of the United Nations Mediator on Cyprus to the Secre- tary-General in 1965. What is even more revealing is that the Mediator further stated that the zone claimed by the Turkish side was "38 per cent of the total area of the Republic".5 What happened in 1974 may well have been the implementation of these long-standing Turkish plans. 44. The Assembly had the opportunity yesterday to hear a lengthy and interesting tale by the representative of Turkey. Out of respect for the time of the members oftbls Assembly, I will not try to refute one by one the assertions he made. 45. To hear the Turkish representative, one would be led to believe that there has never been an invasion of Cyprus by Turkish troops, that 40 per cent of the Republic of Cyprus is not occupied by the Turkish army, that there are no United Nations resolutions calling for the withdrawal of troops, and that there have not been speakers in the main organs of the United Nations urging the removal of those troops. 46. Again to hear him, one could think that there are no mote refugees in Cyprus, that there is an economic miracle in the areas not occupied by Turkish troops, and that we should, in fact, be almost grateful for the beneficial results of the Turkish invasion. 47. Addressing this Assembly some weeks ago, the Turkish Foreign Minister said: "let us try, by all means at our disposal, to encourage negotiation and agreement" {17th meeting, para. 183}. 2 Ibid., Twentieth Year, Supplement for April, May and June 1965, document 8/6426, para. 106. 3Ibid. 4 Ibid., Supplement for January, February and March 1965, document 8/6253; para. 73. 5 Ibid. 49. I have just mentioned the six rounds of inter- communal t3lks. Let us take the last one. It was a tedious and frustrating repetition of all previous performances, where Turkey followed a line which could not but lead to failure. Indeed, the Turkish Cypriot side refused once again to submit the kind of proposals that could possibly form a basis in the search for a settlement. To be more precise, it put forward proposals on the constitutional aspect of the question which only confirmed the real intentions of the TurrJsh side. The proposals were incompatible with the guidelines laid down early this year in talks between the late President Makarios and the leader of the Turkish Cypriot community, Mr. Denktq. As for the territorial aspect of the question, the Turkish side confmed itself simply to rejecting the specific proposals of the Greek Cypriot side, which it illustrated with a map. So the Turkish side has, to this date, avoided submitting any concrete proposals on the territorial aspect. It insists, instead, on a package deal, with priority given to the discussion of the constitutional aspect. That means that the Greek Cypriots are expected to agree on all other issues before they can be informed if the Turks really intend to return any portion of the occupied territory, and, if so, what portion. 50. It was rather interesting to hear the representative of Turkey referring yesterday to the territorial aspect as a simple delineation of the border. 51. Mr. ~agIayangil, the Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs, also said in the general debate: " [Turkey] has already substantially reduced its forces on the island. The totality of troops sent to Cyprus after the events of July 1974 will be withdrawn as soon as a lasting political solution is reached. However, a complete withdrawal of Turkish troops in the absence of such a solution and in the present atmosphere of distrust and political tension is unthinkable." [Ibid., para. 187.j 52. Here I have the following remarks to make. First, even after so small a reduction of forces, if any, there are still enough troops left to do the job. Secondly, the continued presence of the Turkish military forces in Cyprus until a political solution is reached raises the question whether a political solution will ever be reached except on conditions dictated by Turkey. 53. The Greek position, which has been reiterated on a number of occasions, is very clear: we support and urge the full implementation of the resolutions of the United Nations. 55. It is appropriate here to express deep appreciation also to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Cyprus, 'AmbaSsador Perez de Cuellar and his staff. Mr. de Cuellar has fulfilled his duties with great patience and skill in the face of many difficulties. Together with our gratitude, we extend to him our best wishes for success in his future endeavours. 56. I could not omit to mention the very important role of UNFICYP, which is even more important if one considers the many obstacles the Force met with while trying to accomplish its mission in the occupied territory of Cyprus. I would also like to express our deep appreciation to the countries which contribute contingents and those which, through their voluntary contributions, help maintain the Force. We are more than ever convinced that UNFICYP must be maintamed at its present level. 57. We have now before us a new draft resolution. It is fitting to express appreciation to the sponsors of this text for their untiring efforts. For all of us who believe in the mission of this Organization, this text can give a new impetus towards the settlement of the problem of Cyprus. And we cannot afford to delay any further in reaching this settlement. 58. Now it is up to the Turkish side to abandon its intransigence and to come forward wit]1 concrete proposals in a frame of mind conducive to the solution of this question. 59. We cannot continue to consider the arbitrary actions of one State against another as "realities". This would mean ignoring, as has been said, the principles oflaw, the invisible reality without which the whole world structure would collapse.

I welcome the opportunity of making this statement because, as one of the non-aligned States, Ghana naturally shares the world-wide concern over the political stalemate in Cyprus, which is also anon- aligned State. As evidtmced in the statements of previous speakers, the political stalemate is the result of the non-implementation by Member States of the series of United Nations resolutions adopted on the subject. 61. When General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX) of 1 November 1974, subsequently endorsed by Security Council resolution 365 (1974), was adopted three years ago our expectation was that the necessary framework for a just and viable solution of the conflict had been found. Since then a number of resolutions, all aimed at restoring peace in the area, have been adopted. 62. Early this year, following two meetings between fie late Archbishop Makarios and Mr. Rauf Denkt~, some optimism and hope for a break-through were expressed. It was then expected that the conclusions reached at those 63. Furtbennore, mediating efforts by the Secretary- General and his Special Representative have so far failed to bridge the gap between the various positions of the two communities. The upshot of all this is that, as the political stalemate grows, the plight of the innocent displaced Cypriots-estimated at about 200,OOO-continues to be a matter ofdeep humanitarian copcern. 64. It is a matter of deep regret for my delegation that no perceptible progress has been made on the Cyprus problem over the years. In the various resolutions on the Cyprus issue, both the"General Assembly and the Security Council have stressed the absolute importance of the sovereign independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus. This Assembly has also called for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from the island and the resumption of intercommunal talks between the Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. None ofthose objectives has been attained in Cyprus, and with every passing day the prospect of war, with serious implications for international peace and security, looms la~e over the island. 65. My delegation therefore shares the anxieties expressed by previous speakers concerning the need for a reconsidera- tion of the Cyprus situation and the tackling of the issues involved with renewed energy to avert the threat which the situation poses to international peace and security. 66. The problem of Cyprus is essentially one of mistrust between the ethnic communities ofthe island. It is the view of my delegati9n that unless that mistrust is removed and mutual respect.and confidence is forged between the ethnic groups all efforts in this Assembly at ensuring peace on the island will remain an exercise in futility.. 67. My delegation believes that, for a meaningful result in that direction, international efforts should aim at guar· anteeing the secure existence of both communities on the island, including the finding of a just and equitable solution for the refugee problem. The Ghana delegation believes, in this connexion, that the leaders of the two communities have a clear responsibility to inculcate in their respective followers the virtues of mutual respect for, and confidence in, their fellow Cypriots as the sine qua non for the peace which has eluded their country all these years. Similarly, Member States also have a duty to give the maximum co-operation to international efforts within the framework of United Nations resolutions to bring the desired relief to the peoples ofthat beautiful but troubled island. 68. In this century when the aim of every country is national unity, it is a matter of deep regret that the brotherly peoples ofCyprus continue to look on while their country is being divided. This Assembly has the resources to halt that unhappy trend, provided Member States lend their political goodwill. 69. The Ghana delegation therefore once again affinns its position of solidarity with the Government and people of Cyprus and its support for General Assembly resolution 70. Ghana is, in principle, opposed to any invasion of sovereign States, and therefore recognizes only one sov- ereign State of Cyprus. This position has been made clear during the deliberations at the Commonwealth Heads of State Meeting in London in June 1977 and the Fifth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non- Aligned Countries, held in Colombo in August 1976, where the problems ofCyprus were discussed. The Ghana Govern- ment will.continue to lend its suppo~ to efforts, including measures decided upon by this Assembly, to fmd practical solutions in the supreme interest of the peoples ofCyprus.

The people of Burundi, proud of their indepen- dence and their territorial integrity, and committed to the non-aligned movement, would like to express their soli- darity with the whole people of Cyprus, who are coura- geously fighting for the same ideals and causes. That is why the Government of Burundi is following with particular interest the situation prevailing in that part ofthe Mediter- ranean which is, quite rightly, a subject ofgreat concern to the international community and to my country. 72. The tragedy which is being enacted in the Republic of Cyprus goes back to the period of colonization. It is part of the strategy of foreign domination which deliberately creates situations of inextricable division, suspicion and pennanent insecurity. 73. Many examples of that exist in history. Today in South Africa, in the Middle East and, to a lesser degree, in other parts of the world tragedies similar to that in Cyprus are being experienced with bitterness and a feeling of impotence. That is why the international community should learn a lesson from history when it goes into the process of decolonization. 74. Peoples fighting for their independence under the leadership of authentic liberation movements should be vigilant, to ensure that they do not suffer the same adverse effects of the Machiavellian policy practised by certain administrative Powers which are forced to leave the reins of government in the hands oftbe,people they once colonized. 75. With regard to the problem of Cyprus, it is essential that the two communities, the Greek and the Turkish, which make up the people of Cyprus, understand this sad reality, that is, the colonial phenomenon, the cause of their present tragedy and the suffering which has lasted for too long. The Cypriot people as a whole have every interest in becoming masters of their true destiny in freedom, without threats from outside. That true destiny is to live together in harmony and to decide on their oWn future. 76. In fashioning the destiny of an independent, sovereign and non-aligned people, the people of Cyprus will have 78. Indeed, each day that passes leads us to believe that the solution can neither be found today nor, unfortunately, in the near future. 79. How can we lull ourselves with false illusions and thus shirk our responsibilities when we are faced with a disquieting deployment of foreign forces on the island and the tragic plight of the refugees, and when we see that the negotiations between the Greek and Turkish communities for a just and lasting peace have become bogged down? 80. At the present time, according to the report drawn up by the Secretary-General [A/32/282J, the situation of the armed forces in the island is as follows: there is a National Guard, there are the Turkish armed forces, a Greek national contingent and, fmally, UNFICYP. 81. In the view of my delegation, the presence of armed forces in the island is disquieting, because it is an instrument of blackmail and intimidation. The presence of these forces may well destroy the already precarious chances for peace and security in the region. This deploy- ment of foreign forces is a threat to the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and the position of non- alignment of the Republic of Cyprus. As always, strategic or economic interests will be defended to the last ditch by imperialism. In my delegation's view, the United Nations clearly indicated the danger when it called, in the resolu- tions relating to Cyprus, for the immediate withdrawal from the Republic ofCyprus of all foreign anned forces. 82. The Burundi delegation is convinced that the imple- mentation of General Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), reaffirmed in resolution 3395 (XXX) and strengthened by Security Council resolution 414 (1977), provides a solid basis for the settlement of this problem by peaceful means. 83. Consequently, my delegation supports United Nations efforts to create conditions of peace and security in the island and to put an end to' the tension prevailing in the region. 84. With regard to the problem of the refugees, the delegation of Burundi welcomes the agreement reached between the parties concerned on the subject of the exchange of population in the different parts of the island. Those efforts should receive support to enable an im- mediate solution to be found to the situation of the many refugees who, following the hostilities, have not been able to go back to their homes and recover their property. I should like to pay a tribute to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, who, at the behest of the Secretary-General of our Organization, has consistently helped the displaced and needy persons on the island. 85. As to the political solution'of the problem ofCyprus, the delegation of Burundi would like to voice its thoughts 87. Unfortunately, the series of talks which had been planned did not take place because of certain events which happened in the meanwhile. 88. The untimely death of Archbishop Makarios, to whom my delegation pays a profound tribute, hangs heavily over the future of his people, since he was the embodiment of their hopes. We call on all the parties concerned to draw inspiration from his wisdom and his political testament for finding a just and lasting solution. The policy that he pursued is a source of inspiration for all those who truly have at heart the interests of the people ofCyprus. 89.. Furthermore, the approach to the substantive question by the parties concerned is different. In the eyes of the Burundi delegation, substantive talks should include the territorial problem and that ofthe institutions. It is time, in a spirit of responsibility and with a feeling of common destiny, for the parties to the dispute to start without further ado negotiations on the political future of the two communities condemned by history to live together. 90. It would be desirable to establish a climate favourable to the success of those talks. It is difficult to negotiate under the threat of anns and under political and economic pressure. The Turkish and Greek Governments are in a good pOsition to create the best possible conditions for negotiations. 91. Aware of the scope of the problems and the delicacy of the situation, the United Nations has created the framework for negotiations by the adoption of the resolu- tions which we have already mentioned and by the mandate conferred upon our Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt WaIdheim. 92. I should like, above all, warmly to congratulate the Secretary-General of the United Nations as well as his Special Representative in Cyprus for the constant efforts which they have made tirelessly in order to achieve a just and lasting solution. With his exceptional qualities as a statesman and able diplomat, the Secretary-General fulfils all the conditions for helping the parties to the dispute to surmount the obstacles and to put down solid bases for ilegotiations. 93. The delegation of Burundi makes an urgent appeal to the Turkish and Greek Governments to exercise moderation and' show wisdom. The continued consideration of the question of Cyprus by our Organization should not be interpreted as an obstructionist manoeuvre designed to 94_ In order to achieve these goals, the United Nations has adopted resolutions which must be respected in toto by all parties concerned. 95. I should like to conclude by making an urgent appeal to the people of Cyprus for them to surmount their differences and choose the path of brotherliness, solidarity and happiness. On behalf of my GoveJllIllent, I call upon the Governments of Turkey and Greece to co-operate conscientiously with the Secretary-General to refrain from any action likely to worsen the situation and to implement the resolutions of the competent organs of the United Nations. My delegation stresses the overriding need for all States to maintain neutrality and to promote the successful outcome of the negotiations with a view to consolidating the independence, sovereignty, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus and to achieving a political agreement acceptable to both the communities of the island. 96_ In so doing the international community will have shown to the people of Cyprus the greatest friendship at this critical point in its history.

Since I am speaking so late in the debate after the many eloquent voices which have preceded me, I shall be very brief indeed, for most ofwhat should be said on this vital question has in fact already been said. Nevertheless, Botswana wants to add its voice to the several others which have expressed grave concern at the stalemate which persists in the Republic of Cyprus. 98. This is the fourth consecutive year in which the General Assembly has taken up the question of Cyprus, which the Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization has aptly described as having special implications for international peace and security [see A/32/1, sect. Illl. Further, the report of the Secretary- General on the question of Cyprus [A/32/2821 is not encouraging, pointing as it does to the fact that, despite several initiatives by the Secretary-General and his Special Representative, essentially there has been little movement forward. 99. The people of Cyprus-both Greek and Turkish Cypriots, for we hold them to be equally important- continue to be denied that tranquillity and peace which we all desire for ourselves, the tranquillity and peace which can come about only when a people enjoys full sovereignty and independence free from all external interference, the tranquillity and peace which alone can allow the people of Cyprus to chart for themselves a new course for their future and rebuild a Cyprus which we in the n.Jn-aligned move- ment· have always admired because of its unflinching commitment to the principles, ideals and objectives ofboth the non-aligned movement and the United Nations. 101. The continuance of this problem, which is com- pounded by the presence of foreign troops which, in defiance of United Nations decisions and resolutions, persistently present the legitimate Government of Cyprus with faits accomplis, threatens the very existence ofCyprus as a united, ind~pendent, sovereign State which should enjoy the confidence and loyalty of all its people-Greek and Turkish Cypriot alike. 102. The problem of Cyprus has persisted for so long not for lack of United Nations decisions and resolutions but, rather, in spite' of them. Resolutions of the General Assembly, in particular resolutions 3212 (XXIX), 3395 (XXX) and 31/12, and Security Council resolutions 365 (1974) and 367 (1975) provide an adequate framework for dealing with both the internal and the external aspects of this vital question. 103. What·is lacking is that often elusive and nebulous factor called political will. Without it on the part of all the parties involved in the Cyprus dispute, the efforts of the international community will always be ineffective. 104. My delegation therefore joins many other speakers in calling upon the parties involved to summon the necessary political will to enter into negotiations without further delay; for it will be only through dialogue-and dialogue in good faith-that this problem will ultimately be resolved. 105. In this context we urge that the intercommunal talks, which have gone on intermittently for some time under the auspices of the Secretary-General, be resumed. For the t~s to succeed, certainly it is imperative that the two Cypriot communities be left alone to determine the political and territorial arrangements under which they want to live; it is necessary that an atmosphere of mutual trust between the communities be created. That is not going to be possible if the occupying foreign Power continues, however indirectly, to influence the discussions adversely. Unilateral action from any quarter aimed at presenting faits accomplis can only create a very unfavourable atmosphere for negotia- tions. As we know, recently thC'Security Council addressed itself to this question and pronounced itself in no uncertain terms against unilateral action from any quarter. 106. It follows, therefore, that all foreign troops must be withdrawn from Cyprus if a good negotiating atmosphere is to be created, if the two Cypriot communities are to be allowed to determine freely their own future, and if the possible design to create a State within a State which can only be aimed at dismembering the Republic of Cyprus is to be thwarted. 108. Most of the Members of the United Nations are small, weak countries whose main preoccupation is to cater for the legitimate needs and interests of their people free from any outside interference. After what has happened to Cyprus no small country here can be at ease, especially countries contiguous to powerful neighbours. The problem of Cyprus is, in this context, a problem that any small, weak country could face unless the international com- munity'demonstrates here and now that no big Power shall interfere with the sovereignty and territorial integrity of a small State with impunity. 109. That is why the United Nations must act speedily and resolutely to resolve the Cyprus question. Failure to do that can only weaken the efficacy of the United Nations as a forum for resolving disputes, 110. I have already stated that the necessary framework for the solution of this problem exists in the numerous United Nations resolutions. Once again the General As- sembly has before it a draft resolution, A/32/L.16 ~d Add.l, of which Botswana is a sponsor. We exhort the parties concerned once again to co-operate fully in all attempts to fmd a solution. We will of course vote for this draft resolution, and hope that it will receive overwhelm.ing support.

The question of Cyprus has been before the United Nations for many years now. It is a matter of concern that the problem has not been resolved yet, and that the expectations which were expressed earlier, after the resumption of the intercommunal negotiations, have not materialized. However, itis satisfying to note that the situation in the island has remained caIrn and quiet during the year and, as the Secretary-General has noted in his report for the period from December 1976 to June 1977, there has been "a substantial trend towards stabiIiza- tion ofthe security situation".6 112. The results have been an improvement on the over-all atmosphere and the friction and the tension which char- acterized the earlier period have been reduced considerably. 113. Without taking any unduly optimistic view of things my delegation feels that there are opportunities for both the parties to bridge their conceptual and substantive differences regarding the basic structure and future develop- ment of an independent, non-aligned, bi-communal federal Republic of Cyprus. In this context, in the opinion of my delegation the guidelines agreed upon on 12 February 19777 cover the principal aspects of an agreed, peaceful, durable and just solution to the Cyprus problem. 114. The guidelines, it will be recalled, include the acceptance of the principles of: fU'St, an independent, 6lbid., Thirty-second Year, Supplement for April, May and June 1977, document 8/12342, para. 51. • 7 Ibid., document 8/12323, paras. 4 and 5. 115. Pakistan has always supported any settlement that would fully ensure for the two communities on the island the exercise of their fundamental rights, and enable them to live peacefully side by side with each other. We hope that the efforts made by the Secretary-General and the willing- ness to negotiate in a spirit of constructive co-operation shown by the two parties will pave the way for the fmal settlement and restore peace and tranquillity in the island. Pakistan has followed the progress of the intercomrnunal talks with deep interest and it believes that there is no alternative to a nagotiated settlement. 116. In this regardPakistan wishes .to place on record its appreciation of the tireless efforts of the Secretary-General, who with great perseverance has provided momentum for these negotiations and continuity in an atmosphere con- ducive to such negotiations. 117. My delegation would also like to recall that the essential element for seeking a permanent solution is to ensure that the fundamental rights of the two communities are fully protected and that the problem needs to be tackled by the two parties with goodwill and flexibility and with the desire to live together in peace. That is also the view taken by the Secretary-General" and I quote from his report: "Despite all the difficulties I continue to believe that the best hope of achieving ajust and lasting settlement of the Cyprus problem is through negotiations between the representatives of the two communities. But for those negotiations to serve a useful purpose, all the parties concerned must be willing to show the necessary flex- ibility, taking into account not only their own interests but also the legitimate aspirations and requirements of the people of the opposing side."8 118. In concluding, my delegation would reiterate its belief in the mechmism of the intercommunal talks as the best available method of achieving a just and lasting settlement of the Cyprus problem. It is the earnest hope Qf my delegation that the two sides will move in that direction in a spirit of understanding and accommodation. 119. My delegation wishes to put on record the invaluable contribution made by Mr. Perez de Cuellar towards the restoration of peace in the island. \Ve wish him good luck and God speed in his new assignment.

We have heard the last speaker in the general debate on agenda item 28. I shall now call on 8 Ibid., ThirtY-first Year. Supplement for April, May and June 1976, document 8/12093, para. 70. 122. This draft resolution has been presented on behalfof a group of six countries. The group held consultations with the representatives of the Turkish and Greek communities, but was unable to work out a compromise text acceptable to both parties. 123. In determining our position 'on this draft, we took nto consideration both the procedural aspect ofthe debate md the substance of the draft resolution. . 124. As far as the procedural factor is concerned, our position has been made quite clear since the thirtieth session. The cmcial question for us in this and any other debate on Cyprus is the participation of the Turkish community in the deliberations on an equitable basis. This prerequisite has not been met. The Turkish community remains practically the only political entity which is not accorded the right to state its position in a discussion of a dispute concerning it directly. This is a clear discrimination and nobody should be surprised if under these circum- stances the Turkish community dissociates itself from the conclusions reached by ilie General Assembly. 125. As to the substance of the draft resolution, we have two serious objections to it. In the fmt place, it has been our consistent view that the various elements ofthe Cyprus problem can only be resolved on the basis of an over-all solution negotiated between the two communities. There is no pos3ibility of settling any element of the problem outside the negotiating process through other means or procedures. The draft resolution before us is not com- patible with this concept. 126. Secondly, it is our fmn belief that the General Assembly should not attempt to put pressure upon the Security Council, which has evolved throughout the yeaIS a delicately balanced concept in its approach to the question of Cyprus in the field ofpeace-keeping and the search for a peaceful solution. A resolution which would recommend that the Security Council change the course it has followed so far, especially if it is supported by membeIS of the Security Council, can induce the parties to reconsider their attitude towards the Security Council's present involve- ment. It is in the light of these considerations that operative paragraph 5 of the draft resolution, read in conjunction with the second preambular paragraph, containing a judge- ment inconsistent with me political circumstances sur- rounding. the Cyprus issue, is clearly unacceptable to the Turkish delegation. - 127. For the reasons I have just outlined, my delegation will vote against draft resolution A/32/L.16. May I also request a recorded vote?

Once again the General Assembly has focused its attention on the tragic situation in Cyprus, and most regrettably we have done so in an atmosphere devoid of much hope and optimism. For it was three yeaIS ago that the General Assembly adopted with one voice resolution 3212 (XXIX). 129. Indeed, it is a matter of utmost concern that there has been no improvement in the situation in Cyprus since the General Assembly adopted resolution 3212 (XXIX). True, there have been moments when a ray of hope had emerged that the process towards the settlement was in the pipeline. But these moments have been temporary since the:}' have been inVariably frustrated not only by the maintenance of the status quo, but in fact by the escalation of the problem through such developments as the adoption of unilateral measures and attempts to legitimize a fait accompli. In the process, the violation of the sovereignty, independence, territorial integrity and non-alignment of Cyprus has continued unabated and the plight of the refugees-tens of thousands of them-has wOISened. At the same time, the deteriorating situation in the island con- tinues to pose a grave threat, not only to the peace and security of the region, but indeed to international peace and security. 130. The Tanzania delegation therefore earnestly hopes that serious efforts will be made to remedy the situation. In particular, we reiterate our position that an end be put to foreign intervention in the affairs of the territory, with particular emphasis on the urgent need for ending foreign military presence. We believe it imperative that there must be a resumption, as soon as possible, of the intercommunal talks. In encouraging these talks, we express the earnest hope and confidence that the people of Cyprus will find a way for a just and lasting solution which will take into account the legitimate interest and concern of both communities. 131. In this respect, my delegation would like to pay a tribute to the continued efforts of our Secretary-General, Mr. Waldheim, and his Special Representative, in helping to promote a meaningful dialogue between the parties con- cerned, and we urge the Secretary-General to peISevere, despite the clearly frustrating experiences which he and his , representative have encountered. In paying a tribute to the role of the United Nations, and in particular UNFICYP, I wish also to undeIScore our belief that the presence of the United Nations should not be used as a substitute for a solution. The purpose of UNFICYP can only be in keeping with the wishes of the international community as articu- lated in the various resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, namely, to help to promote a settlement. It would be sad indeed if they are considered as a guarantee for the maintenance of the status quo. 132. With the foregoing consideration in mind;my delega- tion will support draft resolution A/32/L.16. We believe 133. In conclusion, I should like to pay a tribute to the delegations of Algeria, Guyana, India, Mali, Sri Lanka and Yugoslavia for all the efforts they have made on behalf of the non-aligned group in the search for a just and lasting settlement of the Cyprus problem.

I give the floor to the representa- tive ofSaudi Arabia on a point of order.

Sir, I had asked to take th~ floor to ~ntroduce a few oral amendments before the explanations ·,of vote. I think, Mr. President, that Mr. Buffum, who id sitting on your left-hand side, has apprised you of this. Any submission of amendments precedes expv.dUltions ofvote. 136. Now I do not consult with groups. I want something practical done.

The representative of Saudi Arabia has asked to speak on a point of order. We have a list of speakers in explanation of vote and I intend to give to the Ambassador of Saudi Arabia an opportunity to present his views, explain his vote or even propose anything he wishes. But because there are some speakers who have already put their names on my list, I think it would be proper that we listen fllSt to those speakers, and then the Ambassador of Saudi Arabia may speak and propose anything he wishes to introduce to the Assembly.

Now may I give my point of view, based on practice, procedure and common sense? 139. The ~RESIDENT: Yes, please do.

First of all, I asked to speak on a point of order in order to tell you what happened. I must state that I checked with Mr. Gazarian, who is an old hand here, and asked him whether the list of speakers was exhausted. He said there were one or two speakers, but not in explanation ofvote. I said, "Please tell the President that I have a couple of amendments to make which would precede the explanations of vote, for the simple reason that they alter the text of the draft resolution". Thus people will not have to readdress them- selves to the amendments. They are verbal amendments; they are not written. They are reasonable amendments. Therefore, in practice, Sir, I should be allowed to speak before the explanations ofvote. That is the first point. 141. Now I have had a call from the Third..Committee, where the question of the creation of the post of United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights is being discussed, and I am under pressure. I do not know whether I shall be able to return here, although-noblesse oblige-I should like to listen to you, Sir. But how can I be in two places at the same time?

I will just give certain clarifica- tions. The list of speakers on item 28, "Question of Cyprus", according to the decision of the General As- sembly, was closed yesterday at noon, a!ld we have now reached the end of the list of speakers. The representative of Saudi Arabia has the right to introduce any proposal and, in courtesy to him and to his wisdom and knowledge of the practice of the United Nations, I am sure the other speakers whose names are already OIl the list to speak in explanation of vote will allow me to call on the representa- tive of Saudi Arabia now so that he may present his views and to propose, ifhe so wishes, anything he intends.

Indeed, Sir, you are very understanding and very generous. All of us are under the pressure of work here. But that should not prevent us from scrutinizing texts to see whether they can bring about a solution. 145. I thought that this draft resolution, with all due respect to its sponsors, would exacerbate relations in the future not only between the communities involved but possibly also between Greece and Turkey. And we would deplore anything that would make them differ instead of coming together. This is why I ask to be allowed to speak to submit the following oral amendments. I will be as brief as possible. 146. First, with regard to operative .paragraph 4, which says: uDemands that the parties concerned refrain from any unilateral actions ...", do you think that if we demand peremptorily that they will listen to us? I think we should say "strongly appeals". This is very simple. 147.' The second amendment has to do with the contro- versial operative paragraph 5. There are some representa- tives here, including the representative of Turkey, who have read something into the paragraph that might make that situation worse, in the sense that the United Nations Security Council passes mandatory resolutions. In fact, I have been here since the beginning and I see .that, unfortunately, they are getting to be more recom- mendatory rather thah mandatory. 148. But suppose they became mandatory and, through some manipulations, the Security Council wanted to do something very drastic. Then positions would become hardened and we would have a crisis. We do not expect that will happen, but it might. We might come to a point where the permanent members of the Security Council might take drastic action in such a way as to cause conflict or war. Hence I submit this verbal amendment: "Recommends that the Security Council should keep the question ofCyprus under co.nstant review with a view to finding an equitable solution acceptable to the parties concerned." 150. You may say it is far-fetched, that nothing like that will happen. Ifit is far-fetched, why imply it, as ifmeasures were going to be taken? Why not, in the tradition of the United Nations,.use language that may be heeded by the parties concerned, namely: "with a view to fmding an equitable solution acceptable to the parties concerned"? 151. Are we here to antagonize one party and please the other, or are we here to bring them together? 152. This is an oral amendment; it need not come under the 24-hour rule. It is based on common sense. If it is rejected by the Assembly I shall have occasion to say that the United Nations is based on the 30lidarity ofgroups-not necessarily on common sense, on fair play, on equitable solutions, but on an attempt to be fanatical about one stand as against another. 153. Those are my two amendments. If I am not here when the Assembly vocs, 1 ask for a recorded vote. That will stand as testimony when this Cyprus question is on the agenda again-not so that I can say "I told you so" but so that at least 1 shall be vindicated for having submitted them. 1 now have to go to the J'hird Committee and deal with that bogus'High Commissioner for Human Rights.

The representative of Saudi Arabia, in his statement on a point of order: has proposed two oral amendments to draft resolution A/32/L.15. Thus we now have a situation which clearly comes under rule 78 ofthe rules ofprocedure. Rule 78 reads as follows: "Proposab and amendments shall nonmilly be sub- mitted in writing to the Secretary-General, who shall circulate copies to the delegations. As a general rule, no proposal shall be discussed or put to the vote at any meeting of the General Assembly unless copies ofit have been circulated to all delegations not later than the day preceding the meeting. The President may, however, pennit the discussion and consideration of amendments, or of motions as to procedure, even though such amendments and motions have not been circulated or have only been circulated the same day." 155. 1 call on the representative of Sri Lanka, who will speak on behalf of the sponsors of the draft resolution to which oral amendments have just been proposed.

I have asked to make a statement as spokesman for the sponsors of draft resolution A/32/L.16,· to which certain amendments have been moved orally- by the representative of Saudi Arabia.·1 thank you, Ml'~P.r~idept, for extending to me the courtesy 157. We have the greatest respect for Mr. Baroody and we always value the efforts he makes to arrive at a compromise in the interests of securing agreement on any problem without acrimonious discussion. If I intelVene now to state that the sponsors do not accept his amendments it is not for lack of respect for him but because we have given the matter full consideration. We anticipated the point he has raised. We gave it full and thorough consideration but found it impossible to embody these ideas in our draft resolution. 158. The frrst amendment that the representative ofSaudi Arabia has proposed is to operative paragraph 4. He has suggested -that the words "Demands that the parties concerned" be replaced by "Strongly appeals to the parties concerned to". The question I ask myself is whether ·"demands" in this context is too peremptory and whether, even if it is peremptory, the circumstances justify the adoption of peremptory language. Further, 1 ask whether the change in the drafting to "strongly appeals" would make any difference to those who have made up their minds either to vote against this draft resolution or to abstain in the vote on it. 1 am not convinced that it would make any difference to them; they have made up their minds. I do not see what reason we have, therefore, for changing ours. I must say with great respect to my distinguished friend, therefore, that the sponsors cannot accept this amendment and will vote against it. 159. The "representative of Saudi Arabia has proposed a further amendment to what has been presented to us as being the most difficult part of our draft resolution, operative paragraph 5, which reads as follows: "Recommends that the Security Council should keep the question of Cyprus under constant review and adopt all practical means to promote the effective implementa- tion ofits relevant resolutions in all their aspects." Mr. Baroody has suggested that that operative paragraph be amended to read as follows: "Recommends that the Security Council should keep . the question ofCyprus under constant review with a view to finding an equitable solution acceptable to the parties concerned." 160. 1 ask myself what thel Security Council with its primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security exists for, if it cannot find an equitable solution. We are stating the obvious ifwe ask the CouncR to keep the question under constant review with a view to finding an equitable solution. In my opinion and in that of my fellow sponsors, it is absolutely redundant to say that. What we are asking the Security CouncR to do is adopt all practi~~ means to promote the effective implementation of its relevant resolutions in all their aspects. What does it adopt resolutions for-to keep them on paper and add to the volume of the archives of the United Nations? Or do the members of the Security Council t8ke themselves seriously? If they want us to take them seriously they 161. I was astonished to read in the verbatim record which I only received a little while ago the statement ofmy friend the representative ofthe United Kingdom, who said: ''We think, however, that it is a mistake for this Assembly to go beyond this to the extent of trying directly to coerce the parties or to prejudge the separate discussi!Jn of this problem by the Security Council." {62nd meeting, para. 59./ What is meant by "separate discussion of this problem by the Security Council"? Separate from what? The Security Council exists for one purpose and one purpose only, to maintain peace and security and to adopt all effective measures, and by that I mean all.practical reeans. We are not dictating to the members of the Council the steps they should take; that is for them, in their wisdom, to decide. 162. I regret very much that for that reason we, the sponsors of the draft resolution, cannot accept this second amendment and will vote against it. Ifwe want mere words and empty resolutions we can certainly adopt this amend- ment, but it is totally lacking in meaning. 163. I do not mean any offence to the Ambassador of Saudi Arabia. I know that his desire, one that is shared by us all, is to fmd an equitable solution, but we shall not fmd an equitable solution if we do not adopt practical means, and the only organ of the United Nations that can adopt practical means is the Security Council. We are not ~ any way implying that they should adopt any particular kind of practical means, and I want to make that absolutely and patently clear.

We have a list of other speakers who wish to explain their vote, and I appeal to delegations to take into consideration also the amendments just submitted by the representative ofSaudi Arabia when they speak as was done by the representative of Sri Lanka, who spoke on behalfof the sponsors of the dr? :! reoolution.

I am still speaking on the amendments lest a distorted impression be unwit- tingly created by the interpretation of them given by the representative of Sri Lanka. These are, after all, amend- ments-especially the second .mtendment-that I did not write until after I had given deep thought to the implica- tions of operative paragraph 5, taking into account that a separate vote would be asked for on that paragraph and knowing that it·will stand as it is. This is why I submitted .. these amendments-not in order to antagonize one of the parties. If one wants to antagonize TuIkey, or, for that matter, Greece, or the communities, then you will get nowhere. This was my purpose. What does the representa- tive of Sri· Lanka mean by calling the -amendment c'mean- ingless"? What I said was full of meaning. What does he mean by "all practical means"? Did he enumerate the practical means? He mentioned ";ill practical means". Who is going to tell us what those practical means are? Do they imply that the Security Councl should coerce Turkey? 166. Now, when one wants to create peace between parties one should have a wording that is acceptable, or at least has a common denominator of acceptability, to all parties concerned. This is not to say that I have found the magic wand, but at least I want to placate one party that would not co-operate. Suppose it does not co-operate? The representative of Sri Lanka said, adopt resolutions. We adopt resolutions here and they adopt resolutions in the Security Council. On that question about which the representative of Sri Lanka is deeply concerned-the Middle East question-there were 20 or so resolutions that have gone unheeded. 167. But suppose that the Security Council changes its tactics, and suppose also that one ofthe parties-it happens to be Turkt.y in this case-says, "What, are you threatening me here? ", its position will harden. It will act against all logic when threatened. If we say "Recommends that the Security Council should keep the question ofCyprus under constant review ...", what is wrcng with that? We agree with that. But if we continue with the words ~'with a view to finillng an equitable"-we do not say "favouring one party over the other"-"'solution acceptable to all parties", are these inane words? Why does the re~resentativeof§ri Lanka want to read inanity into them? It is because he is working in solidarity with the other sponsors, I like solidarity when it is based on pragmatism and justice but not when it is based on the circumstance of belonging to the third world while the others happen to be industrialized countries. Our loyalty to seeking peace and fmding solu- tions should transcend our petty national interests and our fanatic stands. The representative of Sri Lanka has known me here for the past 10 or 12 years. I have not always necessarily worked with others. Many times I have been asked to join in sponsoring draft resolutions, but I keep myself separate so that I can see how we can bring about compromises and not how we can antagonize. 168. I was told here by Ambassador Tiirkmen that his country opposes the term "practical means"-this is no secret; ev!'ryone knows it-because it has ma.llY connota- tions. "All practical means"-what practical means? Why are these means not enumerated for the Security Council, since they are being recommended here? The General Assembly only makes recommendations. All right, do us the favour of telling us something-we do not need an exhaustive list-about those "practical means". 169. The representative of Sri Lanka said that my amend- ments were "verbiage". What about this? Is it not \rerbiage? Tell me now what is meant by some of those "practical means" here? We should like to know. This is what will give Turkey, even ifit is not right, an excuse to harden its position. That is why I am asking delegations, regardless of what region they belong to, to vote on these amendments on their merits. Whether the words "Strongly appeals" and "Demands" mean the same thing is of secondary importance; the important thing is the amend- ment to operative paragraph 5.

My delegation 179. During the last few weeks, we had on repeated views with deep regret the lack of progress in the last two occasions expressed OUT desire to take part in the dis- ye2r8 on the question of Cyprus and the fact that once cussions concerning the elaboration of a draft resolution. again this Assembly fmds it IluCessary to consider a further Our amendments were~ proposed in' due time; they'were rilsolution calling on all parties ~o respect and implement its submitted to those of the non-alignerl countries that were previous resolutions. responsible for reconciling views and for drawing up the draft resolution. We had hoped that they would at least be discussad, but our amendments were not taken into account, and we were unable to have any discussion on them. 173. The General Assembly in resolution 3395 (XXX) called for the continuation ofnegotiations between the two communities with a view to achieving a mutually acceptable politic-al solution. In January and February of this year the late Archbishop Makario8 and Mr. Denkt3§ agreed on a set of guidelines to pave the way for the resumption of the intercomrnunal~"t:dks.Despite their efforts and the untiriTlg efforts of the Secret:i1y-General and his staff, little or no progress has been made. Although both parties and the international community have never failed to stress the urgency of the situation, negotia'tions between the com- munities remain at a stalemate. 174. My Government believ~s that the key to progress !~day more than ever before lies in the resumption of these negotiations. The wmewhat·stronger emphasis in operative paragraph 3 of this year's draft resolution is fully in line with my GOlJammeut's position. We hope that the talks will be resumed shortly and that, in turn, they will bring about f'_ovement on the question of refugees and the withdrawal of troops, in line with past resolutior~ adopted by this Assembly. 175. Resolution 31/12, adopted last year, expressed deep concern that the prolongation of t::.e· Cyprus crisis en- dangered peace and security. It is a fact that there has been no development since then which would lead the Assembly to make a different :.lSsessment. The request to'the Security Council in cperath'e paragraph 5 of the draft resolution, sponsored by a number of non-aligned.delegations, is the logical reflection: of that judgement, and my delegation has no difficulty in supporting it. We sh;ill vote for draft resolution A/32/L.16 as a whole, as it stands, and for any individual paragraph on which a separate vote may be requested. 176. In our view, the amendments proposed by the representative of Saudi Arabia do not add clarity or cogency to a text which we find satisfactor-y in its present fonn. I regret, therefore, that my delegation is unable to support those amendments.

Speaking on behalf of tlle Belgia.'l delegation, I wish io explain our vote on draft resolution A/32/L.16 and Add.I. 185. Since I have said that, it is obvious that my delegation also opposes, along with the sponsors of the • draft resolution, the oral amendments put forward by the 178.. In his statement yesterday {62nd meetingj, the representative ofSaudi Arabia, Ambassador Baroody. Permanent Representative of the United Kingdom referred . to the suggestions made a few days ago by one of the 186. Tne primary importance of the draft lies in the fact delegations of the ni.'le members of the European Corn- that the Generrl Assembly, gravely concerned over the 180. It is only natural that in an assembly those States which share the same ide31s and interests should get . together and unite their efforts. But are not dialogue and a discussion among all normal procedure thereafter? Such an approach, in our view, would have assisted in bringing the parties together and in the present case would have favoured a resumption of the intercommunal talks. 181. For that icasGn, Belgium will abstain in the vote on this draft resolution.

The General As- sembly has before it for voting a draft resolution on Cyprus prepared by the contact group ofthe non·aligned countries. My deleg~tion and I wish to express to the m~mbeIS of that group our thanks and gratitude for their untiring efforts to carry out competently and conscientiously the difficult task entrusted to them. In that role they expressed the conscience and the will ofthe non-aligned countries and, in the draft resolution which they have introduced, their determination to see that the provisions of the General Assembly resolutions on Cyprus-and particularly of resolu- tion 3212 (XXIX), which was endorsed by the Security Council-are effectively implemented. 183. My delegation, at whose initiative the question of Cyprus has been considered by this body, is fully satisfied both by the debate and by the contents of the draft resolution. "The long-suffering people of Cyprus are es- .pecialIy grateful to those delegations which, through their speeches, have supported ourjust cause. 184. The draft resolution before the Assembly contains all the necessary elements the inJplementation of which will promote the achievement of a just solution of the Cyprus problem. It is, in the view ofmy delegation, a balanced and moderate draft which, being the result of laboriou~negotia- tions carried out by the contact group of the non-aligned countries, should be viewed and adopted as a whole. ~curity Council, and recommends that the Council adopt Add.l: to replace the word ~~Demands" by the words all practical means to promote the effective implementation "Strongly appeals'~ A recorded vote has been request~d. ofits relevant resolutions in all their provisions. 187. Those provisions are: the withdrawal of foreign troops from the Republic of Cyprus, the cessation of any form of interference in its affairs, the return of the refugees to their homes in safety, the refraining from any unilateral actions, and the carrying out of meaningful and construc- tive negotiations between the representatives of the two communities on the basis of comprehensive and concrete proposals. Against: Algeria, Angola, Argentina, Barbados, Benin, Bhutan, Botswana, Bulgaria, Burma, Burundi, Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic, Cape Verde, Central Mrican Empire, Chad, Colombia, Congo, Costa Rica, Cuba, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Democratic Yemen, El Salvador, Equa- torial Guinea, Ethiopia, Fiji, Gabon, German Democratic Republic, Ghana, Greece, Grenada, Guatemala, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Hungary, Iceland, India, Jamaica, Kenya, Lao People's Democratic Republic, Liberia, Malawi, Mali, Malta, Mongolia, Mozambique, Nepal, Nicaragua, Nigeria, Panama, Peru, Poland, Romania, 189. It is our fervent hope that the adoption of this draft' Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Sierra Leone, Sri Lanka, resolution will m&ke a positive contribution to a just and Swaziland, Syrian Arab Republic, Togo, Trinidad and peaceful settlement of the problem of Cyprus. I wish to Tobago, Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, Union of stress that without foreign interference, of which the most Soviet Socialist Republics, United Republic of Cameroon, insidious form is the continued military occupation of a United Republic of Tanzania, Upper Volta, Viet Nam, large part of Cyprus by Turkey, the day will dawn for the Yugoslavia, Zambia. people of Cyprus-Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots- when they earl live and prosper together and together reap the fruits of their co-operative labour. Such a development - can easily and speedily come about by the adoption and implementation of the draft resolution which is before the Assembly. By such a development peace and tranquillity will return to Cyprus and for that its people will owe an eternal debt of gratitu\ie to this Assembly. At the same time, this Assembly can take pride in the fact that it will have substantially contributed to the just solution of a problem which involves, in addition to the suffering of a people, principles touching upon the very existence of the United Nations. 18~.All those aspects are adequately covered in the v-anous-~.;provisions of the draft resolution. We believe that . !he.~-df~ft ..resolution, reflecting as it does the purposes and >-jriil9ipl~&:of.the _United Nations and at the same time positively meeting the needs of the situation in Cyprus, will receIve the ove~rwhe1ming support of the Assembly.

The situation is now the follow- ing. The representative of Saudi Arabia has introduced two oral amendments to draft resolution A/32/L.16. According to rule 78 ofthe Assembly's rules ofprocedure, "As a generaIrule, no proposal shall be discussed or put to the vcte at any meeting of the General Assembly- unless copies of it have been circulated to all delegations not later than the day preceding the meeting." .. However, on the basis· of the same rule, I permitted the discussion and consideration of the oral amendments proposed by the representative ofSaudi Arabia. -- 191. Sever31"representatives have expressed their views on those,' amendments and the_ spok~sinanof t4e group of sponsors, the representative·ofS.ri lanka, informed us that the sponsors would vote against tflose amendments.

The Assembly will now proceed to vote on the second oral amendment which relates to operative paragraph 5 o(draft resolution A/32/L.16 and Add.I. Acc.Jrding to the amendment it is proposed to delete the words "and adopt all practical means to promote the effective implementation of its relevant resolutions in all their aspects" and to replace them by "with a'view to finding an equitable' soluti~o.. acceptable to the parties concerned". A recorded vote has been requested.

A separate vote has been re· quested on operative paragraph 5 of draft resolution A/32/ L.16 and Add..!, which reads as follows: URecommends that the Security Council should keep the question of Cyprus under constant review and adopt all practical means to promote the effective implementa· tion ofits relevant resolutions in all th~ir aspects". A recorded vote has been requested.

The Assembly will now vote on draft resolution A/32/L.16 and Add.l as a whole. A recoded vote has been requested. .

I shall now call on the representa- tives wishing to explain their vote after the vote. 9 The delegations of Algeria and Sao Tome ana Principe subse- quently informed the Secretariat that they wished to have their votes recorded as having been in favour of the paragraph. 199. As the representative of Canada stated in his inter- vention yesterday, 8 November, on the question of Cyprus: "However important international debate of this issue may be, it is througl~ resumed intercommunal talks that progress will come about ..." [62nd meeting, para. 8j. 200. Canad~, on the other hand, abstained in the vote on operative paragraph 5 because it believes that the recom- mendation to the Security Council to keep the question under constant review was superfluous. 201. The Security Council already meets twice a year to decide whether the situation in Cyprus requires the continued presence of UNFICYP. The Council has met whenever events have so required and has requested the Secretary-General to keep the Council informed of all events likely to lrinder the implementation of Security Council resolution 414 (1977) of 15 September. 202. Although'! we are in favour of the effective imple- mentation of the relevant Security Council resolutions on Cyprus, we believe that the most practical way of doing so is already fully indicated in operative paragraph 3.

' In our statement at the plenary meeting yester- day on the question ofCyprus[61st meetingj, the Chinese delegation once again expounded the principled position of the Chinese Government on this question. We sincerely hope that the Greek and Turkish Cypriots and the parties concerned, taking to heart the over-all interests of·unity against imperialism and hegemoniSm, will do away with super-Power meddling and sabotage and will eliminate gradually their differences through patient negotiations on an equal footing and in a spirit of mutual u!lderstanding and mutual accommodation so as to arrive at a fair and reasonable settlement of the Cyprus question at an e:.rrly date. Based on the above position, the Chinese delegation has voted for the draft resolution, as a whole, sponsored by Algeria and other countries. However, since we have reservations on the wording of operative paragraph 5 ofthe draft, we did not, therefore, participate in the separate vote on this paragraph. Moreover, the operative part ofthe draft resolution deals with the Question of UNFICYP, on which we have always held a different position in principle, and this is known to all. Therefore, the Chinese delegation also has reservations on the relevant part of operative para- graph 6 ofthe said draft. . .. 204. Mr. ORTNER (Austria): The Austrian delegation has voted in favour of the draft resolution. Our vote was motivated chiefly by considerations expressed in our intervention in the course ofthe debate on this agenda item [61st meetingj and no further elaboration is therefore required. On that o~casionwe also tried to express our fmn desire to contribute to every effort designed to facilitate a speedy resumption of a meanin~ul and constructive dia- logue between the two Cypriot communities. We have no 206. Furthermore, as we have already emphasized in our statement yesterday, we see little merit ina mere repetition of paragraphs already contained in numerous resolutions previously adopted by the General Assembly under this agenda item. 207. If those difficulties have not changed the general direction of our vote, it is only because of our desire to encourage efforts such as that expressed in the resolution that has just been adopted. .

My delegation voted for the draft resolution as a whole, but in a separate vote we voted for the two amendments to operative paragraphs 4 and 5 submitted by the representative of Saudi Arabia, and we abstained in the vote on operative paragraph 5 as a whole, on which we have reservations. 209. Although we had difficulty with some of the wording of the draft resolution, we voted in favour of it as we understood that its main purpose was to make a pressing appeal to all the parties concerned to resume negotiations 0n an early solution acceptable to them. 210. My Governmt;jf~t therefore stfongly urges all the parties in dispute to reflect seriously on the fact that the outcome of their negotiations depends on their willingness to agree to more flexibility, taking. into account not only their particular interests but also the legitimate aspirations and requirements.of the' other side. . 211. Our constant concern has been to seek constructive elements and conditions capable of restoring an atmosphere of mutual confidence between the parties concerned. The strenuous efforts made so far by the Secretary-General and his Special Representative has not brought about the results expected. Indeed, if our efforts continue to bog down in a prolonged impasse, as has been the case, the various problems which ate themselves of great complexity will become more intricate, and the situation will grow more dangerous. Furthermore, the parties concerned should not overlook a general feeling in the United Nations that the burdens-peace-keeping or otherwise-borne by a certain number of the Member States are stretching them to the limit. 212. We sincerely hope that, in line with the draft resolution which we have just adopted, the negotiations between the parties concerned will be resumed at the earliest possible opportunity, utilizing the good offices of the Secretary-General, so that substantial progress can be reported at next year's regular session of the General Assembly. That, we understand, is the sincere wish of all States Members of this Organization. 214. As we stressed this morning in the debate on the question of Cyprus {63rd meetingj, it is necessary that an end be put to the Cyprus crisis without delay. The continuation of this crisis is prejudicial to the interests of the Cypriot people. 215. The imperialist Powers, and in the fust place the two super-Powers, would profit from this crisis to create new dangers for this people, for the neighbouring peoples of the eastern Mediterranean and the Balkan area, and for general peace and security., 216. The Albanian delegation would like to express its regret at the lack of progress in the efforts of the two parties directly concerned to fmd a solution to the problem of Cyprus. The Albanian Government, as always, is in favour of respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the State of Cyprus. It is against any foreign interference in the internal affairs of that country. The Albanian delegation believes that it is up to the people of Cyprus and that people alone to resolve the problem of Cyprus according to its own will, without foreign inter- ference, in accordance with the n~tionalinterests and the equal rights of the two communities of the island. We are also of the view that a just solution to the problem of Cyprus can be found only through the efforts made by the two communities on the basis of the establishment and strengthening of mutual trust, harmony and understanding between them_ 217. The Albanian delegation would like to announce, however, that it has reservations about certain aspects of the fonnulations which we fmd in the preamble and the operative part of the draft resolution just voted upon, for example, that appearing in operative paragraph 5. We also have reservations about operative paragraph 6, particularly with regard to the reference to the role of UNFICYP. In this regard the Albanian delegation would like to stress that the views of the Albanian Government, expressed many times here in the United Nations, on the nature of the United Nations Forces, and its attitude with regard to the role played by tliese forces, apply also to UNFICYP.

Australia abstained in the vote on operative paragraph 5 of the draft resolution for reasons explained by the representative ofCanada. 219. Australia views the central purpose of the resolution just adopted as providing an impetus to the early resump- tion of negotiations between the two communities. These negotiations are an essential means to the end, which we all support, of an equitable and lasting settlement based on those communities' fundamental and legitimate rights. 220. Our support for the draft resolution as a whole is consistent with our support for all previous resolutions on the question .of Cyprus. We believe that the Secretary General continues to have an essential role in the concilia-

My delegation would like to explain its vote in connexion with the draft resolution just adopted by the Assembly. 223. My delegation has been following with closa atten- tion the delicate negotiations which have taken place over th~ past 12 months to bring about a settlement of this serious problem. This is a ~ituation in which the agreement of all parties is essential if conditions in the area are to return to nonnality and jf the people of Cyprus are to be assured of their inalienable rights. 224. We know that the Secretary-General and his Special Representative in Cyprus are actively involved in the delicate proceedings which are necessary in order to prepare the ground for agreement. The position of the United Nations in this matter has been clearly spelled out in previous General Assembly resolutions. 225. In my delegation's view, the best procedure at this stage, considering the many complex factors involved, would have been to achieve a position which the Assembly would have endorsed by consensus. 226. Wlu1e my delegation deeply appreciates the efforts made by the sponsors of the draft resolution, it feels that the circumstances which I have explained have made it necessary for my delegation to abstain in the vote on it. We hope that the continued efforts of the Secretary-General will be successful and that all the parties concerned will make detennined efforts to reach a solution acceptable to t.~e two communities of the island. 22~. Mr. ERNEMANN (Belgium) (interpretation from French): I am speaking for the second tfute in order to explain the vote of the 'nine members of the European Community on operative paragraph 5 of the draft resolu- tion which we have just adopted. 228. The nine members of the European Community abstained in the separate vote taken on that paragraph. The reasons for that attitude clearly emerged from the state- ment made on their behalf by the Belgian Foreign Minister in the general debate on 26 September last in the General Assembly {7th meetingj. This position was restated in the statement made by Belgium yesterday {61:t meeting] on behDlf of the nine members of the European Community in t.he debate on the question ofCyprus.