S/33/PV.8 Security Council

Mr. President, the delegation of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics wishes to congratulate you on your election to the post of President of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly of the United Nations and to wish you full success in that high office. 36. It has become customary for representatives of prac- tically all States to expound the views of their Governments concerning the crucial issues of war and peace at regular sessions of the United Nations General Assembly. Indeed, the United Nations, the most representative international forum, is the right place to raise in their full dimensions issues on whose solution largely depends the future of mankind. 37. The United Nations was established specifically for that purpose. It emerged immediately after the fiery steamroller of the Second World War had driven over Europe and a considerable part of the rest of the world. Today, memories of those days are still fresh in our minds. Words fail to describe fully what that war visited upon mankind. 38. Both the generation that had to live through the war and the present generation realize that the victory won over the forces of fascism and aggression is of historic world significance. It changed the political image of the planet and brought to an unprecedented pitch the activities of forces working for peace, national liberation and social progress. The sword of justice smote those who had instigated the aggression. Such are the lessons taught by history itself-history, the most authoritative teacher. 39. Looking back over the path traversed in international affairs over the postwar decades, including the troubled years of the "cold war", peoples, Governments and political figures-unless of course they are laymen in politics-cannot afford to ignore the major imperative of bending every effort to prevent another military catastrophe which would be even more disastrous for mankind than the two world wars taken together. 40. The fact that it has proved possible to avoid a major war for almost a third of a century is undoubtedly a great achievement of the peoples. They are increasingly shOWing that they hate war, reject and curse it as a means of resolving international disputes and controversies. 42. We are implementing that policy, hand in hand with our friends and allies. The recent meeting in the Crimea of Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev with the leaders of fraternal parties and States has shown with new strength that the socialist community firmly follows the course of peace, detente and international co-operation. 43. The fraternal socialist States are justly proud of the fact that through their consistent activities year after year, month after month, almost day after day, they are making no small contribution to preserving peaceful conditions for the life and creative work of peoples on earth. 44. Yet it would be naive to deny another thing: peace will not become more durable, detente more reliable, unless the efforts of socialist States are reciprocated by other countries. That in turn calls for a willingness, despite differences in social systems, to resolve controversial issues at the negotiating table, without seeking unilateral advan- tages. 45. The participants in this General Assembly session will probably agree that we have not gathered here merely to express our satisfaction at the fact tha t, so far, peace has been preserved. What is much more important is to mobilize additional efforts and find new possibilities of shielding the peoples from aggression and from a world conflict in the future as well. 46. The will of the Soviet people and the policy of our State was expressed in a penetrating and meaningful manner by Leonid Ilyich Brezhnev in these words: "The major thrust of our struggle for peace in the present conditions is to lessen the risk of another world war, of the mass annihilation of people through the use of nuclear weapons." 47. It is indeed true that all peoples are inspired by one idea, one aspiration: peace. Yet the situation in different parts of the world is taking shape differently, for the world is full of contradictions and the influence exercised by those forces which are working for stronger international security and the freedom of peoples and that exercised by those who on the contrary are attempting to encroach on them is felt differently in various parts of the world. 48. The continent of Europe has made the greatest headway towards establishing durable peace. It is in Europe that major moves towards peace on a collective and bilateral basis have been accomplished in recent years. Several hurdles have been surmounted, one after another, in improving relations between countries with opposing social systems. The political climate in Europe today is clearly healthier than before. 50. Europe now Jppcars tll have reached ;1 stage where the opponents of d~tente are hard put tll it to reverse the course of even ts. However. this does /lot mean that lhe fruits of improved relations bet ween Slates will fall bv themselves into the hands of the peoples. On the contral'):. sustained efforts are required, and. prm'ldcd States lIrc t;n the &ide of detente. they ha"c great \!pporlunilIes for mutually beneficial w·opcmtion 1J\ the mmt dl\'ers.e l1elds, For its part the Sllviet l'niulI will spare no effort to this end. SI. Close attention IS ri,etcd todi1\ un !lle wnlincllt tlf Africa. Africa, with its 4OQ·millicll\ populatIOn, is seething. Newly-liberated States are in the pro...~s..~ (If self·assertitln, shedding the last shackles uf wlclllialisllI, I;ollowillg the adoption by the United Nations in 1960 of I.he historic Declaraticlll un the Granting of Inde~)('ndcnc:c tll Cultmial Countries and I'e(lples almost all of them haYe g,3llled their national frecdom··almost all, but not .111. The colonial order still persists in Rhnde~a. ~arnjbill and the Republk of South Afrka. with its barbaric forms of racial discrimi· nation. 5J. How many words and how much paper are wasted in casting aspersions on the p<cllicy Ill' the Soviet l'niun and other socialist countries in cllnnexion with !lle situation in some parts of Mrica. And who is doing all this~ Those who are clinging to tile rel1lllJn15 of colonialism and radsm. Aware that what they' arc doing is hardly ptlpular, to say the least, they are attempting to cover up their nco.co- lonialist lml\'es and to dCL'circ the peoples, Apparently surh devices will be resurted tll In the future as well. Yet, deceit will get no onc very far; the pc\\ples will krmw how to tell the truth from a lie. 53. Colonialism and racism must be fully and irrevocably eliminated from the African continent' tno. Those Wh~l want to preserve the racist regimes. which arc SCl odious to the peoples of Africa, must realize that their cause has bet'n lost. and lost irretrievably. 54. As in the past, we make 110 ~cret (If !lIe fa"t that our sympathies arc on the side of the peoples fighting for their nal1(:nal independence and social progress, But wc arc not seekmg any advantages for ourselves either in AfriL-a or in the developing muntries in other cnl1tinents. The SU\'iet Union does lHlt WYl.'t politic:!1 dOllllnatinn, concessions (lr military bases, 55, \Ir'hen the States of Africa Ilr nther p;:Hts nf the world request aid to repel aggression \,·t' repeat, aggression ur an anlled~ttack. the:- havl' every right to expect supporl from theIr Iriends. Or perhaps the pruvisi\)l\ nf the United indepcnden~e will strike for the peoples of southern Africa, too, and when the entire African continent to the last inch will become free. 57. There is an area at the croS'lroads of three continents which could be described as a "powder keg", as the Balkans once ustd to be called. That area is the Middle East. Hardly anyone would dare to say that the situation in the Middle East is not fraught with the danger of another exp!llsillll. Sll. What is the mot·cause of such a situation? Illies in the fact tl1at 10 years after the aggression its consequences have still not been eliminated, while the aggresScion itself goes unpunished. Israel continues to hold sway over terri turies it has seized. lInfortl1ll3tely. even in the Arab wurld there arc sume politicians who display no concern abllut Arab lands ,llld who are inclined to neglect the legitimate rights of the Arabs, especially the Palestinian Arabs, and to cringe and surrender to the demands of the :l8&ressor and those who protect lum. 59. The Soviet Union has repeatedly stated its willingness to plar a part in ensuring peace in the Middle East and to participate ill the most stringent international security guarantees for all States of that area. Israeli spokesmen contend that they have no use for international guarantees. This is no more Ulan empty polemical bravado. If Israel genUinely cared for its security .. real, not illusory, securi· ty it would seek a political solution. For the fact is that with e:dsting means of warfare the distance from the bCJ!dcrs to which a neighbouring State has withdrawn its guns is of lit tIe consequence. What is reqUired here is a radi<al breakthrough towards a situation in which the guns would be altogether sile nt. 60. Only a solution that would guarantee the right to independence and security of all States and peoples in the Middle Fast, including the Arab people of Palestine, who are fully en tilled to a national home. a State of their own, can lay the foundations for a lasting peace in that part of the world. 61. All tJle accumulated experience, particularly recent expcricncl.', indkates that a radical and comprehensive settlelllent in the Middle East can be achieved only on the basis of joint efforts by all the parties directly concerned. Separate deals at the expense of the Arabs have only side-tracked the solution of the problem. 62. And such, precisely, is the nature of the under- standings reached at the recent three-sided meeting at Camp David. 11' one looks at things realistically, there are no grounds fm believing that they. as claimed, bring a Middle East settlement closer. On the contrary, what this is all about is ;1 new ,ulli·:\rab step making it more difficult to achieve a jusl S\lllltion of this pressing problem, That is why a campaign of artificial and affected optimism can mislead no l'ne. 64. For many years, many decades, the peoples of Asia, the most heavily populated continent in the world, have been concerned about how to ensure peace, security and possibilities for development and progress in that area. The key to this, in our view, lies in joint action by all Asian States without exception. This is particularly urgent in the present conditions when developments in Asia are revealing certain disquieting traits. It is not fortuitous that among Asian countries there is a growing realization of the fact that conflicts, crude pressure and interference in internal affairs, which not so long ago went so far as to assume the dimensions of military intervention, and attempts to pit Asian States one against the other should give way to a stable peace. 65. It is in this perspective that the creation of a unified Viet Nam, which had expelled the aggressors from its territory and is today pursuing a peace-loving policy, is of tremendous importance. The Socialist Republic of Viet Nam, which has heroically lived through all the hardships of a long and bitter war, is now courageously defending its sovereignty. From the United Nations rostrum the Soviet Union once again declares its solidarity with Viet Nam and states that the hegemonistic claims with which it is being confronted are totally inadmissible. 66. The Soviet Union favours good relations with those Asian States which in turn seek mutual understanding and good· neighbourly relations with us. Such are our relation- ships with most Asian States, and in several cases they go back a good many years. Along with equal and mutually advantageous co-operation based on the principles of mutual respect, strict observance of sovereignty and the principle of non·interference in each other's internal affairs we are united with those countries by our common concer~ for strengthening peace and security in Asia, our joint strug~le .against the designs of the forces of imperialism, colomalism and racism. 67. One striking example of multifaceted friendly co- operation, of peaceful coexistence of States with different social systems, is the relationship between the Soviet Union and India. This relationship, with long·standing traditions of good·neighbourliness, is steadily on the rise, in its development on the firm basis of the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Co·operation.4 It is consonant with the vital interests of the peoples of the two countries and constitutes an important and effective factor for peace on the Asian continent and throughout the world. 68. If we do not have such relationships with all Asian States, the responsibility for that is not ours. It rests squarely on those who persist in following a hostile line with regard to our country, a line wltich is hostile to the cause of peace in general. Those who, while themselves pursuing hegemonistic aims, try to peg the label of hegemonism on others are making a travesty of the facts. 4 Signed at New Delhi on 9 August 197 I. 70. Our policy with regard to Japan has been and will remain a policy of principle. We stand for good relations with that country, for genuinely good.neighbourly rela· tions. However, appropriate moves by Japan are also required. 71. Let us now turn to another continent, Latin America. Its role in world affairs is on the rise, and what is particularly noteworthy is that Latin American countries increasingly seek to have an independent voice. Accordingly there are growing opportunities for co-operation between those countries and States in other parts of the world. This is a positive and important factor of international life. The Soviet Union wishes the countries and peoples of Latin America nothing but good. 72. During the current session of the General Assembly another independent State, Solomon Islands, has become a Member, the one hundred and fiftieth Member, of the United Nations. Oceania is very far from us, but we wish to maintain normal and, where possible, friendly relations with the countries of that area as well. Here, too, we regard with sympathy the aspirations of the peoples to gain independence and to free themselves from foreign tutelage, in both the literal and the figurative meaning of the word. 73. In this connexion, one cannot ignore the actions of the United States in respect of Micronesia in a bid to lay its hands on a Territory which is temporarily under its trusteeship and to make those islands serve its own military and strategic plans in violation of the United Nations decisions and in circumvention of the Security Council. 74. What follows from this review of the state of affairs in the world, brief as it is? First of all, despite the contradictory nature of the current world developments, the international situation on the whole is better than, say, 10 or 15 years ago. 75. At the same time, it is clear that the international situation does not depend solely on the state of affairs in this or that area of the world. There are international problems which it is difficult or even impossible to fit into a geograpltical framework. The most crucial, most burning and most truly global problem affecting all countries and peoples is the ending of the arms race and disarmament. 76. The truth wltich is recognized today by all is that enormous resources are being spent to manufacture engines of destruction. It is indeed a fact that in this time of peace more than 25 million men are in military uniform; and there are many more people who are directly or indirectly engaged in military production. All this represents a colossal drain on the material and intellectual resources of mankind. 78. The Soviet Union can note with satisfaction that many ideas tha t it proposed became an organic part of lhe Final Document. Like all those who are not merely paying lip- service to disarmament but arC actually seeking disarm· ament, we believe IIt3t the decisions taken at the special session must be tr<lnsla ted into the language of practical deeds by Slates, failing which they will remain empty phrases. 79. If one is to lake a sober view of things, one must recognize, however. that the arms race has not diminished one whit. A group of States and everyone knows which- has decided to eamlark huge additional appropriations for an arms build·up over many years to come. The decision taken by the Nortll Atlantic Council session of the North Atlantic Treaty Organiz.ation in Washington and the sub· sequent steps to intensify rnili tBry preparations in a number of countries can only be interpreted as a challenge to those who are working for disarmamen t. 80. Regardless of all the attempts of the instigators of the anns race to make things lonk as if the security of States will be all the more reliable the bigger their military arsenals are, the facts are quite different. As the number of weapons grows, as new and ever more destructive types of weapons emerge, the risk of war also increases. People will not accept any excuses such as references to a "threat from the USSR". Such references are completely spurious. 81. Who but the Soviet Union is making one proposal after another designed to halt the arms race, to check it from this or that angle, and to prevent the development of new means of wnrfare~ And who is rejecting these proposals out of hand" The opponents of disarmament are doing this. 82. Dy now" and Western statcsmen recognize this-there exists an approximate equality or parity in weapons. The Sovie t Union"" and we reaffirm this does not intend to change this correlation in its favour. What is more, w: .have been and are proposing now that the levels of mlhtary confrontation be reduced that is, that the security of each and every onc be ensured with lesser quantitative and qualitativ~ parameters of armall1ents and armed forces. 83. As was clearly emphasized by Leonid Ilyich BrczhneY, "... there is no type or armaments, and above all weapons of mass destruction, that the Soviet Union would not be prepared to sec limited and banned reciprocally, in agree- ment with other States. and then eliminated from the arsenals", 84. Our country has a comprehensive programme for curtailing the arms race. Our proposals were put forward 85. In circumstances where the arms race is being stepped up and the world is sliding downhill in this respect, the first thing to do is to stop completely and further quantitative and qualitative build.up of arms. Clearly, this applies above all to States with large military potentials. 86. It will be recalled that on a practical plane the Soviet Union has urged the discussion of a set of sweeping measures which could be carried out within a specified limited period: cessation of the production of all types of nuclear weapons; cessation of the production, and pro- hibition of, all other types of weapons of mass destruction; cessation of the development of new types of conventional armaments of great destructive capability; renunciation by the permanent members of the Security Council, and by countries which have military agreements with them, of the expansion of their armies and the build-up of their conventional annaments. We expect those proposals to be treated seriously and to be examined in practical terms. 87. The greatest threat to peace-and this is something that is now recognized everywhere-stems from the nucleu- arms race. Consequently, priority should be given to nuclear disarmament. On this matter we see eye to eye with most States of the world, including the developing coun- tries. 88. Why is it not possible to couch in treaty language an obligation by States to discontinue the production of all types of nuclear weapons so as to move then to a gradu~l reduction of their stockpiles, and all the way to their complete destruction? But such ob1igatio~s cannot materi· alize out of thin air; they are produced 111 the course .of negotiations-and we have been insisting on the neceSSIty for sllch negotiations. 89. In the opinion of the Soviet Union, what is required is that all the nuclear Powers as well as a certain number of non-nuclear States get together at a conference ~a~le and that an exact date for the beginning of the negotiatIOns be set. And this session of the General Assembly should have its say in this regard and make an appropriate appeal to all the nuclear Powers in the first place. 90. Any major task, and particularly that of nuclear disarmament calls for maximum realism once you have begun to tackle it. In the world of today it is inconce~vabl.e that such a task can make any headwa~ .unless a~!lon IS taken at the same time to strengthen political and mtern~. tional legal guarantees for the security of States. In this connexion, the proposal to conclude ~ wo~ld treat~ on the non-use of force in interna lional relations IS becommg ever more urgent. 5 See documenl A/S-I0jAC.l/4. 92. The same purpose is served by concrete initiatives of the Soviet Union, and today we are stressing them again, expecting that they will eUdt the understanding and support of the General Assembly. 93. What is involved here in the first place is the strengthening of security guarantees for non-nuclear States; and secondly, the non-stationing of nuclear weapons on the territory of States where there are no such weapons at present. 94. It will be recalled that recently our country has taken a step conducive to instilling among non-nuclear States greater confidence in their security. The Soviet Union has declared that it will never use nuclear weapons against countries which renounce the production and acquisition of nuclear weapons and which do not have them on their territory. 95. Following our lead, the United States and the United Kingdom, for their part, have made declarations to the effect that they would not use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States. On the whole, this could be regarded as a positive fact, were not such declarations replete with an kinds of reservations rendering them valueless. 96. The Soviet Union has not confined itself to a solemn declaration regarding the non-use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States which renounce the production and acquisition of nuclear weapons and do not have them on their territory. We have expressed our readiness-and this still stands-to enter into special agreements to that effect with any of those countries. The USSR calls upon all the other nuclear Powers to act in a similar manner and to assume corresponding obligations. 97. At the same time, it is clear that, if the problem of safeguarding non-nuclear States from the use of nuClear weapons against them is to be tackled in the most effective manner, agreed guarantees on the part of the nuclear Powers and a multilateral arrangement are required. In other words, it is necessary that we have an international agreement based on a pledge by those Powers not to use or threaten to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear States parties to such an agreement provided the latter do not produce, acquire or have such weapons on their te rritory. A similar obligation could be extended to armed forces and installations under the jurisdiction and control of non- nuclear States-that is, to make it even more sw~eping in scope. 98. Do non-nuclear States stand to benefit from their participation in an international agreement of this kind? Of course they do. They would be provided with security guarantees universally formalized in international law, whereas they themselves would not be required to do anything but strictly to observe their non-nuclear status. At the same time, this would be to everyone's advantage, for 100. We feel that one of the merits of our initiative is that, given the goodwill of States, and of course of the nuclear States above all, it may yield practical results fairly soon. Following discussion on this question at the current session of the General Assembly, the Committee on Disarmament could immediately proceed to negotiate the text of the convention so that it would as soon as possible be open to signature by all States of the world. IO!. I should like to turn now to our second proposal, concerning the non-stationing of nuclear weapons on the territories of States where there are no such weapons at present. It can hardly be disputed that this is a reliable way to prevent nuclear weapons from spreading all over the globe. 102. Here, too, we take into account the point of view expressed by a large group of States. Many countries are becoming increasingly aware of the risks stemming from nuclear weapons and they are not at all eager to have them on their territories. 103. In our view, this could be achieved through an international agreement to be based on a clear and simple pledge by the nuclear Powers not to station nuclear weapons on territories where there are no such weapons at present. Such an obligation would cover all types of nuclear weapons-warheads, bombs, shells, mines and so on- whether deployed as combat systems or kept in depots and storage facilities. At the same time, non-nuclear countries would formalize their intention to refrain from any steps which directly or indirectly could lead to the presence of nuclear weapons on their territories. 104. If all the nuclear Powers were to agree not to station nuclear weapons where there are no such weapons at present-and our country has already declared its willing. ness to do so-it would not be too difficult to reach international agreement. The Soviet Union would like to hope that the United Nations General Assembly will respond favourably to its proposal. 105. The implementation of the initiatives which we are putting forth at this session would also result in a much stronger regime of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons without affecting in any way the possibilities of using nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. By the same token, our proposals, which are consonant with the idea of creating nuclear-free zones, provide even greater leeway for putting these ideas into practice through the collective or individual efforts of States. 107. This applies first and foremost tll such inhuman weapons as the neutron weapon. The situation would become much lllore dangerous if the plans for its pro· duction, stockpiling and deployment materialized. It is in the interests of peace that those plans be irrevocably abandoned. 108. Rapid progress in military science and tedlllllll1gy- this frenzy of armament, so to say- is increasing the risk that a point could be reached beyond which it would become absolutely impossible to verify compliance with the existing arm~ limitation agreements or tllLlse in the process of preparn tion. 109. Wherever disarmament negotiations are taki.ng place and whoever the participants arc. our line is directed towards achieving concrete results. An early conclusion of the Soviet-American talks on limiting strategic offensive anns is of particuhlr importance. The essence of the problem lies in setting limits for the deploymen t of the most dangerous and destructive types of armaments, to be followed by negotiations with a view to a substantial decrease in their levels. 110. It is to be hoped that a sober-minded aml well- considered line in United States policy with regard to this extremely important matter will prevail, because it new agreement is needed equally by the Soviet Union. the United States and the wnrld at large. Ill. Many coun tries on various continents welcomed the beginning of negotiations betwecn the Soviet Union and the Uni ted States on certain questions related to the problem of disarmament and the cessation of the arms race, including the tal ks on the limitalion and subscqucn t reduction of military activities in the Indian Ocean and on the limitation of the sales of conventional weapl1ns. 112. Pllsi tive results could have been achieved long ago at the talks concerning the Indian Ocean. However. ever since last Februarv thev have been "frozen"·-through no fault of l1urs. This is' givin'g concern to many States which cherished hopes that the talks would help turn the Indian Ocean into a zone of peace. 113. What is required. in the first place. to limit the sales of convcntillnal armaments and their transfer to other countries" The political basis for solving U,is question is to be found in criteria of international law which would take care both (lf the task of limiting arms sales and of the legitimate interests uf peoples fighting against aggression, for their freedulTl and independence. 114. Of late, some progress has been achieved at the negotiations between the USSR. the United Stales of 115. It is in all earnestness that the Soviet Union has been raising the question of limiting conventional armaments and armed forces. Even today the role of conventional ann- aments is quite important, while the efforts by States to limit them are insufficicn t. 116. No real headway has yet been made at the Vienna talks on the reduction of armed forces and armaments in Central Europe. Throughout the talks we have witnessed one and the same line pursued by our Western partners: "You socialist countries". they say, "SllOUld reduce more and we less". Of course there is no proof-there could not possibly be any proof-~that such a unilateral approach is justified This is nothing but an artificial piling up of obstades. 117. Our position is simple: without effecting any changes in the correlation of armaments and armed forces, their level Should none the less be reduced by both sides. Some people who want to inflict damage on the socialist countries by changing the ratio of forces in favour of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization ought to curb their appetites. 118. The socialist countries have recently put forward in Vienna new proposals whose constructive nature is recog- Itized even in U,e West. We are expecting a practical and positive response to them. 119. In connexion with the problem of disarmament, it is appropriate to stress how acute are the problems of economic development of many countries which are asking for assistance. They are compelled to overcome great difficulties. Suffice it to say that according to United Nations data 1.5 bilIion people, that is to say over one third of mankind, are deprived of elementary medical attention, while some 700 million people suffer from systematic malnutrition. At the same time, enormous amounts of money, unprecedented in history, are being wasted on war preparations. And, what is more, military appropriations continue to swell. 120. The Soviet Union has for a long time been proposing that military budgets, primarily those of the States which are permanent members of tlle Secllrity Council, be reduced by a certain percentage, and that part of the funds thus saved be used to prOVide assistance to developing coun tries. This would be a maj or step of tremendous importance. Yet, what are we told in reply is that before cutting down military budgets they should be made the subject of study. But such a study could last for decades, and go on and on. To reduce means to reduce military budgets without any red tape--even under a pseudo- scient ific cover. This calls for a political decision. 121. In order to overcome the stalemate, we propose that 3n agreement be reached on the reduction by States having 122. It must be emphatically stressed that the reduction of military budgetE is being given priority not only as an urgent task but also as one which can fairly easily lend itself to solution-provided, of course, there is a desire to solve it. 123. The peoples of the whole world would heave a sigh of relief if the burden of taxation were reduced. Today, many are reflecting upon the causes for which some States-and not least the economically developed ones-are experiencing economic upheavals. Our answer is as follows: instead of throwing away immense material values on the conveyers which are continuously producing missiles, tanks, planes, guns and other means of killing people, these resources should be diverted to peaceful purposes. The resources thus released could be used to improve the living standards of the peoples of the world, to satisfy their primary needs such as housing, better medical care, education and science, and finally simply to combat famine. 124. All this emphasizes the great responsibility for solving the problems that face mankind in the field of disarmament, a responsibility which rests primarily with those who determine the policies of States and their line in international affairs. 125. So, from whatever angle one views the problem of ending the arms race and of disarmament, the Soviet Union is ready to seek appropriate international arrangements. We have submitted concrete proposals to that effect. Naturally, we shall be willing to consider the proposals of other States, too, aimed at achieving this historic task. 126. The Soviet Union appreciates the efforts by non- aligned States to help get the disarmament problem off the ground. The actiVity of the non-aligned countries in this direction, just as in other areas of the struggle for peace, is growing, and that is a positive phenomenon in international life. 127. The General Assembly can do a good service to peace if it facilitates the convening of a world disarmament conference. It is at such a forum that decisions binding on States could be adopted. 128. It is all to the good th;t the United Nations is now more actively involved with questions of disarmament. This helps to put the relevant talks more in the limelight of public opinion. Let those who are spurring on the arms race, contrary to the will of the peoples, feel ill at ease. Everywhere in the world a moral atmosphere should be created which would make the opponents of disarmament feel pilloried. 129. There is no people that does not crave peace. As to the Soviet people, we can say with full responsibility that it does not seek war, nor will it start one. This applies fully to 130. States are faced with a great many international problems, whose number and complexity are unlikely to diminish with time" But what are the conditions and what is the atmosphere in which it is easier to solve those problems! Clearly, it is easier in the atmosphere of detente in the world, not in conditions of an aggravated situation, in a heated atmosphere. This is proved by the experience of many years. 131. The principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of States, no matter what contrived pretext is used to violate it, has been and remains a corner-stone of international life, of the further progress of detente. Every people that respects itself and every State with self-esteem has given and will always give decisive rebuffs to such attempts. The Soviet Union has not tolerated and never will tolerate interference in its internal affairs. 13i.. The course of Soviet foreign policy for peace, detente and disarmament is a firm course. It stems from the fundamental requirements of the social system of our State, expresses the will of the entire Soviet people, and translates into reality the directives and principles adopted by congresses of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. 133. Despite the complexity of the international situation, the Soviet people are looking to the future with optimism. Our confidence rests on the fact that the will of the peoples for peace is indomitable, that the forces favouring the maintenance and consolidation of peactlprevail over those who would like to turn the course of world events in the opposite direction. 134. Assessing world developments in this manner, we ourselves are ready to work without respite, and we call upon all other States to be ready to do the same, notably within the walls of the United Nations, to bring all peoples closer to a reliable peace and to make impregnable and invincible the buttress built against war.

6 The Federal Republic of Gennany at present holds the presidency of the European Community and in the Euro- pean Political Co-operation. Therefore, I should like to begin, Sir, by addressing you in my capacity as the spokesman of the nine member countries of the European Community. Let me first carry out a particularly pleasant duty by congratulating you on your assuming your high office. In you we greet the distinguished representative of a country with which the members of the Community maintain close and friendly relations. I am confident that you will give the thirty-third session of the General Assembly firm and effective leadership. 6 Mr. Genscher spoke in German. The English version of his statement was supplied by the delegation. 137. Our Community also thanks the Secretary-General, who has continuously and untiringly placed himself at the service of the United Nations. We appreciate his efforts to manage the many divergent trends and currents within our Organization for the benefit of us all. 138. It gives me special pleasure to welcome a new Member in our midst-Solomon Islands. With the admission of every new Member we are moving ever closer to our common aim of the universality of the United Nations. 139. The world today is in a state of transition, with two realities and philosophies in conflict with one another. The one reality is that of power politics. It finds expression in a gigantic arms build-up, which is constantly escalating and spreading to more and more regions, including regions of the third world. Behind this is the obsolete idea that a State can best safeguard its interests by force and by striving for predominance. 140. The other, the new, reality is global interdependence. Today, all States need reliable access to the markets of others, to the technology of others, to the raw materials of others. They all need the growth of others to stimulate their own growth. They need co-operation in the fight against international terrorism. They need co-operation to protect the threatened ecological balance. 141. In our complex world, however, this cannot be achieved by means of power politics. Force means chaos and destruction; force means bondage and loss of freedom for all. But co-operation for everyone's benefit can result only from an order that is accepted by all nations because all nations consider it to be just and because it is in their own interest to contribute to it. 142. It is this perception that engenders a new inter- national consciousness and awareness. It is nourished by respect for the independence and equality of States, by joint decisions and joint responsibilities of all, by the settlement of conflicts through negotiation and the recon- ciliation of interests. 143. It is this consciousness that will determine the future. No one can turn back the wheel of history, however strong and powerful he may be. This world of ours, confronted as it is with huge common tasks, cannot but drift into self-destruction if countries still persist in trying to steer its fortunes by outmoded power politics. 144. This new consciousness, this awareness of interdepen- dence, gave birth to the Europe of the Community, which believes in a future of equality and partnership all over the world. The Europe we are building aims at realizing the great idea of the dignity and rights of man. It is by its very nature a democratic Europe. It is open to other European democracies and we are looking forward to the accession of Greece, Portugal and Spain, making the Community of 145. However, the Europe of the nine is not an inward- looking community. Indeed, it endeavours in the wider world as well to promote peace and the welfare of all. It is the biggest trading partner in the world, especially for the third world, and it is the biggest donor of development assistance. It wants to be a centre of co-operation in the world, and it sees itself on the side of those who seek to create an order for that co-operation founded on equality and partnership. 146. We want one world in which the nations will meet the challenge of global interdependence through global co-operation. But we by no means want a uniform world-quite the contrary; we want a world in which all nations can themselves determine their political, economic and cultural ways of life. Mankind needs diversity if its creative forces are not to fade away. 147. The European Community is founded on respect for the equality of all its members and on the principle of joint decision-making. On the strength of these qualities and principles it can serve as an example for a global order giving all States, big and small, the same right and the same opportunity to play a part in the shaping of their common future. It can also serve as an example of the countries of a region forming an association and combining their efforts so as to accomplish the tasks at hand and to strengthen the independence, the political stability and the economic growth of that region. 148. We are glad to see that the idea of regional association among States with equal rights is gaining ground in all parts of the world, and we support this trend. 149. Under the Lome Convention? we are co-operating with 53 African, Pacific and Caribbean States. Another expression of the new form of interregional co-operation is the Euro-Arab dialogue, with which both sides are pursuing the common goal of placing the interdependence of the two regions on a stable basis of comprehensive and long·term co-operation. In Asia, the Europe of the Community is establishing ever closer links with the Association I)f South-East Asian Nations. 150. We follow with great interest also the work of other regional organizations, in particular, the Organization of African Unity and the Organization of American States. 151. The Europe of the Community welcomes the fact that the People's Republic of China is becoming m~re outward-looking, as is in keeping with its size and l!S political weight. The trade agreement between the Peopl~ s Republic of China and the Communit~ expresse~ the d~Slfe of both sides constantly to expand their economic relatIOns and exchanges. 152. It is now my privilege to describe the role I)f the Europe of the Community in the world and thus our 7 ACP-EEC Convenlion of Lome, signed on 28 February 1975 at Lome. For the text, sec document A!AC.176/7. 154. In large parts of Africa peace has been seriously disrupted. Many African States are in the difficult process of nation-building. In southern African an end to racial discrimination and independence for Namibia are still to be achieved. Thus Africa is confronted with the difficult task of settling internal and external conflicts by peaceful means and at the same time promoting its economic development. The rest of the world must assist Africa in this task. But, instead, conflicts are being aggravated by outside Powers which use the opportunities provided by those conflicts to establish new spheres of influence in Africa. Africa needs peace and Africa needs economic development. It needs, as the Nigerian Head of State said at the Fifteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity, held at Khartoum from 18 to 22 July 1978: "... massive economic assist· ance ... and not military hardware for self·destruction and sterile ideological slogans". 155. We, the members of the Community, support the countries of Africa in their quest for peaceful development. We do not seek to impose our political and social system on Africa. We want to see an independent and united Africa whose nations will find African solutions and answers to African questions and problems. And with that Africa we want to co-operate on a basis of partnership, that is, on a basis of equality. 156. In Namibia-after a hopeful development had begun-we are now confronted with a serious situation. The nine members most deeply regret the decision taken by the South African Government to hold elections in Namibia without the United Nations being involved. We are disap- pointed at this unilateral step taken by the Government of South Africa. Its action brings forth great dangers, for Namibia and, beyond that, for the whole of southern Africa. South Africa in this way is playing into thc hands of those who advocate violent solutions in southern Africa. 157. Over the last 18 months efforts have been made in dogged and persevering negotiations within the framework of the United Nations to pave the way for Namibia to gain independence by peaceful means. Thanks to the under- standing and goodwill of all parties concerned it has proved possible time and again to overcome deadlock, crises and setbacks. The South African Government has now conjured up a new serious crisis which calls into question all the efforts undertaken so far. Where the negotiations had helped so far to develop an atmosphere of confidence, understanding and readiness for compromise, the old differences are now re-emerging. The results achieved in laborious and complex negotiations involving African States as responsible participants-in particular the front-line States-are in jeopardy. 158. The Europe of the Community supports the appeal made by the Secretary-General to continue efforts to 159. The Community urgently appeals to the South African Government to consider the far-reaching conse- quences of its action. The new South African Government to be formed in the next few days is faced with a historic responsibility. The five Western members of the Security Council-Canada, France, the United Kingdom, the United States and the Federal Republic of Germany-yesterday decided to ask for a meeting of the Security Council in the course of this week and they expect that at that meeting the Waldheim report will be accepted. Such a decision should give an opportunity to the new Government of South Africa to reconsider its position, as we have requested it to do. It will then have an opportunity to put developments back on the right track, on a positive track. Without the participation of all political forces in Namibia and without the involvement of the United Nations, a peaceful, internationally recognized settlement is not pos· sible. 160. The dangerous situation produced by South Africa constitutes a challenge to the people of Namibia, to the United Nations and to all those who struggle to achieve a peaceful and internationally recognized solution to the Namibia problem. Furthermore the opportunity-and nobody should overlook this-to set an example for the peaceful solution of other problems in southern Africa would be missed. 161. With regard to Zimbabwe, the members of the Community hope that in spite of all difficulties it will still be possible even at this late hour to arrive at a peaceful settlement with the participation of all parties involved. We are convinced that the British-American plan for Rhodesia9 still offers the most realistic possibility for peaceful transition to independence. The European Community is ready to offer its aid for development to a Zimbabwe which will substitute for the present minority regime an inter- nationally accepted democratic majority Government. 162. The nine members of the Community are urgently pressing for peaceful and rapid change in the system of apartheid in South Africa itself. That system of racial discrimination is contrary to everything in which the Europe of the Community believes. South Africa is a multiracial society. That society can find a peaceful future only in a State that guarantees the enjoyment of human rights to all and ensures that all can live together as equal citizens. 163. We appeal to the future Prime Minister who will be elected shortly to make a new beginning here, too. The nine members of the Community are using the influence they have to bring about a change in this direction. We are still waiting for others to follow the code of conduct for 164. The eyes of the world are also on the Middle East. 165. The events that have occurred since the last session of the General AsStmbly, especially the cOllrugeous initiative of President Fl-Sadat and the Camp David meetings, have renewed hope for a settlement to the bitter Middle East conni,t which has thrl'alened the security of the world for the past 30 years. 166. In view of the close ties between Europe and the Middle East, efforts to achieve a peace settlement in that region arc of vital .intcrestto us, too. This is reflected in our detem\ination to support all efforts to bring about such a settlement. 167. The nine member States of the European Com- munity have therefore paid a tribute to the achievements of the participants in the Camp David meetings and its successful conclusion. They have e.xpressed their hope that the results of those meetings will represent another impor- tant step on the path lo ajust, comprehensive and therefore lasting peace settlement. 168. If such a peace settlement is to be achieved it is imperative that all parties concerned participate in its negotiation and completion. Meanwhile no obstacle should be placed in the way llf this process, which should he kept open and should thmugh further development and wider participation lead to a comprehensive settlement. 169. Proceeding from Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973), which would have to be applied in all their parts and on all fronts, the nine memhers of the Community clmtinuc to helieve that the settlement should be founded on the principles which they last set out in their declaration of 29 June 1977 in London, namely: the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force; the need for Israclto end the territorial occupation which it has maintained since lhe connict of 1967; respect for the sovereignty, tcrritorial integrity and independence of every State in the area and its right to live in peace within secure and recogn izcd boundaries: and recognition that in the establishment of a just and lasting peace a~count must be taken of the legitimate rights of the Palestinians. It remains our firm view that all these aspects must be taken as a whole. 170. We uphold the view that a peace se~t~ement. in the Middle East will be possible only if the leglt\O\at~ TIght .of the Palestinian people to give effective expressIOn to Its national identity is translated in to facl. This would take into account the need for a homeland for the Palestinian people. 10 C\1d~ of cnndud for ~ornpllnics with subsidiaries, branches. or reprcsentation in South Africa, adopted by the Ministers for F?rcJgn Affairs of the IUnC countries of the European CommunIty at BrUS'iCls on 20 September t977. For the text, see document A132/267, annex. 172. The situation in the Middle East is inseparably linked with the situation in Lebanon. After three years of crisis and conflict the restoration of peace and order and the rebuilding of that country still seem remote. The members of the Community are still deeply concerned about this situation, which threatens not only the existence of Lebanon but the stability of the entire region. 173. Once more they appeal urgently to all who have an influence on developments in that country to be fully conscious of their responSibility for peace, and they hope that all parties concerned will support efforts to strengthen the authority of the Lebanese Government in the whole territory. as called for in the Security Council resolutions on Lebanon. The members of the Community welcome the fact that the Security Council has renewed the mandate of UNlFIL. They appeal to all parties to give that Force their full support in exercising its mandate. 174. On the Cyprus question there has still been no breakthrough. A solution to the conflict must be based on the principles of the independence, sovereignty and terri- torial integrity of Cyprus. It can be achieved only through direct negotiations between the lwo communities in Cyprus. The United Nations can facilitate such negotia- tions, but can be no substitute for them. The Republic of Cyprus is linked with the European Community by an association agreement. The Community will continue to give every support to the efforts of the Secretary-General to bring the parties together for constructive negotiations. J75. The efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement of the conflicts in Africa, the Middle East and Cyprus have demonstrated time and again how indispensable is the role of the United Nations peace-keeping forces. 176_ The members of the European Community as well as other responsible Members of the world O.rganizatio? have consisten tly contributed to the peace-keepmg operatIOns of the United Nations by providing troops, logistic support and financial assistance. They regard it as an urgent task to appeal to lhe sense of responsibility of all Members of the United Nations and ask them to increase their readiness to support peace-keeping measures. They are fo~ ~is reason preparing a proposal to that effect for submiSSion to the General Assembly.t 1 177. The Conference on Security and ~o-operat~on in Europe has provided us with a broad basls on which to shape relations between the Governments and people.s of Eastern and Western Europe. What is important now IS ~o work for the implementation of the Helsinki Final Act! 2 In all its parts. The Belgrade follow-up session. in 1977 has shown the shortcomings in its implementatIOn, and the Community will call persistently for these to be made good. 11 Subsequently circulated as document A/SPC/33/L.19. . . 12 Finn I Act of the Conference on Security and Co-operation m Europe, signed at Helsinld on 1 August 1975. 179. This year's tenth special session of the United Nations General Assembly, which was devoted to disanna· ment was an expression of the awareness that all nations of the world have a vital interest in the success of the efforts to achieve arms limitation and disarmament. The members of the Community participated in that session with joint statements and contributions and attach great importance to its results. That session has strengthened by means of institutional reforms world-wide co-operation in pursuit of disarmament, and the Declaration and Programme of Action included in the Final Document of the session [resolution 8-10/2] have established a broad framework for that co-operation. The task now is to develop further what has been achieved so far and use it to establish concrete arrangements. The Community will be playing an active role in these efforts. I shall be setting out the position of my own country in detail later on. 180. I should now like to turn to economic issues. 181. In the world of today growth and development have come to be a joint objective and a joint responsibility of all States. We are confronted with the following challenge: to build up an order of co-operation for the purpose of joint management in global economic interdependence, an order towards the establishment of which all States and all groups of States will make a contribution of their own so as to be able to achieve the dual aim of sustained non·inflationary growth in the industrialized countries and an accelerated and proportionately higher rate of growth in the developing countries. 182. The establishment of such an order specifically requires the reshaping of North-South relations. In line with the present division of labour, the developing coun tries are supplying mainly raw materials, and the industrialized countries, above all, finished products. But what we need is an order designed to replace this traditional pattern of exchange by increasingly balanced co·operation and a greater degree of equality in this co·operation, and to provide the countries of the third world with more favourable external conditions for their development. 183. In concluding the Lome Convention the European Community and the States of the AfJican, Caribbean and Pacific Group have in a region ally oriented approach undertaken to remould their relations with these objectives in mind. The Convention has already proved its value in practice, and the contracting parties intend to carry it forward in a new, further improved agreement. 184. Within the framework of the North·South dialogue the Community is, furthermore, willing to help on a global scale to accelerate development and to establish a balanced pattern of North·South co-operation. It reaffirmed its 185. The European Community is committed to free world trade and is ready to accept the structural changes resulting from open markets and to master the problems they create. It will help to ensure that the negotiations within GATT are brought to a successful conclusion by the end of this year. The purpose of these negotiations is unmistakably to pave the way for further liberalization and once more to create a climate of long·term security for international trade. The negotiations are, furthermore, intended to create favourable conditions, in particular, for an expansion of trade between industrialized and develop- ing countries. The Community intends to keep its markets open and to continue widening access within those markets to products, including finished products, from the develop· ing countries. 186. We are detennined to fight protectionism, which is a manifestation of short-sighted self-interest and is partic- ularly detrimental to the third world. The import planning of the Communist industrial countries is also a form of protectionism, which explains why these countries account for only 4 per cent of the third world's exports. 187. Within the framework of UNCTAD the Community is helping to achieve constructive results as regards a common fund and individual commodity agreements. 188. On the question of investment in the field of commodities, new forms of co-operation between indus- trialized and developing countries must be developed. We must prevent any further shift of the exploration and development of commodities to the industrial countries, something which is happening even though in many cases the developing countries have lower·cost deposits at their disposal. 189. Within the framework of its comprehensive develop· ment strategy, the Community and its member countries will increase the volume of their assistance and improve its quality. The poorest developing countries especially must receive an increasing share of official aid. We also seek to meet the needs of middle-income developing countries. This is why we must soon arrive at satisfactory decisions on replenishing the resources of the World Bank, of IDA, and of the regional banks and funds. 190. It is due largely to the efforts of the member countries of the Community that the ministerial meeting of UNCTADl3 was in a position to take a decision on the question of indebtedness [see A/33/15. part two, annex I, resolution 165 (S-IX)J. The Community is promoting the transfer of private capital, which is an indispensable means of maintaining an adequate supply of investment capital for the developing coun tries and is encouraging the developing countries' access to its own capital markets. 191. In order to ensure that direct investments contribute fully to the development process, we must at long last 13 Third (Ministerial) part of the ninth special session of the Trade and Development Board, held at Geneva from 6 to 11 Mareh 1978. 192. In the field of energy the mtematlOllid cmnnuLIlit.. is confronted with the thallcnge of smoothly leading "the world out of the era of oiJ into an erl! of new and renewable energy sources. This chilllen~t' can tml~ he met un the ba.sis of world-wide ct}··llperalinn. IIclH:(' the communit' welcomes the resolution adopted at tht' sl\t~·fifth seulO~ of the Economic and So,:i11 ('ouncil recommending that a conference on new amI f('newahlt~ cnergy 1\ourc·es be convened'! 4 193, Simultaneously with the ObjeClIW (If cstabluJllng a more equitable internalional ecnnUfllh: Older. natIOns should pursue the objective of translatllli! an equitable order into reality at hQIllt' itS well. 11 must be the pnnUlf) aim of every development pollcy to satisfy thc hasK nei'ds of all human being.s, The (lvorest. too. musl be ttwen the ability and the oppmtufllt> t~) till prmluctlvc work 194. The Community cUflsltfers thl' ;".:eler;Jlipn of tht development 1)f{}l,.'CSS IUld the cont muolIs redm:tip!l in the gap hetween rich and poor countries tn he the centr·alta.sk of intematillnal politics in thl' laH quanN nf till\> century. We will fully contrihute tn till.' solution of t!lcSo(' problems and we hope that the CfJlnnHlIllst IOdmtnllhlcd c(/Untries. too, will be~tin to proVide assislJIH.:e on a scale (OfmnCn, surate with theH ccnrwlTuc ptltcnt"Il and Will open Ihell markets to the manufactures tlf the dc\'clopm~: ..:mllltnes 195. The Cummunity nffl'fcd comtltletlv!: cO'operatllln at the last session of the C"mTll1liltcc Estahllshed under (;enerlll Assembly Resolution .l.l 114, or the ("ornl1litlce (If the Whole and rc~rets that Iht' Commillec WllS not \ ct ahle III fulfil satisfactorily the lash ;)ssl~nct! In it. but h;,pcs that It will soon he ablc t\1 contlllue Ih WlHk 11\ a Cl)mtructJl't~ manner. 196. In the vi""" of the COl1l1ll1111lly It I~, rurthemHlrc. important that wc t'lkc il decl$lt1l'J ilt tIllS SCS.5lOn uf the General Assemhly (111 how hl prepare the devclnpmen1 strategy fl.lT the \tlXCk lilt' natlt'm vI' the Ihml w\Hld cannot wuit illl~ ltln~~er 197. In Dccernhcr the t. '1lIted ~;ltJOI1S Will he ....dcbratlflg the thirtieth ;mrmCrl>iln uf the Lnm'rs.;d ()cdatilllnll {If Human Ri/1.hts, Wc ilrc ~ll1lS':llHIS that W\' arc stili far (Will translating that [}edaratllll1 Int" H';lht~ all Uv('r the wmld. Millions of pCt1plc ~I\ hllll~:r~ III 1\I;a1l~ flilrts of the world; milliLlIls arc opprcssed 1111 ;K.:mJlll ilf thclI rac('. sex m creed. TellS Ill' lIH.lllunds of ~)\I!lt"::,11 pm\lI\('rs langUish ill camps 'lIl,l pmolJ). (It!l('rs ,11\' depmecl of thclf '::ltil.Cnship and eXI!t·d...\Ill! alllllll.: thoM' I"cnccutt',1 MC 1lI;1I\~ whose only "crimc" \\JS thJt thc\ 1II\'I.kcd thclr human TIghts. This is the reaht~ III th(' ~ e;1f IW'!'.. 198. NOIIL' the In.s, \H' lIIust 11lit IpSA.' Sight (If tht' long.·trrm trend IIf IlISt"r). Since the prlldamJtlO1l of 14 Sec O/.' If h;/ Nl"l ,l r~h '-.1 1},(' l \ ,~'~i ,!PHi" ';1;,1 S, (I J.;I (~I:Jlh-II. /9'8. SUI'I''''"''''',:I S" ! rCjj,>I,JlI'"1l 19"/1 Id 191). Thmull,ll the United Nations Charter. the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenants on Human Rights. am.! a number of other obligations including the Final Act of Helsinki, the rights of man hav; a1w become lLlI intemational concern. Today they are one of the major issues of world politics. 200, Human rights comprise ci"il and political liS well as ecoHllfTlic, social and cultural rights. Freedom from want is !lO less a human right than freedom from fear, and vice \'e~. The United Nations has created a number of institutions and procedures to protect human rights. The Cornrmmit) urges that they should be used more effec- h.'el}, that they ~hould be developed and improved. It urges also that those countries which have ratilied the lntemational Coyenants on Human Rights adopted by the United Natiuns IresoilJriorJ 2200A (XXIJ/ should indeed implement the provi.siol1S of those Covenants. Signature without corresponding action is worth little. The will to iml~lcment a treaty must be recognilable to the world public and 10 the dlll.ens of the country concerned. :!O 1. I s.houkl like now to add some remarks on behalf of tilt' Fedend Republic of Germany, ~o~. beer ~ince it came into being, the Federal Republic of Germany has purslled a foreign policy for peace. All demO'cra tic parties in our country champion the cause of pe:H.:e. We havc a comprehensive understanding of peace: as a guarantec of peaceful. stable co-operation and of the cmnrmm responsibility of all States, without which the pwblcrm faciJ1g mankind today cannot he resolved. 103. The Federal Government's policy is embedded in the nine-member European Community and the alliance with the defllo.:racies of North America. Democracy. freedom am! human rigllls are the unmistakable characteristics of thIS partncrship, The close link between free Europe and the l'nited States and Canada is the indispensable pre· TClluislte for our security, Tllis is a factor of world stability I anti It l~ the hope of all who put their faith in freedom and not in oppress.ion and predominance_ This transatlantic pU(lIershi!) is more than a community thinking solely in terallS of its CIWll security interests. It is based on the great COIlllllLnI aims: freedom, independence. the right of self- deterlllinaticm and human rights, not only for ourselves but for all individuals and all nations. That is why this partnership is irreplaccuble'/lo less so than are our values. lJpon these fc)undaliuns we are helping to build bridges of C().opcration across the ideological gulf between East and West. We want also to play our part in steadily reducing the disparit~ in levels of develupment between North and S()uth, ':04. hlropCUII union and Atlantic partnership are inclis- pcnsahlc prerequisites also of uur realistic policy of detente and a reconciliatioll tlf interests with the countries of L.lStCfll Europe. a poll,y \.,·hiell we pursue together with mu Western partners. The Federal Republic of Gennany. 205. The development of the relationship between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Soviet Union is of special significance for continuing detente in Europe. During the state visit which the Soviet Head of State paid to the Federal Republic of Germany last May, both sides reiterated their detennination to raise the quality and level of their relations in all fields. By means of a joint declaration and an economic agreement they have again emphasized the long-term character of their relations. 209. In order to safeguard peace under the conditions of East-West relations there must be a balance of military power. To ensure and maintain that balance is the goal of the security policy which the Federal Republic of Germany pursues, together with its partners in the Alliance. It is our desire to secure that balance, not through an increased build-up of arms but through arms limitation and disarma- ment. What we want is a stable balance at' a lower level. 210. The Federal Government hopes for an early and successful conclusion of the second series of the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. In a system of military balance between the alliances, the Soviet nuclear medium-range missiles should not be left out of consideration. Soviet superiority in this field is a source of concern to us. In the interests of true stability it is necessary that this existing imbalance should be reduced, including also the so-called grey area. 206. The Federal Government also-indeed particularly- includes the other German State in its policy of detente. No nation has a greater interest in detente than the German nation, for the line dividing East and West runs right through our nation. We aim, in accordance with the Basic Treaty,18 to develop co-operation with the German Demo- cratic Republic and to widen the contractual framework of that co-operation. We do so also aware of our responsibility for peace and for people throughout Europe. We wish at the same time to make detente something tangible in the everyday life of the people and, above all, to increase the possibilities for Germans on both sides of the border to come together. 211. The aim pursued by the Federal Republic of Germany, together with its allies, in the Vienna talks on mutual and balanced force reduction is to establish approxi- mate parity in Central Europe, in the form of a common collective over-all ceiling for ground forces and a reduction of tank disparity. An important result of the visit to Bonn of the Soviet Head of State was that in the joint declaration issued with Chancellor Schmidt the principle of parity was expressly recognized for the first time in an East-West statement. The joint declaration says: 207. On signing the Treaty of Moscow and the Basic Treaty, the Federal Government emphasized that it remained the aim of its policy to work for a state of peace in Europe in which the German nation would recover its unity in free self-determination. Here, too, we are on the side of progress. No one can halt the course of history. It is moving in the direction of unity, not separation; in the direction of progress, not delimitation. Finally, detente must stand the test especially in the very city that lies at the heart of Europe and at the heart of Germany-Berlin'. 208. The Quadripartite Agreement on Berlinl9 has improved the situation of Berlin considerably. I shall not conceal that there are still difficulties, which both sides must help to remove once and for all-all sides must help to remove them. What matters to us is that West Berlin should be able to prosper and develop, and we shall do everything in our power to ensure that it can do so. We do not want to change the existing situation unilaterally. We are maintain- 212. This principle must now be translated into reality. In order to achieve, by means of reductions, true parity between East and West in the heart of Europe, the two sides must first agree on the data basis. The discussion on data is therefore now the main topic of the Vienna negotiations and will be continued. 213. Disclosure of military budgets and confidence- building measures such as the exchange of observers during manoeuvres are therefore important preliminary steps towards verified arms limitation and disarmament. 15 TreaIy belween Ihe Federal Repu blic of Germany and Ihe Union of Soviel Socialist Republics, signed at Moscow on 12 August 1970, 16 Agreement between the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland concerning the basis for normalization of their mutual relations, signed at Warsaw on 7 December 1970. 17 Trea ty on Mutual Relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, done at Prague on 11 December 1973. 214. The Federal Republic of Germany therefore supports all measures calculated to make the balance of military power more transparent and in this way to build up more confidence. It has played a part in the preparatory work done by the Secretary-General to ensure disclosure and comparability of military budgets. The limitation and reduction of nuclear weapons and the non-proliferation of these weapons are of world-wide importance. 18 Treaty on the Principles of Relations between the Federal Repub~ic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, done at Berltn on 21 December 1972. 19 Signed at Berlin on 3 September 1971. "Both sides deem it important that no one should seek military superiority. They proceed on the assumption that approximate equality and parity suffice to safeguard defence." 217. The greatly increased volume of weapons transferred has become a problem of the first order. This transfer must be restricted by supplying and recipient countries jointly. The Federal Republic of Germany does not supply any weapons to areas of tension. Moreover, only in exceptional cases does it allow arms to be supplied to countries outside the alliance. The proportion of our arms exports to the third world is 0.2 per cent of our over-all exports. 218. We consider it intolerable that the world spends in the region of $400 billion every rear for military purposes. This is a threat to peace: in a world in which there is much poverty and hunger, this is a cha.llenge to reason and to our moral conscience. It is time that this money was relea~ed and e:mnarked for the economic and social development of all nations, thus also serving to increase the security of every nation. 219. International terrorism has hccome an acute problem of increasingly threatening proportions. It can be stopped only ifalI countrics co-operate in a spirit of solidarity. 220. As long ago as thc thirty-first regular session of the General Asscmbly the Federal Governmcnt proposed that an intemational convention be concluded on measures to prevent the taking of hostages. 1 0 The Committee drafting such a convention has undoubtedly made progress, and I would ask the General ASSI!rnblv to extend its mandate in accordance with its recoll1menda'tion. 228_ The Federal Government has made a special effort this year and boosted its development assistance budget by more than 20 per cent. It also plans considerable increases for the years ahead, so that it will rise at a rate significantly higher than that of the over·all budget. 229. In addition, we have further improved the conditions on which aid is given. As from 1978 we are giving aid to the least-developed countries entirely in the form of grants. The Federal Government will also converl into grants develop- ment assistance loans already afforded to that group of countries, which amounts to cancelling debts of $2 billion or more. 221. The countries participating in the Bonn Economic Summit Conference declared their willingness to intensify their joint efforts in the fight against aircraft hijacking in particular. 21 In cases where a country refuses to extradite aircraft hijackers or to take court action against them. air traffic with tllat coun try is 10 he discontinued. This is an important step forward and other Governments are c:dled upon to join us in this action. 230. The Federal Government expects the Committee of the Whole at last to deal with tile substance of its work. This body is too important for the North-South dialogue to be all(lWed to continue any longer to deal with procedural questions. The Government of the Federal Republic of Ge nnany will do all it can to ensure the success of the Committee's work. 222. I spoke earlier about the task of jointly managing world economic interdependence. The Federal Republic of Germany is conscious of the responsibility that falls on it as the world's second largest trading clllllltry in carrying out this task. . 231. Of great importance for the future of international economic growth and development is the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea. Here we must above all find a balanced solution as regards a regime for sea-bed mining. Itl1lust give all States and enterprises access to the resources of the deep sea and bring with it the political and economic security needed for the heavy long-term investment in sea·bed mining. 223. At the 13onl1 Economic Summit Conference in July we promised that. in order to strengthen our growth we would introduce additional measures to stimulate demand costing about I per cent of the gross national product. That promise has hecn kc pI. ,20 Sl'" OJT/cial '(<,c,wl\' of the' (icneral Assembly, 71lirty·first Sess/{I/I, Annex,'s. agl'IH1:I1!,'m 123. dm:1I1lll'111 A/31 /242. 21 Se" .. I1 ! . t' . I .[. ' J' S :,' 1 ,'rrM /(111.1 ,'rr,lf/Slll: OIl1! . talelllel1t, July 17. 1978 , JIIeek(1' (hmpifarion of PresidentiLlI Documents. val. 14, No. 29, PP 1311R.t309. 232. The focal point of all efforts to lead the world, which is in a phase of transition, to an order of equality and 225. With an inflation rate of 2.4 per cent in August 1978, the Federal Republic of Gennany is close to price stability. It e;(p~rts growth and stability, and I thank you, Mr. PreSident, for yourself having explicitly expressed appreciation of this. 226. My country is also making its full contribution in promoting the development of the third world. ~27. We are firmly in favour of ensuring a steady increase 1ll exports of manufactures from the third world. Indeed, we see in this increase and in the corresponding opening up of markets in the industrialized countries a central element of the evolution of a balanced world economic order. In 1977 (lUr imports of manufactures from the non·oil- exporting, non-European developing countries were up by 10 per cen t. That means that tlley have increased at four times the rate of our national product. This amazing rate of growth impressively demonstrates the openness of the German market. The non-European developing countries, excluding the oil-producing countries, ran up a trade- balance surplus in relation to the Federal Republic of Gemlany of 2.7 billion marks. 233. The United Nations is more than a forum for the formation of international public opinion. It is called upon to act. It must become more capable of action. This applies above all to the important task of safeguarding peace. The Federal Republic of Germany feels that all Members of the United Nations should become more acutely aware of their responsibility for peace·keeping measures. No one should remain aloof where this central function of the United Nations is concerned. 234. Furthermore, it is necessary to improve the instru· ments available to the United Nations for preserving the peace; for example, by providing training facilities for personnel required for peace-keeping operations and keep- ing the Secretary-General regularly informed of available units or logistic capacities for peace·keeping operations. The meeting rose at 1.35 p.m.