S/33/PV.80 Security Council

Once again the Assembly, in an atmosphere ofpessimism,is examining the subject of the decolonization of Namibia. This painful question, which is one of the principal challenges to the authority, dignity and prestige of our Organization, is being studied in a climate fraught with uncertainty, danger and threats. President: Mr. Indalecio LIEVANO (Colombia).

Once again the Assembly, in an atmosphere ofpessimism, is examining the subject of the decolonization of Namibia. This painful question, which is one of the principal challenges to the authority, dignity and prestige of our Organization, is being studied in a climate fraught with uncertainty, danger and threats. 2. The situation in Namibia, during recent periods, has been marked by disturbing events which are greatly increasing the risks of a conflagration with unforeseeable consequences. 4. Accordingly, the Security Council has reaffirmed, in further resolutions, including, of course, its resolution 435 (1978) of 29 September 1978, that its objectiveis: 3. The problem of Namibia has preoccupied our Organi- zation since its inception. It is therefore not necessary to go through a laborious recapitulation of its various elements. What is clear is that more than 12 years have elapsed since the General Assembly, by resolution 2145 (XXI), decided to put an end to the Mandate of South Africa and to transfer direct responsibility for it to our Organization, thus making the presence of South Mrica in that Territory illegal. That dec!sion, which was likewise approved by the Security Council, was confirmed by the Internatil)nal Court of Justice in its advisory opinion of 21 June 1971.1 • Resumed from the 76th meeting. 1 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South A[ricIl in NamibitJ (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, I.CJ. Reports 1971, p. 16. 4. Accordingly, the Security Council has reaffirmed, in further resolutions, including, of course, its resolution 435 (1978) of 29 September 1978, that its objective is: • Resumed from the 76th meeting. 1 Legal Consequences for States of the Continued Presence of South Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (1970), Advisory Opinion, LCJ. Reports 1971, p. 16. NEW fORK "... the withdrawal of South Mrica's illegal administra- tion of Namibia and the transfer of power to the people of Namibia with the assistance of the United Na- tions ...". 7. The Pretoria regime continues to prom of laws for the purpose of achieving Namibia and encouraging the unlimited natural and human resources. This poli flagrant contempt that characterizes the dealings with our Organization and show its decision to defy systematically all th Organization. 5. In spite of all our appeals, Pretoria persists in its obstinacy, refusing to implement the decisions that have been adopted and that have been reaffirmed on so many occasions by our Organization. 6. In spite of all our resolutions, the racist South African regime is continuing the partition of Namibia by creating territories similar to the bantustans, which are places of despair and desolation, whose boundaries are defmed according to racial and tribal criteria, for the purpose of completely destroying the unity of the Namibian people and the territorial integrity of Namibia itself. 8. Moreover, nobody is unaware of the in order to throttle and repress any freedom. The famous Terrorism Act is on example. 9. Pretoria, therefore, is by its del stubbornly holding back the accession sovereignty. The latest hopes we had en quickly evaporated. The process of peac the adoption of the settlement plan o Powers of the Security Council- has be by the senseless decision of Pretoria un out electionsin Namibia. 7. The Pretoria regime continues to promulgate all manner of laws for the purpose of achieving the annexation of Namibia and encouraging the unlimited exploitation of its natural and human resources. This policy emphasizes the flagrant contempt that characterizes the Pretoria regime's dealings with our Organization and shows tha/: it is fmn in its decision to defy systematically all the decisions of our Organization. 10. Yet, pursuant to Security C 431 (1978), the holding of free electio whole of the Territory of Namibia, con political entity, must take place under t control of the United Nations. 8. Moreover, nobody is unaware of the measures adopted in order to throttle and repress any manifestations of freedom. The famous Terrorism Act is only one melancholy example. 9. Pretoria, therefore, is by its delaying manoeuvres stubbornly holding back the- accession of Namibia to full sovereignty. The latest hopes we had entertained have very quickly evaporated. The process of peace set in motion by the adoption of the settlement plan of the five Western Powers of the Security CounciI2 has been totally blocked by the senseless decision of Pretoria unilaterally to carry out elections in Namibia. 11. We strongly denounce this arroga defiance of our Organization and of community. This aberrant behaviour o the time being removes any prospe internationally acceptable settlement o Namibia. 2 See OffICial Records of the Security Coun Supplement for April, May and June 1978, doc 10. Yet, pursuant to Security Council resolution 431 (1978), the holding of free elections throughout the whole of the Territory of Namibia, considered as a single political entity, must take place under the supervision and control of the United Nations. 11. We strongly denounce this arrogance and this new defiance of our Organization and of the international community. This aberrant behaviour of South Africa for the time being removes any prospect of a peaceful, internationally acceptable settlement of the problem of Namibia. 2 See OfFICial Records of the Security Council, Thirty-third Year. Supplement for April. May and June 1978, document S/12636. 15. The will for freedom of the Namibian people has manifested itself by a struggle which is spreading and growing in strength from day to day. Fully mobilized behind 8WAPO,the Namibianpeople are fightingheroically against the policy of repressionwhich is designedto destroy their national unity and the territorial integrity of Namibia. 13. South Mrica has thus rejected one course that would have made it possible for the Namibian people to exercise their inalienable right to self-determination and inde- pendence in full freedom. 16. The intensification of the struggle and the victoriesin the field must teach Pretoria that the Namibian problem willnot fmd its solution through an internal settlement that excludes SWAPO. 14. Th~ perpetuation of the occupation regime in Namibia has left the people of Namibia .md the South West Mrica People's Organization [SWAPO], their true representative, no other choice but armed struggle to preserve their legitimate rights. 17. The . time has now come for Pretoria to realize and to understand that it is truly vain by collective repression, generalized terror and humiliation to impose an occupation that all condemn. 15. The will for freedom of the Namibian people has manifested itself by a struggle which is spreading and growing in strength from day to day. Fully mobilized behind SWAPO, th~ Namibian people are fighting heroically against the policy of repression which is designed to destroy their national unity and the territorial integrity of Namibia. 18. The time for sterile, Platonic recommendations ispast. Africa can no longer trust promises not backed by serious commitments. There has been sufficient condemnation of the racist Pretoria regime which continues to occupy Namibia illegally and continues to lord it over the Terri- tory, defying our Organization and public opinion with impunity. 16. The intensification of the struggle and the victories in the field must teach Pretoria that the Namibian problem will not fmd its solution through an internal settlement that excludes SWAPO. 19. The means of persuasion have up to now been used without effect. In this respectit suffices to read closely the reports of the Secretary-General published on 24 November and 2 December respectively in documents S/129383 and 8/12950.3 It will be seen from those reports that the position of South Africa has hardly changed at all. It persistently refuses to comply with the latest decisions of our Organization.

The dawning of 1978 brought with it the hope that it might well be the year in which the people of Namibia, and those orus who have for so long supported their aspirations, would finally see the realization of a free and genuinely independent State of Namibia. However, with only a few days remaining in the calendar year 1978, it is clear that that is not to be the carce. In the midst of all this uncertainty and confusion it is of par<'lnount importance that the parties directly involved, and the international community as well, intensify their efforts to~arQS bringing into existence a genuinely inde- pendent State of Namibia. 17. The time has now come for Pretoria to realize and to understand that it is truly vain by collective repression, generalized terror and humiliation to impose an occupation that all condemn. 18. The time for sterile, Platonic recommendations is past. Mrica can no longer trust promises not backed by serious commitments. There has been sufficient condemnation of the racist Pretoria regime which continues to occupy Namibia illegally and continues to lord it over the Terri- tory, defying our Organization and public opinion with impunity. 20. We are, therefore, at a cross-roads with regard to the fate of Namibia and the international community must not remain inactive. The longer the United Nations waits and hesitates, the more South Africa sees that as a sign of weakness on our part and increases its arrogance and defiance. The situation is far too critical for professionsof faith, half-measures or illusory expedients. Concrete action on the part ofour Organizationis required. 19. The means of persuasion have up to now been used without effect. In this respect it suffices to read closely the reports of the Secretary-General published on 24 November and 2 December respectively in documents S/129383 and S/12950.3 It will be seen from those reports that the position of South Mrica has hardly changed at all. It persistently refuses to comply with the latest decisions of our Organization. 21. However, such action can be taken only with the assistance of the great Powers: any measure which we 20. We are, therefore, at a cross-roads with regard to the fate of Namibia and the international community must not remain inactive. The longer the United Nations waits and hesitates, the more South Mrica sees that as a sign of weakness on our part and increases its arrogance and defiance. The situation is far too critical for professions of faith, half-measures or illusory expedients. Concrete action on the part of our Organization is required. 26. Once againin 1978, as has been the case so often in the . past, the iilliiatives taken"by "tIie international communIty. have been thwarted by the political manoeuvring and intransigence of the South African Government. Not only has it responded in the negative to the United Nations plan for independence as embodied in Security Couricil resolu- tions 385 (1976), 431 (1978) and 435 (1978) but it has also taken steps to implement its own plan for indepen- dence. In fact, elections have already been held in the Territory to bring about that very objective. Those elec- tions were held in direct opposition to Security Council 21. However, such action can be taken only with the assistance of the great Powers: any measure which we 23. To conclude, m solidarity in the nob people under the lead SWAPO and to assure its total support un Namibia. 22. We believe that in the interests of peace and inter- national security, the Security Council, faced v1th the arrogance of Pretoria, must no longer hesitate to adopt effective measures, pursuant to the relevant Articles of Chapter VII of the Charter, to preserve the territorial integrity of Namibia and the inalienable right of the Namibian people to self-determination and independence. 24. Mr. SUWONDO brought with it the h which the people of N so long supported th realization of a free Namibia. However, w calendaryear 1978, it In the midst of all th pare.nount importanc and the international efforts towaros bring pendent State of Nam 23. To conclude, my delegation wishes to reaffirm its solidarity ID. the noble struggle waged by the Narnibian people under the leadership of its authentic representative, SWAPO and to assure it that Tunisia will continue to give it its total support until the advent of a free and united Namibia. 25. The position o Namibia has been unchanged. As a for a member of 'the U Indonesia has always their struggle for fre again to reaffirm Ind fight for freedom a Namibia under the le representative, SWAPO 26. Onceagainin 197 . past~ the iiiliiatives ta have been thwarted intransigence of the S has it responded in th for independence as tions 385 (1976), 43 also taken steps to i dence. In fact, elect Territory to bring ab tions were held in d 25. The position of my Government with regard to Namibia has been stated many times before and is unchanged. As a former colonial Territory itself a"d as a member of ·the United Nations Council for Namibia, Indonesia has always supported the people of Namibia and their struggle for freedom. Therefore, I should like once again to reaffirm Indonesia's unwavering support for the fight for freedom and independence of the people of Namibia under the leadership of their sole and authentic representative, SWAPO. m its ubian ative, 27. Not only must South Africa's designs be rejected by the international community, but efforts must be stepped up to implement the United Nations plan for independence. Towards that objective, support must be increased also for SWAPO and the Nationhood Programme for Namibia. Furthermore, the international community must take appropriate action to safeguard the territorial integrity of Namibia, including Walvis Bay, as s~pulated in Security Council resolution 432 (1978), and to force the illegal occupying regime to cease immediately its exploitation of the Territory. Also, as recommended by the CQ'.mcil for Namibia in its 1978 draft report to the General Assembly, South Africa should be held liable for damages and for its exploitation of the Territory dUring its illegal occupation. In this same light, my delegation deplores the recent harassment and arrests of leaders and members of SWAPO in and around Windhoek. Therefore, should the Govern- ment of South Africa continue to LJllplement its own plan in contravention of the relevant Security Council reso· lutions, ~e international community should take appro- priate action as specified in the Charter. ~ve it nited 1978 sar in re for e the Ite of n the case. is of ilved, their inde- 28. Any discussion of the question of Namibia would be sadly deficient if it failed to take into account the numerous and invaluable contributions made by the United Nations Council for Namibia. Although in the past the defiance of the South African Government has thwarted the Council's achievement of its goal of supervising the transition to independence in Namibia, the Council has none the less carried out its responsibilities with the utmost dispatch and has undertaken a number of praiseworthy activities on behalf of the Namibian people. My delegation feels that the Council is in a position to play a key part in the complex transitional phases leading to independence. .d to nd is 'id as nibia, a and once Ir the le of ientic 29. Finally, my delegation is confident that with the determination of the Namibian people, the leadership of SWAPO and the invaluable contributions made by the United Nations-particularly the Council for Namibia-the goal of the establishment of a free and genuinely inde- pendent State of Namibia in the entire Territory of South West Africawill be achieved in the very near future. 28. Any discussion of the question of Namibia would be sadly deficient if it failed to take into account the numerous and invaluable contributions made by the United Nations Council for Namibia. Although in the past the defiance of the South African Government has thwarted the Council's achie"vement of its goal of supervising the transition to independence in Namibia, the Council has none the less carried out its responsibilities with the utmost dispatch and has undertaken a number of praiseworthy activities on behalf of the Namibian people. My delegation feels that the Council is in a position to play a key part in the complex transitional phases leading to independence.

My delegation is following with increasing concern the recent developments in Namibia which have assumed a dangerous character threatening a further deterioration of the situation in southern Africa. The racist regime in Pretoria still persists in its refusal to accord the people of Namibia their right to self-determination in freedom from foreign pressure and terrorism. This action by SG.at:l Africa is in contravention of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). The intransigence of the racist regime in Pretoria has assumed significant proportions, as is demon- inthe wUty . and only splan esolu- t has epen- n the elec- uncil 29. Finally, my delegation is confident that with the determination of the Namibian people, the leadership of SWAPO and the invaluable contributions made by the United Nations-particularly the Council for Namibia-the goal of the establishment of a free and genuinely inde· pendent State of Namibia in the entire Territory of South West Africa will be achieved in the very near future.

My delegation is following with increasing concern the recent developments in Namibia which have assumed a dangerous character threatening a further deterioration of the situation in southern Africa. The racist regime in Pretoria still persists in its refusal to accord the people of Namibia their right to self-determination in freedom from foreign pressure and terrorism. This action by S~at:l Mrica is in contravention of General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). The intransigence of the racist regime in Pretoria has assumed significant proportions, as is demon- 32. South Africa is working relentlessly oppress the Namibian nationalists, relying might, using the Terrorism Act of 1967, promulgated to serve as a pretext for it oppressive operations against the nationali defiance of all human and moral standards. 31. At the beginning of July 1977, South Mrica declared that it had appointed Judge M. T. Steyn of the Supreme Court of South Mrica as the Administrator-General for Namibia. Judge Steyn assumed his post in September!977. Then on 7 November 1977, the Tumhalle Conference was dissolved. Here we have to question the nature of these changes. In fact, all these changes emphasize one basic fact, namely, that South Mrica does not intend to give up Namibia nor to give it full indePf"ndence and sovereignty: for Namibia~ accordin"" to the allegations of the racist Pretoria Government, is necessary for the security and safety of South Mrica and for that reason, the Territory must r~main under the control of Pretoria. 33. The international community felt so mism as a result of the efforts made by Powers in order to reach a settlement in April 1978, South Africa accepted the W Then its Foreign Minister, Mr. Botha, acceptance in a message sent by him to General of the United Nations on 2 May went further, saying that there was reason not only in South Africa but also in the that the Territory would achieve independ of 1978 and that South Africa for its pa the promises that it had given the populati Africain that respect. 32. South Mrica is working relentlessly to suppress and oppress the Namibian nationalists, relying on its military might, using the Terrorism Act of 1967, a law that was promulgated to serve as a pretext for it to continue its oppressive operations against the nationalists. This WJS in defiance of all human and moral standards. 34. On 12 July 1978, SWAPO accepted the Western Powers for the achieveme settlement of the question. However, it i peace to be established in any region und The heart of the matter is that South Af Western proposals, but, as soon as SWA them, South Africa changed its position. continued with its repressive policies agai Namibia, trying to suppress its freedoms a people to comply with the designs of the 33. The international community felt some sort of opti- mism as a result of the efforts made by the five Western Powers in order to reach a settlement in Namibia. On 2S April 1978, South Africa accepted the Western proposals. Then· its Foreign Minister, Mr. Botha, emphasized this acceptance in a message sent by him to the Secretary- General of the United Nations on 2 May 1978.5 He even went further, saying that there was reason for confidence, not only in South Mrica but also in the United Nations, that the Territo!}' would achieve independence by the end of 1978 and that South Mrica for its part would respect the promises that it had given the population of South West Mrica in that respect. 35. South Africa is challenging not on people but also the international commu has disregarded the .esolutions adopted Security Council or in the General As 34. On 12 July 1978, SWAPO accepted the proposals of the Western Powers for the achievement of a peaceful settlement of the question. However, it is not possible for peace to be established in any region under a racist regime. The heart of the matter is that South Africa accepted the Western proposals, but, as soon as SWAPO had accepted them, South Africa changed its position. South Africa even continued with its repressive policies against the people of Namibia, trying to suppress its freedoms and to compel that people to comply with the designs of .the Pretoria regime. 4 See Officilll Rec:Jrds of the General Asse Session, PlenaryMeetings, 8th meeting, paras. 3 50ffiJ:illl Records of the Security Counci Supplement for April, May and June 1978. doc 3S. South Africa is challenging not only the Namibian people but also the international community as a whole. It has disregarded the _~solutions adopted. whether in the Security Council or in the General Assemify-·~specially 4 See Official Rec;)rds of the General Assembly. Ninth Special Session. Plenary Meetings. 8th meeting, paras. 37-50. 50ffil:ilzl Records of the Security Council. Thirty-third Year. Supplement for April. May andJune 1978. document 8/12678. 42. The truth, we must recognize, is that the entire process of negotiations on an internationally acceptable settlement of the Namibian problem has been vitiated from the very beginning by the duplicity inherent in the South Mrican policies. It was that duplicity that led my dele- gation to say on one occasion that it regarded the Western initiative with "vigilant sympathy". For this reason we are not at all surprised to see South Africa, by its intransigence, which is dictated by the narrow-mindedness of its leaders, deciding to put an end to the process of negotiated settlement with which even the most sceptical had in the end associated themselves. 37. Thus, it is of paramount importance to ensure the implementation of Security Council resolution 418 (1977) relating to the imposition of an embargo on the sale and shipment of arms to South Mrica and to stop all co-operation with the Pretoria regime in the field ofnuclear ej~ergy with the aim of forcing that regime to change its inhuman policies based on the force of arms. That same resolution calls for the implementation of all United Nations resolutions relating to Namibia. Thus the L'lter- national community should resist the policies pursued by the inhuman racist regime in South Africa and reject the results of the elections held recently in Namibia under the terror of the racist regime in Pretoria, because those elections were not free. It seems that the time has come to apply coercive measures, in accordance with Chapter VII of the Charter, against South Africa in order to compel it to comply with the wishes of the international community, because in view of the position taken by South Africa that is the only alternative available to us. 43. Therefore, despite the decisions of the Unite(') ~;ations whereby the elections now being organized by South Mrica in Namibia were to be declared null and void, my delegation does not underrate the importance of that manoeuvre. 38. My country supports the people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, the sole and genuine representative of that people, in its efforts to regain full national independence and free itself of the domination of the racist Pretoria regime. In this respect, I wish to commend the Council for Namibia for all its praiseworthy efforts, which we hope will be crowned with success. 44. There can be no doubt that the decision of the Security Council taken in its resolution 439 (1978) to declare those elections null and void deprives them, inevitably, of any legitimacy in the eyes of the international community. But it must also be admitted that those elections will create an illegal power base in Namibia, the beneficiaries of which will be the puppets in the pay of Pretoria.

Speaking in the Security Council on 29 September 1978, the Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany said: 38. My country supports the people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, the sole and genuine representative of that people, in its efforts to regain full national independence and free itself of the domination of the racist Pretoria regime. In this respect, I wish to commend the Council for Namibia for all its praiseworthy efforts, which we hope will be crowned with success. "We cannot believe that the Government of South Africa will now leave a road on which it has gone a long way with us and thus decide against a peaceful settlement under international control that is within easy reach. No one in the Republic of South Africa should overlook the consequences such a step would be bound to have."6 45, In the future therefore, the Security Council will fmd itse.lf confronting problems which will have to be faced with the greatest firmness. Indeed, the elections will strengthen South Africa's power in Namibia, where it will install a clique of puppets which will guarantee it indefi- nitely the possibility of continuing its shamr::less exploi- tation of the people and resources of the Territ.ory. 40. It will be agreed now that the South African Govern- ment has in fact decided "against a peaceful settlement under international control", to say the least. Indeed, since 4 December South Africa has as it had said it would, been organizing those elections in Namibia, despite the dis- approval and the injunctions of the international commu- nity.

Speaking in the Security Council on 29 September 1978, the Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany said: 46. South Africa's aim in Namibia has always been either the annex<:ltion of the Territory or complete control over the Government, people and resources of the country by means of a regime subservient to it. After its failure to annex the Territory, South Africa by means ofits national homelands policy has done its best to destroy the integrity of the Territory of Namibia_ It persists in fact in its stupid attempt to annex Walvis Bay, which is 'lone the less an integral part of Namibia. "We cannot believe that the Government of South Africa will now leave a road on which it has gone a long way with us and thus decide against a peaceful seWement under international control that is within easy reach. No one in the Republic of South Mrica should overlook the consequences such a step would be bound to have."6 41. We agree with Mr. Vance, the United States Secretary of State, that: 6 Ibid., Thirty-third Year, 2087th meeting, para. 32. 40. It will be agreed now that the South African Govern- ment has in fact decided "against a peaceful settlement under international control", to say the least. Indeed, since 4 December South Africa has as it had said it would, been organizing those elections in Namibia, despite the dis- approval and the injunctions of the international commu- nity. 47. For some years now South Mrica has opposed any attempt to arrive at a negotiated settlement leading to an independent Namibian State. That behaviour, which has so frequently been denounced, is a challenge to the considered opinion of the international community. However, while no enforcement measure h2S so far been exercised against South Africa, one must regard as a positive step the decision of the Western countries that elections should be held under the control of the United Nations, thus 41. We agree with Mr. Vance, the United States Secretary ofState, that: 43. Therefore, despite th whereby the elections now in Namibia were to b delegation does not und manoeuvre. 44. There can be no d Security Council taken i declare those elections inevitably, of any legitima community. But it mus elections will create an il beneficiaries of which w Pretoria. 45, In the future therefo itself confronting problem with the greatest firmn strengthen South Africa's install a clique of puppet nitely the possibility of tation of the people and re 46. South Africa's aim in the annexation of the Te the Government, people means of a regime subse annex the Territory, Sout homelands policy has don of the Territory of Namib attempt to annex Walvis integral part of Namibia. 47. For some years now attempt to arrive at a ne independent Namibian Sta frequently been denounce opinion of the internationa enforcement measure has South Africa, one must decision of the Western c held under the control 7 Ibid..• para. 69. 48. Representatives will have observed that I have referred broadly to positions adopted by members of the Govern- ments of countries which have taken the initiative of entering into contacts with South Africa. In so doing, I wished to draw their attention to their responsibilities vis-a-vis the United Nations, which has trusted them despite all the reservations which the nature of their undertaking justified. The five Western Powers members of the Security Council which entered into a dialogue with the Pretoria regime must now draw approoriate lessons from their failure and associate themselves, in good faith and firmly, with the sanctions already adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly. Failing that, they will convince those who have always doubted the wisdom of their action and, indeed, their good faith that 1hey were right all along-especially since those Western Powers bear an overwhelming responsibility for the situation now prevail- ing in the whole of southern Africa. "My Government's approach ... will be governed by the attitude displayed by the new South African Govern- ment over the next few weeks. We are issuing no threats, but they should not underestimate the gravity of the situation that could (l~c;"l if there were no solution in sight and we meet here in ille Security Council again. No one in South Mrica should mistake the detennination that underlies the reasonable constructive attitude that we have shown for the last 18 months and will show over the next few weeks. The choir..e is now for South Africa."8 ilS :a Iy at le to D, a1 se le )f 48. Representatives will have observed that I have referred broadly to positions adopted by members of the Govern- ments of countries which have taken the initiative of entering into contacts with South Africa. In so doing, I wished to draw their attention to their responsibilities vis-a-vis the United Nations, which has trusted them despite all the reservations which the nature of their undertaking justified. The five Western Powers members of the Security Council which entered into a dialogue with the Pretoria regime must now draw approoriate lessons from their failure and associate themselves, in good faith and firmly, with the sanctions already adopted by the Security Council and the General Assembly. Failing that, they will convince those who have always doubted the wisdom of their action and, indeed, their good faith that 'they were right all along-especially since those Western Powers bear an overwhelming responsibility for the situation now prevail- ing in the whole of southern Africa. Ld 49. The elections of 4 December can thus be interpreted as a challenge hurled by South Africa to the United Nations as a whole, and particularly to its friends in the Western bloc. If South Africa has so far been able to show the utmost scorn for the collective will of the entire inter- national community it is precisely because the countries of the Western bloc have lacked the necessary political will to take up the issues of southern Africa in a significant manner that would make it possible to achieve the equitable, definitive solution so impatiently awaited. ~d ill ill fi- li- er er ly to al ty d m 50. SWAPO, in taking the risk of agreeing to negotiations, has given striking proof ofIts political maturity., particu- larly since the international community regards it as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people. SWAPO has thus resolutely confounded those who refuse to see it as anything but a terrorist movement working for some ideology or other. 49. The elections of 4 De,~mber can thus be interpreted as a challenge hurled by South Africa to the United Nations as a whol~, and particularly to its friends in the Western bloc. If South Mrica has so far been able to show the utmost scorn for the collective will of the entire inter- national community it is precisely because the countries of the Western bloc have lacked the necessary political will to take up the issues of southern Africa in a significant manner that would make it possible to achieve the equitable, definitive solution so impatiently awaited. Ly m o d 51. My delegation takes this opportunity to pay a lively tribute to the fighters of SWAPO, who continue to pay with their own blood for the liberation of their country and to safeguard the dignity of their people . 0 st e e us 50. SWAPO, in taking the risk of agreeing to negotiations, has given striking proof of.its political maturity., particu- larly since the international community regards it as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people. SWAPO has trlUS resolutely confounded those who refuse to see it as anything but a terrorist movement working for some ideology or other. 52. In 1967 the United Nations set up the United Nations Council for Namibia to administer the Territory until its independence. 8 Ibid., para. 81. '~"""""""'''''' ... '::::!;''<.~~~~~l!!!!ltI .. ----- 51. My delegation takes this opportunity to pay a lively triQuta to the fighters of SWAPO, who continue to pay with their own blood for the liberation of their country and to safeguard the dignity of their people. 52. In 1967 the United Nations set up the United Nations Council for Namibia to administer the Territory until its independence. 56. Thirdly, it should protect the territorial Namibia, as an indivisible State, including in p entire Walvis Bay region. 54. First, it should denounce all the fraudulent constitu- tional or political manoeuvres by which South Mrica might attempt to perpetuate its colonial oppression and explOI- tation of the people and resources of Namibiii. 57. Fourthly, it should continue to mobilize i political support with a view to bringing pressu that the entire illegal South African admi withdrawn from Namibia, in accordance with a Nations resolutions and decisions on Namibia. 55. Secondly, it should strive to ensure non-recognition of any administration or entity established in Windh,ek which is not the result of free elections throughout Namibia held under United Nations supervision and control, in ac- cordance with the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) and subsequent relevant resolutions. 58. Fifthly, it should take all necessary measur full implementation of and respect for the p Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural R Namibia, which was adopted by the Council for 27 September 1974,9 together with all the oth necessary for protecting Namibia's natur ~ weal 56. Thirdly, it should protect the territorial integrity of Namibia, as an indivisible State, including in particular the entire Walvis Bay region. 57. Fourthly, it should continue to mobilize intemationJI political support with a view to bringing pressure to bear so that the entire illegal South African administration is withdrawn from Namibia, in accordance with all the United Nations resolutions and decisions on Namibia. 59. At the present time, the Security Council Assembly face a challenge to their authority now be no doubt as to the nature of the instru would compel South Africa to apply the deci United Nations General Assembly and Secur The Security Council must consider the applic whole range of sanctions provided for in Chapt Charter. The international community mus reject any attempt to cheat Namibia of its in and to set up there a puppet regime dedicated of the Pretoria racists. 58. Fifthly, it should take all necessary measures to ensure full implementation of and respect for the provisions of Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia, which was adopted by the Council for Namibia on 27 September 1974,9 together with all the other measures necessary for protecting Namibia's natm uwealth. 60. Lastly, the General Assembly shou SWAPO's role as the sole legitimate represent Namibian people and firmly oppose the el querade of 4 December. Moreover, it should support for true independence for Namibia, bas provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1 59. At the present time, the Security Council and General Assembly face a challenge to their authority. There can now be no doubt as to the nature of the instruments which would compel South Africa to apply the decisions of the United Nations General Assembly and Security Council. The Security Council must consider the application of the whole range of sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter. The international community must vigorously reject any attempt to cheat Namibia of its independence and to set up there a puppet regime dedicated to the cause of the Pretoria racists.

When the Security met on the question of Namibia it adopte 439 (1978), which, in its paragraphs A and 5, Pretoria regime to cancel the so-called internal e 60. Lastly, the General Assembly should reaffmn SWAPO's role as the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people and firmly oppose the electoral mas- querade of 4 December. Moreover, it should reiterate its support for true independence for Namibia, based on all the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976).

When the Security Council last met on the question of Namibia it adopted resolution 439 (1978), which, in its paragraphs ,4 and 5, called on the Pretoria regime to cancel the ~o-called internal elections an~ "... fallure to do so would compel the Security Council to meet forthwith to initiate appropriate actions under the Charter of the United Nations, including Chapter VII thereof, so as to ensure Soun. Africa's compliance with the aforementioned resolutions". 63. It was evident from the outset that no type of election held in Namibia under the control of the South African regime could be a fair substitute for elections organized and conducted there under the aegis of the United Nations, which has direct responsibility for the Territory. The failure of the five Western Powers to secure cancellation of those elections was made the more dramatic by their own acknowledgement that ruch elections could in no way be reconciled with the plan adopted under Security Council resolution 435 (1978). 62. As we understand it, this meant that South Africa's failure to cancel the elections and to co-operate with the Secretary-General in implementing his plan for the with- drawal of South Mrica's illegal administration from Namibia would evoke the immediate adoption of measures by the world body, including measures under Chapter VII of the Charter. This was intended to bringhome to the illegal regime that it could no longer flout United Nations decisions with impunity, and to ensure that the conduct of affairs in Namibia would be irrevocably in the hands of the United Nations. 64. The elections have been held, against all reason, and the world has been brought face to face with a new crisis which poses an additional threat to international peace and security over and above the dangers already inherent in the very nature of the Namibian situation. Through the mechanism of this spurious internal settlement we shall soon witness the setting up of a body of puppets-the Tumhalle constituent assembly-which Pretoria, in con- formity with its premeditated mischief, will utilize in drawing up a constitution for the Territory in order to pre-empt the democratic constitutional structure in which the United Nations plan was so carefully designed to culminate. 63. It was evident from the outset that no type of election held in Namibia under the control of the South African regime could be a fair substitute for elections organized and conducted there under the aegis of the United Nations, which has direct responsibility for the Territory. The failure of the five Western Powers to secure cancellation of those elections was made the more dramatic by their own acknowledgement thOot :uch elections could in no way be reconciled \vith the plan adopted under Security Council resolution 435 (1978). 64. The elections have been held, against all reason, and the world has been brought face to face with a new crisis which poses an additional threat to international peace and security over and above the dangers already inherent in the very nature of the Namibian situation. Through the mechanism of this spurious internal settlement we shall soon witness the setting up of a body of puppets-the Turnhalle constituent assembly-which Pretoria, in con- formity with its premeditated mischief, will utilize in drawing up a constitution for the Territory in order to pre-empt the democratic constitutional structure in which the United Nations plan was so carefully designed to culminate. 65. It requires no special effort of the imagination to realize that the full scope of Pretoria's intention is to have the Tumhalle constituent assembly veto the United Nations plan, rubber-stamp a constitution "made in South Africa", and proceed to a unilateral declaration of independence. Such a fait accompli would be South Africa's final act of defiance of and contempt towards the United Nations. Such defiance and contempt, on which its policy of ambivalence and pievarication rests, is what South Africa understands as co-operation with the United Nations. Once the puppets are installed, nothing will prevent them from rejecting the cease-rue prerequisite of the United Nations plan and thus sabotaging the plan itself. And in the meantime South Africa will have found all the pretext it wants for not withdrawing its troops from Namibia. 65. It requires no special effort of the imagination to realize that the full scope of Pretoria's intention is to have the Turnhalle constituent assembly veto the United Nations plan, rubber-stamp a constitution "made in South Africa", and proceed to a unilateral declaration of independence. Such a fait accompli would be South Africa's final act of defiance of and contempt towards the United Nations. Such defiance and contempt, on which its policy of ambivalence and p,;~varication rests, is what South Mrica understands as co-operation with the United Nations. Once the puppets are installed, nothing will prevent them from rejecting the cease-fue prerequisite of the United Nations plan and thus sabotaging the plan itself. And in the meantime South Africa will have found all the pretext it wants for not withdrawing its troops from Namibia. 66. Are we going to sit by and see the United Nations and world public opinion so severely ridlcu'ed and the just 67. This is the time for action, not for further delay or for another warning to the effect that the United Nations might act given certain circumstances. This is not the time to suggest that the right action will hurt those who are already bearing the yoke ofapartheid For how can he who is down feal: a fall? This is the time to promote the triumph d good over evil. The action required is our 68. My delegation servedly rejects the el others in demanding the United Nations to situation. In this conn least that the United warning already giv 439 (1978). The elect and the appropriate ac Africa under Chapter wi1lhlgl:~SS to resolve the Namibia situation. This action must not only ensure the independence of Namibia; it must equally remove the new threat to international peace and security and also make South Africa accept and respect the authority of the United Nations.

Once a here our indignation a racist regime of South and also to express o Namibia, under the le for freedom and indep 68. My delegation categorically condemns and unre- servedly rejects the election:; just held in Namibia and joins others in demanding that immediate measures be taken by the United Nations to deal firmly and adequately with the situation. In this connexion, it goes without saying that the least that the United Nations must do is implement the warning already given in Security Council resolution 439 (1978). The dections should be declared null and void and the appropriate action should be initiated against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter. 70. We truly hope th we shall not have to u of South Africa or Namibian people's str we shall be able to pendenceof the p establishment of that leadership of SWAPO.

Once again we find ourselves having to voice here our indignation and our condemnation in regard to the racist regime of South Africa and its practices in Namibia, and also to express our total solidarity with the people of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, in their struggle for freedom and independence. 71. My country has principles that can b colonialism, imperiali wherever they may pendence and nation the world. My count still occupied by the racism in our Asian ciates the situation o forced by the Pretor possible means to obt armed struggle. In act example, because the Arab people in gen particular, to choose lead to the liberatio independence. 70. We truly hope that next year or in the following years we shall not have to use these same words of condemnation of South Africa or to express again our support for the Namibian people's struggle. Indeed, we hope that next year we shall be able to celebrate the liberation and inde- pendence of the people of Namibia, as well as the establishment of that people's national authority, under the leadership of SWAPO. 71. My country has a consistent foreign policy, based on principles that can be summarized as the struggle against colonialism, imperialism and racism, in all their fonns and wherever they may appear, and support for the inde- pendence and national liberation movements throughout the world. My country, some parts of whose territory are still occupied by the Israelis-which is another aspect of racism in our Asian region-fully understands and appre- ciates the situation of the Namibian people and SWAPO, forced by the Pretoria racist regime to choose the only possible means to obtain their independence and freedom: armed struggle. In acting in that way they are following our example, because the racist Zionist regime has forced our Arab people in general, and the Palestinian people in particular, to choose that course as the only one that can lead to the liberation of their territory and to national independence. 72. Our country ha support the struggle 73. We whole-heartedly support preceding speakers who have called on our Organization to take effective measures against the racist Government of South Africa, including the application of the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, and economic sanctions against the racist Pretoria regime. 75. From this rostrum we support-as we do every day in our press, in our information media and in our cultural centres, everywhere in the Syrian Arab Republic-sthe heroic struggle of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, the only authentic representative of the Namibian people, to achieve freedom and independence. We also hail Arab- African friendship and solidarity and our common cam- paign against colonialism, occupation and racism in all forms and wherever they may appear. 76. In conclusion, I am happy to be able to state that my delegation will join in sponsoring draft resolutions A/33/L.13, A/33/L.14 and A/33/L.15. 75. From this rostrum we support-as we do every day in our press, in our information media and in our cultural centres, everywhere in the Syrian Arab Rf;public-the heroic struggle of Namibia, under the leadership of SWAPO, the only authentic representative of the Namibian people, to achieve freedom and independence. We also hail Arab- Mrican friendship and solidarity and our common cam- paign against colonialism, occupation and racism in all forms and wherever they may appear.

Last Friday the racist regime in South Africa completed an infamous process which it has had the twisted arrogance and callous cynicism to call an election. As a token of its respect for democracy and as a curtain-raiser to the election, the security forces of the racist regime arbitrarily arrested the Vice-Chairman, the Secretary for Information, the Secreta.ry for Legal Affairs and the Administrative Secretary of SWAPO and a total of an estimated 80 other SWAPO supporters and freedom fighters. The bullet, not the ballot, was the decidingfactor in that election. 76. In conclusion, I am happy w be able to state that my delegation will join in sponsoring draft resolutions A/33/L.13, A/33/L.14 and A/33/L.15. 78. A representative of the five Western Powers of the Security Council, speaking in the Council chamber last week, deplored "the resort to intimidation, force and violence in Namibia" and the deprivation of "basic human liberties of speech, movement, press and assembly".' 0 I have quoted the words of the representative of the five Western Powers of the Security Council particularly be- 77. Mc. FERNANDO (Sri Lanka): Last Friday the racist regime in South Africa completed an infamous process which it has had the twisted arrogance and callous cynicism to call an election. As a token of its respect f'lr democracy and as a curtain-raiser to the election, the security forces of the racist regime arbitrarily arrested the Vice-Chairman, the Secretary for Information, the Secreta.ry for Legal Affairs and the Administrative Secretary of SWAPO and a total of an estimated 80 other SWAPO supporters and freedom fighters. The bullet, not the ballot, was the deciding factor in that election. 78. A representative of the five Western Powers of the Security Council, speaking in the Council chamber last week, deplored "the resort to intimidation, force and violence in Namibia" and the deprivation of "basic human liberties of speech, movement, press and assembly".! 0 I have quoted the words of the representative of the five Western Powers of the Security Council particularly be- 79. While the international community has be seeking a negotiated settlement, the South Afr has been expanding its military activities and hei repression of the Namibian people. It has, furt out acts of brutal aggression against neighbo pendent African States, causing a heavy toll innocent men, women and children. It now a that South Africa will never voluntarily agree ment in Namibia in accordance with the num sions of the United Nations and the Security Co for the immediate cessation of the illegal oc Namibia. 79. While the international community has been painfully seeking a negotiated settlement, the South Mrican regime h.as been expanding its military activities and heightening its repression of the Namibian people. It has, further, carried out acts of brutal aggression against neighbouring inde- pendent African States, causing a heavy toll in lives of innocent men, women and children. It now appears clear that South Mrica will never voluntarily agree to a settle- ment in Namibia in accordance with the numerous deci- sions of the United Nations and the Security Council calling for the immediate cessation of the illegal occupation of Namibia. 80. The non-aligned countries have at all times inalienable right of the Namibian people t national independence and territorial integrit supported by all means available the legitimate the liquidation of the illegal control of Namib Africa. Most recently, non-aligned Foreign M tending the thirty-third sessionof the GeneralA an extraordinary meeting on 2 October 1978, u condemned the racist regime of South Afri intransigence and arrogant attempts to hold sha and thus install its puppets in power".' 1 At th the Foreign Ministersof non-aligned countries u admitted SWAPO as a full member of the group, having regard to the critical stage rea liberation of Namibia and in expression of our SWAPO. 80. The non-aligned countries have at all times upheld the inalienable right of the Namibian people to freedom, national independenc€ and territorial integrity and have supported by all means available the legitimate struggle for the liquidation of the illegal control of Namibia by South Africa. Most recently, non-aligned Foreign Ministers at- tending the thirty-third session of the General Assembly, at an extraordinary meeting on 2 October 1978, unanimously condemned the racist regime of South Mrica "for its intransigence and arrogant attempts to hold sham elections and thus install its puppets in power".ll At that meeting, the Foreign Ministers of non-aligned countries unanimously admitted SWAPO as a full member of the non-aligned group, having regard to the critical stage reached in the liberation of Namibia and in expression of our support for SWAPO. 81. SWAPO has conceded much and has a proposal of the fiveWesterncountries for the se the Namibian problem. The South African reg accepted these proposals on 25 April 1978 shamelessly gone back on that agreement in a w shocked that international community, includ Western Powers. It is now obvious, as pointed o speakers in the debate, that the South Afr hoped SWAPO would reject those proposals. H to realize its hope, the South African regi pursuing a diabolical course to undermine the the General Assembly and the Security Cou 81. SWAPO has conceded much and has accepted the proposal of the five Western countries for the settlement of the Namibian problem. The South African regime, which accepted these proposals on 25 April 1978, has now shamelessly gone back on that agreement in a way that has shocked that international community, including the five Western Powers. It is now obvious, as pointed out by many speakers in the debate, that the South Mrican regime hoped SWAPO would reject those proposals. Having failed to realize its hope, the South African regine is now pursuing a diabolical course to undermine the decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council and to 11 Ibid., Thirty-third Year, Supplement for Octob and December1978, document S/12875. 8? ~ince 1966, when the General Assembly took the histone step of ending South Mrica's Mandate and as- suming direct responsibility for Namibia, the trust of the Namibian people in the effectiveness of our Organization has repeatedly been betrayed. Today, when yet anot-Iter cross-roads in Namibian affairs has been reached, the General Assembly must do all in its power to ensure that that sacred trust will not be betrayed once again. Besides its responsibility assumed under international law the world Organization has an added obligation because ~f the great number of Namibians who have given their lives in order to deliver their people from the yoke of the worst system of oppression and domination of the century. 83. Mr. President, in response to your appeal that state- ments in this debate be kept brief, I shall not prolong my statement. 84. The ultimate victory of the people of Namibia in obtaining their inalienable right to self-determination independence and full control over their own destiny as ~ sovereign member of the international community is quite inevitable-historically and morally inevitable. If this vic- tory is achieved through any means other than a peaceful negotiated settlement, the price that may have to be paid for such a victory would be too terrible to contemplate. But let it be clear that the responsibility for such a solution being forcibly imposed and for such a price being paid rests clearly on the South African regime. 90. South Africa has now, in effect, rejected Security Council resolutions 431 (1978) and 435 (1978), which dealt with the modalities for bringing about Namibian independence on the basis of free and fair elections under United Nations supervision and control. The Pretoria regime's insistence on holding its own elections last week must be seen as a desperate attempt to impose an internal settlement, in the style of lan Smith of Zimbabwe, through political trickery and the manipulation of susceptible elements. The General Assembly must vigorously reject this attempt by the Botha regime to create a puppet govern- ment in Namibia so as to continue South Africa's control of the Territory and its rich resources. 83. Mr. President, in response to your appeal that state- ments in this debate be kept brief, I shall not prolong my statement. 85. My delegation is pleased to be a sponsor of all three draft resolutions on the question of Namibia. 84. The ultimate victory of the people of Namibia in obtaining their inalienable right to self-determination independence and full control over their own destiny as ; sovereign member of the international community is quite inevitable-historically and morally inevitable. If this vic- tory is achieved through any means other than a peaceful negotiated settlement, the price that may have to be paid for such a victory would be too terrible to contemplate. But let it be clear that the responsibility for such a solution being forcibly imposed and for such a price being paid rests clearly on the South African regime.

The salient fact of the Namibian situation today is undoubtedly that the inter- national community has given the Pretoria regime every possible and conceivable opportunity to conform to the wishes of the Security Council and the General Assembly and that the moment oftruth has arrived when we shall see whether those Powers which so far have supported the oppressive and racist regime in South Africa are now ready to act in accordance with their responsibilities and the demands of the situation. 91. The resources which have already been exploited and the vast economic potential of the Territory are not evident, of course, from the economic and social conditions of the majority of the population after 60 years of South Mrica's administration. As we know, the mineral wealth of the Territory is being steadily and rutWessly plundered and siphoned off to enrich the white minority in South Africa and foreign corporations and their shareholders, while the Namibian people for the most part remain poor, oppressed and exploited. 85. My delegation' is pleased to be a sponsor of all three draft resolutions on the question of Namibia. 87.. The decision of the white minority regime in South Africa to proceed with the holding of internal elections in 92. It is clear that South Africa, which has estab1ishe~ a nuclear power industry and which has been allowed to develop a nuclear-weapon capability, has never meant to relinquish its control over a Territory which is a major source of uranium. We must not allow ourselves to be deceived by the South African attempts to buy time and to mislead international public opinion about their true intentions regarding Namibia. In follOWing this policy the South Africans have been able to assure themselves that what appeared to be regarded as the hard line taken publicly by the five Western Powers in recent times would not lead to support for economic sanctions.

The salient fact of the Namibian situation today is undoubtedly that the L'1ter- national community has given the Pretoria regime every possible and conceivable Oppoitunity to conform to the wishes of the Security Council and the General Assembly and that the moment oftruth has arrived when we shall see whether those Powers which so far have supported the oppressive and racist regime in South Africa are now ready to act in accordance with their responsibilities and the demands of the situation. Namib~a in contravention and defiance of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) is totally unaccep- table and must be condemned. 88. Not long ago there seemed to be reason to hope that the United Nations would at Jast be able to lead the people of Namibia to genuine independence. Today we see that we I • 87. The decision of the white minority regime in South Mrica to proceed with the holding of internal elections in 93..The grave doubts of the Somali Government and of the Governments of other African countries about South Namib~a in contravention and defiance of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978) is totally unaccep- table and must be condemned. :V-rica'~ good faith in recent negotiations were suspended, 1D the hope th..t a peaceful settlement could be achieved and in order to support SWAPO in its statesmanlike determination to explore every avenue of peaceful change compatible with the interests of the Namibian people. 88. Not long ago there seemed to be reason to hope that the Uni~e~ Nations.would at last be able to lead the people of Narrubla to genwne independence. Today we see that we 90. South Africa has Council resolutions 43 dealt with the modali independence on the b United Nations superv regime's insistence on h must be seen as a despe settlement, in the style political trickery and elements. The General A attempt by the Botha ment in Namibia so as to the Territory and its rich 91. The resources whi the vast economic po evident, of course, from of the majority of the Africa's administration. the Territory is being st siphoned off to enrich and foreign corporation Namibian people for th and exploited. 92. It is clear that So nuclear power industry develop a nuclear-weap relinquish its control o source of uranium. W deceived by the South A mislead international intentions regarding Na South Africans have b what appeared to be publicly by the five We not lead to support for e 93..The grave doubts the Governments of ot Africa's good faith in r in the hope th ..t a pea and in order to supp determination to explo compatible with the inte -- -_..._-------------- --~.-----_. ~---- ._~--- _.~ -'-.---" .~_ .._- 96. The Security Council, at its most recent meeting on the Namibian situation, rightly condemned South Africa's decision to proceed unilaterally with the holding of the current illegal elections. However, the position of the Security Council has been seriously weakened by the abstention of the five Western Powers in the vote on a draft resolution which mentioned the possibility of action under Chapter VII of the Charter if South Africa remained intransigent. 95. These were not actions of compliance with or accom- modation to internationally accepted principles but were evidence of South Africa's bad faith and of its deter- mination to maintain control of the Territory by either direct or indirect means. Now that South Africa has reneged on the approval it gave last April to the Widely accepted plan for Namibian independence based on Secu- rity Councii resolution 385 (1976), there can be no further doubt about the nature of the situation: South Africa is once more defying the authority of the United Nations. 97. In view of the present retreat of the five Western Powers from the strong stand they took earlier, it is not surprising that South Africa has continued to give evasive and ambiguous replies to the Secretary-General's requests for clarification on crucial matters. 96. The Security Council, at its most recent meeting on the NamibiaiJ.· situation, rightly condemned South Africa's decision to proceed unilaterally with the holding of the current illegal elections. However, the position of the Security Council has been seriously weakened by the abstention of the five Western Powers in the vote on a draft resolution which mentioned the possibility of action under Chapter VII of the Charter if South Africa remained intransigent. 98. South Africa has now linked the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) with consultations to be held with the puppets who emerge as the winners of its illegal elections. This development, which runs counter to the agreement arrived at last April and to Council resolutions 431 (1978) and 435 (1978), must be declared to be totally unacceptable to the United Nations. If more proof were needed about the fraudulent nature of South Africa's attempt to hold elections, the arrest last week of prominent leaders of SWAPO in and around Windhoek has provided ample evidence of South Africa's fear of even the semblance of a democratic process and of' its attitude towards the .liberation movement which has brought the Namibian people so far along the road to independence. 97. In view of the present retreat of the five Western Powers from the strong stand they took earlier, it is not surprising that South Africa has continued to give evasive and ambiguous replies to the Secretary-General's requests for clarification on crucial matters. 98. South Africa has now linked the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978) with consultations to be held with the puppets who emerge as the winners of its illegal elections. This development, which runs counter to the agreement arrived at last April and to Council resolutions 431 (1978) and 435 (1978), must be declared to be totally unacceptable to the United Nations. If more proof were needed about the fraudulent nature of South Africa's attempt to hold elections, the arrest last week of prominent leaders of SWAPO in and around Windhoek has provided ample evidence of South Africa's fear of even the semblance of a democratic process and of its attitude towards the .liberation movement which has brought the Narnibian people so far along the road to independence. 99. My delegation hopes that when the Security Council meets again to review the current Namibian crisis all its members will have a clear sense of the will of the General Assembly in this matter. They must be prepared to exercise their responsibility to remove this dangerous threat to intemational peace and security by imposing compre- hensive economic sanctions, including an oil embargo against South Africa. Once again the credibility of the United Nations is at stake. Of even greater importance is the fact that the hopes of the Namibian people for genuine independence, through peaceful negotiation, have once again been endangered. The United Nations must not again 99. My delegation hopes that when the Security Council meets again to review the current Namibian crisis all its members will have a clear sense of the will of the General Assembly in this matter. They must be prepared to exercise their responsibility to remove this dangerous threat to international peace and security by imposing compre- hensive economic sanctions, including an oil embargo against South Africa. Once again the credibility of the United Nations is at stake. Of even greater importance is the fact that the hopes of the Namibian people for genuine independence, through peaceful negotiation, have once again been endangered. The United Nations must not again 101. On the one hand, South Africa has rejected the repo!t of the Secretary-General on the implementation~f the proposals of the five Western members of the Securit;y Council concerning Namibia12 and has unilaterally pro-' ceeded to carry out what it calls "an internal process for the election of leaders". The electoral farce has begun in an. atmosphere of terror and tnass arrests of numerous leaders' and militant members of SWAPO. At the same time South· Africa has just introduced into Namibia new and large military forces in the· frontier zone between Namibia and, Angola, a country which has more than once in the past. been the victim of armed aggression by the apartheid ~ regime. 102. On the other hand, the African countrie ordiIiation with SWAPO and supported by the non-aligned and other countries, have demanded t cation of mandatory sanctions against South Africa to oblige that country to comply with the n resolutions of the General Assembly and the Council. Memberswill recall that at its ninth specia on Namibia, the General Assembly in resolutio having Vigorously condemned the colonialist an regime of South Africa for its persistent refusal to w from Namibia and for its manoeuvres designed petuate its illegaloccupation of the Territory, requ Security Council: 102. On the other hand, the African countries, in co- .. ordination with SWAPO and supported by the socialist,' non-aligned and other countries, have demanded the appli- cation of mandatory sanctions against South Africa in order to oblige that country to comply with the numerous resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Members will recall that at its ninth special session, on Namibia, the General Assembly in resolution So9/2,·' having Vigorously condemned the colonialist and racist regime of South Africa for its persistent refusal to withdraw from Namibia and for its manoeuvres designed to 1Jer- petuate its illegal occupation of the Territory, requested the- Security Council: "... to take the most vigorous measures, sanctions provided for under Chapter VII of the of the United Nations, particularly comprehen nomic sanctions, an oil embargo and an arms em 103. However, again the Security Council was u take a decision in keeping with its role and respon under the Charter because of the spectre of t Western veto. 104. The new events that have occurred since t special session of the General Assembly require us a more careful assessment of the present situation to draw the necessary conclusions because it is the the United Nations, as the legal Administering Aut Namibia until the Territory attains true independ self-determination, to act promptly so as to pre apartheid regime and those which support it, fr tinuing with impunity their defiance of the inte community. "... to take the most vigorous measures, including sanctions provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, particularly comprehensive eco- nomic sanctions, an oil embargo and an arms embargo". 103. However, again the Security Council was unable t~­ take a decision in keeping with its role and ~sponsibilities under the Charter because of the spectre of the triple Western veto. 105. Eleven years have passed since the General A in resolution 2145 (XXI), decided to put an en South African Mandate over Namibia and deman South Africa withdraw from the. Territory so as the indigenous population to build a nation f keeping ~..!!l~!leir aspirations. Since that time t 104. The new events that have occurred since the ninth special session of the General Assembly require us to make a more careful assessment of the present situation in order to draw $e necessary conclusions because it is the duty of the United Nations, as the legal Administering Authority o( Namibia until the Territory attains true independence aner self-determination, to act promptly so as to prevent the{ apartheid regime and those which support it, from con~ tinulng with impunity their defiance of the international community. n is«, document 8/12903. 105. Eleven years have passed since the General Assembly, in resolution 2145 (XXI), decided to put an end to the'· South African Mandate over Namibia and demanded that· South Africa withdraw from the. Territory so as to allow the indigenous population to build a nation freely, in keeping ~th---.!.heir aspirations. Since that time the iIlter:.. 106. There is no need to labour the point that on its own South Africa would hardly have been able to persist so long in such an arrogant policy. Several delegations which have spoken here in plenary meetings and in the Committees, on questions concerning southern Africa, have clearly demon- strated, with ample evidence, the collusion between the apartheid regime of South Africa and the multinational corporations ofcertain Western Powers. 109. Viet Nam supports any negotiated and peaceful solution to the Namibian problem provided that it is accepted by SWAPO and that the Mrican countries would support it, and provided that it guarantees the true independence of the Territory, together with the full exercise by the Namibian people of their basic national rights. At this very hour the valiant sons of the Namibian people are engaged in a life-and-death struggle in order to obtain the triumph of their right to live in independence, peace and dignity. This struggle is in a delicate and decisive phase. Nevertheless, we are firmly convinced that the Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO, strength- ened by the justice of its cause and by international solidarity, will persevere in its struggle, will prove able to overcome all difficulties and thwart any manoeuvres of imperialism, colonialism and apartheid and will eventually be triumphant. All the countries which cherish peace and justice throughout the world are intensifying their material, political and diplomltic support for the just struggle of the Namibian people. Any action intended to weaken SWAPO, the sole legitimat'} representative of the people of Namibia, will do nothing but delay a peaceful solution of the problem of the Territory and prolong the sufferings of its people. 107. The plan of the five Western countries for a negotiated settlement of the Namibian problem first saw the light of day more than a year and a half ago. Loud publicity was made to create a climate of optimism. Nevertheless, in this forum several delegations, including my own, showed their scepticism as to the purpose of such a plan and its likely outcome. Events have shown that we were right all along. South Africa, while pretending to negotiate the terms of a peaceful settlement, has uni- laterally prepared and held elections and intensified its .·oppre·ssion against those opposed to the apartheid regime, particularly the fighters of SWAPO, thus complicating the situation even further and making the prospects of a negotiated settlement more remote than ever. As the Permanent Observer of SWAPO and several other dele- gations have rightly observed, this is due not to lack of goodwill and a spirit of co-operation on the part of SWAPO, but to the intransigence of Pretoria and above all to the complicity of its protectors, the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATOJ. What can one expect, after all, from those whose economic, military and strategic interests are closelybound up with the interests of the racist and apartheid regimes? For years those very. countries have abused their veto powers to oppose any economic sanctions against the bastion ofapartheid. The authors of the five-Power plan, who are talking about a negotiated peace, are really seeking to obtain major concessionsfrom SWAPO for the benefit of the Vorster and Botha regime. It is clear that the purpose they have in mind is not all that of bringing about the implementation of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which, inter alia, envisages the organization of free elections under United Nations control and supervision to enable the people of Namibia to determine freely their own future, but rather that of enabling the Pretoria regime to evade sanctions, to gain time in order to set up a puppet regime in their pay and to confront the international community with a fait accompli. 106. There is no need to labour the point that on its own South Africa would hardly have been able to persist so long in such an arrogant policy. Several delegations which 4ave spoken here in plenary meetings and in the Committees, on questions concerning southern Africa, have clearly demon- strated, with ample evidence, the collusion between the apartheid regime of South Mrica and the multinational corporations ofcertain Western Powers. 107. The plan of the five Western countries for a negotiated settlement of the Namibian problem first saw the light of day more than a year and a half ago. Loud publicity was made to create a climate of optimism. Nevertheless, in this forum several delegations, including my own, showed their scepticism as to the purpose of such a plan and its likely outcome. Events have shown that we were right all along. South Africa, while pretending to negotiate the terms of a peaceful settlement, has uni- laterally prepared and held elections and intensified its .·appre·ssion against those opposed to the apartheid regime, particularly the fighters of SWAPO, thus complicating the situation even further and making the prospects of a negotiated settlement more remote than ever. As the Permanent Observer of SWAPO and several other dele- gations have rightly observed, t.t.Us is due not to lack of goodwill and a spirit of co-operation on the part of SWAPO, but to the intransigence of Pretoria and above all to the complicity of its protectors, the members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization [NATOJ. What can one expect, after all, from those whose economic, military and strategic interests are closely bound up with the interests of the racist and apartheid regimes? For years those very ° countries have abused their veto powers to oppvse any economic sanctions against the bastion of apartheid. The authors of the five-Power plan, who are talking about a negotiated peace, are really seeking to obtain major concessions from SWAPO for the benefit of the Vorster and Botha regime. It is clear that the purpose they have in mind is not all that of bringing about the implementation of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which, inte. alia, envisages the organization of free elections under United Nations control and supervision to enable the people of Namibia to determine freely their own future, but rather that of enabling the Pretoria regime to evade sanctions, to gain time in order to set up a puppet regime in their pay and to confront the international community with a fait accompli. 110. In the opinion of my delegation, ajust and eqUitable solution of the problem of Namibia must be based on the following fundamental principles: fust, respect for the inalienable rights of the Namibian people to self- determination, freedom and national independence within -the framework of a united Namibia, including Walvis Bay; secondly, the recognition of SWAPO as the sole legitimate representative of the Namibian people, and the legitimacy of its struggle by whatever means available to it, including armed struggle; and thirdly, non-recognition, either de facto or de jure, by the international community of the puppet regime emerging from the illegal electoral farce. 111. The experience of the victory of several national liberation movements in the past few decades confirms the virtual necessity of these three principles. 112. Given the tense situation in Namibia, the General Assembly must take urgent measures to apply the Decla- ration on Namibia and the Programme of Action in Support of Self-Determination and National Independence for Namibia, adopted at the ninth special session [resolution S-9/2j. My delegation welcomes the proposal of the representative of SWAPO according to which it is now time for the General Assembly to adopt a comprehensive programme of economic sanctions.capable of compelling the compliance of South Africa and restoring power to the Namibian people [74th meeting, para. 60J. 113. My delegation vigorously condemns the regime of Pretoria for the recent mass repression and the electoral 110. In the opinion o solution of the problem following fundamental inalienable rights of determination, freedom -the framework of a un secondly, the recogniti representative of the N of its struggle by whate armed struggle;and thir or de jure, by the inte regimeemergingfrom th 111. The experience liberation movements in virtual necessityof thes 112. Given the tense Assembly must take ur ration on Namibiaand t of Self-Determination Namibia, adopted at th 8-9/2J. My delegatio representative of SWAP for the General Asse programme of econom the compliance of Sout Namibianpeople[74th 113. My delegation v Pretoria for the recent 115. Before concluding, my delegation is pleased to pay a tribute to the President and members of the United Nations Council for Namibia for their efforts to r.erform the task entrusted to them by the United Nations and for the substantial report which they have presented to the General Assembly[A/33/24]. 114. We reaffIrm the unswerving solidarity and the fmn support of the people and Government of the Socialist Republic of Viet Nam for the just cause of the Namibian people, whose sole legitiqJ.ate representative is SWAPO. The Vietnamese delegation wishes to pay a tribute to the front- line countries for their contribution to the liberation struggle of the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe. We emphatically condemn South Africa for its barbarous and systematic acts of aggression against neighbouring coun- tries, particularly Angola, Mozambique and Zambia, which have caused numerous casualties and an enormous amount of material damage. ) f

If there is a question which will have fully occupied our Organization for the better part of 1978, it is surely the Namibian question. Indeed, apart from successive meetings of the Security Council, the last of which, its 2103rd, took place on 4 December 1978, the General Assembly has held a specialsessionon this problem and the Secretariat of the Organization has been preoccupied with this matter constantly and actively during these past few months. 115. Before concluding, my delegation is pleased to pay a tribute to the President and members of the United Nations Council for Namibia for their efforts to I,erform the task entrusted t9 them by the United Nations and for the substantial report which they have presented to the General Assembly [A/33/24]. 117. The ninth special session of the General Assembly, by adopting a Declaration and a Programme of Action, has made it possible to reaffirm the major principles which must govern any settlement of the Namibian problem, namely: the cessation of the illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist South African regime; the withdrawal of the administration, the policy and the armed forces of South Africa; and the accession to independence of that Territory which was entrusted to direct United Nations admin- istration by General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), dated 27 October 1966, following the revocation of the South African Mandate. The independence of Namibia must follow from free and democratic elections organized under the supervisionof the United Nations. Mr. Abdulah (Trinidad and TobagoJ, Vice-President took the (}zair.

If there is a question which will have fully occupied our Organization for the better part of 1978, it is surely the Namibian question. Indeed, apart from successive meetings of the Security Council, the last of which, its 2103rd, took place on 4 December 1978, the General Assembly has held a special session on this problem and the Secretariat of the Organization has been preoccupied with this matter constantly and actively during these past few months. 117. The ninth special session of the General Assembly, by adopting a Declaration and a Programme of Action, has made it possible to reaffirm the major principles which must govern any settlement of the Namibian problem, namely: the cessation of the illegal occupation of Namibia by the racist South African regime; the withdrawal of the administration, the policy and the armed forces of South Africa; and the accession to independence of that Territory which was entrusted to direct United Nations admin- istration by General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), dated 27 October 1966, following the revocation of the South African Mandate. The independence of Namibia must follow from free and democratic elections organized under the supervision of the United Nations. 118. All the other activities of the United Nations during this year have been carried on under the cover of efforts undertaken by the five Western members of the Security Council in order to make it possible to implement Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which laid the foundation for a peaceful and negotiated solution of the Namibian question. 119. At this stage it is appropriate to recall the personal commitment of the Secretary-General of our Organization, 118. All the other activities of the United Nations during this year have been carried on under the cover of efforts undertaken by the five Western members of the Security Council in order to make it possible to implement Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which laid the foundation for a peaceful and negotiated solution of the Namibian question. 120. While for the sceptics and the habitual flrebrands of our Organization the efforts carried on by the flve Western countries for more than 20 months are not likely to produce any results, taking into account what they call the ucomplicity of those countries with South Mrica", all those who wish for Namibia and its 800,000 inhabitants a fate worthy of every human being in our world today believe that no possibility should be rejected in our search for a defmitive solution to the Namibian problem. 122. We have therefore noted with satisfaction sion taken by the Security Council on 27 July resolution 431 (1978) to approve the plan propo five Western countries, which negotiated with African Government on the one hand and sentative of the Namlbian people, namely SWAP other hand. That decision itself followed upo ceptance of the aforementioned plan by South A by SWAPO, in spite of the reservations made on concerning certain aspects considered as inadequ very clear. Thus, the Security Council, in order the territorial integrity of Namibia, adopted 431 (1978), which confirmed that Walvis Bay be the Namibian entity. 121. Moreover, our Organization has always recognized and supported the struggle in every form which the Namibian people and its liberation movement are waging in order to put an end to the illegal occupation of its Territory by the South Mrican racists. It is not for it therefore to reject the negotiations that some Members have voluntarily embarked upon in order to shorten the suffering of the Namibian people, faced with the stubbornness and criminal acts of th~ :.acist minority South Mrican regime. 122. We have therefore noted with satisfaction the deci- sion taken by the Security Council on 27 July last in its resolution 431 (1978) to approve the plan proposed by the five Western countries, which negotiated with the South African Government on the one hand and the repre- sentative of the Namibiarl people, namely SWAPO, on the other hand. That decision itself followed upon the ac- ceptance of the aforementioned plan by South Mrica and . by SWAPO, in spite of the reservations made on both sides concerning certain aspects considered as inadequate or not very clear. Thus, the Security Council, in order to respect the territorial integrity of Namibia, adopted resolution 431 (1978), which confirmed that Walvis Bay belonged to the Namibian entity. 123. The United Nations team sent to Namibia Mr. Ahtisaari, made it possible for the Secretary- submit on 29 August 1978 a report1 3 containing plan of action for the implementation of Securit resolution 431 (1978), which, itself, refers to resolution 385 (1976). The publication of the J plan" involving the setting up in the Territory o Nations Transition Assistance Group consistingo and a military element has led to further ne conducted by the Western contact group in orde the concern that this plan has occasioned in the tw While SWAPO, showing once again its politica and its responsible commitment, examined the the plan which it wanted to have improved, African Government expressed "its deep preoccu its deep disappointment" in the face of what itc to be "incompatible interpretations" of the prop five Powers which South Africa had nevertheles on 25 April 1978. 123. The United Nations team sent to Namibia and led by Mr. Ahtisaari, made it possible for the Secretary-General to submit on 29 August 1978 a report1 3 containing a detailed plan of action for ,the implementation of Security Council resolution 431 (l978), which, itself, refers to Council resolution 385 (1976). The publication of the "Waldheim plan" involving the setting up in the Territory of a United Nations Transition Assistance Group consisting of a civilian and a military element has led to further negotiations conducted by the Western contact group in order to meet the concern that this plan has occasioned in the two camps. While SWAPO, showing once again its political maturity and its responsible commitment, examined the aspects of the plan which it wanted to have improved, the South Mrican Government expressed "its deep preoccupation and its deep disappointment" in the face of what it considered \ to be "incompatible interpretations" of the proposal of the five Powers which South Africa had nevertheless accepted on 25 April 1978. 124. By once again raisingthe problem of the ce hostilities, the presence of United Nations milit 13Ibid., Supplement for July, August and Septem document 8/12827. 124. By once again raising the problem of the cessatiqn of hostilities, the presence of United Nations military forces 125. More recently, on 3 December 1978, on the eve of the so-called internal elections, the racist regime carried out the arrest of six SWAPO representatives, invoking section VI of the well-known Terrorism Act. Such acts are inadmissible and reprehensible and the delegation of the Ivory Coast wishes to say here that it considers them irresponsible in the delicate and crucial phase we are now going through in southern Africa. 119. Once again, the Security Council, by its resolution 439 (1978) of 13 November 1978, condemned the decision of the South African Government to proceed unilaterally with the holding of elections in the Territory in December 1978, a decision which constituted a clear defiance of the Organization. It declared those elections and their results null and void and called upon South Mrica immediately to cancel them. Otherwise, the Council would be compelled to initiate appropriate actions against South Africa under the Charter of the United Nations, including Chapter VII thereof. 126. The Security Council, for its part, by resolution 435 (1978) of 29 September 1978, after having taken note of the reactions of the South African Government and those of SWAPO, approved the "Waldheim plan" for the application of the proposal for a settlement in accordance with Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 431 (1978) and decided to create under its authority, for a period of 12 months, the United Nations Transition Assistance Group to assist the Special Representative of the Secretary-General to carry out the mandate entrusted to him by Council resolution 431 (1978). In resolution 435 (1978) the Council welcomed SWAPO's preparedness to co-operate in the implementation of the Secretary- General's report, including its expressed readiness to sign and observe the cease-fire provisions. It further declared that all unilateral measures taken by the illegal admin- istration in Namibia in relation to the electoral process would be considered null and void. 130. As a result of talks which were held in New York at the end of November, between the Secretary-General and the Minister for Foreign Mfairs of South Africa, it has clearly emerged that, first, South Africa reiterates its desire to co-operate in the application of Council resolution 435 (1978); secondly, South Mrica is going ahead with the unilateral elections of December with a view to choosing the representatives of the population; thirdly, South Mrica is prepared, during the month of December, to wind up consultations with the parties concerned with respect to the principles of resolution 435 (1978) and to communicate to the Secretary-General the results of those consultations; fourthly, South Mrica reafftrms that it will retain its authority in Namibia pending the application of the proposal; ftfthly, the consultations on the pending points will continue with a view to reaching a solution. 125. More recently, on 3 December 1978, on the eve of the so-called internal elections, the racist regime carried out the arrest of six SWAPO representatives, invoking section VI of the well-known Terrorism Act. Such acts are inadmissible and reprehensible and the delegation of the Ivory Coast wishes to say here that it considers them irresponsible in the delicate and crucial phase we are now going through in southern Mrica. 126. The Security Council, for its part, by resolution 435 (1978) of 29 September 1978, after having taken note of the reactions of the South African Government and those of SWAPO, approved the "Waldheim plan" for the application of the proposal for a settlement in accordance with Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 431 (1978) and decided to create under its authority, for a period of 12 months, the United Nations Transition Assistance Group to assist the Special Representative of the Secretary-General to carry out the mandate entrusted to him by Council resolution 431 (1978). In resolution 435 (1978) the Council welcomed SWAPO's preparedness to co-operate in the implementation of the Secretary- General's report, including its expressed readiness to sign and observe the cease-ftre proV:sions. It further declared that all unilateral measures taken by the illegal admin- istration in Namibia in relation to the electoral process would be considered null and void. 127. Anxious to preserve the achievements of their diplo- matic efforts, and especially the future of this Territory, the five Western members of the Security Council, once again taking to the road, as it were, attempted, with a high sense of duty, to resume contact with the parties concerned and sent, exceptionally, their Ministers for Foreign Affairs to Pretoria with a view to setting in motion the application of the United Nations plan. Unfortunately, the joint communique published in Pretoria on 18 October 197814 confirmed the concerns about the genuine readiness of the South Africans to consider a cessation 6f the illegal occupation of Namibia. 131. This last reaction of the South Mrican Government, which clearly blows hot and cold, stilled the consciences of some with regard to the futility of diplomatic efforts to bring this country to repent, while it gave cause for reflexion, if not perplexity, to those who hope that following the path of peace will, as it was put by the President of SWAPO, our brother Sam Nujoma, "make it possible to attain with the minimum of bloodshed and sacrifice the goals for which the Namibian people are ftghting". 128. Indeed, the Government of Pretoria not only insisted on consultations on the composition of the Transition 132. My delegation is among those which believe that in such circumstances a light-hearted and facile recourse to radical and intellectually satisfying formulas never makes it possible to see the end of the tunnel. 127. Anxious to preserve the achievements of their diplo- matic efforts, and especially the future of this Territory, the ftve Western members of the Security Council, once again taking to the road, as it were, attempted, with a high sense of duty, to resume contact with the parties concerned and sent, exceptionally, their Ministers for Foreign Affairs to Pretoria with a view to setting in motion the application of the United Nations plan. Unfortunately, the joint communique published in Pretoria on 18 october 197814 confirmed the concerns about the genuine rea.diness of the South Mricans to consider a cessation 6f the illegal occupation of Namibia. 14 Ibid., Supplement for October, November and December 1978, . document 8/12900. 133. The pressures of our various resolutions, both in the Security Council and in the General Assembly, have proved to be of little avail in the past 10 years in the effort to liberate Namibia from racist occupation. It is therefore quite logical that we should consider more concrete measures in order to attain the goals of our Organization. The initiative of the five Western Powers and the plan that resulted therefrom constitute, in our view, an adequate formula. 128. Indeed, the Government of Pretoria not only insisted on consultations' on the composition of the Transition 134. On the other hand, the incessant appeals for the application of the enforcement measures prOVided for in . the United Nations Charter appear to us to be such as to lead us straight into an impasse and to surrender the 130. As a result of ta the end of November, the Minister for Forei clearly emerged that, f to co-operate in the 435 (1978); secondly, unilateral elections of the representatives of t is prepared, during th consultations with the principles of resolution the Secretary-General fourthly, South Afric authority in Namibia proposal; fifthly, the c willcontinue with a vie 131. This last reaction which clearly blows ho some with regard to t bring this country to reflexion, if not per following the path o President of SWAPO, possible to attain wit sacrifice the goals fo fighting" . 132. My delegation i such circumstances a radical and intellectual possible to see the end 133. The pressures of Security Council and i to be of little avail in liberate Namibia from quite logical that w measures in order to The initiative of the fi resulted therefrom co formula. 134. On the other h application of the en the United Nations C lead us straight into kat and has sire tion the sing rica up the eto ms; its the ints 135. Why have not such measures been applied so far to overthrow the South African regime, which not only is practising apartheid-considered as a crime against human- ity-but also is illegally occupying a Territory placed under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. There are two very simple reasons for that. 136. First of all, there is the fact that those with the capacity to render those measures effective are not ready to agree to them, for all sorts of reasons. Secondly, experience has shown that is very difficult to obtain the effective appliction of such measures in our present world. The most recent and best known example is that of Rhodesia, where the sanctions asked for and obtained by.the former colonial Power have not prevented a small colony of 6 million inhabitants, governed by a racist clique representing 250,000 whites from braving world opinion for more than 13 years. And the Bingham Reportt s can have revealed only a tiny part of the iceberg of complicity from which the Ian Smith regime has been and still is benefitting. What, then, of South Africa, one of the greatest economic and military Powers of our times? Have we the means, in isolating it, to bring it down once and for all and thus achieve our goals? Are we sure that in doing that we will at least be helping the struggle that is being waged so courageously by the African patriots of Namibia and South Africa? 135. Why have not such measures been applied so far to overthrow the South African regime, which not only is practising apartheid-considered as a crime against human- ity-but also is illegally occupying a Territory placed under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. There are two very simple reasons for that. ent, s of i to for :hat the 136. First of all, there is the fact that those with the capacity to render those measures effective are not ready to agree to them, for all sorts of reasons. Secondly, experience has shown that is very difficult to obtain the effective appliction of such measures in our present world. The most recent and best known example is that of Rhodesia, where the sanctions asked for and obtained by.the former colonial Power have not prevented a small colony of 6 million inhabitants, governed by a racist clique representing 250,000 whites from braving world opinion for more than 13 years. And the Bingham Report15 can have revealed only a tiny part of the iceberg of complicity from which the lan Smith regime has been and still is benefitting. What, then, of South Africa, one of the greatest economic and military Powers of our times? Have we the means, in isolating it, to bring it down once and for all and thus achieve our goals? Are we sure that in doing that we will at least be helping the struggle that is being waged so courageously by the African patriots of Namibia and South Mrica? ,e it and are tin i to 137. The cause of independence and the restoration of human dignity in Africa is far too sacred for us to serve it with poor weapons. let us reject solutions dictated by our more impulsive reactions. Let us not embark on tlie road to an impasse, for an impasse would inevitably delay the independence of Namibia and would be a set-back for our Organization. We must avoid at all costs abandoning the Namibian people to their own resources. ~s it the ved : to ore rete ion. hat late 138. As long as there is a gleam of hope of starting a process that will lead to the independence of Namibia through persuasion, we must try to strengthen that hope. For its part,the Ivory Coast is ready to participate, as far as it is able, in this work of the liberation of our continent in order to respond to the legitimate aspirations of the 137. The cause of independence and the restoration of human dignity in Mrica is far too sacred for us to serve it with poor weapons. let us reject solutions dictated by our more impulsive reactions. Let us not embark on tlie road to an impasse, for an impasse would inevitably delay the independence of Namibia and would be a set-back for our Organization. We must avoid at all costs abandoning the Namibian people to their own resources. the r in . ; to the 15 See T. H. Bingham and S: M. Gray, "Report on the Supply of Petroleum and Petroleum Products to Rhodesia" (London, Foreign and Commonwealth Office, September 1978). 138. As long as there is a gleam of hope of starting a process that will lead to the independence of Namibia through persuasion, we must try to strengthen that hope. For its part, the Ivory Coast is ready to participate, as far as it is able, in this wlJrk of the liberation of our continent in order to respond to the legitimate aspirations of the

Once again Assembly takes up the question of Namibia. years after this Organization rightly termin Africa's Mandate over South West Africa and Territory under the direct jurisdiction of Nations. The Pretoria regime is still entrenched The latest evidence of the now familiar display o and recalcitrance exhibited by the racists lies in rather interesting political acrobatics regarding Nations plan for a peaceful settlement of th problem painstakingly put together after 18 negotiations. The racists even went beyond me aside the plan; they have defiantly proceeded w elections against the grain of Security Council 385 (1976) and 435 (1978), with the unabas installing hand-picked puppets who will ensur going policies of domination and exploitati Territory. 139. We wish to appeal to the Western countries to continue on the course they have chosen so as to facilitate the implementation of Security Council resolutions, espe- cially its resolutions 385 (1976), 431 (1978), 435 (1978) and 439 (1978). Those countries can and must use all their weight and influence to persuade the racist Government of South Mrica to participate, without reservations or vacilla- tions, in the Secretary-General's plan, which is the only formula capable of leading to genuine independence in Namibia in respect for the principles which our Organi- zation defends with perseverance.

Once again the General Assembly takes up the question of Namibia. This is 12 years after this Organization rightly terminated South Mrica's Mandate over South West Mrica and brought the Territory under the direct jurisdiction of the United Nations. The Pretoria regime is still entrenched in Namibia. The latest evidence of the now familiar display of arrogance and recalcitrance exhibited by the racists lies in the regime's rather interesting political acrobatics regarding the United Nations plan for a peaceful settlement of the Narnibian problem painstakingly put together after 18 months of negotiations. The racists even went beyond merely setting aside the plan; they have defiantly proceeded with internal elections against the grain of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978), with the unabashed aim of installing hand-picked puppets who will ensure their on- going policies of domination and exploitation of that Territory. 141. The set-back for all United Nations ef peaceful resolution of the Namibian problem is facet of the entire Namibiari tragedy. Since the ninth special session and barely within days licized acceptance of the Western peace plan f the Pretoria regime escalated its vicious policie sion and repression within and even beyond th border. We recall that it was on 25 April th announced its acceptance of the Western pl 4 May it launched a genocidal incursion deep Republic of Angola. That raid on a Namibian re left some 1,000 refugees dead. Considering population of the entire Territory, Kassingasym worst limit in callousness and treachery in criminal record since the regime assumed powe and spread apartheid over the whole of south The nature of the attack, as evident in t deployment of paratroopers and aerial bombar shown conclusively that the Kassinga raids w weeks in advance and that preparations for them finalized just as the racists were pretending tiating with their Western allies for a peaceful the problem. 141. The set-back for all United Nations efforts for a peaceful resolution of the Namibian problem is but just one facet of the entire Namibiari tragedy. Since the end of the ninth special session and barely within days of its pub- licized acceptance of the Western peace plan for Namibia, the Pretoria regime escalated its vicious policies of oppres- sion and repression within and even beyond the Narnibian border. We recall that it was on 25 April that Pretoria announced its acceptance of the Western plan, but on 4 May it launched a genocidal incursion deep inside the Republic of Angola. That raid on a Namibian refugee camp left some 1,000 refugees dead. Considering the sparse population of the entire Territory, Kassinga symbolized the worst limit in callousness and treachery in Pretoria's criminal record since the regime assumed power in Pretoria and spread apartheid over the whole of southern Mrica. The nature of the attack, as evident in the massive deployment of paratroopers and aerial bombardments, has shown conclusively that the Kassinga raids were planned weeks in advance and that preparations for them were being fmallzed just as the racists were pretending to be nego- tiating with their Western allies for a peaceful solution of the problem. 142. For those who may be hoodwinked Mrica's propaganda that Kassinga is a SWA camp, one has only to refer to the fact that th Kassinga as a refugee camp was independently v 142. For those who may be hoodwinked by South Mrica's propaganda that Kassinga is a SWAFO military camp, one has only to refer to the fact that the status of Kassinga as a refugee camp was independently verified by a 143. It is the view of my delegation that the racists had never really abandoned their plan to entrench themselves in Namibia. While Western pressure may have prompted a change in strategy, it now seems obvious that ·the South Africans are determined to retain control through their surrogates, the discredited Democratic Turnhalle Alliance. Their so-called 25 April acceptance of the Western plan was designed to ease Western pressure. The premeditated Kassinga raid was an attempt to provoke SWAPO into calling off the negotiations. But when, to their astonish- ment, SWAPO refused to swallow the bait and instead announced its acceptance of the plan, the South Africans therefore sought new excuses to get themselves off the hook of their commitment to the plan. 144. South Africa has put up one excuse after another to forestall the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). At first it raised a number of issues. the size of the military component of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group, the timing of the elections, the role and function of the Special Representative and the question of the Civilian Police Unit of the Transition Assistance Group; next South Africa announced its intention to proceed with its own elections, contrary to United Nations plans. It began registration. We thereafter witnessed the demarche of the Foreign Ministers of the five Western members of the Security Council. The result of that demarche was most disturbing, 145. The Pretoria communique speaks for itself. But, again, in order to stave off pressure, South Africa agreed to further consultations. During the consultations that have been held in recent times with South Africa, the regime has raised other issues instead of addressing itself to the specific question put to it by our Secretary-General. South Africa now talks about the "fixed date of United Nations elections", the "parties concerned", the "compositon of the Transition Assistance Group" and "other outstanding points". 144. South Africa has put up one excuse after another to forestall the implementation of Security Council resolution 435 (1978). At first it raised a number of issues. the size of the military component of the United Nations Transition Assistance Group, the timing of the elections, the role and function of the Special Representative and the question of the Civilian Police Unit of the Transition Assistance Group; next South Africa announced its intention to proceed with its own elections, contrary to United Nations plans. It began registration. We thereafter witnessed the demarche of the Foreign Ministers of the five Western members of the Security Council. The result of that demarche was most 146. If we fix the date for elections, what guarantees do we have that South Africa will not intentionally create hitches in order to present the elections as a fait accompli and thus allay its dread of SWAPO's playing a part in the elections? disturbin~. 145. The Pretoria communique speaks for itself. But, again, in order to stave off pressure, South Africa agreed to further consultations. During the consultations that have been held in recent times with South Africa, the regime has raised other issues instead of addressing itself to the specific question put to it by our Secretary-General. South Mrica now talks about the "fixed date of United Nations elections", the "parties concerned", the "compositon of the Transition Assistance Group" and "other outstanding points". 147. I have no doubt that early next year South Africa is likely to accept once more the proposals contained in Council resolution 435 (1978), but with built-in pressure points to enable it to ensure that SWAPO eventually rejects the conditions in the proposals at a later stage. 148. Today the international community is being con- fronted with a situation in Namibia similar to that which occurred in Rhodesia earlier this year. We recall the situation in Rhodesia. After painstaking negotiation of the Angle-American proposals.t s Smith proceeded with his internal settlement. The Angle-American proposals then petered out. We notice that we are beginning to experience a similar drift over Namibia. 146. If we fix the date for elections, what guarantees do we have that South Africa will not intentionally create hitches in order to present the elections as a fait accompli and thus allay its dread of SWAPO's playing a part in the elections? 147. I have no doubt that early next year South Africa is likely to accept once more the proposals contained in Council resolution 435 (1978), but with built-in pressure points to enable it to ensure that SWAPO eventually rejects the conditions in the proposals at a later stage. 148. Today the international community is being con- fronted with a situation in Namibia similar to that which occurred in Rhodesia earlier this year. We l~Call the situation in Rhodes!a. After painstaking negotiation of the Anglo-American proposals,16 Smith proceeded with his internal settlement. The Anglo-American proposals then petered out. We notice that we are beginning to experience a similar drift ovet: Namibia. L 151. The situation explosive. South Af against all pockets o presence and its at November 1978, th a report on the Namibia. It quoted to the new Prime M churches: 150. South Africa is and should continue to be held responsible for the problems of Namibia and the neighbouring areas. The original Mandate over Namibia, which was revoked by the United Nations, was entrusted to South Africa, not to any other party. The negotiations carried out over the past 18 months have been with South Africa. It is South Africa which continues illegally to occupy Namibia, not some unknown concocted parties. We do not recognize those who are taking part in those elections, and therefore the international community must have nothing to dC) with them-not now and not in the future. "During our co intimidation and voters. We are al registration of An widespread fear a ment's intentions and free the electi 151. The situation in the Territory today is both grave and explosive. South Africa has mounted a fresh reign of terror against all pockets or semblance of opposition to its illegal presence and its attempt at an internai settlement. On 28 November 1978, the Christian Centre in Namibia published a report on the registration and election campaign in Namibia. It quoted the following from an open letter sent to the new Prime Minister, Botha, by representatives of six churches: 152. I have also re give the impression being trained for th of people are broug fair elections". The has been deprived will SWAPO be depr "During our conference we heard reports of extensive intimidation and deception in the campaign to register voters. We are also aware of irregularities such as the registration of Angolan refugees. This process has caused widespread fear and loss of confidence in your Govern- ment's intentions. As the registration has not been fair and free the elections cannot be fair and free." 153. The situation internal elections, SWAPO leaders in W for that exercise. boycott these ele SWAPO leaders ca African general stra elections and groom 152. I have also received reports from the news media that give the impression that, in fact, the people of Namibia are being trained for the United Nations elections: truck loads of people are brought in and told what to do in "free and fair elections". They have been prepared and, as SWAPO has been deprived of the right to participate this time, so will SWAPO be deprived in future. 154. In the presen to continue to part has not been cons Africa has been pla against SWAPO. In Security Council re an attempt to find Namibia. Those de South African Ad 435 (1978) was ado of emergency in th voters; and the pres the Territory. 153. The situation has grown worse. On the eve of its internal elections, we heard about the incarceration of SWAPO leaders in Windhoek. There was absolutely no need for that exercise. SWAPO had stated its intention to boycott these elections. Therefore, the detention of SWAPO leaders can only be seen as part of the South Mrican general strategy for eliminating all resistance to its elections and grooming the Democratic Tumhalle Alliance. 154. In the present circumstances, can we expect SWAPO to continue to participate in the present process? SWAPO has not been consulted for some time now, while South Mrica has been playing its game. The odds are completel. against SWAPO. In the past a number of departures from Security Council resolution 385 (1976) were overlooked in· an attempt to fmd a p"aceful solution to the problem of Namibia. Those departures v.'ere: the appointment of a South African Administrator-General before resolution 435 (1978) was adopted by the Security Council; the state of emergency in the Territory; the forced registration of voters; and the presence of residuai South African forces in tlle Territory. ~ and error legal n 28 ished n in sent if six 157. The General Assembly has a continuing obligation to use all the means at its disposal to rescue Namibia and the people of that poor country, which remains the legal responsibility of the United Nations, from the stranglehold of South Africa. This is a basic moral and !egal debt which the United Nations owes to the defenceless people of Namibia, and Namibians look to this Assembly for support and succour. 156. The internaEonal community and, indeed, the General Assembly cannot now afford to shirk their respon- sibility in this matter. The issue is whether South Africa should be allowed to persist in its brazen acts of defiance and recalcitrance. In this connexion, we hereby reiterate our demand that the Security Council be called upon to fulfil its responsibility as manlrJnd's custodian of inter- national peace and security. The Council should impose comprehensive mandatory sanctions against the Pretoria regime in accordance with the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. 158. May I say a few words on what my delegation expects South Africa's Western backers to do in order to accelerate South Africa's withdrawal from Namibia? It ss unnecessary for me to remind the Western Powers that their prevarications of past years, their manoeuvres and machi- nations, have encouraged the racists to persist in their defiance of the international community~ Had they har- nessed their support to the general will of the international community to combat the evils of racism and apartheid the situation in southern Africa might have been different and the world saved from the threat of a racial war. nsive ~ster ; the iused vern- 157. The General Assembly has a continuing obligation to use all the means at its disposal to rescue Namibia and the people of that poor country, which remains the legal responsibility of the United Nations, from the stranglehold of South Africa. This is a basic moral and legal debt which the United Nations owes to the defenceless people of Namibia, and Namibians look to this Assembly for support and succour. I fair .that a are loads : and APO e, so 159. It is not enough for the Western Powers just to say that they will regard South Africa's unilateral elections in Namibia as null and void. They should publicly declare their commitment to co-operate with the rest of the world in imposing measures under Chapter VII of the Charter against the apartheid regime. This is the minimum we demand of them, and nothing short of this will satisfy Nigeria, Africa and, indeed, the rest of the progressive world. 158. May I say a few words on what my del~gation expects South Africa's Western backers to do in order to accelerate South Africa's withdrawal from Namibia? It;s unnecessary for me to remind the Western Powers that their prevarications of past years, their manoeuvres and machi- nations, have encouraged the racists to persist in their defiance of the international community ~ Had they har- nessed their support to the general will of the international community to combat the evils of racism and apartheid the situation in southern Africa might have been different and the world saved from the threat of a racial war. )f its n of need n to 1 of outh 160. We should like to remind those who choose to cling to the delusion that the international community will eventually acquiesce in the naked rape of the norms of democracy in Namibia that they can draw ample lessons from history: no people can be perpetually held in bondage, for their will to be free will reassert itself, no matter what the odds, no matter what the obstacles. 161. As the people of Namibia brace themselves for a long-drawn-out struggle, let us be clear in our minds that they indeed did their very best to secure their inalienable rights in peace and within the framework of this Organi- zation, which has an abiding obligation to protect them. Namibians can count on Nigeriafor diplomatic and material support until final victory is won, and until the last racist soldier is forced to flee the Territory so that the Namibian people may proceed to genuine freedom and independence. :0 its ance, 'AP'O 'APO outh etel, from ed in- mof of a ution state m of ;es in 159. It is not enough for the Western Powers just to say that they will regard South Mrica's unilateral elections in Namibia as null and void. They should publicly declare their commitment to co-operate with the rest of the world in imposing measures under Chapter VII of the Charter against the apartheid regime. This is the minimum we demand of them, and nothing short of this will satisfy Nigeria, Africa and, indeed, the rest of the progressive world. 160. We should like to remind those who choose to cling to the delusion that the international community will eventually acquiesce in the naked rape of the norms of democracy in Namibia that they can draw ample lessons from history: no people can be perpetually held in bondage, for their will to be free will reassert itself, no matter what the odds, no matter what the obstacles. 161. As the people of Namibia brace themselves for a long-drawn-out struggle, let us be clear in our minds that they indeed did their very best to secure their inalienable rights in peace and within the framework of this Organi- zation, which has an abiding obligation to protect them. Namibians can count on Nigeria for diplomatic and material support until final victory is won, and until the last racist soldier is forced to flee the Territory so that the Namibian people may proceed to genuine freedom and independence. th~ir own territories but become the norms for their actions within the international community.

As a result of South Africa's decision to organize elections in Namibia outside the framework of Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978), and the incon- clusive state of the initiatives designed to bring about a peaceful agreed solution to the problem of Namibia, the current debate is taking place at a crucial time for the future of Namibia and its people. 165. Those principles appeared initially in sembly resolution 2145 (XXI), and its rejecti Africa put that country at loggerheads wi national community. Given the close link question of Namibia and other conflicts in sou that attitude on the part of South Africa has d bring about in that region a grave situation been repeatedly observed, endangers Interna and security. 164. In view of these circumstances, it seems fitting that we should confirm that the principles endorsed by the General Assembly, the Security Council and the Inter- national Court of Justice pertaining to that Territory remain completely valid. 166. Therefore, in line with the reiterated s the principal organs of the United Nations syst it essential to reiterate the following. 167. First, since the adoption of resolution Namibia and its inhabitants have been the dir bility of the United Nations. 165. Those principles appeared initially in General As- sembly resolution 2145 (XXI), and its rejection by South Mrica put that country at loggerheads with the inter- national community. Given the c1Gse link betweefl the question of Namibia and other conflicts in southern Mrica, that attitude on the part of South Africa has done much to bring about in that region a grave situation which, as ha.s been repeatedly observed, endangers internationill peace and security. 168. Secondly, South Africa is illegally oc administering Namibia and must therefore wi pletely from the Territory. 169. Thirdly, the people of Namibia have th right to self-determination, freedom and dependence, in accordance with the United Na and with General Assembly resolutions 15 2145 (XXI) and other resolutions of the Gene and the Security Council. 166. Therefore, in line with the reiterated statements of the principal organs of the United Nations system, we deem it essential to reiterate the follOWing. 167. First, since the adoption of resolution 2145 (XXI) Namibia and its inhabitants have been the direct responsi- bility of the United Nations. 170. Fourthly, as stated in paragraph 7 Council resolution 385 (1976), "in order that t Namibia may be enabled freely to determin future, it is imperative that free elections supervision and control of the United Nations the whole of Namibia as one political entity". A process which violates these premises will be c null an:l void by the international community. 168. Secondly, South Africa is illegally occupying and administering Namibia and must therefore withdraw com- pletely from the Territory. 169. Thirdly, the people of Namibia have the inalienable right to self-determination, freedom and national in- dependence, in accordance with the United Nations Charter and with General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV) and 2145 (XXI) and other resolutions of the General Assembly an.d the Security Council. 171. Fifthly, the United Nations Council for set up by General Assembly resolution 2248 legal Administering Authority of Namibia independent. • NZ 170. Fourthly, as stated in paragraph 7 of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), "in order that the people of Namibia may be enabled freely to determine their own future, it is imperative that free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations be held for the whole of Namibia as one political entity". Any electoral process which violates these premises will be considered as null ani void by the international community. 171. Fifthly, the United Nations Council for Namibia, as set up by General Assembly res,'lution 2248 (S-V), is the legal Administering Authority of Namibia until it is independent. 173. Seventhly, any negotiated settlement designed to resolve the problem ofNamibia must be attained within the framework of the resolutions of the United Nations and must have the participation of all parties invoh J, including SWAPO, the decisive political force that has struggled for the liberation of Namibia. 175. It could hardly be otherwise when international conflicts, whatever their origin, essentially have a .political nature, and no method is more 'suitable to resolve them peacefully than that involving direct contact betwe~e parties, as this is the most suitable way of finding realistic and just formulas for a settlement. 174. Moreover, my country traditionally has sup'ported the principle of the peaceful settlement of international disputes thrOU~l the most important and efficient machin- ery provided for this purpose in the Charter, that is, negotiations between the parties. 176. My country has therefore invariably supported and continues to support all political and diplomatic initiatives designed to bring about a peaceful settlement of the problem through agreement among the parties including, of course, SWAPO. 175. It could hardly be otherwise when international conflicts, whatever their origin, essentially have a .political nature, and no method is more 'suitable to resolve them peacefully than that involving direct contact betwe~e parties, as this is the most suitable way of fmding realistic and just formulas for a settlement. 177. More specifically, we earlier expressed our support for the attempts made by the five Western members of the Security Council to bring about a settlement. We did this because we felt that, although the proposal failed to cope satisfactorily with important questions such as Walvis Bay, it was not only consistent with the principles endorsed by the United Nations in connexion with Namibia, but specifically it was directed at the implementation of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) through the creation of machinery acceptable to all parties. 176. My country has therefore invariably supported and continues to support all political and diplomatic initiatives designed to bring about a peaceful settlement of the problem through agreement among the parties including, of course, SWAPO. 178. It is, therefore, regrettable that as a result of recent events, this initiative is now in danger of failing. 177. More specifically, we earlier expressed our support for the attempts made by the five Western members of the Security Council to bring about a settlement. We did this because we felt that, although the proposal failed to cope satisfactorily with important questions such as Walvis Bay, it was not only consistent with the principles endursed by the United Nations in connexion with Namibia, but· specifically it was directed at the implementation of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) through the creation of machinery acceptable to all parties. 179. My Government is confident that nothing that can bring us closer to a just, peaceful and orderly solution of the prcblem of Namibia should be neglected. We are sure that at all times political realism and the desire to spare the long-suffering people of Namibia the horrors of a possible conflict, with unforeseeable consequences, will prevail. In this context, my delegation wishes to reiterate that, should a formula for a solution of the problem be achieved which is acceptable to all the parties involved, it will be prepared to co-operate with the United Nations and the Secretary- General to ensure that through this formula the peaceful transition of Namibia to full independence will be achieved. 178. It is, therefore, regrettable that as a result of recent events, this initiative is now in danger of failing. 179. My Government is confident that nothing that can bring us closer to a just, peaceful and orderly solution of the prcblem of Namibia should be neglected. We are sure that at all times political realism and the desire to spare the long-suffering people of Namibia the horrors of a possible conflict, with u!1for~seeable consequences, will prevail. In this context, my delegation wishes to reiterate that, should a formula for a solution of the problem be achieved which is acceptable to all the parties involved, it will be prepared to co-operate with the United Nations and the Secretary- General to ensure that through this formula the peaceful transition of Namibia to full independence will be achieved. 180. I wish in conclusion to make two brief points. 181. First, I wish to express once again the satisfaction of my delegation with the work done by the United Nations Council for Namibia which, under the efficient and intelligent leadership of MissGwendoline Konie, has con- tinued to be a vitai instrument in the General Assembly's 180. I wish in conclusion to make t\""o brief points. 181. First, I wish to express once again the satisfaction of my delegation with the work done by the United Nations Council for Namibia which, under the efficient and intelligent leadership of Miss Gwendoline Konie, has con- tinued to be a vitai instrument in the General Assembly's 184. Ms CHEW (Sin represents a clear case United Nations. Despit revoked 12 years ago b despite the numerous since 1969, demandin drawal from Namibia, w very much under Sout of the Pretoria Govern community is its decisi own internal elections like to join others wh these internal elections 183. On the one hand, logically, Cl:r geographical situation is one such factor. On the other hand, we firmly hope that Namibia will soon become an independent sovereign country which, free from external pressures of any sort, will be capable of defining its own national objectives in the context of the rights and obligations of States as llrid down in the United Nations Charter. 184. Ms CHEW (SiJ:~~apore): The situation in Namibia represents a clear case of defiance of the authority of the United Nations. Despite the fact that its Mandate had been revoked 12 years ago by the General Assembly in 1966, and despite the numerous Security Council resolutions adopted since 1969, demanding South Africa's immediate with- drawal from Namibia, we see today a Territory which is still very much ul1der South Africa's control. The latest affront of the Pretoria Government to the will of the international community is its decision to proceed with the holding of its own internal elections in Namibia. My delegation would like to join others who have spoken before us in rejecting these internal elections as null and void. 185. Specific conditio question have been sp resolutions, particula 385 (1976). Under t Security Council dem Namibian political pri natory laws and prac the creation of ban unconditional return o illegal administration; elections under United delegation had follow taken by the five West to find an internati question of Namibia. acceptance of their pro led to an early implem which the Security Co However, South Africa agreed to earlier this y willingness to allow exercise their right to national independence 185. Specific conditions for a settlement of the Namibian question have been spelled out in various United Nations resolutions, particularly Security Council resolution 385 (1976). Under the terms of that resolution, the Security Council demanded that South Africa release all Namibian political prisoners; abolish all racially discrimi- natory laws and practices, particularly those relating to the creation of bantustans or homelands; permit the unconditional return of all Namibian exiles; withdraw its illegal administration; and accept the holding of free elections under United Nations supervision and control. My delegation had followed closely the negotiations under- taken by the five Western members of the Security Council to find an internationally acceptable solution to the question of Namibia. We had hoped that South Africa's acceptance of their proposals in April this year wOl,l1d have led to an early implementation of resolution 435 (1978) by which the Security Council had endorsed those proposals. However, South Africa's decision to go back on what it had agreed to earlier this year cannot but contirm doubts of its willingness to allow the people of Namibia freely to exercise their right to self·determination and to achieve national independence within a united Namibia. 186. The United King Western members of t 1978,17 said those me fully free and fair ele the United Nations. elections as having no have nothing to do wi supervision and contro 186. The United Kingdom, speaking on behalf of the five Western members of the Security Council on 8 December 1978,17 said those members stand by their commitment to fully free and fair elections supervised and controlled by the United Nations. They considered the December elections as having no validity and that the results thereof have nothing to do with the elections under United Nations supervision and control called for under Council resolution la le n d d I- II It al ts d 188. Nevertheless my delegation believes that even at this late stage every effort must be made to bring about an internationally acceptable settlement of the question of Namibia, and it would therefore urge the Western Powers to do everything within their power towards the achievement of this end. The South African Government has been warned that if it turns its back on the chance of internationally accepted independence in Namibia the consequences for the whole region of southern Africa will be immeasurable. My delegation believes that if South Africa should continue to defy the resolutions of the Security Council the Western members of the Security Council would have no choice bu t to· decide on further measures against South Africa, including measures under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. 187. While welcoming this continued commitment of the five Western members of the Council to their proposals, my delegation fmds it difficult to share the optimism expressed by them, especially when all repurts on recent developments in Namibia suggest that Pretoria has little intention of giving up its control over the Territory. It is continuing its military build-up in Namibia and arresting prominent members of SWAPO and increasingly is resorting to intimidation, force and violence. n 188. Nevertheless my delegation believes that even at this late stage every effort must be made to bring about an internationally acceptable settlement of the question of Namibia, and it would therefore urge the Western Powers to do everything within their power towards the achievement of this end. The South African Government has been warned that if it turns its back on the chance of internationally accepted independence in Namibia the consequences for the whole region of southern Africa will be immeasurable. My delegation believes that if South Mrica should continue to defy the resolutions of the Security Council the Western members of the Security Council would have no choice but to· decic1.e on further measures against South Africa, including measures under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. 1S ifi le n Ii- to le ts :e !y r- :il le .'s re ly .s. Id ts to re 189. The Norwegian delegation has suggested [75th meeting] a number of measures that could be adopted against South Africa: namely, the cessation of further investments and financial loans, the implementation of an oil embargo, the cessation of nuclear co-operation and the extension of the existing arms embargo. My delegation agrees with the Norwegian view that these measures must be given immediate and serious consideration so that they may be implemented systematically and progressively as part of a policy of international disengagement from South Africa until South Africa ends its illegal occupation of Namibia and allows free and fair elections in Namibia to be held under United Nations supervision ;md control. 189. The Norwegian delegation has suggested [75th meeting} a number of measures that could be adopted against South Africa: namely, the cessation of further investments and financial loans, the implementation of an oil embargo, the cessation of nuclear co-operation and the extension of the existing arms embargo. My delegation agrees with the NorWegian view that these measures must be given immediate and serious consideration so that they may be implemented systematically and progressively as part of a policy of international disengagement from South Africa until South Africa emls its illegal occupation of Namibia and allows free and fair elections in Namibia to be held under United Nations supervision ..nd control. 190. SWAPO, for its part, in its statement to the General Assembly of 7 December 1978 [74th meeting], reiterated its commitment and willingness to participate in elections supervised and controlled by the United Nations. Its willingness to lend its support to efforts aimed at achieving a negotiated termination of South Africa's illegal occupa- tion of the Territory is commendable. re er to ly er Df 191. The statements made each year in this forum show the concern of the international community with regard to the question of Namibia. This is an issue on which practically all Members are in full agreement: namely, that South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia has to be terminated, that the colonial situation there and the racial oppression practised by South Africa have to be ended; and 11S m 190. SWAPO, for its part, in its statement to the General Assembly of 7 December 1978 [74th meeting}, reiterated its commitment and willingness to participate in elections supervised and controlled by the United Nations. Its willingness to lend its support to efforts aimed at achieving a negotiated termination of South Africa's illegal occupa- tion of the Territory is commendable. !!'";.II '' u IMc j .. 111 191. The statements made each year in this forum show the concern of the international community with regard to the question of Namibia. This is an issue on which practically all Members are in full agreement: namely, that South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia has to be terminated, that 'the colonial situation there and the racial oppression practised by South Africa have to be ended; and 192. Special responsibility devoh'es on the United Nations Council for Namibia, the sole legal Administering Authority for Namibia until the Territory attains independence. My delegation is confident that the Council will continue to fulfil the mandate entrusted to it by the international community to promote and safeguard the interests of all Namibians. My delegation takes this opportunity also to express our support for the work the Council is doing, especially its efforts aimed at ensuring that all Namibians exercise their right to self-determination and independence and in preparing young Namibians for the responsibilities they will assume when their country attains statehood. 193. My delegation would like to conclude by hop by the time the General Assembly meets again at it session next year the Territory Will have been dec and will be represented here as a sovereign State.

The U SSR is very attentively following the course of e southern Africa, where the people are struggling act freedom and independence, the speedy and total from that region ofthe remnants of colonialism, rac apartheid, the liquidation of regimes of terror and sion and the establishment of rule by the African m We subscribe to the noble purposes of the struggle express our total solidarity with the fighting pe southern Africa, 193. My delegation would like to conclude by hoping that by the time the General Assembly meets again at its regular session next year the Territory Will have been decolonized and will be represented here as a sovereign State.

The Ukrainian SSR is very attentively following the course of events in southern Africa, where the people are struggling actively for freedom and independence, the speedy and total removal from that region ofthe remnants ofcolonialism, racism and apartheid, the liquidation of regimes of terror and oppres- sion and the establishment of rule by the African majority. We subscribe to the noble Pllrposes of the struggle and we express our total solidarity with the fighting peoples of southern Africa. 195. Contrary to decisions of the United Natio back as far as 1966, when the Republic of South Mandate was repealed, the country is still occu South African troops and has in fact been conver the fifth province of the Republic of South Afr Pretoria authorities are extending the apartheid reg all their repressive legislation to Namibia. 196. Pretoria's efforts to strengthen its puppet r Namibia and to convert Namibia into a kind of ou apartheid against the independent countries of A meeting with support among the imperialist circle West. 195. Contrary to decisions of the United Nations going back as far as 1966, when the Republic of South Africa's Mandate was repealed, the country is still occupied by South African troops and has in fact been converted into the fifth province of the Republic of South Africa. The Pretoria authorities are extending the apartheid regime and all their repressive legislation to Namibia. 197. However, as a result of the intensification activities of SWAPO, the growth of the resistanc people of Namibia and increased Intemational pre the Republic of South Africa, the racist aparthei and its Western NATO protectors as they try to ret domiaation over Namibia and as they apply a p terror and repression are making extensive use of manoeuvring. That is precisely the purpose that pursued through. the decision of the South African ities unilaterally to conduct the so-called elec Namibia and to place a puppet government at its 196. Pretoria's efforts to strengthen its puppet regime in Namibia and to convert Namibia into a kind of outpost of apartheid against the independent countries of Africa is meeting with support among the imperialist circles of the West. 197. However, as a result of the intensification of the activities of SWAPO, the growth of the resistance of the people of Namibia and increased intern~tional pressure on the Republic of South Africa, the racist apartheid regime and its Western NATO protectors as they try to retain their domL."1ation over Namibia and as they apply a policy of terror and repression are making exte.nsive use of political manoeuvring. That is precisely the purpose that is being pursued throubil the decision of the South African author- ities unilaterally to conduct the so-called elections in Namibia and to place a puppet government at its head. As 199. Moreover, the NATO countries not only have made it possible for the Republic of South Africa to ignore with impunity United Nations decisions,but have also continued their efforts to build up South Africa's military and economic potential and have not hindered its increasing aggressiveness. Evidence of this is provided by the extensive military preparations conducted by the Republic of South Africa in Namibia precisely at a time when the Western Powers were lulling the fears of international opinion by talk of positive changes in the policy of the Government of the Republic of South Africa and pretending that they were persuading Pretoria to accept the plan to hold elections in Namibia under the aegis of the United Nations. 198. And now, since South Africa has decided never- theless to conduct its internal elections in Namibia without the participation of the genuine representatives of the Namibian people, flagrantly ignoring the summons of the Security Council not to do so, the criminal calculations of the racists have become even more obvious. In dragging the United Nations into contacts with Pretoria the Western Powers have provided the racists with the necessary respite and given them time to bring about a neo-colonialist solution to the Namibian problem. 199. Moreover, the NATO countries not only have made it possible for the Republic of South Africa to ignore with impunity United Nations decisions, but have also continued their efforts to build up South Mrica's military and economic potential and have not hindered its increasing aggressiveness. Evidence of this is provided by the extensive military preparatiolls conducted by the Republic of South Africa in Namibia precisely at a time when the Western Powers were lulling the fears of international opinion by talk of positive changes in the policy of the Government of the Republic of South Africa and pretending that they were persuading Pretoria to a~cept the plan to hold elections in Namibia under the aegis of the United Nations. 200. It was precisely at that time that Pretoria, with increasing frequency, was flexing its "military muscles", so to speak, in regard to its neighbouring African countries, carrying out particularly brutal aggressive attacks upon Zambia and Angola. At the same time feverish preparations to produce its own nuclear weapons were being made in South Africa. 201. Those activities were conducted by the racist regime behind the smoke-screen of a hysterical anti-Communist and anti-Soviet campaign, obsequiously picked up both by imperialist circles in the West and by those circles that rant about the struggle between tile super-Powers and in a fit of anti-Sovietism have entered into criminal collusion with all the reactionary forces in the world, from the Fascist racist regimes in southern Africa to Pinochet's hangmen stifling freedom arid democracy in Chile. 200. It was precisely at that time that Pretoria, with increasing frequency, was flexing its "military muscles", so to speak, in regard to its neighbouring African countries, carrying out particularly brutal aggressive attacks upon Zambia and Angola. At the same time feverish preparatioils to produce its own nuclear weapons were being made in South Africa. 202. At a time when, through the joint efforts of racist Pretoria and its Western protectors, an attempt is being made to block completely the settlement of the Namibian problem, at a time when all those who are responsible for the unyielding attitude of the Republic of South Africa are calling on Members of the United Nations to show further patience, the continuance of the contacts and dialogue with the racists, claiming that there is no alternative, it is our firm opinion that the General Assembly must come out with a resounding "no": "no" to the betrayal of the interests of the Narnibian people, "no" to the further delaying of the settlement, "no" to recognition of the neo-colonialist regime established in Namibia by the South African occupying Power, aided and abetted by the West. 201. Those activities were conducted by the racist regime behind the smoke-screen of a hysterical anti-Communist and anti-Soviet campaign, obseqUiously picked up both by imperialist circles in the West and by those circles that rant about the struggle between tile super-Powers and in a fit of anti-Sovietism have entered into criminal collusion "/ith all the reactionary forces in the world, from the Fascist racist regimes in I;outhem Africa to Pinochet's hangmen stifling freedom arid democracy in Chile. 202. At a time when, through the joint efforts of racist Pretoria and its Western protectors, an attempt is being made to block completely the settlement of the Namibian problem, at a time when all those who are responsible for the unyielding attitude of the Republic of South Africa are calling on Members of the United Nations to show further patience, the continuance of the contacts and dialogue with the racists, claiming that there is no alternative, it is our finn opinion that the General Assembly must come out with a resounding "no": "no" to the betrayal of the interests of the Narnibian people, "no" to the further delaying of the settlement, "no" to recognition of the neo-colonialist regime established in Namibia by the South African occupying Power, aided and abetted hy the West. 205. Speeding up problem is possible the part of the intern 204. As was pointed out in the Declaration and the Programme of Action adopted at the ninth special session of the General Assembly, a just and lasting solution to the Namibian problem is possible only on the basis of the immediate cessation of the illegal occupation of that country by South Africa and the unconditiOl.al withdrawal of all its administration, its army and police force and the transfer of power in the country to the sole genuine representative of the Namit;"'1 people, namely, SWAPO. 206. At the presen called for by the del of countries-is in d inalienable right of th tion, freedom and n undivided Namibia, with the United Na well-known resolutio General Assembly re again necessary to re the Namibian people by all means at its di Namibia by South A 205. Speeding up such a solution of the Namibian problem is possible only by decisive and effective action on the part of the international community. 206. At the present stage, the General Assembly-as is called for by the delegations of the overwhelming majority of countries-is in duty bound once again to reaffirm the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to self-determina- tion, freedom and national independence within a single, undivided Namibia, including Walvis Bay, in accordance with the United Nations Charter, and as laid down in the well-known resolution 1514 (XV) and also in subsequent General Assembly resolutions relating to Namibia. It is once again necessary to reaffirm the legitimacy of the struggle of the Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO and by all means at its disposal, against the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa. 207. Bearing in mi tion of Namibia b challenge to the Uni of aggression agains liberation movement is necessary once ag adopt all effective provided for in Chap comprehensive trade regard to the Republ 208. In view of the Republic of South A neo-colonial regime liberation struggle o led by the acknowl SWAPO, is growing that SWAPO has no achievement of inde have frequently and at any time to sit do with the Governme provided that the unconditional liquid and the transfer o genuine representativ 207. Bearing in mind that the continuing illegal occupa- tion of Namibia by South Africa is an unacceptable challenge to the United Nations and also constitutes an act of aggression against the people of Namibia, its national liberation movement and the independent African States, it is necessary once again to call on the Security Council to adopt all effective measures, including the sanctions provided for in Chapter VII of the Charter, and to impose a comprehensive trade, economic and political boycott in regard to the Republic of South Africa. 208. In view of the criminal obduracy of the racists of the Republic of South Africa, bent on attempting to implant a neo·colonial regime in Namibia, the role of the national liberation struggle of the patriotic forces of that country led by the acknowledged vanguard liberation movement. SWAPO, is growing in significance. All are now convinced that SWAPO has not rejected the possibility of a peaceful achievement of independence. The leaders of the patriots have frequently and very clearly stated that they are ready at any time to sit down at the negotiating table face to face with the Government of the Republic of South Africa, provided that the subject of negotiation would be the unconditional liquidation of the colonial occupation regime and the transfer of total authority in Namibia to the genuine representatives of the people. 209. The refusal o with SWAPO, their Namibia and the con 209. The refusal of the racists to enter into negotiations with SWAPO, their perpetuation of the occupation of Namibia and the continuing terror in that country have left m m 210. The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic has stead- fastly spoken out in favour of the granting to the Namibian people of their inalienable right to self-determination and genuine independence on the bas~" ')f respect for the unity and territorial integrity of that coun"t:ry. At the present session the General Aesembly, in our opinion, can and must play an important role in achieving a just and lasting settlement of the question of Namibia. Tt.. measures adopted here to rein in the racists of Pretoria will defmitely contribute towards giving substanC\ .,J the rallying call of the Namibian patriots, namely, "Namibia for the Namibians". 211. Tan Sri ZAlTON Ibrahim (Malaysia): This is not the first time that the delegation of Malaysiahas participated in the debate on the question of Namibia, which has been on the United Nations agenda for many years. Past records of this body will show our consistent and steadfast support for a resolution of this long-standing problem. The path which will lead us to our objective continues to be beset by obstacles. The racist South African regime, under both Vorster and Botha, is obdurate in its defiance of United Nations principles and resolutions on self-determination and on the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to independence. The reports of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples[A/33/23/Rev.l, chap. VIII] and the United Nations Council for Namibia [A/33/24] vividly reveal and leave no doubt of the unscrupulous and evil intentions of the racist regime to protract its stranglehold 'over the people of Namibia. is ty h.e la- le, ce h.e nt ce of Id of 211. Tan Sri ZAlTON Ibrahim (Malaysia): This is not the first time that the delegation of Malaysia has participated in the debate on the question of Namibia, which has been on the United Nations agenda for many years. Past records of this body will show our consistent and steadfast support for a resolution of this long-standing problem. The path which will lead us to our objective continues to be beset by obstacles. The racist South African regime, under both Vorster and Botha, is obdurate in its defiance of United Nations principles and resolutions on self-determination and on the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to independence. The reports of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [A/33/23/Rev.l, chap. VIII] and the United Nations Council for Namibia [A/33/24] vividly reveal and leave no doubt of the unscrupulous and evil intentions of the racist regime to protract its stranglehold "over the people of Namibia. la- rle et tal it to ns 212. There is more than enough evidence to show the direction in which the racist regime is moving. Under the Terrorism Act and other repressive acts, the South African Government is shamelessly and inhumanly embarked on a barbarous course against the Namibians, intending to divide and rule them and to frustrate all our efforts to free Namibia. The intensification of such activities by the racist regime is just another strategy by a regime engaged in a campaign of terror aimed at the imposition of neo- colonialism. he t a lal ry It, edul Its 213. At the end of 1977, according to reports, South Africa was estimated to be maintaining between 20,000 and 50,000 troops in the Territory, as well as a modem arsenal of weapons and a communications system, with the principal motive of continuing its stay in Namibia and also continuing with its acts of internal repression. Needless to say, the Government and people of Malaysia cannot ignore such activities but strongly condemn this racist regime for its acts, which are deliberately intended to undermine the political status of the Namibian people, thereby en- dangering peace and security in the area. 212. Th,ere is more than enough evidence to show the direction in which the racist regime is moving. Under the Terrorism Act anu other repressive acts, the South African Government is shamelessly and inhumanly embarked on a barbarous course against the Namibians, intending to divide and rule them and to frustrate all our efforts to free Namibia. The intensification of such activities by the racist regime is just another strategy by a regime engaged in a campaign of terror aimed at the imposition of neo- colonialism. ~y ce :a, he ne he .~~~.--~----_--._--~-._..._------------- 214. Malaysia fully supports Security Council resolution 435 (1978), which was unanimously adopted by all Council 213. At th~ end of 1977, according to reports, South Africa was estimated to be maintaining between 20,000 and 50,000 troops in the Territory, as well as a modem arsenal of weapons and a communications system, with the principal motive of continuing its stay in Namibia and also continuing with its acts of internal repression. Needless to say, the Government and people of Malaysia cannot ignore such activities but strongly condemn this racist regime for its acts, which are delibforately intended to undermine the political status of the Namibian people, thereby en- dangering peace and security in the area. 216. In those circumstances, therefore, it is cry that South Africa does not intend really to return to its people, and any protestations to the con mere pretence, intended to lull our suspicions. E exhaustive discussions, concessions and deadline Africa, skilful in its devious tactics, still a maintains its stranglehold on the Tenitory. Beari mind, all United Nations efforts to bring pressu racist regime to release its hold must be intens should support the Namibians in their efforts to co their struggle against the domination of their ten an alien and racist regime. In this regard, my d supports the position ofSWAPO and all its deman also have the support of all right-thinking c Another course would be to intensify action to s implementation of United Nations resolutions on particularly the Declaration on Namibia and Prog Action in Support of Self-Determination and Independence for Namibia adopted on 3 Ma1- 19 ninth special session of this Assembly [mobJtio and, secondly, to continue to put pressure on regime of South Africa to accept Security resolution 435 (1978). That regime must be made the historical objective stated in paragraph 2 of resolution, which demands: 215. However, as it turned out, our hopes for a successful implementation of resolution 435 (1978) were shattered when the racist regime indicated that it would not comply with its provisions and that it. slltended to proceed-as it has in fact already proceeded-with a so-called election this month with the clear intention of establishing a puppet regime in Namibia. The fact that such an election was boycotted by SWAPO as well as being rejected by the international community seemed to be of no concern or consequence to the racist regime of South Africa. 216. In those circumstances, therefore, it is crystal clear that South Mrica does not intend really to return Namibia to its people, and any protestations to the contrary are mere pretence, intended to lull our suspicions. Even after exhaustive discussions, concessions and deadlines, South Mrica, skilful in its devious tactics, still adamantly maintains its stranglehold on the Territory. Bearing this in mind, a1J United Nations efforts to bring pressure on the racist regime to release its hold must be intensified. We should support the Namibians in their efforts to co-ordinate their struggle against the domination of their territory by an alien and racist regime. In this regard, my delegation supports the position of SWAPO and all its demands, which also have t!le support of all right-thinking countries. Another course would be to intensify action to secure the implementation of United Nations resolutions on Namibia, particularly the Declaration on Namibia and Programme of Action in Support of Self-Determination ~d National Independence for Namibia adopted on 3 Ma1- 1978 at the ninth special session of this Assembly [resolution 8-9/21. and, secondly, to continue to put pressure on the racist reg!me of South Mrica to accept Security Council resolution 435 (1978). That regime must be made to accept the hiStOlical objective stated in paragraph 2 of the latter resolution, which demands: "... the withdrawal of South Africa's illegal ad tion of Namibia and the transfer of power to th of Namibia with the assistance of the Nations ...". Another option to be seriously considered is the ap of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Cha African countries and the international commu already voiced their insistence on the need enforcement ofsanctions under Chapter VII. Wes hesitate at this stage to embark on this extrem order to avoid an outbreak ofbloody conflict, wh be bound to result in grave consequences th directly threaten international peace and security. "... the withdrawal of South Africa's illegal administra- tion of Namibia and the transfer of power to the people of Namibia with the assist~ce of the United Nations ...". Another option to be seriously considered is the application of the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. The African countries and the international community have already voiced their insistence on the need for the enforcement ofsanctions under Chapter VII. We should not hesitate at this stage to embuk on this extreme step in order to avoid an outbreak ofbloody conflict, which would be bound to result in grave consequences that would directly threaten international peace and security. 219. The establishment in 1967 of the United Nations .'Council for Namibia contributed tremendously to alerting ..public opinion and increasing international support for the Cause of the Namibian people in their just struggle. for genuine independence under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole and authentic representative. I wish, in this regard, to express to MissKonie of Zambia, the'President of . the United Nations Council for Namibia, and to Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, the Chairman of the Special Committee on decolonization, and through them to the members of the bodie· over which they preside, my delegation's deep appreciation of their significant contribu- tion in the interests of the people of Namibia and of decolonization in general. My delegation would like also to add a word of praise to the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia, Mr. Ahtisaari, for his commendable efforts in preparing the Nationhood Programme for Namibia. .

As we proceed with the consideration of the question of Namibia it will be . .useful to recall the basic facts of this question. Since the ," adoption of General Assembly resolution 2145 (XXI), by :~which the Mandate of South Africa over Namibia was terminated and that Territory was placed under th~ direct respnnsibility of the United Nations, the South African regime has all along stubbornly refused to abide by a series of" United Nations resolutions, and it continues its illegal ~ <?ccupation and administration of Namibia to this day. 219. The establishment in 1967 of the United Nations Council for Namibia contributed tremendously to alerting ..public opinion and increasing international support for the Cause of the Namibian people in their just struggle. for genuine independence under the leadership of SWAPO, their sole and authentic representative. I wish, in this regard, to express to Miss Konie of Zambia, the'President of . the United Nations Council for Namibia, and to Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, the Chainnan of the Special Committee on decolonization, and through them to the members of the bodie- over which they preside, my delegation's deep appreciation of their significant contribu- tion in the interests of the people of Namibia and of decolonization in general. My delegation would like also to add a word of praise to the United Nations Commissioner fpr Namibia, Mr. Ahtisaari, for his commendable efforts in preparing the Nationhood Programme for Namibia. 220. It may be recalled further that, despite its con- temptuous disregard of a series of Security Council and General Assemoly resolutions, the Pretoria regime has found it possible to avert decisive and effective action against it under the Charter, by using various delaying tactics and other devious methods. As the record clearly shows, South Africa has adopted the same attitude to the -proposals of the five Western members of. the Security Council for an internationally acceptable settlement of the question of Namibia, which, as is well known, were endorsed by the Security Council in its resolutions .. 431 (1978) and 435 (1978). Indeed despite the anno.mced acceptance by the South African regime of those proposals, we have recently witnessed the materialization of the arbitrary decision of the racist regime to hold its own so-called elections in Namibia without any United Nations supervision or control. The fact that South Africa pro- ceeded with those elections despite the recent warning and the condemnation by the Security Council constitutes yet another basic reason for immediate and effective response by the Security Council as provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter. 220. It may be recalled further that, despite its con- temptuous disregard of a series of Security Council and General Assemt>ly resolutions, the Pretoria regime has found it possible to avert decisive and effective action against it under the Charter, by using various delaying tactics and other devious methods. As the record clearly shows, South Africa has adopted the same attitude to the ·p~oposals of the five Western members of the Security Council for an internationally acceptable settlement of the question of Namibia, which, as is well known, were endorsed by the Security Council in its resolutions . 431 (1978) and 435 (1978). Indeed despite the anno,mced acceptance by the S'>uth African regime of those propt'sals, we have recently witnessed the materialization of the arbitrary decision of the racist regime to hold its own so-called elections in Namibia without any United Nations supervision or control. The fact that South Africa pro- ceeded with those elections despite the recent warning and the condemnation by the Security Council constitutes yet another basic reason for immediate and effective response by the Security Council as provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter. 221. The cause ofthe people of Cyprus is identical to that of the Namibian people, namely, the struggle for genuine independence and the survival of their threatened identity and status. The analogies between the plight of the Pt;":~ and security, and to that end to promote human rights, social justice and legal order. Resolutions alone, even if adopted unanimously as in the case of Cyprus, and no matter how masterly the drafting, cannot bring about the desired end. It is their implementation that is ot paramount importance, for it alone can lead to the achievement ofthe objectives of the Charter. I hope that the result of this year's debate will mark a definite movement in this direction. 221. The cause of the people of Cyprus is identical to that of the Namibian people, namely, the struggle for genuine independence and the survival of their threatened identity and status. The analogies between the plight of the 223. The illegal occu must be ended by th unconditional withdra people, under the l authentic representativ to self-determination a 222. We strongly condemn South Africa's attempt to retain control over and to annex Walvis Bay in clear violation of international law, of the United Nations Charter and in particular of Security Council resolution 385 (1976). There can be no compromise regarding the status of Walvis Bay, which forms an integral part of Namibia's economic, cultural and political life. An essential element in the solution of the problem is the preservation of the territorial unity and integrity of Namibia. The existence of South African military bases in Walvis Bay is a threat to Namibia's national security and unity. 224. In our modest hardships and adverse as a result of the occupation of a sizea contribute regularly t grammes for Namibia. 223. The illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa must be ended by the latter's effecting its complete and unconditional withdrawal so as to enable the Namibian people, under the leadership of SWAPO-its sole and authentic representative, I repeat-to exercise fully its right to self-determination and independence. 225. In' its desire t progress in the efforts question, my delegat A/33/L.13, A/33/L.14 226. It is our hope th by the widest possib remiss if I were no Secretary-General in Organization in 1976, 224. In our modest way, we shall continue, despite the hardships and adverse conditions prevailing in my country as a result of the aggression and continuing military occupation of a sizeable part of our national tenitory, to contribute regularly to the relevant United Nations pro· grammes for Namibia. "The responsibili when a resolution i require determined a the parties directly c into reality."18 225. In' its desire to see the achievement of tangible progress in the efforts to promote a just settlement of this question, my delegation is a sponsor of draft resolutions A/33/L.13, A/33/L.14 and A/33/L.1S. 227. The United Nati peace and security, a rights, socialjustice an if adopted unanimous matter how masterly desired end. It is their importance, for it alon objectives of the Cha year's debate will m direction. 226. It is our hope that these resolutions will be supported by the widest possible majority. However, I should be remiss if I were not "0 recall here the words of our Secretary-General in his report on the work of the Organization in 1976, when he said: "The responsibilities of Governments do not cease when a resolution is adopted; indeed resolutions usually require determined action by Governments, in addition to the parties directly concerned, if they are to be translated into reality." I 8 18 Sec Official Record Session, Supplement No. 227. The United Nations has been established to safeguard 229. Indeed, we see clearly from the two documents that the apartheid regime of South Africa, flouting the resolu- tions adopted by the Assembly ut its thirty-second session and other resolutions of the United Nations concerning Namibia, in particular Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which established the framework for an acceptable international settlement of the Namibian question, has further accentuated its system of oppression and inhuman exploitation of the Namibian people. Thus the racist, colonialist regime of Pretoria, with its typical distorted attitude, has perpetrated frenetically brutal acts of repression against the people of Namibia, characterized by unwarranted massacres of the civilian population, as well as massive arrests of SWAPO members, ~e :a ca Id an Id ht 229. Indeed, we see clearly from the two documents that the apartheid regime of South Africa, flouting the resolu- tions adopted by the Assembly ut its thirty-second session and other resolutions of the United Nations concerning Namibia, in particular Security Council resolution 385 (1976), which established the framework for an acceptable international settlement of the Namibian question, has further accentuated its system of oppression and inhuman exploitation of the Namibian people. Thus the racist, colonialist regime of Pretoria, with its typical distorted attitude, has perpetrated frenetically brutal acts of repression against the people of Namibia, characterized by unwarranted massacres of the civilian population, as well as massive arrests of SWAPO members.. he ry ry to '0- 230. To exercise its domination in that part of southern Africa, the apartheid regime has perpetrated multiple acts of provocation and aggression against Angola and Zambia, causing considerable numbers of casualties and material damage. At the same time, it has used all sorts of manoeuvres, including bantustanization, to destroy the national unity of the Namibian people and to suppress once and for all their sole authentic national liberation move- ment, SWAPO. From the institutional point of view, the apartheid regime has striven to intensify illegal acts, such as the annexation of Walvis Bay, the proclamation of an internal settlement with the puppet group of Turnhalle, the unilateral nomination of an Administrator-General for Namibia, the unilateral establishment of electoral lists, and so on. )le lis ns ed be ur he 230. To exercise its domination in that part of southern Africa, the apartheid regime has perpetrated multiple acts of provocation and aggression against Angola and Zambia, causing considerable numbers of casualties and material damage. At the same time, it has used all sorts of manoeuvres, including bantustanization, to destroy the national unity of the Namibian people and to suppress once and for all their sole authentic national liberation move- ment, SWAPO. From the institutional point of view, the apartheid regime has striven to intensify illegal acts, such as the annexation of Walvis Bay, the proclamation of an internal settlement with the puppet group of Turnhalle, the unilateral nomination of an Administrator-General for Namibia, the unilateral establishment of electoral lists, and so on. .se ly to ed 231. And last week the apartheid regime of South Africa took another step in the direction they have chosen in order to frustrate and sabotage the efforts of the inter- national community to help Namibia accede to freedom and independence, with territorial integrity. By carrying out the unilaterally rigged elections which have just taken place, despite the condemnations and the explicit warnings of the Security Council as expressed in resolution 439 (1978), the apartheid regime-and there can be no doubt about this-was trying to emphasize clearly that it scorned the United Nations decisions and would continue to do so. At the same time it formally rejected the desperate efforts of the five Western Powers, which apparently continue to cherish the hope that the apartheid regime will associate itself with good grace with the peaceful settlement of the Namibian question. rd an en 10 ~e nt ~e lis lis 231. And last week the apartheid regime of South Africa took another step in the direction they have chosen in order to frustrate and sabotage the efforts of the inter- national community to help Namibia accede to freedom and independence, with territorial integrity. By carrying out the unilaterally rigged elections w~ich have just taken place, despite the condemnations and the explicit warnings of the Security Council as expressed in resolution 439 (1978), the apartheid regime-and there can be no doubt about this-was trying to emphasize clearly that it scorned the United Nations decisions and would continue to do so. At the same time it formally rejected t.he desperate efforts of the five Western Powers, which apparently continue to cherish the hope that the apartheid regime will associate itself with good grace with the peaceful settlement of the Namibian question. 233. For nearly 12 years now the Upited Nations, and in particular the United Nations Council for Namibia, has exerted considerable efforts to put an end to the ill~gal occupation by the apartheid regime of the Territory of Namibia. But all those efforts have been countered or made ineffective by the arrogant defiance of the racist regime of Pretoria, which persists in its refusal to withdraw from the Territory. The reason for this is that South Africa is pursuing in Namibia an objective which is quite contrary to the Charter of the United Nations. That goal,dear to- all colonizers, consists in establishing control "ver the natural riches and resources of Namibia, which, as everyone knows, are immense. Namibia has large reserves of diamonds, uranium and a number of other ores, which provide an irresistible source of profit for the apartheid supporters of Pretoria and their Western allies. 234. That is also the explanation for the relentle exerted by the five Western Powers during the months, efforts which, as we must recognize, have total failure in view of the policy of the faits acco which South Africa has been guilty recently. 235. In view of all these failures and frustration have been felt over the last 12 years and wh jeopardized the authority and prestige of the Nations, whose direct responsibility for Namibia reaffirmed many times, it is highly desirable Organization to decide to act to discharge its responsibilities, It should do so before it is too late the valiant people of Namibia, under the guid SWAPO, who have waited for along time now to e exercise of their national right to freedom a pendence, to which end enough blood has bee cannot continue Indefinitely to suffer because th Nations is unable to act. The just cause of the N people is recognized now by the entire inte community and it is gaining more and more active from progressive peoples and from those who freedom throughout the world. There is no emphasize here that, given the persistent impotenc United Nations, the Namibian people will step armed struggle and this will push the apartheid r even more criminal adventures, calling into questi and security not only in southern Africa but also out the whole African continent and the world. 234. That is also the explanation for the relentless eff9rts exerted by the five Western Powers during the last 19 months, efforts which, as we must recognize, have ended in total failure in view of the policy of the faits accomplis of which South Africa has been guilty recently. 235. In view of all these failures and frustrations which have been felt over the last 12 years and which have jeopardized the authority and prestige of the United Nations, whose direct responsibility for Namibia has been reaffirmed many times, it is highly desirable for our Organization to decide to act to discharge its historic responsibiIiti,~s. It should do so before it is too late because the valiant people of Namibia, under the guidance of SWAPO, who have waited for a long time now to enjoy the exercise of their national right to freedom and inde- pendence, to which end enough blood has been shed, cannot continue indefmitely to suffer because the United Nations is unable to act. The just cause of the Narnibian people is recognized now by the entire international community and it is gaining more and more active support from progressive peoples and from those who cherish freedom throughout the world. There is no need to emphasize here that, given the persistent impotence of the United Nations, the Namibian people v.ill step up the armed struggle and this will push the apartheid regime to even more criminal adventures, calling into question peace and security not only in southern Africa but also through- out the whole African continent and the world. 236. Therefore, my delegation is staunchly convin the time has come for the General Assembly to .te Africa quite clearly that its perfidious manoeu diplomatic volte-faces will lead to no good at all only produce situations where it and its allies w seriously. The time has also come for the General A to envisage measures which will force the racist re its allies to apply the relevant resolutions of th Nations, in particular Security CoUI"ci1 re 385 (1976). These measures, naturally, must measures specified in the relevant provisions of Ci. 236. Therefore, my delegation is staunchly convinced that the time has come for the General Assembly to.tell South Africa quite clearly that its perfidious mmoeuvres and diplomatic volte-faces will lead to no good at all and will only produce situations where it and its allies will suffer seriously. The time has also come for the General Assembly to envisage measures which will force the racist regime and its allies to apply the relevant resolutions of the United Nations, in particular Security COUFcil resolution 385 (1976). These measures, naturally, must be the measures specified in the relevant provisions of C:""apter VII 237. Such determination is absolutely necessary to put an end to the obstinacy of the racist, colonialist· regime of Pretoria which, by shabby and perverse manoeuvres and by unambiguous statemei:lts many times repeated by its highest leaders, is clearly showing to the world that it will not withliraw from Namibia with good grace. To show its implacable defiance of the international community, the apartheid regime of South Africa has, as we have stressed before, contrived in every way to worsen the already very tense situation thanks to which it would maintain in a lasting fashion its odious system of apartheid throughout the region. The fact that the apartheid r~gime has itself entirely formed the puppet Turnhalle team and the zeal with which it has slandered and tried to eliminate SWAPO should be proof enough to convince us of the real designs it is pursuing in Namibia. 238. To those who still cherish the hope of convincing South Africa to sit down at the negotiating table, we would state firmly the following. If negotiations are to be held with the racists and colonialists of Pretoria, such negotia- tions should be conducted in conditions which would ensure the speedy accession of Namibia to independence and sovereignty. Those conditions can only be created by implementing all the sanctions specified in Chapter VII of the Charter. 239. That having been said, it is obviously up to the Namibian people under the guidance of their sole legitimate and authentic representative, SWAPO, to decide, in-the last analysis, the ways and means to be employed in the final struggle to vanquish once and for all the inhuman system of oppression and exploitation to which they have been subjugated for several decades. My country will stand firmly by the side of SWAPO and will unflinchingly support it in its relentless struggle until the final victory is won. 238. To those who still cherish the hope of convincing South Africa to sit down at the negotiating table, we would state firmly the following. If negotiations are to be held with the racists and colonialists of Pretoria, such negotia- tions should be conducted in conditions which would ensure the speedy accession of Namibia to independence and sovereignty. Those conditions can only be created by implementing all the sanctions specified in Chapter VII of the Charter. 240. The United Nations is celebrating this year the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a Declaration which is uear to all peoples of the world, especially to those who see in it the genuine fostering of freedom, respect and under- standing among all individuals and all peoples, and not merely a tool which would give some of us a pretext for interfering in the internal affairs of other countries. The only way appropriately to celebrate that Declaration, in our opinion, would be by loudly proclaiming our profound attachment to the liberation struggle of all peoples, guided by their legitimate and authentic liberation movements. Along the same lines, we should at the same time commit ourselves solemnly to working in all ways towards the final triumph of that struggle. The struggle of the Namibian and Zimbabwean peoples is now passing through a crucial stage; it deserves the sympathy and active support of all peoples and all countries, .and in particular those who make themselves out to be the staunch defenders of the ob- servance of human rights. 239. That having been said, it is obviously up to the Namibian people under the guidance of their sole legitimate and authentic representative, SWAPO, to decide, in·the last analysis, the ways and means to be employed in the final struggle to vanquish once and for all the inhuman system of oppression and exploitation to which they have been subjugated for several decades. My country will stand firmly by the side of SWAPO and will unflinchingly support it in its relentless struggle until the final victory is won. 240. The United Nations is celebrating this year the thirtieth anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, a Declaration which is uear to all peoples of the world, especially to those who see in it the genuine fostering of freedom, respect and under- standing among all individuals and all peoples, and not merely a tool which would give some of us a pretext for interfering in the internal affairs of other countries. The only way appropriately to celebrate that Declaration, in our opinion, would be by loudly proclaiming our profound attachment to the liberation struggle of all peoples, guided by their legitimate and authentic liberation movements. Along the same lines, we should at the same time commit ourselves solemnly to working in all ways towards the final triumph of that struggle. The struggle of the Namibian and Zimbabwean peoples is now passing through a crucial stage; it deserves the sympathy and active support of all peoples and all countries, .and in particular those who make themselves out to be the staunch defenders of the ob- servance of human rights. 241. To conclude, my delegation would appeal to those countries, and at the head of the Hst to the five Western t .__. .. , . 241. To conclude, my delegation would appeal to those countries, and at the head of the Hst to the five Western 243. During the last continuously engage community, both wit through the activitie United Nations Comm last 19 months, throu of the Security Cou discharge of its prim international peace an considered the preva future of that Terri Assembly and Secur Namibia clearly indi efforts of the internat Africa's illegal occupa Namibia, to end Sout sion of the Namibia attempts to install a above all, to ensure their inalienable rig pendence. »->: 244. During the cour Africa has always ma challenge the will of t its defiant andintransi Africa has not only Namibia, but has also repressive measures a imposed on them its p of patriotic Namibian continued. Members o attitude of South Af and purposes of the Universal Declaration on the Granting of Ind Peoples and constitut peace and security.

Twelve years ago in 1966 the United Nations General Assembly took the important decision of terminating the Mandate of South Africa over Namibia. It was in 1967 that the General Assembly established the United Nations Council for Namibia, of which Turkey is one of the founding members, as the sole legal authority for the Territory until Namibia should attain its independence. 243. During the last decade, the question of Namibia has continuously engaged the concern of the international community, both within and outside the United Nations, through the activities of the Council for Namibia, the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia and, during the last 19 months, through those of the five Western countries of the Security Council. The Security Council, in the discharge of its primary responsibility for maintaining international peace and security, has, on several occasions, considered the prevailing situation in Namibia and the future of that Territory. The history of both General Assembly and Security Council resolutions concerning Namibia clearly indicate:; the determined and dedicated efforts of the internatimlal community to terminate South Africa's illegal occupation of the international Territory of Namibia, to end South Africa's cruel and inhuman suppres- sion of the NamibiarrPeople, to prevent South Africa's attempts to install a puppet regime in this Territory and, above all, to ensure that the people of Namibia achieve their inalienable right to self-determination and inde- pendence. ---- - 244. During the course of the last decade, however, South Africa has always managed to flout these resolutions and challenge the will of the international community through its defiant and intransigent attitude. Over this period, Sv·,j Africa has not only continued its illegal occupation of Namibia, but has also consistently stepped up its brutal and repressive measures against the people of Namibia and imposed on them its policy ofapartheid. Detentions, arrests of patriotic Namibians and plans for bantustanization have continued. Members of SWAPO have been sentenced. This attitude of South Africa certainly violates the principles and purposes of the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security. 245. At present we Western members of nationally acceptable Namibia. The interna plan, produced as a r tions among the p presented in March independence after ele control of the United Council resolutions 43 245. At present we have before us the plan of the five Western members of the Security Council for an inter- nationally acceptable settlement of the question of Namibia. The international community has welcomed this plan, produced as a result of intensive work and "Consulta- tions among the parties concerned. These proposals, presented in March 1978, which foresee transition to independence after elections held under the supervision and control of the United Nations, were adopted in Security Council resolutions 431 (1978) and 435 (1978). ~as nal ns, the the ies the ing Ins, the :ral ing ted uth ,of 247. This attitude has recently culminated in South Africa's unilateral and completely illegaldecision to hold its own elections in Namibia without any United Nations supervision and control. Those elections and their results have been condemned by the Security Council as null and void. In spite of the call by the Security Council on South Africa to cancel those elections, they have been held. Furthermore, South Africa has conducted those elections with complete disregard for justice and fairness. It has once again resorted to acts of violence and intimidation and detained SWAPO leaders inside Namibia on the eve of elections. This attitude in itself is clear evidence of South Africa's true intentions as far as the results of those elections are concerned. In spite of ihe conflicting state- ments made recently by South African offlcials, as to the intentions and results of those elections, we believe that there is little room for optimism in the face of South Africa's previous record. Despite our hopes and wishes to the contrary, we see the purpose and objective of those unilateral elections as being' the establishment of a 50-member constituent assembly to draw up a constitution leading to the installation of a puppet regime in Namibia, as was done in Southern Rhodesia. In fact, this-objective was explained in Proclamation AG 63 of 20 September 1978, issued by the South African Administrator-General for Namibia. Therefore, we deem the assurances to the contrary recently given by the Foreign Minister of South Africa and the promises of a second round of elections to be held under the supervision and control of the United Nations, in fulfilment of South Africa's responsibilities under Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 431 (1978), 432 (1978), 435 (1978) and 439 (1978), to be nothing more than further attempts to delude the international community. res- :a's nd, eve de- 247. This attitude has recently culminated in South Africa's unilateral and completely illegal decision to hold its own elections in Namibia without any United Nations supervision and control. Those elections and their results have been condemned by the Security Council as null and void. In spite of the call by the Security Council on South Africa to cancel those elections, they have been held. Furthermore, South Africa has conducted those elections with complete disregard for justice and fairness. It has once again resorted to acts of violence and intimidation and detained SWAPO leaders inside Namibia on the eve of elections. This attitude in itself is clear evidence of South Africa's true intentions as far as the results of those elections are concerned. In spite of ihe conflicting state- ments made recently by South African r.1fficials, as to the intentions and results of those elections, we believe that there is little room for optimism in the face of South Africa's previous record. Despite our hopes and wishes to the contrary, we see the purpose and objective of those unilateral elections as being' the establishment of a 50-member constituent assembly to draw up a constitution leading to the installation of a puppet regime in Namibia, as was done in Southern Rhodesia. In fact, this'objective was explained in Proclamation AG 63 of 20 September 1978, issued by the South African Administrator-General for Namibia. Therefore, we deem the assurances to the contrary recently given by the Foreign Minister of South Africa and the promises of a second round of elections to be held under the supervision and control of the United Nations, in fulftlment of South Africa's responsibilities under Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 431 (1978), 432 (1978), 435 (1978) and 439 (1978), to be nothing more than further attempts to delude the international community. Jth rnd 19h ';h. of md md sts ave his iles the ion md nal ive ter- of his ta- als, to and ity 248. In the face of this flagrant defiance of the will of the international community, my delegation firmly belivesthat it is high time for the Security Council-which is currently istu«, Ninth Special Session. Plenary Meetings, 2nd meeting, paras. 156·168. 248. In the face of this flagrant defiance of the will of the international community, my delegation firmly belives that it is high time for the Security Council-which is currently 249. I should like to seize this opportunity to reiterate our full and unconditional support for the people ofNamibia in their justified struggle, under the leadership of SWAPO, for national independence based on majority rule. We recognize SWAPO as the sole and authentic representative of the Namibian people. We commend SWAPO for its brave and courageous struggle for its just cause on the one hand, and on the other hand, for the goodwill and spirit of co- operation and flexibility it has shown all along concerning the achievement of its legitimate aspirations within the framework of a peaceful solution on the basis of United Nations resolutions. We reject any so-called internal settle- ment in Namibia and urge that effective measures be taken to prevent a fait accompli as regards the imposition ofsuch a settlement. We believe that the territorial integrity of Namibia should be reaffirmed, and we unequivocally condemn the illegal annexation of Walvis Bay by South Africa. We continue to believe that a peaceful settlement can best be reached under the conditions spelled 'out in the relevant Security Council resolutions, which call for, among other thi'"\gs, the free and unfettered exercise by the Namibian people of their right to self·determination and independence within a united Namibia. We certainly sup- port all efforts made in this direction, and will continue to do so. 250. Finally, I should like to stress the great we attach to the successful efforts of the Uni Council for Namibia-of which, as I have mentio Turkey is a founding member-in protecting and the legitimate interests of the Namibian peopl like at this point to pay a special tribute to the the United Nations Council for Namibia, A Konie of Zambia, for her inspiring and dynamic as well as for her sincere and dedicated efforts of the Namibian people. 251. As a member of the United Nations Namibia, we play an active part in its activities. the recommendations contained in its recent r before us, which envisage a widening of the s activities during 1979. We should also like t ourselves with the proposal contained therein t declared the International Year of Solidarit People of Namibia. 250. Finally, I should like to stress the great importance we attach to the successful efforts of the United Nations Council for Namibia-of which, as I have mentioned before, Turkey is a founding member-in protecting and promoting the legitimate interests of the Namibian people. I should like at this point to pay a special tribute to the President of the United Nations Council for Namibia, Ambassador Konie of Zambia, for her inspiring and dynamic leadership, as well as for her sincere and dedicated efforts in the cause of the Namibian people. 252. Before I conclude, 1 find it a pleasant du special tribute also to the United Nations Comm Namibia, Mr. Martti Ahtisaarl, for his constructiv preparing the Nationhood Programme for Namib 251. As a member of the United Nations Council for Namibia, we play an active part in its activities. We support the recommendations contained in its recent report, now before us, which envisage a widening of the scope of its activities during 1979. We should also like to associate ourselves with the proposal contained therein that 1979 be declared the International Year of Solidarity with the People of Namibia. 252. Before I conclude, 1 fmd it a pleasant duty to pay a special tribute also to the United Nations Commissioner for Namibia, Mr. Martti Ahtisaari, for his constructive efforts in preparing the Nationhood Programme for Namibia, which is 261. The world community cannot rest ,assured until the last Temnants and vestiges of colonialism and neo- colonialism are wiped off the surface of the earth. It is a shameful and dark blot on the conscience of humanity to allow its fellow men to be exploited and plundered in a manner totally in defiance of human civilization. 254. Primarily at stake are the honour and integrity of the world Organization. It is indeed regrettable that the persistent attempts of the United Nations, initiated by numerous General Assembly and Security Council resolu- tions, are rendered ineffective as a result of South Africa's defiance and flagrant violations,perpetrated with impunity.

As in the past, the peace-loving and progressive world now has another solemn opportunity to declare its solidarity with and support for the oppressed people of Namibia under the leadership of its sole and authentic representative, SWAPO, and to ask for the unconditional withdrawal of the Fascist Pretoria regime from Namibian territory so that Namibia, as other ter- ritories formerly under colonial domination, can join the community of nations as an independent and sovereign member. 262. In the pursuit of its economic and strategic interests, the minority regime in South Africa has gone even further, launching an aggression against peace-loving countries bordering on South Africa. 255. The racist South African regime by its arrogance and shameful attitude poses a challenge to the world com- munity; furthermore, it is a serious threat to world peace and security. 263. Gravely concerned over the ominous situation in South Africa and in pursuit of the well-known policy of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan, my Government wishes to state the following. 256. It is a direct responsibility of the United Nations to deal with such a grave situation. It is therefore more than ever imperative to seek practical measures to assure the scrupulous implementation of United Nations resolutions, including the provisions of Chapter Vll of its Charter, and thus to uphold the dignity and solemnity of our decisions. 254. Primarily at stake are the honour and integrity of the world Organization. It is indeed regrettable that the persistent attempts of the United Nations, initiated by numerous General Assembly and Security Council resolu- tions, are rendered ineffective as a result of South Africa's defiance and flagrant violations, perpetrated with impunity. 264. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan strongly rejects and condemns the racist policies of the South African and Rhodesian minority regimes, and salutes the struggle of peoples for self-determination and national independence. Furthermore, my delegation condemns any form of economic or military collaboration with the South African regime for imperialistic purposes. 257. In this context, one cannot lose sight of the deceitful and dishonest collaboration which exists between South Africa and its allies to further their economic and im- perialist purposes. The lack of progress alluded to in the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia is an unequivocal example of the results of such an illegal collaboration. Those and numerous other factors that prevent the implementation of our decisions are the subject-matter of the General Assembly today and deserve careful examination and scrutiny. 255. The racist South African regime by its arrogance and shameful attitude poses a challenge to the world com- munity; furthermore. it is a serious threat to world peace and security. 265. The Democratic Republic of Afghanistan demands the immediate and scrupulous implementation of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), calling for free elections with the participation of SWAPO under the auspices of the United Nations and an immediate end to South Africa's illegal occupation of Namibia. In this context, my delega- tion strongly rejects every attempt for partial settlement or any so-called elections aimed at imposing a puppet regime on'the people of Namibia. 256. It is a direct responsibility of the United Nations to deal with such a grave situation. It is therefore more than ever imperative to seek practical measures to assure the scrupulQUS implementation of United Nations resolutions, including the provisions of Chapter Vll of its Charter, and thus to uphold the dignity and solemnity of our decisions. 258. The South African regime, in its characteristic manner, persistently tries to continue its illegal and barbaric occupation of Namibia in the face of all General Assembly and Security Council resolutions which can be interpreted as nothing other than the unanimous verdict of the international community. 257. In this context, one cannot lose sight of the deceitful and dishonest collaboration which exists between South Africa and its allies to further their economic and im- perialist purposes. The lack of progress alluded to in the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia is an unequivocal example of the results of such an illegal collaboration. Those and numerous other factors that prevent the implementation of our decisions are the subject-matter of the General Assembly today and deserve careful examination and scrutiny. 266. My delegation declares its complete solidarity with the heroic struggle, of the people of Namibia, including their armed struggle, for self-determination and inde- pendence under the leadership of their only authentic representative, SWAPO. We demand the immediate and unconditional release of SWAPO's imprisoned leaders. 259. The so-called elections which the Pretoria authorities rigged and intend to impose on Namibia cannot be interpreted as anything but another political manipulation by South Africa to deprive the Namibian people of their inalienable right to self-determination and independence and to further the exploitation and plunder of the natural resources that belong to the Namibians. 267. In their arduous struggle against colonialism, neo- colonialism and imperialism, my delegation expresses deep solidarity with the peoples of Mozambique, Angola and other front-line States, and hails their courageous decision to apply sanctions against the white racist rebels. 258. The South African regime, in its characteristic manner, persistently tries to continue its illegal and barbaric occupation of Namibia in the face of all General Assembly aild Security Council resolutions which can be interpreted as nothing other than the unanimous verdict of the international community. 260. We are gathered here once again to condemn and reject the ominous and oppressive policies of South Africa 268. My delegation believes that every assist- ance-political, moral and material-must be rendered by the United Nations and its specialized agencies to all national liberation movements in Africa struggIing for the sacred cause of self-determination and independence. 259. The so-called elections which the Pretoria authorities rigged and intend to impose on Namibia cannot be interpreted as anything but another political manipulation by South Africa to deprive the Namibian people of their inalienable right to self·determination and independence and to further the exploitation and plunder of the natural resources that belong to the Namibians. 269. In upholding the decisions of the Gener&1 Assembly and the Security Council, my delegation believes that every effort must be made to adopt practical measures leading to the complete and scrupulous realization of those decisions, including the implementation of the provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter against South Africa and other racist and colonial regimes. 260. We are gathered here once again to condemn and reject the ominous and oppressive policies of South Africa 264. The Democrat rejects and condem African and Rhodesi struggle of peoples independence. Furthe form of economic or African regime for im 265. The Democrat the immediate and s Council resolution 3 with the participation United Nations and illegal occupation of tion strongly rejects any so-called election onthe people of Nam 266. My delegation the heroic struggle, their armed struggl pendence under the representative, SWAP unconditional release 267. In their arduo colonialism and impe solidarity with the p other front-line State to apply sanctions ag 268. My delegatio ance-political, mora the United Nations national liberation m sacred cause of self-d 269. In upholding t and the Security Cou effort must be made the complete and scr including the implem VII of the United Na other racist and colon mt gly ith .he [la! ny ith 272. As a last word, my delegation wishes to announce that it joins in sponsoring all three draft resolutions on the question of Namibia. 271. In cc-nclusion, permit me to state that the movement of peoples and nations, just as it has so far scored enormous victories in Asia, Africa and Latin America, shall continue to be victorious against colonialism, neo-colonialism and oppression in all its forms and manifestations. We believe that the peoples of Namibia and Zimbabwe, under their responsible and authentic leadership, namely, SWAPO and the Patriotic Front, and with the unconditional support and solidarity of all peace-loving countries, will triumphantly bring down the towers of tyranny and despotism and lay the foundations of an independent, sovereign and demo- cratic State. tds ity )fiS he a's ga- or

From its inception, this world Organization has come up against the unlawful aspirations of the Government of South Africa with regard to the Territory of Namibia. Ille 274. As we know, the Government of that country refused in the early years to place Namibia under the Trusteeship System. Subsequently, in an attempt to annex that territory• South Africa disavowed its Mandate as Administering Power over the Territory of Namibia with the puerile argument that the Mandate had ended with the demise of the League ofNations. lth fig le- tic nd 272. As a last word, my delegation wishes to announce that it joins in sponsoring all three draft resolutions on the question of Namibia.

From its inception, this world Organization has come up against the unlawful aspirations of the Government of South Africa with regard to the Territory of Namibia. 275. Later, when this General Assembly, by its resolution 2145 (XXI), decided to terminate South Africa's Mandate over Namibia, we encountered increasingly strong resistance on the part of that country to handing over the administra- tion of Namibia to the Council created for the purpose by this General Assembly. lO- ep nd on 274. As we know, the Government of that country refused in the early years to place Namibia under the Trusteeship System. Subsequently, in an attempt to annex that territory. Sou~h Africa disavowed its Mandate as Administering Power over the Territory of Namibia with the puerile argument that the Mandate had ended with the demise of the League ofNations. st- by all he 276. Today, more than 10 years after termination of its Mandate, South Africa continues to occupy Namibia, in disregard of all reasonable people in the world and of the efforts of this Organization to liberate that Territory. Ily ry to IS, er [ld 277. The many resolutions adopted by this General Assembly and the Security Council have been to no avail. The fact is that we have been more than naively cautious in our approach to this case. 275. Later, when this General Assembly, by its resolution 2145 (XXI), decided to terminate South Africa's Mandate over Namibia. we encountered increasingly strong resistance on the part of that cr"untry to handing over the administra- tion of Namibia to the Council created for the purpose by this General Assembly. 278. The problem of Namibia cannot be viewed as a mere desire on the part of South Africa to annex Namibian soil. 276. Today. more than 10 years after termination of its Mandate. South Africa continues to occupy Namibia. in disregard of all reasonable people in the world and of the efforts of this Organization to liberate that Territory. 277. The many resolutions adopted by this General Assembly and the Security Council have been to no avail. The fact is that we have been more than naively cautious in our approach to this case. 278. The problem of Namibia cannot be viewed as a mere desire on the part of South Africa to annex Namibian soil. 279. In applying these neo-colonialist and imperialist systems, people from outside the Territory are mercilessly violating the human rights of the indigenous population of Namibia, brazenly denying that suffering people their right to self-determination. 282. We fmd it astonishing that, contrary logic would indicate, world-wide criticism h the Government of South Africa into fur much so that it even indulges in the luxury territory of other sovereign States of the Afr 280. These events, which in themselves are enough to disturb the most weakwilled of spirits and to provoke the universal conscience of mankind to indignation. might be less scandalous if at the same time they were not an affront to the pre-eminence of this Organization and to the respect due to each of its Members. 283. The reasons for this failure would seem conviction of the Government of South would never adopt drastic, coercive measur to restore freedom to the Namibian nation. 281. Indeed. the brazen attitude of the Government of South Africa is a slap in the face of the United Nations, which is in duty bound to exert its authority to safeguard peace and to promote respect for human dignity. 284. It would seem as if that Governmen best allies among those who condemn it h that we have been content with pointing an when, for a long time, what we should ha clench our fist and strike a telling blow th and for all punish the Government of South 282. We fmd it astonishing that, contrary to what simple logic would indicate, world-wide criticism haS merely stung the Government of South Africa into further abuses, so much so that it even indulges in the luxury of raiding the territory of other sovereign States of the African continent. 285. But as long as we fail to take audacio free the people of Namibia and to restore world Organization, we cannot take pride i the civilized world. 283. The reasons for this failure would seem to rest on the conviction of the Government of South Africa that we would never adopt drastic. coercive measures to compel it to restore freedom to the Namibian nation. 286. Lastly, may I congratulate the U Council for Namibia and the Special Com Situation with regard to the Implemen Declaration on the Granting of Independen Countries and Peoples for the excellent re submitted to the General Assembly. 284. It would seem as if that Government has found its best allies among those who condemn it here. The fact is that we have been content with pointing an accusing finger. when. for a long time, what we should have done was to clench our fist and strike a telling blow that would once and for all punish the Government ofSouth Africa.

For about 20 mont of ourselves, we have witnessed a proliferati after some Members-and not the least o refuge behind political and legal argument the Security Council and the General Assem consider a question which has become virt to the point that we are getting bogged sophisticated parliamentary manoeuvres wh liking of those who, after all, are net inte equitable and fmal settlement of the questi 285. But as long as we fail to take audacious measures to free the people of Namibia and to restore respect for this world Organization. we cannot take pride in being part of the civilized world. 286. Lastly. may I congratulate the United Nations _ Council for Namibia and the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples for the excellent reports they have submitted to the General Assembly. 288. The impression that we are giving world is that the United Nations, enmesh

For about 20 months now. in spite of ourselves. we have witnessed a proliferation of initiatives after some Members-and not the least of us-had taken refuge behind political and legal arguments; we have seen the Security Council and the General Assembly alternately consider a question which has become virtually insoluble. to the point that we ?.re getting bogged down in highly sophisticated parliamentary manoeuvres which are to the liking of those who, after all. are ntlt interested in a just, equitable and fmal settlement of the question of Namibia. 289. Everything is happening as if the various sta~es we have painfully gone through over ihese last months were only designed to prove the reality of the Western interests, as well as those of the imperialist monopolies in Namibia, whether they be strategic, economic or political. 291. All our principles relating to sovereignty, inde- pendence, integrity, unity and representativeness have been , sacrificed in the interests of the quest for an allegedly peaceful solution requiring the pursuit of highly dubious negotiations at all costs. 290. Furthermore, a semblance of justification for the position of the Pretoria regime has been put forward, even though for 10 years now the intemational community has agreed to proclaim it both illegal and unlawful. We have thus reached an untenable paradox in which the United Nations has been forced to admit that a dialogue with illegality can become the rule, rather than the exception. 292. Indeed, to allay our misgivings, it has been suggested that negotiations have never ceased being tripartite, inas- much as they . ave been conducted among the Western Powers, South Africa and SWAPO. Now, we have never stopped saying that there is no distinction between Western interests and those of South Africa and hence no real negotiations have taken place, but rather the submissionof alternatives based on the same aims and motivations. 291. All our principles relating to sovereignty, inde- pendence, integrity, unity and representativeness have been .sacrificed in the interests of the quest for an allegedly peaceful solution requiring the pursuit of highly dubious negotiations at all costs. 293. Moreover, how can we speak of negotiations between the Pretoria regime and SWAPO when their demands are diametrically and irreconcilably opposed, and when South Africa denies any representativeness to the only Namibian movement recognized by the United Nations? The form of the negotiations was thus distorted from the very start. 292. Indeed, to allay our misgivings, it has been suggested that negotiations have never ceased being tripartite, inas- much as they . :.lve been conducted among the Western Powers, South Africa and SWAPO. Now, we have never stopped saying that there is no distinction between Western interests and those of South Africa and hence no real negotiations have taken place, but rather the submission of alternatives based on the same aims and motivations. 294. It has also been said that the negotiations were based on the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and . Security Council. Now, if we take account of the develop- ment of the situation, we are compelled to make the following observations: first, the General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on Namibia spring from the purposes and principles of the United Nations in the area of decolonization, sovereignty and national independence; secondly, all those resolutions have been rejected, without exception, by the Pretoria regime; thirdly, it is therefore absurd to claim that the negotiations with the Pretoria regime were based on United Nations resolutions. 293. Moreover, how can we speak of negotiations between the Pretoria regime and SWAPO when their demands are diametrically and irreconcilabiy opposed, and when South Mrica denies any representativeness to the only Namibian movement recognized by the United Nations? The form of th~ negotiations was thus distorted from the very start. 295. As we have already pointed out, the initiative taken by the five Western members of the Security Council, however generous it was made out to be, cannot reflect the position of the majority of Member States and we must strictly implementin full the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 294. It has also been said that the negotiations were based on the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and . Security Council. Now, if we take account of the develop- ment of the situation, we are compelled to make the following observations: frrst, the General Assembly and Security Council resolutions on Namibia spring from the purposes and principles of the United Nations in the area of decolonization, sovereignty and national independence; secondly, all those resolutions have been rejected, without exception, by the Pretoria regime; thirdly, it is therefore absurd to claim that the negotiations with the Pretoria regime were based on United Nations resolutions. 296. The fact that we tolerated the development of the Western initiative does not necessarily mean that we haveto accept the deadlock to which it led. For our delegation, any valid mandate entrusted to any United Nations body to <, . 301. If this is a picture of the victory of reason, dialogue, persuasion and pragmatism that I am painting, we can only regret it most deeply. 295. As we have already pointed out, the initiative taken by the five Western members of the Security Council, however generous it was made out to be, cannot reflect the position of the majority of Member States and we must strictly implementin full the provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 296. The fact that we tolerated the development of the Western initiative dces not necessarily mean that we have to accept the deadlock to which it led. For our delegation, any valid mandate entrusted to any United Nations body to ......... ............... .. 298. On several oc the fact that, whene any negative devel more substantial c SWAPO, thus distor and liberating strug modate themselves is not surprising to racist regime to the contain positive el purely and simply th 297. No action is gratuitous, and if a plan for Namibian independence has been presented, as distinct from the one adopted by the United Nations two years ago, it is because it was considered that the interests of the Pretoria regime might better be satisfied by granting a certain independence to a certain Namibia within a framework which would allow for the strengthening of monopolistic control over the resources and potential reso!Jrces of the Territory. 299. The elections we are told, are nul still cherished that applied since there be quite realistic, th 298. On several occasions, we have issued warnings about the fact that, whenever there has been any shilly-sha1lying, any negative development, in the negotiations, more and more substantial concessions have been extorted from SWAPO, thus distorting the very meaning ofits progressive and liberating struggle. Parallel with that, people accom· modate themselves to the demands of South Africa, and it is not surprising to hear it said that the latest reply of racist regime to the Security Council resolution may stJI1 contain positive elements. The tolerance shown them is purely and simply that ofcomplicity. 300. What situatio Western initiative? borne fruit. Walvis regime so that it m economic policema manipulated by So legality, to the det been accepted. The behalf of pro forma fmally has decided, allies and partners, t 299. The elections which have just been held in Namibia, we are told, are null and void. At the same time the hope is still cherished that the Western plan somehow can be applied since there are now newly ~lected spokesmen. To be quite realistic, there are manifold contradictions here. . 301. If this is a pic persuasion and prag regret it most deeply 300. What situation are we inheriting as a result of the Western initiative? The machinations of Turnhalle have borne fruit. Walvis Bay is still in the hands of the Pretoria regime so that it may better fulfIl its role of a political and economic policeman. Those parties who obviously are manipulated by South Africa are given a semblance of legality, to the detriment of SWAPO, whose eviction has been accepted. The manoeuvres of Pretoria are tolerated in behalf of pro forma democracy. In a word, South Africa fmally has decided, alone and with the connivance of its allies and partners, the future of the Namibians. 302. The only al Nations is not to which the interna dominant role, is, a legality. The politic serve the interests pervert them in the of security which national reality and 303. Scepticism is intf..liltational securi 302. The only alternative open to us, if the United Nations is not to lose its jurisdiction over a question in which the international community recognizes its pre- dominant role, is, as we have said, to return to our own legality. The political decisions of this Organization cannot serve the interests of a minority, but it ill befits us to pervert them in the name of a certain balance and some sort of security which does not take account of the inter" national reality and the progressive development ofevents. 304. Before concluding, my delegation would like to pay a tribute to the United Nations Council for Namibia for the work carried out on the initiative of its President, Miss Konie, the Ambassador of Zambia. The Council has passed through some difficult moments, especially when the procedure proposed for helping Namibia to accede to independence almost ignores its existence and its role. We congratulate the Council on having continued to fulfil its mission with imagination and devotion, those qualities which redound to its honour and which are essential if we want the Namibian people to continue to have faith in our promises. tibia, pe is 1 be 304. Before concluding, my delegation would like to pay a tribute to the Cnited Nations Council for Namibia for the work carried out on the initiative of its President, Miss Konie, the Ambassador of Zambia. The Council has passed through some difficult moments, especially when the procedure proposed for helping Namibia to accede to independence almost ignores its existence and its role. We congratulate the Council on havmg continued to fulftl its mission with imagination and devotion, those qualities which redound to its honour and which are essential if we want the Namibian people to continue to have faith in our promises. I. To e.

With regard to the illegal occupation of .Namibia by the racist regime of South Africa, my delega- tion believes that there is nothing new to say unless we consider as novel the recurring violations of the principles set forth in the Charter of the Organization, ,o{o!ations on the part of that regime which oppresses the ma.lc;t1y of the millions of human beings under its yoke. For these reasons, we are going to reiterate the position on thi:) important question which we have expressed on recent occasions at meetings of the Security Council, of which Venezuela is a member. ~ the have toria land are e of . has sdin frica ,f its 30:>. South Africa's decision to arrange for an electoral process without United Nations supervision is a hard blow at the Organization and a challenge to its authority in that international Territory. Therefore, everything which may take place there in the absence of the supervision of the United Nations as the representative of the international community must be considered null and void.

With regard to the illegal occupation of .Namibia by the racist regime of South Africa, my delega- tion believes that there is nothing new to say unless we consider as novel the recurring violations of the principles set forth in the Charter of the Organization, ,~o!ations on the part of that regime which oppresses the ma.l0!hy of the millions of human beings under its yoke. For the::.e r~asons, we are going to reiterate the position on thi:) important question which we have expressed on recent occasions at meetings of the Security Council, of which Venezuela is a member. .gue, only uted nin pre- own nnot s to sort rter- mts. 307. In Namibia the most brazen mockery of the funda- mental principles on which civilized coexistence is based is taking place. Among these principles is that of the self-determination of peoples expressed through democratic elections. 3G:i. South Africa's decision to arrange for an electoral process without United Nations supervision is a hard blow at the Organization and a challenge to its authority in that international Territory. Therefore, everything which may take place there in the absence of the supervision of the United Nations as the representative of the international community must be considered null and void. 308. This unilateral action by South Africa is merely the final act of that country's confrontation with the United Nations and the culmination of successive violations for which no appropriate correctional measures have been and- fthe 307. In Namibia the most brazen mockery of the funda- mental principles on which civilized coexistence is based is taking place. Among these prinCiples is that of the 8':lf-determination of peoples expressed through democratic elections. 308. This unilateral action by South Africa is merely the fmal act of that country's confrontation with the United Nations and the culmination of successive violations for which no appropriate correctional measures have been - .. :. ~. t ' ~ ~ of '" <> ... .. . ~ _ 309. When Venezuela voted in favour of the plan that was _ submitted by the five Western countries members of the Security Council, it aid so for several reasons. First of all, we thought the plan was the product ofnegotiations among the parties and therefore a compromise between what was desirable and what was possible. Secondly, we were assured that it had been in the making for a long time, that it had been thoroughly thought out; and the seriousness and prestige of its advocates were for us an honouraMe guarantee. And, fmally, we believed, and we continue to believe, that an orderly and peaceful transition, with all its defects and limitations, is still preferable to violent solu- tions and armed struggle. 310. Premeditated deceit has once again nature of the South African regime, whose has been encouraged by the kid-glove tre extended to it, which practically turn compromising complicity. 311. If on previous occasions, as in the Council resolution 418 (1977), we have a condemning South Africa's attitude, on believe and are now more convinced than e envisage exceptional measures as provi Charter of our Organization because of defiance of South Africa regarding the will people, an attitude that endangers interna security. . 310. Premeditated deceit has once again revealed the true nature of the South Mrican regime, whose scornful attitude has been encouraged by the kid-glove treatment so often extended to it, which practically turns leniency into compromising complicity. 312. The Security Council adopted 216 (1965) to condemn the unilateral independence made .by a racist minori Rhodesia and imposed sanctions on that resolution 253 (1968), given the situation that colonial Territory, a situation brou group rebelling against the colonial Pow Kingdom, which at tnat time exercised con 311. If on previous occasions, as in the case of Security Council resolution 418 (1977), we have adopted measures condemning South Mrica's attitude, on this occasion we believe and are r.nw more convinced than ever that we must envisage exceptional measures as provided for in the Charter of our Organization because of the attitude of defiance of South Mrica regarding the will of the Namibian people, an attitude that endangers international peace and security. 313. We are recalling those events now sanctions were applied against Smith's r rebelled against a country, the United Kin see what reason there could be for not a sanctions against South Mrica,. a country against the entire international commu politically represented by the United particular by the Security Council. 312. The Se\:urity Cm..mci) adopted its resolution 216 (1965) k< condemn the unilateral declaration of independence made .by a racist minority in Southern Rhodes1~) and impGl:ied sanctions on that regime through resolution 253 (1968), given the situation that existed in that colonia) Territory, a situation brought about by a group rebelling against the colonial Power, the United Kingdom, which at iliat time exercised control. 314. In conclusion, for all the reason Venezuela is ready to vote in favour ofthe Af331L.13, A/33/L.14 and A/33/L.15 wh of the elements we have mentioned. We tunity to express our appreciation to the Council for Namibia, which has worked made tremendous efforts under the enligh of an exceptional woman, the Ambassado Gwendoline Konie. 313. We are recalling those events now because if those sanctions were applied against Smith's regime for having rebelled against a country, the United Kingdom, we fail to see what reason there could be for not applying effective sanctions against South Africa, a country that has rebelled against the entire international community legally and politically represented by the United Nations, and in particular by the Security Council. 314. In conclusion, for all the reasons I have given, Venezuela is ready to vote in favour of the draft resolutions A/33/L.13, A/33/L.14 and A/33/L.1S which take account of the elements we have mentioned. Wc take this oppor- tunity to express our appreciation to the United Nations Council for Namibia, which has worked tirelessly and has made tremendous efforts under the enlightened leadership of an exceptional woman, the Ambassador of Zambia, Mis:i Gwendoline Konie. 316. Thus the authority of the United Nations has ceaselessly been flouted for more than 12 years now b~,' me racist minority of Pretoria, although in its resolutions 2145 (XXI) of 27 October 1966 and 2248 (S-V) of 19 May 1967, the General Assembly ended South Africa's Mandate over Namibia, established the United Nations Council for Namibia and entrusted it with the administration of that Territory until it attains independence. 317. No one can deny that in the eyes of the racist Government of Pretoria all the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council condemning its pres- ence in Namibia and demanding the immediate withdrawal of its administration remain null and void. In order better to entrench its domination South Africa has ceaselessly stirred up and exacerbated ethnic antagonism. It has strengthened its police and its army of occupation in Namibia in order to establish a If )l of terror through brutality, arbitrary arrests, torture and assassinations, and the black community is paying a heavy price. 316. Thus the authority of the United Nations h,'lS ceaselessly been flouted for more than 12 years now b'.- 'tile racist minority of Pretoria, although in its resolutions 2145 (XXI) of 27 October 1966 and 2248 (S-V) of 19 May 1967, the General Assembly ended South Africa's Mandate over Namibia, established the United Nations Council for Namibia and entrusted it with the administration of that Territory until it attains independence. 317. No one can deny that in the eyes of the racist Government of Pretoria all the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council condemning its pres- ence in Namibia and demanding the immediate withdrawal of its administration remain null and void. In order retter to entrench its domination South Africa has ceaselessly stirred up and exacerbated ethnic antagonism. It has strengthened its police and its army of occupation in Namibia in order to establish a If )l of terror through brutality, arbitrary arrests, torture and assassinations, and the black community is paying a heavy price. 318. This infamous conduct on the part of the white minority of Pretoria, which is well known to the inter- national community, is not confined to South Africa and Namibia. It extends and is shown with the same perverse atrocity in Rhodesia and throughout the whole southern part of our ccntinent, where South Africa increases its acts of aggression ugainst the neighbouring independent States and maintains there an unstable and explosive situation. South Africa's nuclear option has increased the grave threat to international peace and security in the region posed by that regime, and given it a whole new dimension. 318. This infamous conduct on the part of the white minority of Pretoria, which is well known to L'le inter- national community, is not confined to South Africa and Namibia. It extends and is shown with the same perverse atrocity in Rhodesia and throughout the whole southern part of our c\:.l']tinent, where South Africa increases its acts of aggression 'lgamst the neighbouring independent States and maintains t.l'tere an unstable and explosive situation. South Africa's nuclear OptiO:l has increased the grave threat to international peace and security in the region posed by that regime, aJ1d given it a whole new dimension. 319. The least our Organization could do for Namibia in the face of such developments was to devote to it a special session of the General Assembly. That session, organized last spring, raised further hopes, because it coincided with the submission of a peaceful settlement plan by five Western members of the Security Council. This was the outco 1e of laudable efforts and intense ne-otiations conducted with all the parties concerned for more than a year. 320. As we said at the time, that plan included a number of positive elements, such as the abolition of the apartheid laws, the return to their homes of all Namibian exiles and the holding of free elections under United Nations control and supervision. 319. The least our Organization could do for Namibia in the face of such developments was to devote to it a special session of the General Assembly. That session, organized last spring, raised further hopes, because it coincided with the submission of a peaceful settlement plan by five Western members of the Security Council. This was the outco 1e of laudable efforts and intense n~"'otiations conducted with all the parties concerned for more than a year. 321. Notwithstanding those positive aspects, the plan had graveshort-comings, contradictions and ambiguities, the 320. As we said at thti time, that plan included a number of positive elements, such as the abolition of the apartheid laws, the return to their homes of all Namibian exiles and the holding of free elections under United Nations control and supervision. 322. Despite those points, and notwith seated bad faith of t to see in that plan Minister of the Unit special session of the "... a most note ways and means speedy attainment 322. Despite those dangerous ambiguities on fundamental points, and notwithstanding our experience of the deep- seated bad faith of the supporters of apartheid. we wanted to see in that plan, as was emphasized by the Foreign Minister of the United Republic of Cameroon at the ninth special session of the General Assembly: 323. Our attitude autors of the pla SWAPO also accepte optimism within th Security Council, in the plan and reques special representativ examine specific wa plan. "... a most noteworthy contribution to the search for ways and means to lead the Namibian people to the speedy attainment of international sovereignty."2 0 324. The report dr sentative of the S Security Council res tion contained a p decided, "to establis Transition Assistanc Africa forthwith to in the implementat declared that "all u administration in N process, including transfer of power" w 323. Our attitude was determined by our faith in the aut' ::>rs of the plan. Moved by the same confidence, SWAPO also accepted it. So there was a great movement of optimism within the international community when the Security Council, in resolution 431 (1978), took note of the plan and requested the Secretary-General to appoint a special representative who would visit the Territory to examine specific ways and means of applying the Western plan. 324. The report drawn up after the visit of the repre- sentative of the Secretary-General21 was approved by Security Council resolution 435 (1978). That major resolu- tion contained a provision whereby the Council, first decided, "to establish under its authority a United Nations Transition Assistance Group"; secondly, called on "South Africa forthwith to co-operate with the Secretary·General in the implementation" of the resolution; and, thirdly, declared that "all unilateral measures taken by the illegal administration in Namibia in relation to the electoral process, including unilateral registration of voters, or transfer of power" were null and void. 325. The African g Assembly to deal wi because the situatio Namibia not only b intransigence of the refused to abide 20 Ibid., 12th meeting 21 See Official Reco Year, Supplement for J S,'12827. 325. The African group of States requested the General Assembly to deal with this problem as a matter of urgency becau'iC the situation had become extremely disturbing in Namibia not only because of the cyniciS' 11 and insolent intransigence of the South African Government, which still refused to abide by Council resolutions 431 (1978), ••I ~d !le "... we have seen these efforts to achieve a peaceful settlement in Namibia move through the hopeful stage of the visit of the Secretary-General's survey mission, only to come up against the decision of the Government of South Africa itself to sponsor elections in Namibia."2 2 tal p- ~d gn th 326. At that time we hoped, as was emphasized by the Foreign Minister of Cameroon in his statement before the General Assembly on 3 October 1978, that the five Western Powers: "who assumed the major responsibility of en- courag:Ilg the Security Council to adopt that plan will not jeopardize their credibility in the eyes of the world's public" [18th meeting, pura. i83} and with it the credi- bility of the Organization as a whole. The joint com- munique of 19 October 1978,23 the result of their negotiations with the South African Government, was ambiguous and disappointing and gave rise to concern. First of all, it was inconceivable that, when we were expecting those Powers, which held all the high cards, to exert the pressure necessary to make South Africa men;! its ways, they should reopen negotiations with the racist Govern- ment on a new interpretation of a plan which had already been formally adopted by the Security Council, together with the practical means of applying that plan. This, together with the ulterior motives cif Pretoria, completely distorted the basic elements of the plan. or le le e, :If le :If a to rn 327. Indeed, in the communique it was stipulated that, during the transitional period the functions of the existing police forces would not be challenged, which excluded the supervisory role of United Nations staff members recog- nized in paragraph 9 of the Western plan. 328. The communique mentioned the elections to which I have referred and stated that they would be considered to be an internal process. But were they not just such a unilateral measure as had been condemned in advance in paragraph 6 of resolution 435 (1978)? e- Iy u- st IS h al V, al al 327. Indeed, in the communique it was stipulated that, during the transitional period the functions of the existing police forces would not be challenged, which excluCed t.'le supervisory role of United Nations staff members recog- nized in paragraph 9 of the Western plan. 329. Cameroon Vigorously and unreservedly condemns those so-called elections, which in fact are nothing but the beginning of a unilateral- process of transferring power, in flagrant violation of the resolutions I have cited. 328. The communique mentioned the elections to which I have referred and stated that they would be considered to be an internal process. But were they not just such a unilateral measure as had been condemned in advance in paragraph 6 of resolution 435 (1978)? 330. In view of this new affront, the situation in Namibia seems to us to be extremely serious. Despite the ambiguous wording of the joint communique, it appears that South Africa, in its persistent refusal to co-operate in the application of the relevant measures decided on by the Security Council, has resolutely committed itself to the process of internal settlement designed to place its hench- men in the seat of power in Namibia. That is the situation with which we are faced: a Member State which obsti- nately, publicly and arrogantly refuses to heed the injunc- r al y n t I , 329. Cameroon vigorously and unreservedly condemns those so-called elections, which in fact are nothing but the beginning of a unilateral' process of transferring power, in flagrant violation of the resolutions I have cited. J I~~_..IIM! .. 330. In view of this new affront, the situation in Namibia seems to us to be extremely serious. Despite the ambiguous wording of the joint communique, it appears that South Africa, in its persistent refusal to co-operate in the application of the relevant measures decided on by the Security Council, has resolutely committed itself to the process of internal settlement designed to place its hench- men in the seat of power in Namibia. That is the situation with which we are faced: a Member State which obsti- nately, publicly and arrogantly refuses to heed the injunc- 22 Ibid., Thirty-third fear, 2087th meeting, para. 59. 23 Ibid., Thirty-third Year, Supplement for October, November and December 1978, document 5/12902, annex I. d t ~~~~.tI.~:"'~l!lIi!l!IIWlR~Mb •. _8>1 I 22 Ibid., Thirty·third }'ear, 2087th meeting, para. 59. 23 Ibid.. Thirty-third Year, Supplement for October, Na~mberr and December 1978, document S/12902, ann-ex I. 332. My delegation is convinced that the Genera bly should call upon the Security Council, when it the problem again, to show less laxity than in the p regard to South Africa and undertake, in close co-o with the United Nations Council for Namibia, energei.ic and more effective.steps to restore the a of the United Nations in that international Territor can accede, not to that artificial and nominal indep which the South African Government would give i the wool over everyone's eyes, but to genuine indep in response to the profound aspirations of the N people, for which SWAPO is fighting as the authentic representative. 331. In that context, the Security Council, which accord- ing to the Charter has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, mmt more than ever before play an overriding role here. 'The perma- nent members, three of which have shouldered the heavy responsibility of persuading the Council to endorse the Western plan, must place the Council in a position effectively to discharge its mission. 332. My delegation is convinced that the General Assem- bly should call upon the Security Council, when it takes up the problem again, to show less laxity than in the past with regard to South Africa and undertake, in close co-operation with the United Nations Council for Namibia, far more energei.ic and more effective .steps to restore the authority of the United Nations in that international Territory until it can accede, not to that artificial and nominal independence which the South African Government would give it, pulling the wool over everyone's eyes, but to genuine independence in response to the profound aspirations of the Namibian people, for which SWAPO is fighting as the sole and authentic representative.

M 12 years have elapsed since the General Ass resolution 2145 (XXI) terminated South Africa's over Namibia and assumed direct responsibility future. Sad to say, nothing has changed to this day of subsequent decisions and resolutions of the Council and the Assembly reinforcing that fun decision regarding the status of the Territory. T illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa c i>": United Nrjons has not been allowed to h .: £ .I11sibility it assumed towards the Territory, people of Namibia have been prevented from exercising their inalienable right to self-determin independence.

More than 12 years have elapsed since the General Assembly in resolution 2145 (XXI) terminated South Africa's Mandate over Namibia and assumed direct responsibility for its future. Sad to say, nothing has chl'~:ged to t.lW day, in spite of subsequent decisions and resolutions of the Security Council and the Assembly reinforcing that fundamental decision regarding the statu$ of the Territory. Thus, the illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa continues, i"": United Nrjons has not been allowed to fulfil the 334. The critical impasse that now faces the inte community in respect of the international Ter Namibia is one ·that is no surprise to my delega were never convinced of the good faith of th African Government, even though we welcomed t mous adoption of Security Council resolution 38 and saw in it the means of providing a framewor peaceful transfer of political power tCI the p Namibia. That resolution, it will be recalled, in condemned all attempts by South Mrica calc evade the clear demand of the United Nations holding of free elections in Namibia under United supervision and control, declared that, in orde people of Namibia to be -mabled freely to detenn own future, it was imperative that free elections u supervision and control of the United Nations be the whole of Namibia as one political entity and d that South Africa urgently make a solemn de h .. £ .I11sibility it assumed towards the Territory, and the people of Namibia have been prevented from freely exercising their inalienable right to self-determination and independence. 334. The critical impa~se that now faces the international community in respect of the international Territory of Namibia is one -that is no surprise to my delegation. We were never convinced of the good faith of the South African Government, even though we welcomed the unani- mous adoption of Security Council resolution 385 (1976) and saw in it the means of providing a framework for the peaceful transfer of political power tCI the people of Namibia. That reSOlution, it will be reealled, inter alia, condemned all attempts by South Africa calculated to evade the clear demand of the United Nations for the holding of free elections in Namibia under United Nations supervision and control, declareq that, in order for the p1}ople of Namibia to be ~nabled freely to detennine their own future, it was imperative that free elections under the supervision and control of the United Nations be held for the who~e of Namibia as one political entity and demanded that South Africa urgently make a solemn declaration 335. That was the situation 32 months ago and that is the situation as it stands today. By means of delaying tactics, subterfuge, ambiguous statements and ingenious excuses, South Africa has persisted in pursuing its own course in Namibia. Instead of the implementation of all the provi- sions of resolution 385 (1976), the international commu- nity is faced with the immediate prospect of an election supervised and controlled by South Africa, an election without the participation of the United Nations to ensure its conduct in a free and fair manner, without the participation of the major political Grouping in the" Terri- ~ory, SWAPO, the sole and legitimate representative of the Namibian people, an election, moreover, in which the registration of voters has taken place against a background of intimidation, fraud, bribery and coercion, given the suppression of the basic freedoms of movement, speech, thought and assembly which has characterized the adminis- tration of the Territory. Such an election cannot be regarded as free or fair or as a genuine exercise of self-determination. My Government categorically rejects the results of those elections and considers the outcome to be null and void and of no effect domestically or inter- nationally. 336. Yesterday this Organization celebrated 30 years of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Many words were spoken here regarding the need to encourage respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all peoples. We in Trinidad and Tobago recognize and support this need and regard as foremost among these human rights and fundamental freedoms the right of all peoples to self-determination. What we are witnessing today in Namibia is a mockery of self-determination designed solely to perpetuate-in Namibia the system of colonial oppression of the racist regime of Pretoria. 336. Yesterday this Organization celebrated 30 years of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Many words were spoken here regarding the need to encourage respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of all peoples. We in Trinidad and Tobago recognize and support this need and regard as foremost among these human rights and fundament1l freedoms the right of all peoples to self-determination. What we are witnessing today in Namibia is a mockery of self-determination designed solely to perpetuate'in Namibia the system of colonial oppression of the racist regime of Pretoria. 337. -At this point I should like very briefly to refer to the efforts the contact group of the five Western members J. the Security Council undertook to bring about a negotiate settlement' to the conflict following the adoption of Council resolution 385 (1976). My delegation at the Assem- bly's ninth special session, devoted to Namibia earlier this year, expressed the view2 4 that it had not always been certain of the direction of the initiatives undertaken by this contact group but, in so far as they were aimed at the transfer of power to the people of Namibia through . peaceful means, it had been prepared to welcome them. My delegation further stated that the proposals made by the five Western members of the Security Council needed careful study and analysis, particularly with regard to the United Nations role during the crucial transition stage. The caution we advocated then stemmed from the apprehension we felt that South Africa would once more use the opportunity to escape any binding commitment and that the international community would be left clutching at shadows. 337. At this point I should like very briefly to refer to the efforts the contact group of the five Western members J. the Security Council undertook to bring about a negotiatt. settlement· to the conflict follOWing the adoption of Council resolution 385 (1976). My delegation at the Assem- bly's ninth special se~ion, devoted to Namibia earlier this year, expressed the view24 that it had not always been certain of the direction of the initiatives undertaken by this contact group but, in so far as they were aimed at the tra.;:sfer of power to the people of Namibia thro~gh" peaceful means, it had been prepared to welcome them. My delegation further stated that the proposals made by the five Western members of the Security Council needed careful study and analysis, particularly with regard to the United Nations role during the crucial transition stage. The caution we advocated then stemmed from the apprehension we felt that South Mrica would once more use the opportunity to escape any binding commitment and that the international community would be left clutching at shadows. 338. It now appears that the note of caution which we sounded then was not misplaced, for whatever promise the resultant Council .:esolutions 431 (1978) and 435 (1978) 338. It now appears that the note of caution which we sounded then was not misplaced, for whatever promise the resultant Council .:esolutions 431 (1978) and 435 (1978) 339. In the light of this situation, the responsibility of the United Nations is clear, if we are not to leave the Narnibian people without any alternative but to persist in and intensify their armed struggle until they have achieved all their rights. First of all the international community must counter, with all the political, economic and military power at its disposal, the continuing disregard by South Mrica of the decisions of the Security Council. The time for hollow words is past and those who have resisted such measures previously must realize that failure to act decisively now to put an end to South Africa's illegal presence in Namibia and to resolve the problem of that colonial situation can only result in a tremendous loss of ilieir credibility and their ability to influence events in the future. 340. Trinidad and T efforts which would le measures against Sout Charter in order to co from the international the people of that Ter accordance with their acceptable to the intern 341. As the situation tions, my Governme legitimate struggle of national liberation mo means at their disposa Namibia, and to prese people over their natur resncnsibilities that de undp":, the presidency 340. Trinidad and Tobago reaffirms its support for all efforts which would lead to the imposition of enforcement measures against South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter in order to compel the racist regime to withdraw from the international Territory of Namibia and to enable the people of that Territory to proceed to independence in accordance with their expressed wishes and in a manner acceptable to the international community. 1.11.:5 cr..:-::ia(time, and w 'l1mitment -; their ·,--':.t:ation . - .. ' just 341. As the situation in Namibia reaches cTisis propor- tions, my Government reiterates its support for the legitimate struggle of the people of Namibia and their national liberation movement, SWAPO, to attain by all means at their disposal genuine independence in a united Namibia, and to preserve the sovereignty of the Namibian people over their natural resources. We also note the grave resuGiisibilitles that devolve upon the Council for Namibia undp":, the presidency of Ambassador Konie of Zambia, at 342. We in Trinidad steadfastly in all bodie Africa and to provide that end. We believe international communi cies, its assistance to th continued illegal occu southern Africa into a m threat to peace and s globally, and threatens into a global holocaus assist the international about peaceful change tunity for peaceful c delegation urges this A and decisively before it 1.11.:5 cr..:::ii:h-time, and we reaffirm our total support for and , l1mitment .-; their efforts, which are aimed at the <.'< :.t:ation ..... just aspirations of the Namibian people. 342. We in Trinidad 8Ild Tobago will continue to work steadfastly in all bodies to bring about change in southern Africa and to provide both moral and material support to that end. We believe that South Africa's defiance of the international community through its own apartheid poli- cies, its assistance to the illegal regime in Salisbury and its continued illegal occupation of Namibia has transformed southern Africa into a major area of international tension, a threat to peace and security not only in the region but globally, and threatens to drag the international community into a global holocaust. My Government stands ready to assist the international community in every way to bring about peaceful change in southern Africa, but the oppor- tunity for peaceful change has all but disappeared. My delegation urges this Assembly to act and to act quickly and decisively before it is too late for such change. 343. Mr. KANTE (M should like first to ex for Namibia my delega work it has done un President, our colleagu sentative of Zambia. W

I should like first to express to the United Nations Council for Namibia my delegation's appreciation of the important work it has done under the dynamic leadership of its President, our culleague Miss Konie, the Perma.ll1ent Repre- SI;lntative of Zambia. We welcome its action and its devotion 345. Furthermore, the same material provisions should be made for the office of the SWAPO observer in New York and for the secretariat of the United Nations Council for Namibia. 346. The people and the Government of Mali, through me, wish to pay a tribute to the heroic people of Namibia for the struggle it has been waging since 25 August 1966 under the banner of SWAPO, its spearhead and its only authentic representative, against the racist regime of Pretoria, to secure its right to self-determination and independence. 345. Furthermore, the same material provisions should be made for the office of the SWAPO observer in New York and for the secretariat of the United Nations Council for Namibia. 347. On this solemn occasion we assure the Namibians of our total support and brotherly sympathy. We do not doubt that the end will be victory for the Namibian people in their struggle for independence. 346. The people and the Government of Mali, through me, wish to pay a tribute to the heroic people of Namibia for the struggle it has been waging since 25 August 1966 under the banner of SWAPO, its spearhead and its only authentic representative, against the racist regime of Pretoria, to secure its right to self-determination and independence. 348. I wish now to address myself to the substance of the problem we are discussing and say that the thirty-third regular session of the Assembly is taking up the question of Namibia, that Territory under United Nations Trusteeship, at a critical moment in its political development. 347. On this solemn occasion we assure the Namibians of our total support and brotherly sympathy. We do not doubt that the end will be victory for the Namibian people in their struggle for independence. 349. Actually, despite the firm warnings and the no less firm condemnations of the General Assembly at its ninth special session and of the Security Council, the white racist regime of Pretoria has put into practice its notorious internal settlement plan. The electoral farce which took place from 4 to 8 December is the third such measure, the first being the unilateral appointment of a so-called Administrator-General for Namibia, and the second the preparation, under the threat of the army and the police, of sham electoral rolls. 3~8_ I wish now to address myself to the substai;('.e of the problem we are discussing and say that the thirty-thire regular session of the Assembly is taking up the question of Namibia, that Territory under United Nations Trustee.mip, at a critical moment in its political development. 349. Actually, despite the firm warnings and the no less fmn condemnations of the General Assembly at its ninth special session and of the Security Council, the white racist regime of Pretoria has put into practice its notorious internal settlement plan. The electoral farce which took place from 4 to 8 December is the third such measure, the first being the unilateral appointment of a so-called Administrator-General for Namibia, and the second the preparation, under the threat of the army and the police, of sham electoral rolls. 350. For its part, my delegation never believed in the lukewarm agreement given on 25 April last by the racist authorities of South Mrica to the Western proposals on the decolonization of Namibia, which were based on Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 359. Harassment of neighbouring African State factor in this conspiracy, as is the excessiv build-up in Namibia. The north of the Territory o serves as a base for the gangs of the Unilo Nacio Independencia Total de Angola, and a point of s South African troops in their criminal aggresslc the People's Republic of Angola and Zambia. T naries of Squire Sawimbi are trained in the same the tribal armies raised by the racist authorities o 352. The contact group of the five Western Powers was unable to dissuade that clique from doing this during its last 351. That was not the first swindle by the Vorster-Botha clique. We must recognize that it simply wished to gain time in order to consolidate its position in Namibia. I ~~~~mt*iirL"'&~"-----I!IIII!II----m;~-..-------..-..--------------..--- 350. For its part, my delegation never believed in the lukewarm agreement given on 25 April last by the racist authorities of South Africa to the Western proposals on the decolonization of Namibia, which were based on Security Council resolution 385 (1976). 351. That was not the first swindle by the Vorster-Botha clique. We must recognize that it simply wished to gain time in order to consolidate its position in Namibia. 355. Six officials of the internal branch of SW several patriots, including women, are at pres detention for having objected to the electoral farc others we will mention the Vice-Chairman of S National Treasurer, the woman adviser for the Or of \lomen, the woman official in charge of legal the Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the Windho 354. And that is why all electoral activity, ranging from the preparation of the rolls to the elections themselves, took place in a climate of tension, persecution, terror and savage repression. 356. Unable to annex Namibia openly in vie opposition of the international community, Power tries to install puppets, and quislings t Territory would thus become a rampart agai would crash the waves of nationalist forces atta citadel of racial segregation. 355. Six officials of the internal branch of SWAPO and several patriots, including women, are at present under detention for having objected to the electoral farce. Among others we will mention the Vice-Chairman of SWAPO, its National Treasurer, the woman adviser for the Organization of Vomen, the woman official in charge of legal questions, the Chairman and Vice-Chairman of the Windhoek branch. 357. In Namibia, as well as in Southern Rho white racists of southern Africa are getting implement the well-known Guam doctrine to their main interests by pitting the tribal armies ra bantustans against the nationalist forces. They tinue to nourish their fallacious dream of setting south of the People's Republic of Angola, in th the traitor Sawimbi, a so-called "Black African Republic". 356. Unable to annex Namibia openly in view of the opposition of the international community, the white Power tries to install puppets, and quislings there. The Territory would thus become a rampart against which would crash the waves of nationalist forces attacking the citadel of racial segregation. 358. The people of Namibia, as well as those of Z and South Africa are in fact hostages to the wh who have usurped power in the region. We convinced of this. Their demands are beyond beli they are demanding, as ransom, the confiscati freedom of those peoples and control over the wealth of those Territories. You will agree Mr. President, that this would be the taking of h the most tragic and largest scale ever in history. we establish a link between the so-called internal of the rebel Smith in Southern Rhodesia and t Machiavellian plan which Pretoria envisages for These are two aspects of the same plan. 357. In Namibia, as well as in ~outhern Rhodesia, the white racists of southern Africa are getting ready to implement the well-known Guam doctrine to safeguard their main interests b~ pitting the tribal armies raised in the bantustans against the nationalist forces. They thus con- tinue to nourish their fallacious dream of setting up in the south of the People's Republic of Angola, in the guise of the traitor Sawimbi, a so-called "Black African Socialist Republic". 358. The people of Namibia, as well as those of Zimbabwe and South Africa are in fact hostages to the white racists who have usurped power in the region. We must be convinced of this. Their demands are beyond belief. In fact, they are d.:manding, as ransom, the confiscation of the freedom of those peoples and control over the enormous wealth of those Territories. You will agree with me, Mr. PreSident, that this would be the taking ofhostages on the most tragic and largest scale ever in history. Here also we establish a link between the so-called internal settlement of the rebel Smith in Southern Rhodesia and the no less Machiavellian plan which Pretoria envisage£ for Namibia. These are two aspects of the same plan. 359. Harassment of neighboul1ng African States is a key factor in this conspiracy. as is the excessive military build-up in Namibia. The north of the Territory of Namibia serves as a base for the gangs of the Unilo Nacional para a lndependencia Total de Angola, and a pOint of support for South African troops in their criminal aggressions against the People's Republic of Angola and Zambia. The merce- naries of SqUire Sawimbi are trained in the same camps as the tribal armies raised by the racist authorities of Pretoria. 362. Peace is precarious in southern Africa. It is violated every day by the rebel regimes which have usurped power there. The segregationist Vorster-Botha team has not taken into account the latest injunctions in Security Council resolution 439 (1978). 361. On 22 August, Zambia in turn was the victim of aggression by South African armed forces. The city of Sesheke w~s bombed for five days. Twelve Zambians were killed and several others were seriously wounded. Material damage was substantial. And at this very moment, the army of the white racists of Pretoria is preparing a major act of aggression apinst the People's Republic of Angola. 363. The visit to New York of Messrs, Fourie and Botha, respectively Secretary for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the racist regime of Pretoria, after bitter talks, and the meetings they had with the Secretary-General of the United Nations, have not improved matters. 362. Peace is precarious in southern Africa. It is violated every day by the rebel regimes which have usurped power there. The segregationist Vorster-Botha team has not taken into account the latest injunctions in Security Council resolution 439 (1978). 364. South Mrica continues to challenge our Organization with impunity while the Security Council finds its initia- tives blocked by the opposition of the five Western members to all decisions on sanctions against the racist regime. 363. The visit to New York of Messrs, Fourie and Botha, respectively Secretary for Foreign Affairs and Minister for Foreign Affairs of the racist regime of Pretoria, after bitter talks, and the meetings they had with the Secretary-General of thr. United Nations, have not improved matters. 365. It will be recalled in this connexion that in paragraph 28 of the Declaration adopted on 3 May 1978 by the ninth special session [resolution 8-9/2J, the General Assembly affirmed with regard to Namibia: 364. South Mrica continues te challenge our Organization with impunity while the Security Council finds its initia- tives blocked by the opposition of the five Western members to all decisions on sanctions against the racist regime. "... that, in the event of the Security Council's inability to adopt concrete measures to compel South Africa to end its illegal occupation by withdrawing from Namibia, it will urgently consider necessary action in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, cognizant of the fact that this is a unique instance in which the LT .zed Nations has assumed direct responsibility for promoting self-determination, freedom and national independence for Namibia". . 365. It will be recalled in this connexion that in paragraph 28 of the Declaration adopted on 3 May 1978 by the ninth special session [resolutio~ 8-9/2J, the General Assembly affirmed with regard to Namibia: 366. Since the inertia of the Security Council on the question of Namibia seems to be irreversible, the Assembly must therefore act in keeping with its responsibilities. It cannot wait for any positive action from the racist regime of Pretoria, which, anyway, is hardening its position. "... that, in the event of the Security Council's inability to adopt concrete measures to compel South Africa to end its illegal occupation by withdrawing from Namibia, it will urgently consider necessary action in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, cognizant of the fact that this is a unique instance in which the LT _~ed Nations has assumed direct responsibility for promoting self-determination, freedom and national independence for Namibia". 367. Not satisfied with its illegal occupation of the international Territory of Namibia, the supporters of apartheid today insult the international community by officially proposing the puppets of Turnhalle as inter- locutors in the implementation of the United Nations settlement plan. 366. Since the inertia of the Security Council on the question of Namibia seems to be irreversible, the Assembly must therefore act in keeping with its responsibilities. It cannot wait for any positive action from the racist regime of Pretoria, which, anyway, is hardening its position. 367. Not satisfied with its illegal occupation of the international Territory of Namibia, the supporters of apartheid today insult the international community by officially proposing the puppets of Turnhalle as inter- locutors in the implementation of the United Nations settlement plan. 369. After 17 months of laborious negotiations between the racist regime of Pretoria and the contact group of the five Western Powers, members of the Security Council, we fmd ourselves in the same position. The General Assembly must face the challenges hurled at it. In our view, it must not wait before acting until there has been another outrage, or affront on the part of the racist Vorster-Botha clique. Its duty is to guide Namibia to independence in conformity with Security Council resolution 385 (1976) and to safe- guard at all costs its territorial integrity, including Walvis Bay. It must therefore ensure the deliverance of the Namibian people. 370. And it is for th like to commit the G relevant proposals wh consideration by the U that is, a military, co including an oil embarg Africa, under Chapter V 371. This is the only lenges posed by the w nations which we repre 370. And it is for that reason that my delegation would like to commit the General Assembly to endorsing the relevant proposals which have been submitted to it for consideration by the United Nations Council for Namibia, that is, a military, commercial and economic embargo, including an oil embargo, against the rebel and racist South Africa, under Chapter VII of the Charter. 372. And it is also in t on the occasion of proclamation of the Rights, will prove its c ideal, because, more t rights of peoples that ar 371. This is the only appropriate response to the chal- lenges posed by the white power to the community of nations which we represent. 373. I am certain that 374. Mr. DOLGUCH Republic) (interpretati the situation of Nam Assembly is obviously intervention by the re [74th meeting], it co struggle of the Nami SWAPO for achieving dence. The immedia Namibian problem in t will to a large extent d in southern Africa bu and beyond its confine 372. And it is also in this manner that the United Nations, on the occasion of this thirtieth anniversary of tLe proclamation of the Universal Declaration c? Human Rights, will prove its commitment and loyalty to that lofty ideal, because, more than human rights, it is the sacred rights of peoples that are at stake in Namibia. 373. I am certain that the Assembly is aware of this.

Our discussion of the situation of Namibia at this session of the General Assembly is obviously a special one. As was stated in his intervention by the representative of SWAPO, Mr. Gurirab [74th meetingJ, it coincides with a critical phase in the struggle of the Namibian people under the guidance of SWAPO for achieVing their self-determination and indepen- dence. The immediate and effective sulution of the Namibian problem in the interests of the Namibian people will to a large extent determine peace and security not only in southern Africa but throughout the African continent and beyond its confines as well. 375. The serious thre African peoples and als is posed, we feel, by racist South Africa o that Territory, the Re of nuclear weapons, t and the use of armed attempts to sabotage t I. ; 375. The serious threat posed to the peace and security of African peoples l"od also to intern&tional peace and security is posed, we feel, by the continuing illegal occupation by racist South Africa of Namibia and the militarizatiofi of that Territory, the Republic of South Africa's production of nuclear weapons, the perpetration of cruel repressions and the use of armed force against the Namibian people, attempts to sabotage the valiant avant-garde, SWAPO, and >" ts Y 376. Quite recently we learned from the Ministry of Defence of Angola that a fresh aggression is being prepared by South Africa against a neighbouring independent State. In its statement we read: 377. The international community should take all neces- sary measures to end those fresh aggressive designs by the Pretoria racists. is .e "Under the pretext of neutralizing the just and liberationoseeking actions of the SWAPO fighters, the Fascist leadership of Pretoria has conceived a plan of attack against several sites in our country. However, the true objective is the destruction of the important and hard-fought achievements won by our people and the destabilization of the People's Republic of Angola".2S 378. We perforce must see that behind all the attempts of the racist regime of Pretoria to continue their illegal occupation of Namibia and to perpetrate acts of aggression against neighbouring sovereign States there stand the influential interests of the leading Western Powers and of their monopolies. d .e Ir i, ), h 379. Those who hide behind demagogic arguments with regard to the situation in southern Africa and who are, de [acto, engaged in activities producing dissent and joining their forces to those of imperialism and aggression, are providing grist to the mill of the racists. 377. The international community should take all neces- sary measures to end those fresh aggressive designs by the Pretoria racists. [- f 378. We perforce must see that behind all the attempts of the racist regime of Pretoria to continue their illegal occupation of Namibia and to perpetrate acts of aggression against neighbouring sovereign States there stand the influential interests of the leading Western Powers and of their monopolies. s, e n y d 380. The draft resolution adopted at this session of the General Assembly in the Fourth Committee on the ques- tion of the activities of foreign economic and other interests which are impeding the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, one of whose sponsors was the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR [A/C4/33/L.l], strongly condemns the collusion between the leading Western countries and Israel with South Africa in political, economic, military and nuclear fields and violate relevant United Nations resolutions in so doing. The draft resolution condemned all violations of the mandatory sanctions imposed by the Security Council against the racist regimes in southern Africa and- also those oil-producing or oil- exporting countries which supply oil to the racist regime of Pretoria, and demanded that they cease forthwith all exports of crude oil and petroleum products to the racist regimes and also take the necessary measures against oil companies which continue to deliver oil to those regimes in violation of the relevant United Nations decisions. 379. Those who hide behind demagogic arguments with regard to the situation in southern Mrica and who are, de facto, engaged in activities producing dissent and joining their forces to those of imperialism and aggression, are providing grist to the mill of the racists. st )f al s b e f 380. The draft resolution adopted at this session of the General Assembly in the Fourth Committee on the ques· tion of the activities of foreign economic and other interests which are impeding the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countrieg and Peoples, one of whose sponsors was the delegation of the Byelorussian SSR [A/C4/33/L.IJ, strongly condemns the collusion between the leading Western countries and Israel with South Mrica in political, economic, military and nuclear fields and violate relevant United Nations resolutions in so doing. The draft resolution condemned all violations of the mandatory sanctions imposed by the Security Council against the racist regimes in southern Africa and· also those oil-producing or oil· exporting countries which supply oil to the racist regime of Pretoria, and demanded that they cease forthwith all exports of crude oil and petroleum products to the racist regimes and also take the necessary measures against oil companies which continue to deliver oil to those regimes in violation of the relevant United Nations decisions. - e e y t 381. It is precisely that all-round close collaboration between the imperialist circles of leading Western countries and the Pretoria racists that is at the very root of the continuing merciless exploitation of the indigenous African and coloured population, both in the Republic of South 369. Collaboration between the leading West which are members ofNATOan\l Israel with in the nuclear field has led to the practical posS creation and production of nuclear weapons public of South Afric;:a. That is a threat t security, particularly if we take into account ambitions of the Pretoria regime and the f • !l!l'e~:M.~.I.~_!IlI••1 1•. 1>....'·_ ...- __n !!!II ... s 25 See Officitll Records of the Security Council, Thirty.third Year, Supplement for October. November and December 1978. document 8/12917, annex. 381. It is precisely that all-round cloSe collaboration between the imperialist circles ofleading Western countries and the Pretoria racists that is at the very root of the continuing merciless exploitation of the indigenous African and coloured population, both in the Republic of South 25 See Officiol Records of the Security Council, Thirty·third Yeor, Supplement for October, November and December 1978, document 8/12917, annex. 383. Hundreds of United Kingdom and U companies are operating in South Mrica. Ac ties are maintained with the racists of Pre monopolies of other Western countries. Acco United States press-I quote from The Washin 14 November this year-total capital investm Western countrier in South Africa are now billion. 382. The maintenance of the illegal occupation regime in Namibia is encouraged by the exploitation a..,d plunder of those resources by South Africa as well as by the transnational corporations of the main Western countries, in violation of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and Security Council as well as Decree No. 1 for the Protection of the Natural Resources of Namibia, adopted by the United Nations Council for Namibia on 27 September 1974. 384. Income from foreign investments in So two or more times as high as the average world 383. Hundreds of United Kingdom and United States companies are operating in South Mrica. Active business ties are maintained with the racists of Pretoria by the monopolies of other Western countries. According to the United States press-I quote from The Washington Post of 14 November this year-total capital in\!estments of the Western countrier. in South Africa are now almost $25 billion. 385. Trade between the Western Powers and accounts for billions of dollars, in addition operations, loans and credits. 386, The major petroleum corporations of countries are meeting the Republic of South requirements since it does not have its own According to last month's issue of Southern United States alone has since 1963-that is, si the United Nations introduced a voluntary arms delivery-secretly delivered to South M $465 million worth of arms. The majori deliveries took place since 1970. 384. Income from foreign investments in South Mrica is two or more times as high as the average world level. 385. Trade between the Western Powers and South Africa accounts for billions of dollars, in addition to fmancial operations, loans and credits. 387. Collaboration between the leading West and South Africa in the military field has Pretoria racists to the teeth by giving them weapons. That collaboration has of course Republic of South Africa to organize its own production of various types of weapons to national liberation movement both inside that in Namibia. That same weaponry is used by t perpetrate aggression against neighbouring sove in particular the People's Republic of Angola. 386. The major petroleum corporations of the Western countries are meeting the Republic of South Africa's oil requirements since it does not have its own oil deposits. According to last month's issue of Southem Africa, the United States alone has since 1963-that is, sin(.~ die time the United Nations introduced a voluntary embargo on arms delivery-secretly delivered to So·~th Mrica at least $465 million worth of arms. The majority of those deliveries took place since 1970. 388. In its turn, the Republic of South A arms to other countries, including Souther where they are Widely used to combat the patriots. 387. Collaboration between the leading Western countries and South Africa in the military field has armed the Pretoria racists to the teeth by giving them sophisticated weapons. That collaboration has of course helped the Republic of South Africa to organize its own broad-based production of various types of weapons to combat the nationa11iberation movement both inside that country and in Namibia. That same weaponry is used by the racists to perpetrate aggression against neighbouring sovereign States, in particular the People's Republic of Angola. 388. In its turn, the Republic of South Africa delivers arms to other countries, including Southern Rhodesia, where they are Widely used to combat the Zimbabwean patriots. 389. Collaboration between the leading Western countries which are members of NATO anp Israel with South Africa in the nuclear field has led to the practical posSibility of the creation and production of nuclear weapons in the Re- public of South Airi.;:a. That is a threat to peace and security, particularly if we take into account the nuclear ambitions of the Pretoria regime and the fact that the 391. In Namibia, as in the Republic of South Africa, the interests of the South African and Western imperlalist circles are no less closely intertwined. Suffice it to reclill the names of such imperialist plunderers as Consolidated Diamond Mines of South West Africa, Ltd., the Tsumeb Corporation, RTZ26 and many others which control the entire economic life of Namibia. That is why the policies of the main Western Powers members of NATO with regard to the future of"that Territory are dictated first and foremost by the interests of Western monopolistic capital, as well as the military and strategic interests of those countries. 391. In Namibia, as in the Republic of South Africa, the interests of the South African and Western imperialist circles are no less closely intertwined. Suffice it to recall the names of such' imperialist plunderers as Consolidated Diamond Mines of South West Africa, Ltd., the Tsumeb Corporation, RTZ26 and many others which control the entire economic life of Namibia. That is why the policies of the main Western Powers members of NATO with regard to the future of"that Territory are dictated first and foremost by the interests of Western monopolistic capital, as well as the military and strategic interests of those countries. 392. In the report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial CountrAs and Peoples [A/33/23/Rev.l, chap. VD/f, we read that those companies which are prospecting for uranium in Namibia include the Anglo-American Corpo- ration of South Africa, General Mining and Finance Corporation, Societe nationale des petroles d'Aquitaine, the Falconbridge Nickel Mines and other companies whose headquarters are in the United States of America and the Federal Republic of Germany. 392. In the report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples [A/33/23/Rev.l, chap. VDI], we read that those companies which are prospecting for uranium in Namibia include the Anglo-American Corpo- ration of South Africa, General Mining and Finance Corporation, Societe nationale des petroles d'Aquitaine, the Falconbridge Nickel Mines and other companies whose headquarters are in the United States of America and the Federal Republic of Germany. 393. The Programme of Action in Support of Self- Determination and National Independence for Namibia, adopted at the ninth special session of the General Assembly held this ye<..r, contains a direct appeal to States in its paragraph 44: 393. The Programme of Action in Support of Self- Determination and National Independence for Namibia, adopted at the ninth special session of the General Assembly held this year, contains a direct appeal to States in its paragraph 44: "••. to compel transnational corporations under their jurisdiction to comply with all pertinent resolutions of the United Nations by immediately abstaining from making any investment in Namibia, by withdraWing current investments from the Territory and by termi- nating their co-operation with the illegal South African administration in Namibia." " ••. to compel transnational corporations under their jurisdiction to comply with all pertinent resolutions of the United Nations by immediately abstaining from making any investment in Namibia, by withdrawing current investments from the Territory and by termi- nating their co-operation with the illegal South African administration in Namibia." 394. As we see from United Nations documents and the world press, major imperialist monopolies-notwithstanding, United Nations decisions-do not intend to change the direction of their plundering activities and policies in Namibia. On the contrary, they ate determined to entrench themselves there for a long time to -;;6me. 394. As we see from United Nations documents and the world press, major imperialist monopolies-notwithstanding, United Nations decisions-do not intend to change the direction of their plundering activities and policies in Namibia. On the contrary, they ate determined to entrench themselves there for a long time to come. 395. So, if the political, economic and military co- operation with the racist regime of Pretoria continues, if the relevant decisions of the United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council are not implemented against that regime, and if' efiective all-round measures against such collaboration are sabotaged and blocked, the explanation for all that is, flfSt and foremost, the strivmgs of the imperialist circles of the main Western countries, ile NATO members, to maintain their interests and privilegell .in southern Africa and to legitimize their colonial and racist 395. So, if the political, economic and military co- operation with the racist regime of Pretoria continues, if the relevant decisions of the United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council are not implemented against that regime, and if' effective all-round measures against such collaboration are sabotaged and blocked, the explanation for all that is, first and foremost, the strivings of the imperialist circles of the main Western countries, lle NATO members, to maintain their interests and privileges 'in southern Mrica and to legitimize their colonial and racist 397. What, for example, have the so-caIled efforts of the five Western Powers brought with regard to a peaceful solution to the question of Namibia? Only one thing: they have allowed the apartheid regime to gain time to imple- ment the so-called internal settlement in Namibia, to prepare for and hold, as we know, elections in that Territory which were rigged from the very start in order to implant their puppet neo-colonialist racist regime and to try to remove SWAPO from the political arena-SWAPO, the sole authentic and legitimate representative of the people of Namibia, which is waging a righteous armed struggle against the'South African occupiers. 397. What, for example, have the so-called efforts of the five Western Powers brought with regard to a peaceful solution to the question of Namibia? Only one thing: they have allowed the apartheid regime to gain time to imple- ment the so-called internal settlement in Namibia, to prepare for and hold, as we know, elections in that Territory which were rigged from the very start in order to implant their puppet neo-colonialist racist regime and to try to remove SWAPO from the political arena-SWAPO, the sole authentic and legitimate representative of the people of Namibia, which is waging a righteous armed struggle against the-South African occupiers. .398. The racists of Pretoria have made full use of one-and-a-half years of so-caIled negotiations for the further militarization of that country, to unleash a large·scale campaign of repression against the Namibian people, in particular against SWAPO members and to perpetuate ,barbaric attacks on neighbouring sovereign States. .398. The racists of Pretoria have made full use of one-and-a-half years of so-called negotiations for the further militarization of that country, to unleash a large-scale campaign of repression against the Namibian people, in particular against SWAPO members and to perpetuate ,barbaric attacks on neighbouring sovereign States. 399. The new "negotiation concerning negotiations" with the inveterate racists of Pretoria can have only one obvioUS aim-to give South Africa more time and further possi- bilities to implement the so·called "internal settlement" plan in Namibia, so as to confront the United Nations with a fait accompli, that is, the creation of a puppet govern- ment in Namibia to prolong and perpetuate the colonial racist domination of that Territory. 399. The new "negotiation concerning negotiations" with the inveterate racists of Pretoria can have only one obvious aim-to give South Africa more time and further possi- bilities to implement the so-called "internal settlement" plan in Namibia, so as to confront the United Nations with a fait accompli, that is, the creation of a puppet govern- ment in Namibia to prolong and perpetuate the colonial racist domination of that Territory. 400.. The initiators of the Western proposals on the question of Namibia have always had-and we think still have-effective mea,'lS to exert influence on the racist regime of Pretoria, because they have openly ignored United Nations decisions and demands of the international community. But, as we see, they never had the slightest desire '1.0 apply those means. Eloquent proof of that is to be found in the position that was adopted by those countries in voting on Security Council resolution 439 (1978) of 13 November 1978 and in the position that they adopt now on the question of imposing comprehensive sanctions against the Republic of South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. It was not without reason that the representative of SWAPO, when he spoke on 31 October of this year in the Security Council, stressed that: 400., The initiators of the Western proposals on the question of Namibia have always had-and we think still have-effective means to exert influence on the racist regime of Pretoria, because they have openly ignored United Nations decisions and demands of the international community. But, as we see, they never had the slightest desire to apply those means. Eloquent proof of that is to be found in the position that was adopted by those countries in voting on Security Council resolution 439 (1978) of 13 November 1978 and in the position that they adopt now on the question of imposing comprehensive sanctions against the Republic of South Africa under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. It was not without reason that the representative of SWAPO, when he spoke on 31 October of this year in the Security Council, stressed that: "During the 10-year period under review here the Western Powers have always sat on the fence, without any involvement, on decolonization questions. When they did become involved it was to obstruct a proposed course of action or, worse, to cast negative votes. l'hey remained closely and unmistakably identified with the minority regimes in southern Africa."2 7 "During the 10-year period under review here the Western Powers have always sat on the fence, without any involvement, on decolonization questions. When they did become involved it was to obstruct a proposed course of action or, worse, to cast negative votes. They remained closely and unmistakably identified with the minority regimes in southern Afrlca,"> 7 "All those who profit from racist domination and exploitation in South Africa, or assist the apartheid regime, or facilitate the propagar-Ia in favour of apart- heid, are accomplices in the r,l:~'~tuation of this crime against humanity." [SeeA/33/262, para. 33.J "All those who profit from racist domination and exploitation in South Mrica, or assist the apartheid regime, or facilitate the propag~"'"Ja in favour of apart- heid, are accomplices in the f, I:~·~tuation of this crime against humanity." [See A/33/262, para. 33.J 402. The United Nations should fulfil its duty to the people of Namibia. The General Assembly should urgently appeal to the Security Council immediately to introduce comprehensive sanctions against the racist regime of South Mrica in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. Any economic, military or other co- operation with the Republic of South Africa should be halted. The political and diplomatic isolation of the racist Pretoria regime must be effected. 402. The United Nations should fulfIl its duty to the people of Namibia. The General Assembly should urgently appeal to the Security Council immediately to introduce comprehensive sanctions against the racist regime of South Mrica in accordance with Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. Any economic, military or other co- operation with the Republic of South Mrica should be halted. The political and diplomatic isolation of the racist Pretoria regime must be effected. 403. Like all peoples of the Soviet Union, the Byelo- russian people, which on 1 January 1979 will be com- memorating the sixtieth anniversary of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Communist Party of Byelorussia, unswervingly abides, as always, by the Leninist principles of supporting the struggle ofpeoples for national liberation and social progress. 403. Like all peoples of the Soviet Union, the Byelo- russian people, which on 1 January 1979 will be com- memorating the sixtieth anniversary of the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Communist Party of Byelorussia, unswervingly abides, as always, by the Leninist principles of supporting the struggle ofpeoples for national liberation and social progress. 404. The Byelorussian SSR advocates, as it always has advocated, the observance of the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to self-determination and independence on the basis of maintaining the unity and territorial integrity of that country. We favour the immediate and complete withdrawal of South African troops and the South African administration from Namibia. We also favour the transfer of power to SWAPO, the sole, authentic and legitimate representative of the people of Namibia. 404. The Byelorussian SSR advocates, as it always has advocated, the observance of the inalienable right of the people of Namibia to self-determination and independence on the basis of maintaining the unity and territorial integrity of that country. We favour the immediate and complete withdrawal of South African troops and the 'South Mrican administration from Namibia. We also favour the transfer of power to SWAPO, the sole, authentic and legitimate representative of the people of Namibia.

In these last days of 1978, it is difficult for the Sierra Leone Govern- ment to accept that this Assembly would allow South Africa to continue to perpetuate its illegal occupation of Namibia. Nor can my delegation continue to subscribe to the unfruitful activity of the five Western members of the Security Council to persuade the regime in Pretoria to quit the Territory of Namibia. 405. Mr. FILLIE·FABOE (Sierra Leone): In these last days of 1978, it is difficult for the Sierra Leone Govern- ment to accept that this Assembly would allow South Mrica to continue to perpetuate its illegal occupation of Namibia. Nor can my delegation continue to subscribe to the unfruitful activity of the five Western members of the Security Council to persuade the regime in Pretoria to quit the Territory of Namibia. 406. let it be recalled that this Assembly, by its reso- lution 2145 (XXI) of 1966, had terminated South Africa's Mandate as the Administering Power over South West Mrica and henceforth that Territory was to come under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. The United Nations in those circumstances was to discharge its respon- sibilities with respect to the Territory. Also by that resolution, Namibia was ultimately to have become inde- pendent. 406. let it be recalled that this Assembly, by its reso- lution 2145 (XXI) of 1966, had terminated South Africa's Mandate as the Administ~ring Power over South West Mrica and henceforth that Territory was to come under the direct responsibility of the United Nations. The United Nations in those circumstances was to discharge its respon- sibilities with respect to the Territory. Also by that resolution, Namibia was ultimately to have become inde- pendent. 407. In the view of my delegation, 'and in the light of the resolution just referred to, two immutable principles emerge and are to be kept in view in the consideration of the Namibian issue: first, that only the people of Namibia can determine their own destiny; secondly, that the only legitimate body to guide Namibia to independence is '~he United Nations. 407. In the view of my delegation, 'imd in the light of the resolution just referred to, two immutable principles emerge and are to be kept in view in the consideration of the Namibian issue: fll'st, that only the people of Namibia can determine their own de~tiny; secoz:dly, that the only legitimate body to guide Namibia to independence is '~he United Nations. 409. A cardinal demand in that resolution was that there should be elections for the whole of Namibia as one political entity, supervised and controlled by the United Nations, to enable the people of Namibia to determine their destiny freely. 409. A cardinal demand in that resolution was that there should be elections for the whole of Namibia as one political entity, supervised and controlled by the United Nations, to enable the people of Namibia to determine their destiny freely. 410. Moreover, as recently as August 1978, South Africa had given no notice of its intent to object to the conditions laid down in Council resolution 385 (1976), evidenced in its expression of co-operation with the proposal of the five Western members of the Security Council and ofwhich the Council took note on 27 July 1978, in document S/12636. 410. Moreover, as recently as August 1978, South Mrica had given no notice of its intent to object to the conditions laid down in Council resolution 385 (1976), evidenced in its expression of co-operation with the proposal of the five Western members of the Security Council and ofwhich the Council took note on 27 July 1978, ID document S/12636. 411. The decision of the Pretoria regime to hold the so-called internal elections in Namibia in the course oflast week, notwithstanding the express provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), is the latest in a long catalogue of open and cynical defiance of principles which this Organization holds sacred; it also represents another wanton betrayal of the trust reposed in South Africa on behalf of the Namibian people, and a further disregard of the opinion of the International Court of Justice that its continued occupation of Namibia is illegal and must be terminated. But that is not the end of the catalogue. Most recently, South Africa has gone back on a solemn under- taking it made to some of its allies which have been prepared to be swayed by its crocodile tears. 411. The decision of the Pretoria regime to hold the so-called internal elections in Namibia in the course oflast week, notwithstanding the express provisions of Security Council resolution 385 (1976), is the latest in a long catalogue of open and cynical defiance of principles which this Organization holds sac,ed; it also represents another wanton betrayal of the trust reposed in South Mrica on behalf of the Namibian people, and a further disregard of the opinion of the International Court of Justice that its continued occupation of Namibia is illegal and must be terminated. But that is not the end of the catalogue. Most recently, South Mrica has gone back on a solemn under- taking it made to some of its allies which have been prepared to be swayed by its crocodile tears. 412. However, unlike some of its allies, and indeed unlike the Security Council itself, in which is vested the power to maintain international peace and, security and to take enforcement measures against a culprit State whenever necessary, the Namibian people, under their authentic vanguard, SWAPO, have taken up arms to regain their independence and human dignity and to force South Mrica to withdraw its forces of occupation from the Territory. . 412. However, unlike some of its allies, and indeed unlike the Security Council itself, in which is vested the power to maintain international peace anil, security and to take enforcement measures against a culprit State whenever necessary, the Namibian people, under their authentic vanguard, SWAPO, have taken up arms to regain their independence and human dignity and to force South Mrica to withdraw its forces of occupation from the Territory. . 413. What has been South Mrica's response to this effort to evict it from Namibia? In the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia we are informed, and the whole world knows, that, contrary to the letter and spirit of the proposal fora settlement of the question of Namibia submitted by the Western members of the SecUrity Council, South Africa has: first, unilateraly appointed an Admiu- istrator-General for Namibia; secondly, unilaterally regis- tered voters in Namibia; thirdly, carried out aggression against Angola and massacred Namibian refugees at Kassinga; fourthly, perpetrated aggression against Zambia and woefully destroyed life and property at Sesheke; fifthly, intensified the repression of the people of Namibia, evidenced in the massive arrest of members of SWAPO,for the purpose of wiping out the liberation movement. 413. What has been South Mrica's response to this effort to evict it from Namibia? In the report of the United Nations Council for Namibia we are informed, and the whole world knows, that, contrary to the letter and spirit of the proposal forasettlement of the question of Namibia submitted by the Western members of the Security Council, South Africa has: first, unilateraly appointed an Admiu- istrator-General for Namibia; secondly, unilaterally regis- tered voters in Namibia; thirdly, carried out aggression against Angola and massacred Namibian refugees at Kassinga; fourthly, perpetrated aggression against Zambia and woef~y destroyed life and property at Sesheke; fifthly, intensified the repression of the people of Namibia, evidenced in the massive arrest of members of SWAPO, for the purpose of wiping out the liberation movement. 414. My delegation is seriously concerned about what is fast developing in southern Africa as a common practice of violating the statutes of this Organization. Werecall that in 1965 Southern Rhodesia unilaterally declared inde- pendence and, to date, this Organization has not reversed 414. My delegation is seriously concerned about what is fast developing in southern Mrica as a common practice of violating the statutes of this Organization. We recall that in 1965 Southern Rhodesia unilaterally declared inde- pendence and, to date, this Organization hl!S not !evened 415. It must be recognized that a war situation does exist in southern Africa-the Fascist and racist regimes on the one side, pitched ominously against 96 per cent of the people in that area and against their fighting forces. 415. It must be recognized that a war situation does exist in southern Africa-the Fascist and racist regimes on the one side, pitched ominously against 96 per cent of the people in that area and against their fighting forces. 416. But the action of the Pretoria clique in holding the so-called internal elections in Namibia and imposing a pariah regime on the Namibian people, its perfidy in carrying out acts of aggression and war threats against neighbouring front-line States, its 'ntensifled repression of the Namibian people as evidenced by the recent arrests and detention of SWAPO leaders in Namibia, its lack of good faith in even carrying out undertakings solemnly made even to its allies-all these factors taken together leave our Organization with no alternative whatsoever but to impose immediate mandatory and comprehensive economic sanc- tions against South Africa ,,5 called for in Chapter VII of the Charter. 416. But the action of the Pretoria clique in holding the so-called internal elections in Namibia and imposing a pariah regime on the Namibian people, its perfidy in carrying out acts of aggression and war threats against neighbouring front-line States, its ';ltensified repression of the Namibian people as evidenced by the recent arrests and detention of SWAPO leaders in Namibia, its lack of good faith in even carrying out undertakings solemnly made even to its allies-all these factors taken together leave our Organization with no alternlitive whatsoever but to impose immadiate mandatory and comprehensive economic sanc- tions against South Mrica ~s called for in Chapter VII of the Charter. 417. Furthermore, this Organization can neither recognize nor entertain the regime that South Africa will impose in Namibia as a result of the fake and illegal exercise purportedly carried out by it in Namibialast week. 417. Furthermore, this Organization can neither recognize nor entertain the regime that South Africa will impose in Namibia as a result of the fake and illegal exercise purportedly carried out by it in Namibia last week. 418. As the situation has continued to escalate around it, the regime in Pretoria has become more desperate and more aggressive. It will therefore be the duty of this Organi- zation, of all Member States and, indeed, of the inter- national community as a whole tc increase both our material and moral support to SWAPO, the authentic representative of the Namibian people in their epic struggle to wrest their territory from South Africa. 418. As the situation has continued to escalate around it, the regime in Pretoria has become more desperate and more aggressive. It will therefore be the duty of this Organi- zation, of all Member States and, indeed, of the inter- national community as a whole te increase both our material and moral support to SWAPO, the authentic representative of the Namibian people in their epic struggle to wrest their territory from South Africa. 419. In conclusion, my delegation would Ii' ~ to salute the 425. In paying lip service to the Western plan, South front-line States which have had to bear the direct brunt of Africa thought that implementation of that plan would South Africa's naked aggression for the enormous sacrifices enable it to hoodwink the United Nations and use its they have been making to bring Namibia to nationhood. We authority to cover up the implementation of its own would also like to thank our indomitable Secretary-General internal neo-colonial plans. The Vigilance of Members of for his unrelenting efforts in this regard, and also the this Organization arid the enlightened approach of SWAPO Council for Namibia and its distinguished President for having prevented the realization of that monstrous swindle, their ability and devotion to duty in helping this Organi- South Africa in its stubbornness had no other recourse but zation to achieve its goal in Namibia. the electoral farce that has just taken place in Namibia. 419. In conclusion, my delegation would IF ~ to salute the front-line States which have had to bear the direct brunt of South Africa's naked aggression for the enormous sacrifices they have been making to bring Namibia to nationhood. 'We would also like to thank our indomitable Secretary-General for his unrelenting efforts in this regard, and also the Council for Namibia and its distinguished President for their ability and devotion to duty in helping this Organi- zation to achieve its goal in Namibia.

426. Everyone knows that those elections were aimed at At the outset, the delegation of Togo wishes to reaffirm creating disunity among Namibians and bringing to local here Togo's support of the Namibian people valiantly power people favourable to Pretoria, and cornering SWAPO struggling under the leadership of SWAPO, its authentic into opposing them-SWAPO, which through its tenacious representative, to obtain its freedom and to accede to and heroic struggleand its enormous sacrifices,has with the self-determination and independence in the context of a support of the international community placed Namibiaon united Namibia, with full enjoyment of its natural re- the road to liberation. sources. We join in the efforts which our Organization is continuously making in this Assembly as well as in the 427. It was a Machiavellian plan cynically concocted by Security Council duly to shoulder its responsibilities to- Pretoria with the aim of placing the sons of independent wards Namibia, to snatch that Territory from the claws of Namibia in the throes of fratricidal wars or struggles that racist South Africa, and to guide it to national and would be taken advantage of by those fishing in troubled international sovereignty. waters in order to continue shamelessly to plunder the

426. Everyone knows that those elections were aimed at At the outset, the delegation of Togo wishes to reaffirm creating disunity among Namibians and bringing to local here Togo's support of the Namibian people valiantly power people favourable to Pretoria, and cornering SWAPO struggling under the leadership of SWAPO, its authentic into opposing them-SWAPO, which through its tenacious representative, to obtain its freedom and to accede to and heroic struggle and its enormous sacrifices, has with the self-determination and independence in the context of a support of the international community placed Namibia on united Namibia, with full enjoyment of its natural re- the road to liberation. sources. We join in the efforts which our Organization is continuously making in this Assembly as well as in the 427. It was a Machiavellian plan cynically concocted by Security Council duly to shoulder its responsibilities to- Pretoria with the aim of placing the sons of independent wards Namibia, to snatch that Territory from the claws of Namibia in the throes of fratricidal wars or struggles that racist South Africa, and to guide it to national and would be taken advantage of by those fishing in troubled international sovereignty. waters in order to continue shamelessly to plunder the 422. The new Togo, on the basis of the political phi- losophy of its leader, General of the Army Eyadema, a philosophy which consists in promoting, wheneverpossible, negotiated solutions of international conflicts, had sup- ported the practical measures taken by the Secretary- General of the United Nations, acting under a Security Council mandate, to apply effectively the proposals for a settlement drawn up by the five Western Powers. 422. The new Togo, on the basis of the political phi- losophy of its leader, General of the Army Eyadema, a philosophy which consists in promoting, whenever possible, negotiated solutions of international conflicts, had sup- ported the practical measures taken by the Seeretary- General of the United Nations, acting under a Security Council mandate, to apply effectively the proposals for a settlement drawn up by the five Western Powers. 423. We know how Pretoria, resorting to delaying tactics, oblique actions and diversionary manoeuvring is attempting to steer our Organization, and in particular the Security Council, into an impasse with a view to countering positive developments in the Namibian question. We know with what haste and under what conditions Pretoria, determined to foil the settlement plan adopted by the United Nations and to impose its neo-colonial solution, unilaterally organ- ized elections in that Territory. 423. We know how Pretoria, resorting to delaying tactics, ob!ique actions and diversionary manoeuvring is attempting to steer our Organization, and in particular the Security Council, into an impasse with a view to countering positive developments in the Namibian question. We know with what haste and under what conditions Pretoria, determined to foil the settlement plan adopted by the United Nations and to impose its neo-colonial solution, unilaterally organ- ized elections in that Territory. 424. In principle, elections are the most democratic means of enabling peoples under foreign domination to express their aspirations freely. It is therefore right that our Organization should retain them as an essential and determining factor in the process of decolonization. But the conditions in which elections take place also are essential and determining, and in this regard our Organization's major concern must be to prevent at all costs having itself used by schemers as a cover for and guarantee of elections which have been rigged, distorted or organized by bringing pressure to bear on the populations in question to get them to vote foi a neo-colonial solution which afterwards those schemers would choose to consider a final solution. It is dangerous and criminal to lock the fate of a people for ever in a neo-colonial solution on the basis of the inconclusive results of elections held in conditions which make impos- sible the free expression of the popular will. 424. In principle, elections are the most democratic means of enabling peoples under foreign domination to express their aspirations freely. It is therefore right that our Organization should retain them as an essential and determining factor in the process of decolonization. But the conditions in which elections take place also are essential and determi"ling, and in this regard our Organization's major concern must be to prevent at all costs having itself used by schemers as a cover for and guarantee of elections which have been rigged, distorted or organized by bringing pressure to bear on the populations in question to get them to vote fm. a neo-colonial solution which afterwards those schemers would choose to consider a final solution. It is dangerous and criminal to lock the fate of a people for ever in a neo-colonial solution on the basis of the inconclusive results of elections held in conditions which make impos- sible the free expression of the popular will. 425. In paying lip service to the Western plan, South Africa thought that implementation of that plan would enable it to hoodwink the United Nations and use its authority to cover up the implementation of its· own internal neo-colonial plans. The Vigilance of Members of this Organization and the enlightened approach of SWAPO having prevented the realization of that monstrous swindle, South Mrica in its stubbornness had no other recourse but the electoral farce that has just taken place in Namibia. 428. We are convinced that the Namibians and all peace- loving countries will defeat that diabolical plan, which is aimed at making Namibia a still-born nation, a nation strangled by the ogre of the apartheid regime of South Mrica. 429. South Africa has since 1966 no longer had the Mandate that was given it to administer Namibia. Since it occupies the Territory illegally the elections it organized there are null and void. The plan under which those elections were organized was drawn up in order to hinder the settlement plan adopted by the United Nations. 429. South Africa has since 1966 no longer had the Mandate that was given it to administer Namibia. Since it occupies the Territory illegally the elections it organized there are null and void. The plan under which those elections were organized was drawn up in order to hinder the settlement plan adopted by the United Nations. 430. That was, indeed, a flippant act towards our Organi- zation and a slap in the face and another challenge to the five Western Powers members of the Security Council responsible for the plan. 430. That was, indeed, a flippant act towards our Organi- zation and a slap in the face and another challenge to the five Western Powers members of the Security Council responsible for the plan. 431. The negative attitude of South Africa towards the settlement efforts of our Organization aimed at co- operation and the easing of tension and SWAPO's spirit of conciliation concerning the plan of the five Western Powers members of the Security Council; the stubbornness of the imperialist racists of Pretoria in their illegal occupation of Namibia; their brutal repression of the Namibian people; their persistent violations ofhuman rights in that Territory; the measures adopted by Pretoria to destroy the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia; the recent acts of violence and intimidation against SWAPO leaders; the repeated acts of aggression against neighbouring countries- all these factors, by preventing any possibility of a peaceful solution, can only intensify hostilities and their conse- quences. 431. The negative attitude of South Africa toward'i the settlement efforts of our Organization aimed at co- operation and the easing of tension and SWAPO's spirit of conciliation concerning the plan of the five Western Powers members of the Security Council; the stubbornness of the imperialist racists of Pretoria in their illegal occupation of Namibia; their brutal repression of the Namibian people; their persistent violations ofhuman rights in that Territory; the measures adopted by Pretoria to destroy the national unity and territorial integrity of Namibia; the recent acts of violence and intimidation against SWAPO leaders; the repeated acts of aggression against neighbouring countries- all these factors, by preventing any possibility of a peaceful solution, can only intensify hostilities and their conse- quences. 432. South Africa's behaviour is indeed a serious threat to international peace and security. The provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter must be brought to bear against that country in order to bring it to its knees and to prevent it from dragging the international community into a serious crisis that would lead to confrontations of incalculable consequences. 432. South Africa's behaviour is indeed a serious threat to international peace and security. The provisions of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter must be brought to bear against that country in order to bring it to its knees and to prevent it from dragging the international community into a serious crisis that would lead tG confrontations of incalculable consequences. 433. We therefore express the hope that, in the search for means likely to guarantee peace and security for the peoples of the United Nations, the Members of this Organization will enact and implement appropriate' meas- ures against a country that does not cease to agitate in favour of war in southern Mrica. 433. We therefore express the hope that, in the search for means likely to guarantee peace and security for the peoples of the United Nations, the Members of this Organization will enact and implement appropriate' meas- ures against a country that does not cease to agitate in favour of war in southern Africa. 434. Mr. CORR£A da COSTA (Brazil): The cautious satisfaction of the international community with the apparent impetus the ninth special session gave to the struggle for the independence of Namibia was soon frus· trated. The illegal occupation of Namibia by South Mrica persists despite repeated and energetic condemnation by the United Nations. And that is so because South Africa's policies remain unchanged, creating a situation in direct contradiction with the purposes and principles of this Organization. 434. Mr. CORR£A da COSTA (Brazil): The cautious satisfaction of the international community with the apparent impetus the ninth special session gave to the struggle for the independence of Namibia was soon frus- trated. The illegal occupation of Namibia by South Africa persists despite repeated and energetic condemnation by the United Nations. And that is so because South Africa's policies remain unchanged, creating a situation in direct contradiction with the purposes and principles of this Organization. 436. Brazil has never failed to join its voice with those countries demanding a just solution to the question of Namibia. 436. Brazil has never failed to join its voice with those countries demanding a just solution to the question of Namibia. 437. Our understanding is that the question of Namibia concerns first its people, whose basic right to self- determination has been suppressed by the South African regime. It is also a vital matter for Namibia's neighbours, whose security is in jeopardy because of their support for the struggle of the Namibian people. But the question of Namibia is also of direct interest to the whole of the international community, which more than 10 years ago, through the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia, clearly expressed the incompatibility of the South African presence in the Territory with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The United Nations thus has every right and is indeed in duty bound to intervene effectively in order to bring about the necessary changes in Namibia. The latest developments have, however, been particularly discouraging. 437. Our understanding is that the question of Namibia concerns first its people, whose basic right to self- determination has been suppressed by the South African regime. It is also a vital matter for Namibia's neighbours, whose security is in jeopardy because of their support for the struggle of the Namibian people. But the question of Namibia is also of direct interest to the whole of the international community, which more than 10 years ago, through the establishment of the United Nations Council for Namibia, clearly expressed the incompatibility of the South Mrican presence in the Territory with the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The United Nations thus has every right and is indeed in duty bound to intervene effectively in order to bring about the necessary changes in Namibia. The latest developments have, however, been particularly discouraging. 438. The intention to establish a framework for an internationally acceptable settlement of the question of Namibia, through free elections, under the supervision and control of the United Nations, which is the only source of authority in Lie Territory, now risks being disrupted by manoeuvres aimed at the creation of internal political conditions that would run contrary to the decisions taken by our Organization. Suddenly a promising course of action has turned into an ominous prospect. The Assembly should, therefore, endeavour to bring the process in Namibia back into line with its expressed will and its original objective. To that end, no recognition whatsoever should be accorded to the outcome of the so-called internal elections now being held in Namibia. The legal responsibility of the United Nations over the Territory should be reaffIrmed, in par- ticular through the strengthening of the role of the Council for Namibia. The efforts we have been undertaking for more than a decade should now be renewed, on the understanding that the C.rimeral Assem61y and the Security Council have at their disposal, through the provisions ofthe Charter of the United Nations, the necessary means to help to bring about self-determination and independence for Namibia. 438. The intention to establish a framework for an internationally acceptable settlement of the question of Namibia, through free elections, under the supervision and control of the United Nations, which is the only source of authority in Lie Territory, now risks being disrupted by manoeuvres aimed at the creation of internal political conditions that would run contrary to the decisions taken by our Organization. Suddenly a promising course of action has turned into an ominous prospect. The Assembly should, therefore, endeavour to bring the process in Namibia back into line with its expressed will and its original objective. To that end, no recognition whatsoever should be accorded to the outcome of the so-called internal elections now being held in Namibia. The legal responsibility of the United Nations over the Territory should be reaffirmed, in par- ticular through the strengthening of the role of the Council for Namibia. The efforts we have been undertaking for more than a decade should now be renewed, on the understanding that the GeneralAssemtily and the Security Council have at their disposal, through the provisions ofthe Charter of the United Nations, the necessary means to help to bring about self-determination and independence for Namibia. 439. It is my delegation's hope that both the Genaral 439. It is my delegation's hope that both the General Assembly and the Security Council will act in accordance with the Hishes of the overwhelming majority of Member