S/34/PV.23 Security Council

This afternoon the Assembly will hear a statement by the Prime Minister, Minister of Defence and Internal Security, Minister of Information and Broadcasting, and Minister of Civil Aviation of Mauritius, His Excellency the Right Honourable Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam. I have great pleasure in welcoming His Excellency the Right Honourable Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam and inviting him to address the General Assembly.

I bring to the representatives and the United Nations the warm greetings of the people of Mauritius. 3. May I, on behalf of the Government and people of Mauritius and on my own behalf, sincerely congratulate you, Mr. President, on being elected to preside over the present session. It is our earnest hope that the world is now moving into a period that will see the resolution of many of the questions that have preoccupied us for years past, and in this connexion the high office that you have courageously accepted to occupy will place you in many hazardous situations in the front line of the battle for the peace, security and well-being ofmankind. Your long and rich experience in government and diplomacy wilIenable you to guide this Assembly with tact and wisdom. In this arduous task that lies ahead of us you can rely on the entire support ofmy delegation and ofall men of peace and goodwill. 4. May I also express our esteem for you,' Mr. Secretary-General, and for your untiring and constant efforts to uphold the United Nations and the vision enshrined in its Charter. You have had to draw upon your inner reserves offaith, wisdom and patience. It is Friday, 5 October 1979, NEW YORK our fervent wish that you will continue to lead this Organization for many more years. 5. Before I go further, I should like to welcome Saint Lucia as a sovereign and independent State in the com- munity of nations and to express our joy and happiness to its people and Government. 6. Franklin Roosevelt declared that the United Na- tions spelled: " ...the end of the system of unilateral action and exclusive alliance, and spheres of influence and bal- ance of power and all the other expedients which have been used for centuries and which have failed." He went on to say: " ...we propose to substitute for these a universal organization which all peace-loving nations have a chance to join." Yet, the principle of the universality of United Nations membership has not been established to the satisfaction ofall, nor has the system ofunilateral action and exclu- sive alliance been abandoned. We have a long way yet to go. A country like Mauritius has great and loyal attachment for this Ofl~anization and a special concern for its successful functiOning. I have come here to reit- erate my country's deep commitment to the principles and purposes of the Charter. 7. Given ourgeo-political appurtenance to Africa, it is but natural that all that happens there is of primary concern to us. 8. After 14 years ofillegality and dark despair we now see a distant glimmerofhope for Zimbabwe. All nations belonging to this great Organization have throughout the years struggled for democracy, freedom and the rule of law. In this spirit we welcome the prospective changes to be efl'ected at the London Constitutional Conference on Rhodesia, changes which will bring sovereignty and independence to Zimbabwe and peace to that vast continent. 9. My Government also fully supports the untiring efforts of the five Western Powers members of the Security Council and those ofthe Secretary-General of the UOlted Nations to find a solution to the Namibia question. But, while we endorse such positive steps and promising initiatives, we are also growing more ap- prehensive day by day, because we know that the pa- tience of the Namibian people has limits and we are already very near the point of no return when human logic abdicates in favour of relentless anned struggle. 10. It is only too natural that we who live in a multi- AJ34{PV.23 II. I have dealt with the problems facing the southern part ofour continent because they are the most glaring Instances ofinjustice and require our most urgent atten- tion. Unfortunately, the problems of Mrica are not restricted to white domination; the south is but a visible manifestation ofwhat is true ofthe rest ofthe continent. Africa still suffers from inequality and dependence in its economic relations with the industrialized world. There have beenno real Mrican conflicts on the continent, but we realize painfully that ouronly war is against time and under-development and, in this, mass unemployment, inflation, mass poverty and our own security are the main constraints to hamper our efforts to achieve economic independence, and that our sole interest is in moving to catch up with the twentieth century before the twenty-first is upon us. May I remind representa- tives of His Holiness the Pope's statement on Tuesday [l7th meeting] that a great solidarity among all the peoples is necessary for the achievement of peace and prosperity. 12. I should like also to state that we staunchly believe in and uphold the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of a Member State. In this connexion, we believe that the populations of dependent overseas territories have the right to decide its future freely, without outside interference. 13. The first phase of our emergence is almost over. We have by and large acquired political independence which we are in the process of consolidating while we move into the next phase ofour fight for freedom-the struggle for economic independence and against under- development, inflation, ignorance, poverty and dis- ease. We can eradicate those ills only if there is full participation by the people themselves in such a gi- gantic task. The North-South dialogue, the efforts made by UNCTAD and the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development have not come up to our expectations, but we keep on struggling in the hope that those who can will eventually realize that they must co-operate fully and sincerely in uplifting the standard of living and the quality of life of the peoples of the world. 1 14. Since I addressed this Assembly last year l certain events have occurred which give us cause to believe that the world is moving towards greater respect for human rights and better understanding of human obli- gations. We can only welcome the emergence ofa uni- versal charter of human rights and obligations in the near future. 15. We in the Indian Ocean are making serious efforts to develop regional co-operation with our neighbours. We are embarked on some regional projects aiming at 16. We in Africa and in the Indian Ocean are not alone in appealing for the denuclearization of this part of the world. States in the Middle East and Asia have the same view regarding their region. 17. 'My Government is happy to note the first steps that have been taken towards a solution of the Middle East conflict. The Palestinian issues unfortunately re- main unresolved and no solution of the Middle East question is possible while 3 million Palestinians are denied their basic human rights. Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO] must recognize each other and only then can a global, durable and peaceful settlement, negotiated within the framework of the United Nations resolutions, be achieved. Any steps taken by anyone, in the Middle East or elsewhere, in the direction ofpeace has our unreserved support. 18. The destabilization process taking place in South- East Asia is a matter ofgreat concern to us. We can only hope that it will not be a repetition ofthe Mesopotamian style of dismemberment and the annihilation of its people. We are faced with a pressing humanitarian problem that brooks no delay, for while we procrasti- nate, innocent people are either dying of starvation in Kampuchea or drowning in the South China Sea. 19. We continue to believe that the reunification of Korea will be realized through the North-South talks even if these talks have unfortunately proved fruitless so far. There is so much in common between those two parts of the country that we are confident the fraternal desire for unity will overcome the present political dif- ferences. In the meantime, we believe that the cause of reunification will be best served by the representation of both Koreas in this international Organization. 20. We earnestly hope that the efforts of the Secretary-General of the United Nations towards a so- lution of the Cyprus problem will prove successful in the long run. 21. It was indeed a happy decision to declare 1979 the International Year of the Child. The hopes we have for a better world tomorrow are based on the faith that the children of today will one day be happier and, God willing, better men than we have been. Towards this end my Government made education free at the secon- dary and tertiary levels over two years ago with the intention of making equal opportunities available to every child irrespective of his social or economic back- ground. Measures have also been taken in the health, social security and labour fields to ensure the happiness ofour children and the opportunity fully to realize their human potential. 23. In spite of sharp international conflicts and setbacks, the nations of the world are drawing closer and closer together. The world has become a unit and demands that it should be treated as one. Today this is not only possible but it is necessary for our survival. Whoever may be the stronger Power, no one will sur- vive a nuclear holocaust. Power undermines itselffrom within and turns into impotence. As Gautama Buddha said: "Iron turns to rust and rust devours iron." 24. The interdependence of nations has become so close that no nation can be hurt without injury to the rest. Belief in the practice of coexistence is not the outcome of expedience or of weakness but rather leads to a better code to rid the world of misunderstanding and intolerance. 25. Peace, which we all so much desire and cherish, is not the absence of war. It is the presence offeelings for one's fellows and the respect of man for man regardless ofhis race, nation, colour or creed. What is really called for is the disarmament of minds. We should not grieve that rose-trees have thorns but rat.her rejoice that thorny bushes bear roses. 26. We in Mauritius are convinced more than ever before, that the United Nations remains the only means for the achievement of a stable and peaceful world and we pledge our continuing and unflinching support.

On behalf of the General As- sembly, I wish to thank the Prime Minister ofMauritius for the important statement he has just made.

Mr. President, since it is now my turn to speak in the general debate, I should like to say how much I welcome your unanimous election as President of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly and I congratulate you most warmly in a brotherly manner, and sincerely wish you complete success in the dis- charge of this very lofty function. 29. Your election seems to me to be a special tribute paid to your qualities as a skilled diplomat, and it is also a recognition by all ofthe praiseworthy efforts you have always made since you have represented your country with so much distinction at the United Nations with a view to realizing the objectives of the Organization. 30. I wish to assure you that the delegation of the Ivory Coast will co-operate fully towards the successful discharge of your mission. 31. I should also like to express my gratitude to your predecessor, Mr. Indalecio Lievano, who was good enough to place his eminent qualities at the service of our Organization by presiding over the thirty-third ses- sion ofthe General Assembly to the satisfaction ofall. 33. We are gratified by the admission ofSaint Lucia to the United Nations family, which proves once again the universality of the Organization. It gives us pleasure to extend to the members of its delegation our warmest congratulations and most cordial welcome and to as- sure them ofour genuine desire to co-operate with them in the United Nations and to maintain relations of sincere friendship and mutual confidence with their country. 34. In some ways it may be said that peace reigns in the world. Indeed the violent hostility which marked relations between the East and the West after the Sec- ond World War has given way to detente. Under the influence ofa certain number offactors it seems to have been agreed to have the two concepts of a just order which divide the world confront each other not through recourse to force but through peaceful coexistence. 35. An important factor which promoted this happy evolution in East-West relations is undoubtedly the determination of a large number of States to remain aloof from the two antagonistic blocs and to work to bring about a rapprochement between them for the benefit of peace. 36. A no less important factor was the appearance of new great Powers in the world with a consequent prolif- eration of nuclear weapons and a redistribution of the power of political decision. The configuration of the mtemational community which was bipolar is now tending to become multipolar. 37. It is undeniable that the threat of an apocalypse presented by the arsenals of the super-Powers has also contributed to a relaxation in relations between East and West. The peace we are experiencing is, then, based on terror and does not protect us from war. It is fragile. An accident is always possible, and there could be an irreparable outbreak at any time as the result of faulty reasoning. Moreover, the great Powers have only given up their direct confrontation. They are in conflict through third countries. 38. The violation of human rights, particularly in the developing countries, is also a source of conflicts. 39. Finally. there are risks of confrontation between the North and the South that threaten peace. The de- veloping countries desperately denounce the inequity of the present economic order which perpetuates their impoverishment, and enables the developed countries which established it to become continually richer. 40. In their desire to redress one ofthe consequences of this economic order-the constant deterioration in their terms of trade-the developing countries which are oil producers raised the price of that raw material. This led to an economic crisis in the developing countries that are not oil producers, particularly the most disadvantaged ofthem, for it is they whichfeel the effects most severely. 42. In that way it will be possible progressively to establish hannony among peoples, sort out their differ- ences and create an atmosphere unfavourable to the birth of conflicts. 43. But we believe that it is necessary also to have recourse to dialogue to solve the existing problems and conflicts, of whatever kind, in order to minimize con- frontation, wars and their wake ofdestruction of human lives and belongings, homeless persons, refugees, inde- scribable suffering and misery, or to prevent a final break betwen the antagonists and bring about a recon- ciliation between them so that clashes will not end in irreversible hatred. 44. That is why the Ivory Coast has always been in favour of the negotiations between all the parties to the Zimbabwe tragedy. We welcome with satisfaction the agreement reached between the Heads ofGovernment oftl\e Commonwealth Countries at the Lusaka meeting [see A/34/439-S/13515, annex, para. 15], which made it possible to convene the Constitutional Conference in London. We are following the work of that Conference with interest. We are pleased by the results already achieved by the parties and we hope that the United Kingdom, the administering Power of the Territory, under whose aegis the Conference is being held, will assume its responsibilities to the full and succeed in reaching a settlement that will satisfy all the parties. For its part the United Nations should, in our view, be prepared to assist, should it consider it to be necessary, 10 the implementation of any decisions that might be taken for the attainment of the objectives of the Conference. 45. We hope whole-heartedly that the London negoti- ations will lead shortly to reconciliation between all the inhabitants of Zimbabwe-between blacks as well as betw.een blacks and whites--and to conclusions making pOSSIble the peaceful and democratic decolonization of the Territory. 46. From all the evidence the course of an internal settlement in Namibia on which South Africa seems to have embarked appears destined to fail. Such a settle- ment has no more likelihood ofsuccess in Namibia than it had in Zimbabwe. 47. r reiterate the support of the Ivory Coast for the visions ofthat plan will soon be surmounted as a result of the persevering efforts ofthe five Powers and of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. 48. In this perspective, and reaffirming the inalienable right of the Namibian people to independence, we ap- peal urgently to South Africa to give proof of its goodwill and understanding, and to co-operate with the United Nations, without vacillation or reservations based on narrow interests, in putting the Security Council's plan of action into practice. ~9. T~e history of peo~l~stell u~ that any ~ho attempt mdefimtely to base a politIcal regIme on the mequalities suffered by the majority I and to deprive that majority of its freedom and dignity, expose themselves sooner or later to violent changes and the loss ofthe very interests they are seeking to protect by such means. 50. Hence we once again urge the Government of South Africa to introduce peacefully, before it is too late, the changes that are imperative in order that the odious system of apartheid and racial discrimination shall disappear forever from South Africa. 5 I. There are situations in which the blind implemen- tation of rules and principles can be counter-productive and unrealistic. This seems to be the case in Western Sahara. It seems to us, on reflection, that, beyond the right of self-detennination, to which we are all deeply attached and which we would like to see applied to that Territory, there are the facts of the situation in the region which cannot be overlooked if there is a real desire to settle the Western Sahara conflict peacefully. We believe that it is by the concerted effort of all the parties concerned, and not by their confrontation, that It will be possible to find the bases ofa satisfactory and lasting solution ofthis conflict. Therefore we mustwork to bring about an atmosphere conducive to this con- certed action, without which we see no immediate hope of a solution. 52. It is unanimollsly agreed that only a global solu- tion to the Middle East conflict can bring peace to that region. Nor does anyone deny that there can be no over-all settlement without ajust and equitable political solution of the Palestinian problem. 53. It seems to us that, despite the criticisms that can be made abollt the agreements they have led to so far, the negotiations between Egypt and Israel, with the assistance ofthe United States, have as their objectives the over-all settlement ofthe conflict and the establish- ment of peace in the Middle East. 54. But it is clear that these objectives cannot be attained without the participation in the negotiations of the various parties concerned, particularly the Palestin- ians. This participation will be obtained on the follow- ing two conditions. First, recognition by Israel of the I See Ofjic!al Records ofthe Security Council, Thirty-third Year, Supplement jor April, May and June 1978, document S/12636. ) Ibid., Supplement j(}r July, August and September, 1978, docu· ment 8/12827. 55. Therefore, we appeal urgently to both Israel and the PLO to change their way of thinking and recognize each other. As long as Israel and the PLO are intransi- gent and refuse to recognize each other. the chances of an over-all settlement seem to be slim. 56. We would be doing useful work indeed if, instead of turning our backs on reality and condemning the efforts of those who, in good faith and motivated by goodwill. patiently seek a peaceful and satisfactory so- lution to this conflict, we were to use our good relations and our influence with Israel and the PLO to bring them mutually to recognize each other and thus remove the only major obstacle to the establishment ofa climate of confidence conducive to the initiation of a dialogue among all the parties concerned. Such a dialoguecould, completely and finally, settle the question ofthe Middle East and bring peace to that region, a peace which we all so ardently desire. 57. In particular, it is highly desirable for the Security Council to adopt, without further delay, a resolution sanctioning the rights of the Palestinian people. 58. We reaffirm our full support for Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973) and General As- sembly resolution 3236 (XXIX), which form the basis for an over-alljustand lasting settlement ofthe conflict. namely, the withdrawal of Israel from the Arab terri- tories it has occupied since 1967; recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, including the right to a homeland; the right of all States of the region, without exception, to live in peace within se- cure, recognized and guaranteed boundaries. 59. All those who, like us, are moved and saddened by the destruction and suffering in Lebanon cannot but ardently desire a permanent and final settlement ofthe conflict in the Middle East. Indeed, it goes without saying that such a settlement would at the same time bnng peace and national unity to that country which is so dear to our hearts. 60. It would be a grave error to be satisfied with the situation prevailing in Cyprus or to be complacent about it. It has created problems without providing a solution. It carries withm it the seeds of a conflict of unforeseeable dimensions. 61. We are pleased with the to-point agreement4 providing for a resumption of the intercommunal talks, concluded under the auspices of the United Nations Secretary-General. We hope that the difficulties which have been brought about by the suspension ofthe talks after the conclusion of that agreement will soon be overcome, as a result of the two communities taking into consideration their own interests, and establishing between them the necessary dialogue for a just and lasting settlement of the Cyprus question, one which takes into account their legitimate aspirations on the basis ofSecurity Council resolution 365 (1974) and Gen- eral Assembly resolution 3212 (XXIX), in particular 4 Ibid.• Thirty-fourth Year. Supplement for April, May and June 1979, document 5/13369. para. 51. 63. We calion all the parties to withdraw theconftict in Kampucheafrom the arena ofgreat-Power rivalry, to place it in that of indispensable peace among the non- aligned countries and to begin talks with a view to a peaceful settlement in accordance with the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States, non-interference in the internal affairs of other States and the non-use of force. 64. While it is fitting to rejoice at the signing by the United States of America and the Soviet Union of a second agreement on the limitation of strategic weapons5 and to hope for its early ratification, we can- not lose sight of the long and difficult road which must yet be travelled to reach our final objective, namely, general and complete disarmament. 65. We should like to express once again our profound concern at the grave danger which the arms race and the mindless stockpiling of weapons of mass destruction pose for mankind. 66. In this International Year of the Child, we should like once again to draw the attention ofthe responsible Powers to the imperative need to halt the arms race and to place science and technology at the service of the total development of man rather than at the service of his destructiOn, so that among the millions of human beings born each year, large numbers will no longer be condemned to illiteracy, malnutrition, famine or pre- mature death. 67. To work for the cessation ofthe arms race and the elimination of the spectre of the destruction of the hu- man species, which loom over us in the form of the arsenals of the great Powers, is to act in favour of human rights, because the first human right is the right to live. That is why we are most indignant at the tortures and massacres ofhuman beings which are the hallmark ofcertain regimes. We are also concerned by the viola- tions of human rights, because they cause an exodus of refugees and conflicts between States. 68. Ways must be sought that are likely to increase the effectiveness of the role ofthe United Nations in ensur- ing respect for human ri~ts. We hope that the establishment of the CommIttee on Human Rights for - 5 Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms, signed at Vienna on 18 June 1979. 69. The violation of human rights, when it deprives society of human resources or prevents them from de- veloping, which is so often the case, constitutes an obstacle to development. Conversely, disease, malnutrition, hunger-to mention only the worst ills that are characteristic ofthe developing countries--are obstacles to the enjoyment of human rights. Develop- ment therefore conditions the enjoyment of human rights. Hence, it is a fundamental human right. 70. Thus we cannot but welcome the agreement on the fundamental elements of a Common Fund for com- modities, and we appreciate, despite their inadequacy, an increase in the quotas and the new special drawing rights of the IMF. 71. But how can we fail to express our deep distress when the official development assistance supplied by the most generous among the rich countries amounts to barely half of the 0.70 per cent of the gross national product set by the United Nations, while military ex- penditures exceed the astronomical sum of$400 billion and continue to rise? How can we not express our p~ofound disappointment at the meagre results of the fifth session of UNCTAD, the difficulties encountered by the Committee ofthe Whole Established under Gen- eral Assembly Resolution 32/174 in applying that res- olution and in reactivating the important negotiations within the United Nations system, and the scant pro- gress achieved by the Preparatory Committee for the New International Development Strategy? 72. . It is imperative and urgent that the developed countries should be more attentive to the legitimate aspirations of the developing countries and take tangi- ble steps to begin an irreversible process that will lead to the structural changes essential to the establishment of a new, fairer and more equitable economic order. 73. We welcome the efforts to diversify sources of energy in order to meet the growing needs in this field. We hope that this diversification will not prevent satisfaction ofthe legitimate claims ofthe oil-producing countries from being met, just as we hope that these countries will take into account the interests of the other countries, particularly the developing countries most affected by the energy crisis. 74. How happy we would be if, by thus clearly reveal- ing the interdependence of ~eoples, the energy crisis finally proved to be benefiCial by making them more conscious of the convergence oftheir interests and the need to build a more united world by resolving together, through concerted action and dialogue, the problems which condition our common future. 75. The United Nations Organization has a particular responsibility in this noble and exalting task, but cannot fully assume it unless, in accordance with the desire expressed by His Holiness Pope John Paul II, on 2 October last: " ... the United Nations ... never [ceases] to be the forum, the high tribune, from which all man's prob- lems are appraised in truth and justice." [17th meet- ing, para. /9.] 77. It is my pleasure to join with other delegations in praising the role played by Mr. Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, who deploys his utmost efforts to strengthen the role of the United Nations, with patience, ability and strict adherence to the spirit of the Charter. 78. I also welcome the admission ofthe State ofSaint Lucia, as the one hundred and fifty-second Member of the United Nations family. 79. The United Nations has been able to survive for34 years, to react to international events and to overcome tremendous obstacles that were about to cause its disin- tegration, including the cold war through which the world lived after the end of the Second World War. It has been able to playa fundamental and effective role in bringing to an tnd colonial empires in many parts ofthe world. This Organization and its related agencies have also been able to achieve victories, unprecedented in history, in the fields of technical, technological, economic, cultural, health, food and other types ofaid among nations. During this period, the world has seemed to grow smaller by virtue ofscientific and tech- nological development, but this has not yet brought the States of the world closer to one another, as relations among States are still fraught with tension and conflict. 80. We meet today in a new session, and on the 24th of this month the United Nations will celebrate its thirty- fourth anniversary. Every year, we meet within the premises of the United Nations to hold meetings, to make successive contacts with each other and to adopt a number of resolutions for the solution of issues and questions which are of importance to the world. To our great regret, the majority of such resolutions are ulti- mately neglected orforgotten. Ishould like to refer here to the report of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, on the work of the Organization submitted to this session, in which he says: ''The past year has been full of uncertainty, ten- sion and conflict. The international scene has never been more complex nor the old concepts ofpower so diffused. There have been sudden shifts in the politi- cal balance and unexpected developments rooted in a variety of forces-economic, political, social and even religious. There is an increasing uneasiness as to the manageability ofthe affairs, and especially the economic life and social organization, ofthe planet in circumstances "now prevailing. These uncertainties and unforeseen developments affect in different ways the lives and the future of virtually all nations and peoples and give rise to deep-seated feelings ofanxi- ety and frustration, which in tum create a climate favourable to new and unpredictable events. "[See A/34/f, sect. [.j 82. We need to reflect, as representatives of States, on the position and real nature of our Organization. If we go through the agenda for this session, we find several questions and issues that are virtually mere repetitions of questions and issues that have now been included in the agenda for more than to years, andsome which have coexisted with this Organization since its inception. 83. The United Nations has adopted resolutions on such matters, but most of those resolutions have not seen the light ofday, because ofthe failure ofaminority of Members to comply with the international will and abide by the United Nations Charter. The majority of those resolutions are closely linked to the goals and principles ofthe United Nations, and aim at serving the best interests ofman, promoting equity and justice and establishing security and peace all over the world. This bitter fact leads us to pose the following questions. Are we acting to build a world in which security and peace prevail? Are we acting to establish equitable relations in the world, based on justice, dignity and freedom for all nations and to resist unhealthy relations among States, which tend towards domination, racial discrimination and the practice of persistent aggression against the welfare of other nations? These are merely questions submitted to this Assembly for serious consideration by us all, so that an end may be put to the risks that threaten peace and stability in the world. 84. We should like in this respect to refer to some pressing questions and matters, such as the situation in the Middle East, the issues ofracial discrimination and apartheid and the challenges that confront the States of the third world. 85. During last year, events of international impor- tance and significance have occurred one after the other--events which have been characterized by ten- sion and recklessness in the relations ofStates, particu- larly in the developing world. The third world has been through a period of tension and conflict among its countries. It is regrettable indeed that the third world should have become a dangerous scene for disturb- ances and bloody clashes among its States. Although tension between the two super~Powershas disappeared or diminished in Europe, it has started to reappear in the third world, where focal-points oftension have been created by the super-Powers and where conflict and rivalry between them have been transferred. It appears that the super-Powers, which agreed to freeze the con- flict between them on the European continent, have found fertile ground in the third world on which to increase the momentum of war and rivalry between them and are transfonning it into blocs ofconflict. The confrontations that are now taking place in Africa and Asia among developing countries are clear proofofthe outbreak. ofa covert third world war between the super- Powers. 86. It is regrettable that some States of the third world, which struggled to liquidate colonialism, to re- 87. Peace in the Middle East is still a long way off. Israel persists in the policy of aggression and ex- pansionism, which it has followed since the Zionist a~gression al(!:ainst the land of Palestine, which was aimed at drivmg the people ofPalestine from their land and depriving them of the right to exercise self- determination. The matter has not stopped at that but h.as been extended into continuous Israeli aggression against these people and the neighbouring Arab countries, the latest example ofwhich is the aggression against the sister country of Lebanon. Lebanon is still from time to time subjected to brutal aggression by the Israeli forces against sites on which are housed civilian Lebanese and Palestinian refugees. Thus Israel has be- come the most dangerous racist and expansionist force of this age. 88. The current developments in Lebanon and the increase in tension in that country clearly reveal the expansionist plans of Israel and its attempt to divert attention from its daily practices in the occupied Arab territories---practices such as annexation, occupation, the establishment ofsettlements and tile violation ofthe human rights of the inhabitants of the occupied terri- tories in breach of and contrary to the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter, the rules of mternational law and international custom and cove- nants, which prohibit such practices. 89. The United Nations cannot stand by with its hands folded in the face ofsuch a situation, in which the sovereignty and security of the territory of a Member State is daily subjected to grave violation. The interna- tional community is requested to act swiftly to save Lebanon from repeated Israeli aggression, which threatens to destroy its sovereignty and its economy and to drive out its people. 90. Israel could not have adopted such an arrogant stand and challenged the will of the international com- munity had it not been for the military. economic and political support it receives from some of its allies among Western State"s. Such support and material and military aid, received annually by Israel, has helped it to perpetuate its aggressive policy and to take measures to change the nature of life in and the geographical characteristics of, the territories it occupied andalso to refuse to comply with the resolutions of the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Na~ tions that call upon Israel to withdraw from the Arab territories it occupied and to recognize the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. 91. The United Nations resolutions on the situationin the Middle East call for ajust settlement ofthe problem and request Israel to put an end to its occupation and its disregard of the United Nations resolutions on Palestine and the situation in the Middle East. All the appeals and exhortations addressed to Israel by the 92. We have on more than one occasion explained that the Palestine question is at the core of the Middle East dispute and that realization of a just and lasting settlement should conform to the principles of justice and equity and should include the following: first, Israel's withdrawal from all Arab territories occupied since June 1967, including Jerusalem; secondly, rec- ognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to return to their homeland and properties and to exercise in peace and freedom their rights to self- detennination, independence and national sovereignty, including their right to establish an independent State; thirdly, the participation of the PLO, as the sole legiti- mate representative of the Palestinian people, on an equal footing with all parties to the dispute in the Middle East. This is an indispensable condition in all efforts, deliberations and conferences on the Middle East. 93. I must emphasize here that Arab Jerusalem is part ofthe occupiedPalestine territories and that Israel must withdraw from it completely and unconditionally and restore it to Arab sovereignty and abide by the resolu- tions adopted in this regard by the General Assembly and the Security Council. 94. In our opinion, such principles constitute the right framework within which a peaceful settlement may be reached, one based on the principles ofjustice and the rules of international law. 95. Bearing in mind this basic stand, the delegation of the State ofBahrain considers that any agreements that do not include all parties to the dispute will not lead to a durable and just peace and to a peaceful settlement of the dispute in the Middle East. Nor will they be suc- cessful unless they take into account the core of the problem, which is the Palestine question, and involve the participation of all parties concerned, including the PLO. Such being our belief, we consider that the Camp David agreements of 19786 and the Washington Treaty of 1979 between the Egyptian Government and Israel do not meet the real requisites ofpeace in the area since they do not contain the minimum basic principles for the realization of a just settlement in accordance with the resolutions of the United Nations, and they do not provide for the complete withdrawal of Israel from all occupied Arab territories and for their recognition of the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, particu- larly their right to establish an independent State of theIr own. 96. The Palestinian people and the Arab States con- cerned seek peace based on justice, and they would do 6 A Framework: for Peace in the Middle East, Agreed at Camp David, and Framework forthe Conclusion ofa Peace Treaty between Egypt and Israel, signed at Washington on 17 September 1978. 7 Treaty of Peace. between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the State of Israel. signed at Washington on 26 March 1979. 97. Therefore we consider that the United Nations is now, more than at any other time, required to stand on the side offaimess and justice and to support the Pales- tinian people in their unanimous rejection of such agreements and to defeat all settlements or solutions that aim at the liquidation of their cause and infringe upon their inalienable rights. The Palestinian people alone have the right to detennine their future, and no agreement concluded behind their backs can be legally valid or binding upon them. 98. We therefore agree with what the Secretary- General of the United Nations has said on the question of the Middle East in his report on the work of the Organization-that he considers it "central to the polito ical, economic and military stability of the world [see A/34/1, sect. IIIj. We submit that the realization of peace in the Middle East is an international responsibil· Ity requiring international action to face up to this criti- cal situation in the region so that the conflict may not explode again and lead to terrible results for whose grave consequences the world will be responsible. Among the encouraging signs that mark the awakening of the conscience of the world and which lead to op- timism and relief is the increasing attention being paid by the States of the world to the Palestine question and the PLO as a major fcrce in the Middle East conflict whose contribution is indispensable in any serious search for a peaceful settlement in the Middle East. 99. I should here refer to the important speech made by His Majesty King Hussein, King ofthe sister Hashe- mite Kingdom of Jordan, before this Assembly on 25 September [7th meeting], as it contains a complete and useful analysis by an Arab leader who has lived the problem in all its dimensions. We share His Majesty's opinion that the United Nations is the natural framework for the achievement of the comprehensive settlement of this question that we all seek. 100. The region of southern Africa is passing through a delicate and decisive stage. The developments in that region have been and remain a source of serious con· cern to the family ofnations due to the policies ofdeceit and procrastination being pursued by the white minor- ity regimes in southern Africa with regard to the trans- fer ofauthority to the black majority and the establish- ment of equality among all the inhabitants there. The efforts of the United Nations to find a peaceful settle- ment to the question of Namibia have not produced tan~ible results due to the arrogant attitude ofthe South Afncan regime and its manoeuvres. Real independence for Namibia cannot be achieved except through free and democratic elections under the auspices of the United Nations in which all national parties concerned may take part, including the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], as the legitimate rep- resentative of the people of Namibia, in accordance with United Nations resolutions, particularly Security Council resolutions 385 (1976) and 435 (1978). 10 1. The situation in Zimbabwe has not changed to- wards democratic rule, as required by United Nations resolutions. The sham elections held last April within 102. Bahrain would like to reaffirm its support for the struggle of oppressed peoples that yearn for freedom and to condemn the policies of apartheid, which have been denounced by the international community as a crime against humanity as a whole. Bahrain supports the call for continuation·of the complete blockade im- posed on the racist regimesin southern Africa pursuant to the provisions of Chapter VII ofthe United Nations Charter and the application of such sanctions ~nst the racist regime in Israel. It also supports the measures fo~ the isolation of such regimes internationally. 103. As a"'State .in the Gulf region,we attach special importance to the 'designation of the 'Indian Ocean and its natural extensions asa zone ofpeace and stability. Therefore, we supported on various occasions the Gen- eral Assembly resolution on the Declaration of the In- dian Ocean as a Zone of. Peace [resolution 2832 (XXVI)], called for the implementation ofthe principles contained in that Declaration and requested the Gulf region be kept aloof from the rivalry of the great Pow- ers. We should like to emphasize in this regard that peace and stability in the region are the exclusive con- cern of the countries of the area, on whose shoulders alone lies the responsibility to protect it. and we declare our complete rejection of any attempt by any party to interfere in the domestic affairs of the region. There- fore, we have called for the establishment of mutual co-operation among the States of the Gulf in the politi- cal, economic, cultural and technical fields, on a basis of mutual respect, equality, integrity and non·inter- vention in domestic affairs, in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter. 104. The State of Bahrain has supported-the efforts made in various international forums for the establish- ment of a new international economic order based on justice and equity. We have also explained the need to consider the means to ensure the establishment ofsuch an order. It is regrettable that the various negotiations and the numerous dialogues between the developed and developing countries within the framework of the United Nations and otherinternational forums have not led to tangible progress as a result ofthe failure of the developed countries to understand the demands made by the developinlJ countries that structural changes be made in international economic relations, which are now based on exploitation. This is what happened atthe fifth session ofUNCTAD, held in Manila, which did not arrive at tangible results in this respect. 105. Negotiations and dialogue between the North and South are still going on very slowly, although the doors have not been closed to the searchfor solutions to pending problems. We call in this regard on developed countries to reconsider their stand so that the negotia· tions may be completed. We hope thatthe special ses- sion ofthe General Assembly due to be held in 1980will be able to review the implementation of the new inter- national economic order in the light of the resolutions }lassed by the United Nations General Assembly at its 106. The United Nations has proved over more than three decades its ability to accommodate States from ~ parts of the world irrespective of their political. SOCial or economic systems. This international Organization has been able to find suitable solutions to many cn5es, conflicts and challenges which confront hurrianity in a world whose conditions increase in complexity day by day. We hope that this Assembly will discharge its responsibilities and pass suitable resolutions to pro- mote justice and equity and to eliminate the oppression and injustice suffered by oppressed peoples yearning for freedom and independence, and that it will act to establish Ii political and economic system in interna- tional relations based on equality, justice and equity. This has to be done ifwe wish indeed to meet the great expectations that peoples all over the world place in our Organization.

Mr. President, I wish to express the sincere pleasure of my delegation on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. You are a son of Africa, a continent which is tied with the Caribbean countries by an umbilical cord. You represent a country which shares the common desire of our peoples for freedom. You have already made your own distin- guished contribution to many facets of international affairs, including your service to the cause of decoloni- zation. We hold you in the highest esteem as a friend, and believe that your outstanding abilities as a diplomat equip you admirably for the exacting office of PreSident. 108. Permit me also to record the appreciation ()f my Government for the work of Mr. Indalecio Lievano Aguirre ofColumbia, who so ably conducted the affairs of our thirty-third session. 109. My Government expresses its thanks to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his dedi- cated and untiring service to the cause of peace. We recall with pleasure his visit to our country early this year, a visit which helped to strengthen further Jamaica's close association with, and unwaverin8 sup- port for, this institution and its work. 110. Jamaica takes particular pride in welcoming our sister Caribbean country, Saint Lucia, which has re- cently gained its independence and has now been ad- mitted to membership in this body, III. The peoples of the Caribbean have recently ex- perienced a series of natural disasters which have been among the worst in our history. There have been vol- canic eruptions in St. Vincent, floods have ravaged Jamaica, hurricanes have devastated our sister countries, Dominica and the Dominican Republic. Large areas ofour countries have been destroyed, and we will need the understanding and material sUPIXlrt of the international community in our urgent task of re- construction. I should like at this stage to express Jamaica's appreciation for the assistance which we have already received from States Members of the 113. In the light of all this it should not be surprising that the desire of all our peoples now is to make the Caribbean a region free from the scourge of great- Power rivalry, free from military conflict and free from any form ofexternal domination. The Caribbean yeams to be an area of peace, not of confrontation, to be an arena of co-operation and tranquillity, not one of ten- sion and conflict. 114. We are small States without the military capacity to initiate or resist aggression. We require a climate free from conflict and super-Power confrontation in order to enable us to wipe out the legacy of neglect and to undertake the mammoth task of social, political and economic transformation. 115. Jamaica recognizes that our size and location may tempt the powerful to take advantage of our vul- nerability. It should' never be forgotten that we are a resilient people zealous for the rewards ofour struggles and impatient to continue on the path to genuine inde- pendence and complete freedom. We intend to con- tinue playing our part freely in the affairs of the world. 116. We are not pawns and we refuse to be surrogateii. 117. We end the decade ofthe 1970s with much less of the confidence and certainty with which we began. Despite the welcome signature of the second SALT agreement, the nuclear menace remains. The General Assembly proclaimed the 1970s the Disannament Dec- ade, but the cruel irony is that the 1970s have seen unprecedented growth in the sophistication, volume and sale of weapons-all this when the social and economic needs of the vast majority of mankind have been growing increasingly urgent. 118. Detente has not spread world-wide. Regional conflicts continue to simmer and in some areas have broken out into open warfare as the major Powers stand at one remove, and the contending parties exhaust themselves. 119. In the Middle East a comprehensive settlement continues to elude us. The attainment by the Palestinian people of their legitimate rights is the key to lasting peace in the area. Yet the Palestinian people remain in effect outside the mainstream of the peace process. 120. In Africa the successful elimination of the rem- nants of Portugal's colonial empire brought new and dynamic countries into the family of nations; but there still remain white racist minority regimes on the continent. 121. Some of us had supported the display of viable international co-operation and positive action to achieve the liberation of Namibia from South Mrican 122. The efforts for the liberation of Zimbabwe from minority racist oppression spearheaded by the struggle ofthe Patriotic Front have been buttressed by a notable and encouraging degree of international co-operation. Out of the Meeting of Heads of Government of Com- monwealth Countries, held in Lusaka has come the recognition that the farcical situation which exists in Zimbabwe must come to an end and that a Government truly representative of the people of that country must be instituted. We hope that everything will be done at the Conference now taking place in London to ensure that the people of Zimbabwe enjoy the peace, freedom and independence through genuine majority rule that they haye so long sought. 123. The long, hard years ofstruggle by the peoples of South-East Asia have not yet led to the peace hoped for; the region is again enmeshed in conflicts because of rivalry and competition among the major Powers; the people continue to suffer economic and social depriva- tion; and some have even been forced to become un- wanted refugees, thus contributing a new and disquiet- ing dimension to the problems of the area. 124. Elsewhere, small countries remain threatened and insecure. Lebanon is fragmented and still visited with death and destruction; Cyprus at the end of the 1970s is still divided and a victim of foreign occupation; Belize is prevented from attaining its independence because of the continuing threat from a neighbouring State; and the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic is still denied its rightful place in the international commu· nity and unable to exercise its sovereignty over the whole of its territory. 125. Nor is this all. The greater awareness of human rights has not been matched by greaterobservance; the benefits of the unprecedented technological advances have not yet filtered through to the broad masses ofour peoples; the promise of a significant increase in food production in developing countries has not been fulfil- led and, as a result, world food stocks are critically low. 126. The prospect is bleak. 127. The efforts of the developing countries during this decade have had as their most important objective economic liberation. The pressures of poverty, depri- vation, hunger, unemployment and social turmoil have exposed the inescapable truth that the achievement of political independence without a corresponding attain- ment of economic independence is a hollow victory. Without economic independence we can never improve the quality of life of our peoples. 128. The decade of the 1970s has clearly shown that the world economic system must be restructured ifwe are to achieve economic liberation, equity andjustice in relations among States; that this process entails, among otherthings, a transfer ofresources from the developed to the developing world; and that these things require a global consensus. 129. Early in the present decade the developing countries enunciated a coherent set of principles and 130. The international economic agenda of the 1970s constitutes the most elaborateannotation ofthe roots of world. poverty and distorted development. The path· ways towards the restructuring of a world economic order are clearly discernible. We have undertaken the most rigorous examination of the problems besetting money and finance, raw materials, energy and other major development issues. Yet, even after this, our last lingering memory as we close this decade is the frustrat- ing experience of the fifth session of UNCTAD and the lack of any clear perception of the way forward. With the phenomenon of "stag1lation" there has been a re- surgence of protectionism and the developed countries are obdurate in ignoring our cries. 13 1. [t cannot be claimed that the thought and effort expended in the preparation and delivery of our state- ments in general debates have contributed as much as we would have hoped to the easing of international tensions, or to resolution of the specific issues which confront us. 132. Perhaps the clearest indication of this is the fact that the agenda from one session of the General Assem- bly to the next preserves a disconcerting sameness. Identical issues, be they political, economic, or social, recur each year for consideration and debate. I fully recognize and acknowledge that these issues are ex- tremely complex and that it is difficult to reconcile the diverse interests ofcountries and ofpeoples. But while each year our delegations strive mightily to reach agreement on resolutions, we the Member countries have not spent sufficient time or exerted sufficient effort to implement them. 133. We can ease the burden of these sessions and advance the work of the Assembly by reducing the number of items on our agenda. I am aware, Mr. Presi- dent, of the efforts made by you, by the Secretary- General and by a number ofdelegations to introduce in the work of this session some much-needed changes. 134. A fundamental objective of the Charter in its Article 1, paragraph 3, is: "To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural or humanitarian character ...". It is clear that the failure ofthe international community to tackle successfully the problems of poverty, starva- tion and inequitable international economic relation- ships now contributes significantly to the increase in global tensions and to an erosion of international peace and security. Suffering, tension and instability now pre- sent the greatest threat to world peace and continue only because people themselves feel locked into a situa- tion of despondency and despair. 135. Having missed or ignored opportunities in the present decade, the international community will in the next one have to deal with old and new issues in what appear to be less propitious conditions. But the quest for peace and development must go on, for both are mutually reinforcing. 137. As we seek for the third time to chart the course of a development decade, we should be concerned that even at this late stage the international community is still without a consensus on the approaches towards the international development strategy: in other words, on such questions as who it is for, what are its aims and objectives and how the process of development should be implemented. 138. We believe that the international development strategy should be formulated within the framework of the New International Economic Order. It follows from this that the accord which eluded us in our negotiations on the basic principles for restructuring the interna- tional economic system will have to be achieved in the coming decade ifthe developing countries are to secure any advances. 139. Energy is basic to human existence. It is a pre- requisite for the survival ofmankind. Failure to achIeve a coherent world energy policy will make a mockery of all our efforts to reduce the levels of poverty, hunger and unemployment. It will make a mockery of all our plans, targets and strategies. Without adequate sup- plies of energy we do not have the capacity to produce goods and services consistent with the requirements for a rational and equitable pattern of global economic development. Energy is therefore a unique input into the developmental process. Its availability and its price affect profoundly the prospects for economic develop- ment in the developing countries which have no signifi- cant indigenous energy supplies, and which have limited foreign exchange from which to allocate funds for its purchase. 140. Two years ago, in 1977, Jamaica proposed to this General Assembly the creation of an international en- ergy institution that would be charged with the task of addressing many facets of this complex subject. 8 Since then we have watched with satisfaction a growing inter- national recognition ofthe urgency attending this prob- lem. We have also noted with pleasure the initiatives of a number of oil-exporting developing countries. 141. The President of Mexico has presented a pene- trating analysis of the global energy situation [Jit'" meeting]. He has focused on the crux of the issue and laid before us a comprehensive set of proposals which could usefully guide this Assembly in the quest for a global energy policy. 142. Countries like my own are faced with very seri- ous and immediate problems which cannot await prob- able long-term global solutions. Last year Jamaica spent 23 per cent of its foreign-exchange earnings on energy imports; in 1979 these expenditures are ex- pected to exceed 35 per cent. Obviously, there is less for imports of critical raw materials to support economic activities, less for machinery and capital equipment and, above all, less for vital commodity 143. The 1970s made a positive contribution to the analysis and understanding of the basic problems in money and finance, trade, industrialization, the trans- fer of technology and other development issues. From this analysis have emerged a number of cogent pro- posals. In the coming decade we must implement them to ensure improvements in the quality of life ofour peoples. 144. On the solution of those problems which I have discuss~d hangs the very survival ofmankind. Not only must we confront these issues with global solidarity, but we must also ensure that every segment of our national populations is brought fully into the de- velopmental process. We must recognize the debilitat- ing effect on our efforts to achieve the New Interna- tional Economic Order of actions and policies which prevent the effective utilization of human resources. 145. In this regard we cannot continue to treat human rights violations, racism, racial discrimination and apartheid, discrimination against women and non- recognition ofthe rights ofthe child as issues which are to be isolated from our basic thrust for economic justice. The international community must realize once and for all that the challenges of development and of economic transfonnation at the global level cannot be met-will not be met-unless we successfully resolve the critical political problems which have bedevilled the international community for so long. 146. We are all aware ofand familiar with the various areas ofcrisis on our planet. They are symptomatic ofa deeper malaise, of more fundamental problems with which we must come to grips if the decade ofthe 19805 is to be a decade of hope and optimism. 147. No human being and no society can flourish and achieve its full potential in that milieu of spiritual de- basement, human degradation and economic exploita- tion which characterizes the system ofapartheidand all human societies organized upon ortolerant ofthe ideol- ogy of racial superiority. The international community m~st continue its ,assaUlt upon,this ult!mate indecency With renewed vigour, and III particular upon its bastions-the racist regimes of South Mrica and Namibia. '" 148. Morethan any other issue perhaps; disarmament is one on which the longer we take to make meaningful progress the more certain we can be that we will bear the painful consequences ofour folly and delay. To put it Simply, our luck cannot hold forever. The arms race-the fondness for new weapons of destruction-- sustains and feeds among nations and peoples a bel- licosity of nature, a predisposition to confrontation, to psychiC fatalism and insecurity, and above all a tragic misI?lacement ofpriorities, which cannot augur well for the mternational community. 149. What, I must ask, is there in store for a world which is constantly threatened by the very existence of armaments which already are capable of destroying it several times over? Yet there are a growing number of 150. One of the challenges of the 1980s must be a reassertion in practice of the basic principles of sovereign •equality, .territorial integrity, non-inter- ference in internal affairs and peaceful coexistence, which must guide States if anarchy is not to prevail at the international level. We finnly believe that, if the challenges can be met in these areas, then the 19808 could be. a decade of optimism and accomplishment: Jamaica believes that the international community must pledge itself to making of the 19808 a watershed decade. It can do this only by recognizing the limita- tions ofpolicies based upon narrow self-interestand the ftexing of muscles. It can do this by beginning now to implement the pragmatic measures and by beginning now to inc':Jlcate the philosophical and psychological orientations which are essential to the spirit of co- operation and accommodation with which we need to confront the decade of,the 1980s. 151. ..,Span.ning the 1970s and the 1980s is the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development and ,Peace. An important achievement of the Decade has been the establishment of the Voluntary Fund for the United Nations Decade for Women, from which many developing countries, including my own, have benefited. While congratulating the Secretary-Genera/ on the effective manllgement and operation of the Fund, we 'fiust express our hope that its future opera- tions will be maintained at least at the present level. Jamaica also looks forward to the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, De- velopment and Peace. In most of our societies women have fortoo long been relegated to secondary or margi- nal roles, their capabilities underestimated and their talents ignored. Clearly they need to be encouraged to participate fully in the process of development. We expect the f9r.th9.oming Conference to help to do that and thereby contribUte to the establishment ofthe New International Econpmic Order. 152. The current stage of negotiations in the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea points to the possibility of an early resolution of the outstanding issues. These negotiations are intimately related to the ongoing deliberations on the New Inter- national Economic Order and encompass some of the most ~ndurin~ concerns in the political, economic and juridical relations among States. We confidently expect that the management of the resources of the sea-bed and ocean floor and the juridical regime that we agree to establish will represent for the 19808 a singular and extraordinary demonstration of international co- operation in what has been often described as the last frontier ofman. The success ofthe Conference is there- fore of special importance for the future of the World. 154. The frustration and disillusionment of the past must now give way to a new era of hope and fulfilment. The 1980s beckon us to new challenges ofleadership, of vision and of creative action. We require a new sum- mons to our will to establish a world free from fear, free from poverty and free from exploitation. We are chal- lenged to create a lasting peace which goes beyond the mere absence of war and to usher in a new age where injustice and exploitation are no more. Our experience demonstrates that our future is inextricably inter- twined. We are driven to the recognition that we may belong to several nations and several peoples but that, despite our differences in size, in wealth and in power, we all belong to one race-the human race-and that the earth we must all inhabit is one and indivisible.

Mr. President your unani- mous election to the presidency of this august Assem- bly is for the delegation of Rwanda a cause for great pleasure and legitimate pride, as we see the representa- tive of an Mrican country, Rwanda's friend, to which we are united by so many common traditions and so many warm and fraternal ties, assume such lofty and great responsibilities at a time when the fate of the world depends on the worth and the generosity of the people of our generation. 156. The great responsibility entrusted to you means that delegations do appreciate your outstanding qual- ities and your valuable contributions to this Assembly. It is also a well-deserved tribute to your country, the United Republic of Tanzania, which, under the leader- ship of its prestigious leader, MwalimuJulius Nyerere, continues to carry high the torch offreedom, justice and solidarity among peoples. 157. My delegation is happy to emphasize in what high esteem the Head of State in Rwanda, Major- General Juvenal Habyarimana, and the people of Rwanda, hold the President of the United Republic of Tanzania, in view of the tireless efforts which he con- tinues to make for the cause of Africa. 158. The Rwandan delegation would also at this time like to express its appreciation of the dynamic co- operation between the Tanzanian and Rwandan peoples and also ofthe great understanding and frater- nal solidarity which we have always experienced from the Tanzanian Government particularly at those times when our country has been arbitrarily subjected to economic strangulation, partly because of our land- locked situation. 159. The Rwanda delegation would also like to pay a tribute to your predecessor, Ambassador Indalecio Lievano of Colombia, who wisely, competently and with devotion presided over the work of the preceding session. 160. I should also like to take this opportunity of expressing Rwanda's great appreciation to the Secretary-General, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, for his devo- tion to the work of strengthening the role ofthe United Nations, in the maintenance of international peace and 162. My delegation would also like to pay a tribute to the memory of that outstanding leader, Agostinho Neto, the great freedom fighter whom fate has snatched from us, from the admirationof Africa and the affection of the Angolan people. The fight which he led at the head of the MPLA,9 and which led Angola to national sovereignty, is a model of courage and tenacity for those peoples which are still struggling for their free- dom. May the work that he began be consolidated and flourish in peace and national concord. That is the wish which my delegation would like to address to the gallant Angolan people. 163. A look back at events which have occurred since the last session shows that in general the dangers and risks which the international situation presented to us a year ago, have evolved in a manner that can hardly be described as satisfactory and can even be described as disturbing. 164. In the period that has elapsed, the world has encountered new problems which are a serious threat to international peace and co-operation. A glance at some of the events that have occurred emphasizes these dangers. 165. Here and there throughout the world, the pres- sing of claims have led to people having recourse to violence, new hotbeds ofarmed conflict have erupted in various regions and social disruption within States has sometimes led to internecine struggle. 11"6. The colonialist and reactionary forces have in- creased their means of pressure and their diversionary tactics, under cover of invidious legaJism. In this man- ner they intend to continue their policy ofdomination and exploitation, without changing any aspect of it. 167. The multilateral negotiations which have been carried on so far with a view to the establishment ofthe new international economic order have ended in half successes, if I am not to call them failures, and in this way they have disappointed the long-held hopes of most of the Members of this Organization. 168. The many issues submitted to us for considera- tion show that there are very many difficult problems facing us. 1should like to focus mainly on those issues which are of major concern to man. 169. The complete liberation of the continent of Af- rica is for us still the paramount concern, and we quite rightly consider it a sacred duty resolutely to support the peoples of southern Mrica who are struggling for 170. The international community is witnessing. a network of machinations which, although doomed to failure in advance, nevertheless do reveal how bitterly a minority of Rhodesian settlers and their backers are trying to satisfy their greed and their instinct for domi- nation and exploitation, which have already been con- demned by history. 171. Hesitation and indecision in resorting to firm ac- tion have led the minority racist regime to be bold enouJdl to set up a Government under its thumb, made up ortraitors who emerged from the pseudo-elections which were just as illegal as the unilateral declaration of independence of November 1965. 172. After all, is it hardly possible in Zimbabwe to achieve independence based on government by major- ity and under conditions of peace and stability, unless the true representatives of the people of Zimbabwe, who have been carrying on an armed struggle for dec- ades, are able to regain their national rights. 173. In our opinion, the participation of the Patriotic Front in the settlement of the Rhodesian crisis is an absolutely imperative requirement. 174. My delegation sincerely hopes that the Confer- ence now taking place in London, in which all the parties concerned are participating, will conclude with practical and satisfactory conclusions which will pro- vide an effective and rational solution to the tragedy of Zimbabwe and thus put an end to the long war which has had such tragic consequences not only for the people of that country but also for the neighbOUring States. 175. In Namibia, while the illegal South Mrican occu- pation regime has feigned understanding and wisdom when faced with the proposals made by the five West- ern members of the Security Council, the iron curtain has not yet been raised. Oppression, the elevation of pu\,pet chiefs to posts of honour, massacres and decla- rations of good intentions all alternate at a frightening rate, confusing us all, or trying to do so. 176. In the face of these Machiavellian manoeuvres our concern remains, and peaceful independence be- comes increasingly unsure. In any event no form of independence is acceptable for that Territory unless it is endorsed by our Organization which is the only legiti. mate trusteeship authority in Namibia and which has the imperative obligation to lead that Territory to sovereignty with full respect for the unity and integrity of that country and with the participation of SWAPO, which is the sole recognized and authentic representa- tive of the Namibian people. 177. Accordingly my delegation categorically rejects the illegal elections staged in December 1978, the deci- sions of the Constituent Assembly, which is in the pay of Pretoria, and the wicked Tumhalle constitution. We also reject all those tricks involving the customary pup- pet chiefs who are venal and malleable because they are corrupt. 179. The supreme form of iniquity and injustice has established its headquarters in Pretoria so as to be able to unleash an anachronistic war against the Mrican peoples who are struggling with determination for inde- pendence and for a definition oftheir national identity. 180. Since the barbaric massacres of SharpeviHe and the savage repression of Soweto, the odious and unac- ceptable system ofapartheid, that form ofenslavement which is shameful to our age, has drawn so much revul- sion and so many denunciations and condemnations that-it is now high time the United Nations took action and meted out a punishment befitting the gravity of these crimes against humanity. 181. This question is far too important for the United Nations to continue settling for half measures. Thus, in connexion with southern Africa, my delegation expres- ses the hope that, at last, at this session we may find adequate solutions to this problem which humanity finds increasingly intolerable, not only for the Narni- bians, Zimbabweans and Azanians but also for the neighbouring oountries which are suffering from armed aggression by the racist forces because of their unwav- ering support for the cause ofthe ideals ofour Charter. 182. In Western Sahara the democratic, emancipating and liberating aspirations ofthe people are being stifled by a protracted and illegal war to annex the Territory and divert it from the current of the decolonization process which the world community has endorsed in General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV) of 16 De- cember 1960. 183. There is no longer any need to stress the fact that the rights of the Saharan people cannot be challenged. For my delegation, the struggle being waged by the Saharan people is no longer separable from that being waged by the peoples ofZimbabwe, Namibiaand South Africa, because the problem in Western Sahara indeed is one of decolonization. The International Court of Justice, at the request of this Assembly, stated that neither Morocco nor Mauritania had exercised territo- rial sovereignty over Spanish Sahara before it was col- onized by Spain. to Since then, the sixteenth ordinary session ofthe Assembly ofHeads ofState and Govern- ment of the OAU, held in Monrovia has endorsed the principle of the right of the Saharan people to self- determination [A/34/552. pp. 90-91]. Thus, the justice of the Saharan cause has now been recognized through- out the world. 184. The Rwanda delegation sincerely hopes that all the parties directly involved in this problem will demon- strate moderation and wisdom in order to avoid any further bloodshed like that which has been occurring for too long in this part of Africa. 185. However, I should like to hail the courageous decision that the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, in- spired by the conclusions ofthe Monrovia Assembly of l86. In the Middle East the advent of the peace which we all long for whole-heartedly is still uncertain. It will continue to be so as long as the Palestinian people are subjected to the deprivation and suffering, both moral and physical, which they have enduredfor more than 30 years. If we examine the background and origin of this conflict we see that it is unanimously .recognized that any solution to the problem must take due account of the legitimate interests of the Palestinian people rep- resented by the PLO. Indeed, it could not be otherwise because the Middle East crisis or, more specifically, the Arab-Israeli conflict, has as its background, as its first cause, the failure to recognize the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. 187. Accordingly, any effective, just, honourable and lasting s?lution to this crisis.must nec~ss~ly incl~de a recognition by all of the natIonal and malienable nghts of the Palestinian people, including their right to an independent and sovereign State, and Israeli with- drawal from all the Arab territories that it has occupied since 1967. This is necessary before there can be co- operation and an atmosphere of trust among the States in the region. Accordingly, peace in the Middle East must be the result of a global agreement among all the parties concerned, in particular the Palestinian people as represented by the PLO, their only legitimate representative. 188. The Rwanda delegation is followin~ with con- cern the situation in Cyprus in which, despite the enor- mous efforts made by the Secretary-General to resolve the conflict, the gap between the two communities of the island remains. 189. It is the duty of the international community to do all it can to arrive at a favourable solution, encourag- ing a dialogue between the two cO;OlITlunities.without any foreign interference, because thiS problemIOvolves principles, the violation ofwhich causes a direct threat to the sovereignty, territorial integrity and the remark- able role played by this country in consolidating the non-aligned movement, which today includes three quarters of the world family. 190. The Rwanda Government is concerned about the situation which still prevails in Lebanon and which is a dangerous threat to the territorial integrity of that country. To put an end to that most regrettable situa- tion, it is necessary to start a fruitful dialogue among all the Lebanese communities and to clear up the disputes which have been whipped up through circumstances which are beyond the control of the Lebanese people, who for many years have been suffering from the m~d­ ness of destruction unleashed by uncontrolled foreign legions. 191. However, we do not give up hope that peace in Lebanon can be re-established with the valuable co- operation ofall the parties involved in that crisis ~d the United Nations, whose presence in the country IS most definitely a factor for moderation. 193. The position of the Republic of Rwanda on the question of divided nations has been frequently stated at this rostrum. Peoples who fonnindivisible nations do have an absolute inalienable right to seek ways and means of achieving peaceful reunification. 194. The Government of Rwanda welcomes the ef- forts that have been made for some years by the Federal Republic of Gennany and the German Democratic Re- pUblic to normalize their relations. We trust that this dialogue will one day result in the peaceful reunification of the German nation. 195. The Korean question, although it has not been the subject of distressing debates recently, neverthe- less is a matter of deep concern and a latent source of confrontation which could engulf the whole region. My dele~ation has always advocated the withdrawal of foreign troops from Korean territory in order to facili- tate a free and peaceful reunification, because in the final analysis it is up to the Korean people to take a democratic decision about their future. 196. I should now like to return to a problem which is as essential to the human race as is the right to peace and well-being; I refer to disannarnent. 197. The impassioned desire for destruction and domination has led people today to design and man- ufacture increasingly sophisticated weapons to act as a deterrent to others whom they mistrust because they do not understand their intentions or because they suspect them. The arms race and the balance ofterror have held sway since the free nations, after the Second World War resolving to try to save future generations from such' scourges and to ensure mutual respect in a .....,o~ld of peace in which each nation would be able to buIld Its future in total security, came together to sign the Char- ter of our Organization. 198. In Rwanda, we believe that there can be no inter- national detente until an end has been put to the anns race. That is why we whole-heartedly calI for the time when the enormous financial and scientific resources now being devoted to the manufacture ofthe means of destroying mankind can be used to encourage respect for the freedom and dignity of the human race. 199. We believe that all efforts to curb the arms race, for example, the signing of the SALT Trea~y.recently concludeo at Vienna, must be encouraged 10 order to ensure that the tremendous resources thus freed can be made available for the economic and social develop- ment of all the peoples of the world. 200. A reaffirmation of the denuclearization ofAfrica, which was decided on by the Asse~bly of Head~,,?f State and Government of the OAU 10 May 1%3, IS II See Organization of African Unity, Assembly of!lea~sofStale and Government: Resolutions and Declarations oj Ordmary and Extraordinary Sessions (Addis Ababa, May 1963). p. II. 201. The same holds true for the Indian Ocean, which was proclaimed a zone of peace by our Assembly in 1971 [resolution 2831 (XXVI)], but which is neverthe- less still the scene of a mass concentration ofwarships and nuclear and conventional weapons. 202. Since the beginning ofthis decade man has been living through one of the most tragic periods of the economic and social crisis. It is one of the most tragic because of its gravity and also because of its duration. This crisis is particularly difficult for the poorest countries, the land-locked countries and those with only a few natural resources. 203. The new international economic order, which was so carefully elaborated by experts with a view to establishing a minimum balance among the 20 richest countries, which account for more than 80 per cent of the goods of the world, and the countless other States Members of the United Nations, which are left with only 20 per cent of the resources of the world to meet the needs of three quarters of the human race, has become merely a fine subject for academic disserta- tions, because those countries that are able to change the unjust and egoistic economic order seem today not to have the political will necessary to carry out the necessary changes. 204. As the Second United Nations Development Decade draws to an end, the concerns ofour Organiza- tion in this area are still just as acute as ever. 205. The Paris Conference on so-called North-South co-operation 12 did meet with limited success in 1977, but there has been a continual increase in the price ofoil and that has made the economies of the poorer countries even more precarious, while the deterioration in the tenns oftrade has assumed alarming proportions. 206. We were extremely disappointed at the failure of the fifth session of UNCTAD last June, in that, apart from some isolated decisions that had to be taken, the group of countries that has the advantage in the current system refused to recognize the interdependence that exists in the world today between all groups of countries from the point of view of economics, trade and finance. 207. The setting up of the Common Fund for stabiliz- ing the market prices of commodities and the decision by some countries to cancel some of the debts of the developing countries must be welcomed as a healthy approach to encouraging the process of setting up the new international economic order. 208. Here I should like to pay a tribute in particular to those countries which had responded to the appeal launched by the international community in the area of the rescheduling of debts. In this respect, we wish to mention, inter alia, the Federal Republic of Germany, Canada, the Netherlands, France, Sweden and Switzerland. 12 Conference on International Economic Co-operation, held at Paris from 30 May to 2 June 1977. 210. The recently concluded negotiations on a new convention soon to be signed at Lome, were under- standably arduous, and sometimes caused frustration among the negotiating parties. Nevertheless, the out- come is a further step in the co-operation between rich and developing countries as they seek to establish a new international economic order. 21 I. However, alongside these positive reactions, which are generous and praiseworthy, the gap between rich and poor continues to grow because of the refusal ofthe rich countries to take specific action and solve the problems which trouble the conscience of us all. 212. Forexample, one could mention afew issues that are particularly urgent. I refer to an improvement ofthe terms of trade, the rescheduling of debts, the comp- lementary financing measures for poor countries, and the transfer of technology, as well as others which I shall not detail. 213. As we consider ail these issues-and there are many others which are just as important as the increase of aid to development-a special place must be re- served for the least developed and land-locked countries, which suffer from the cumulative effect ofall these problems: inflation, a collapse in the prices ofthe few raw materials which they possess and other natural disasters. 214. My delegation would like to draw the attention of this Assembly to its resolution 33/85 of 15 December 1978 on the United Nations Special Fund for Land- locked Developing Countries. That resolution expres- ses our concern at the" very low level ofcontributions ... announced" and urges Member States "to make immediate and generous contributions" so as to make the Fund operational as soon as possible. 215. During this year, as I said earlier in my state- ment, my country found itself on the brink of paralysis because ofour land-locked situation in the middle ofthe continent of Africa, more than 1,800 kilometres from the ocean. This was at a time when difficulties in our region prevented us from transporting our supplies and our exports. 216. We avoided the worst thanks only to the solidar- ity of friendly countries and international agencies which gave us the additional resources to ensure that supplies could reach our country, and also through the solidarity ofneighbouring countries, which helped us to transport our goods through their territories. 217. I would be remiss if I did not in this Assembly express once again the sincere thanks of the Govern- ment of Rwanda and of our people to all those friendly countries and regional and international organizations which, at the crucial hours when we were faced with economic paralysis earlier this year, responded most generously to our anguished appeal for assistance. 218. It is clear that there is no lack ofsympathy for the land-locked countries, and there is indeed an increased 219. Rwanda. a land-locked country, has considered it to be its duty to cultivate good relations of co- operation in the areas in which we are located. We are convinced that mutual benefit can result from well- thought-out horizontal co-operation which is also well organized,. It is against this background that my country, Rwan<.la, is happy to have set up with our sister Republics of Burundi and Zaire the Economic Community of the Great Lakes Countries. We were convinced that the setting up ofeconomic regional units was an objective approach and a realistic basis which could help to create an atmosphere conducive to economic co-operation among the countries concerned. 220. Still at a level of regional co-operation, I can say that Rwanda. the United Republic of Tanzania and Burundi have sct up the Organization for the Develop- ment of the Akagera Basin with a view to the common exploitation of the natural resources of the Caseu for the benefit of our respective populations. 221. We hope that the Transport and Communica- tions Decade in Africa, which ECA and the OAU are now planning, will enable us to strengthen regional and interregional co-operation in Africa. 222. Well-planned and well-organized co-operation between Africa and the Arab countries can make a real contribution to reducing the most regrettable imbalance between the economies of the industrialized countries and of the developing countries. In this spirit Rwanda welcomes the relations of friendship and co-operation which we already have with a numberofArab countries and Arab development funds. 223. My delegation has also had an opportunity to stress th~t, in the context ofthe draft ofan international convention on the law of the sea, the right of access to the sea by land-locked countries and freedom of transit through .third countries must be reaffirmed. 224. At· the same time we cannot fail to condemn those national legislatures which unilaterally have ap- propriated to themselves the resources of the sea whictI have already been declared the common heritage of mankind,in General Assembly resolution 2749 (XXV). 225. There is no doubt that the United Nations is an excellent setting for negotiations. While we recognize the benefits of dialogue at the bilateral and regional level, we appreciate all the more the benefits of such dialogue within our Organization through this most val- uable instrument. the Charter of the UniteLl Nations. 226. Despite some regrettable events, some disap- pointments and some tragedies. we recognize the un- equalled value of our Organization because it encour- ages the tireless struggle of Member States to establish 227. In this context I wish to express my conviction that, with perseverenee and determination. we shall be able to bring our positions closer, to overcome those obstacles which separate us and take concerted action. In this way. by taking into account the interdependence ofour futures, we can lead all peoples to a better world.

Mr. President. 1 should like to extend to you my warmest congratulations on your unanimous election to the presidency of this session. Your election is an expression of appreciation to the friendly country_ of the United Republic of Tanzania and all of AfIica. and I am sure that your experience and expertise wiJI ensure the success of this session and bring about the results to which we all aspire. 229. I wish also to thank your predecessor, who di- rected the deliberations of the thirty-third session of the General Assembly with great success. 230. I would seize this opportullity too to express my country's welcome to Saint Lucia, 011 its admission to membership in the United Nations. 23 I. We felt great grief at the death of Agostinho Neto. the President of the People's Republic ofAngola, who led his people towarLls national independence and played a prominent role in the African struggle, that led to Angola occupying its rightful place among the na- tions of the world. Earlier we had been deeply grieved by the death of the great national leader Houari Boumediene, the President of the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, who had effectively contributed to the Arab and African struggle. Under his leadership the Algerian people made great achievements. 232. The United Nations is a suitable international fOfllm in which to <.leal with many international prob- lems. Since its inception more than 30 years ago it has playeLl a prominent role inthe promotion of peace and security throughout the world and in enlarging the pos- sibi Iities and fields of co-operation among peoples. It has also tIeIpel! to create a suitable atmosphere for the promotion of the principles of peaceful coexistence and the achievement of detente in international relations. Though it is true that the United Nations could have discharged its responsibilities in a larger measure in international life, the presence of imperialism, co- lonialism, neo-colonialism and racism, of which zionism is a form, has constituted an impediment in the way of the achievement by the Organization of the objectives set fOlih in the Charter and has prevented it from carrying out its task of finLling practical solutions to many of the problems it has dealt with continuously at its various sessions. The disregard by some for United Nations resolutions has decreased their impor- tance and has leLl to their non-implemenWtion while pushing international efforts towards a L1ead end. 233. Nevet1heless there has been a great change in the worlLl, and many countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America have achieved independence, while the old 234. While we pay a tribute to the liberation of those peoples and to their contribution, we should like in particular to praise the heroic and courageous stand taken by the Iranian people in bringing down the Shah's regime and liquidating the aggressive role that was as- signed to him at the service ofimperialism in that area of the world. 235. We should like also to congratulate the people of Nicaragua on their victory over the dictatorial Somoza regime. 236. There is no doubt that the will of the oppressed peoples of Palestine, Namibia, Zimbabwe, South Af- rica, Western Sahara, Puerto Rico and other areas still suffering under the yoke of colonialist and racist occu- pation will triumph over imperialism and its allies. Im- perialism and its allies will be defeated because the trend ofhistory is towards the end ofthe enslavement of peoples, towards their liberation and economic and SOCial progress. This is linked with the support pro- vided by the friendly socialist countries, foremost among them the Sov~et Vnion. 237. In Democratic Yemen we have suffered from imperialism, division and backwardness in all its forms. Nevertheless the Yemeni people, as a result of long years of struggle, were able to achieve national inde- pendence and to overcome and eradicate the regime of the Imam and imperialism and the weak sultanate en- tities it tried to establish. Today, with greater confi- dence, our people are directing their efforts to en- trenching their independence and their sovereignty over their territory, to protecting what they have achieved and to facing all imperialist manoeuvres and plots aimed at infringing upon their achievements, at Impeding their national march forward and at pushing them into the crucible ofa new war. The only force that would benefit from such plots are those that are trying to impede their legitimate aspirations to establish the unity of Yemen within the framework of a national democratic regime that would respond to the largest interests of the Yemeni people and that would put an end to the ambitions of expansion of these forces and their overt interference in the internal affairs ofYemen. 239. This is the situation in Yemen. Imperialism and its allies in the area, who were upset by the steadfast- ness of the Yemeni people and their ability to foil their manoeuvres, were stunned at the victories of the rev- olutions in Ethiopia, Iran and Afghanistan. Today, they ar~ trying to create tensions and instability throughout the area.and to set up an aggressive military alliance for the purpose ofdefending the continuance of their influ- ence and oftheir imperialist usurpation ofthe wealth of the area, as well as to strike out at the national liberation movements such as the Popular Front for the Libera- tion ofOman, which is leading the struggle ofthe Omani people to the true independence of their country and to the ending of foreign interference and the imperialist military presence in that country. 240. All th~se manoeuvres, which are conceived and planned by the V nited States and carried out by its allies, are made at a time when American ambitions are increaSing. The aim is to occupy the oilfields and con- solidate American military presence by strengthening the aggressive base in Diego Garcia and deploying the Fifth Fleet in the Indian Ocean. At the same time the area is being flooded with weaponry and a special emergency force is being created which the United States may use at any time to threaten, invade and occupy territory on the grounds that it has vital in- terests in the area. 241. To carry out these manoeuvres, the imperialist circles depend primarily upon Israel and the Sadat re- g!me., which has fallen completely into the hands of zlomsm and the United States and which, with its shameful capitulationist attitudes, is a blot on the history of Egypt and hurt its people and negated the sacrifices of that people in the service of the struggle of the Arab nation. 242. Despite all these manoeuvres, the steadfastness of.the Arab str:uggle grows stronger every day and will foil all aggreSSIve manoeuvres and strengthen the faith of the Arab peoples in the inevitability of their final ViCtOry over imperialism, zionism and reaction. This becomes particularly true as world public opinion be- comes aWare of the justice oftheir cause and the danger of the plots against their security and stability. 243. What is taking place today in southern Lebanon is undoubtedly another link in the chain of the rna- no~uvres of the imperialist, Zionist, reactionary circles which are not satisfied with instigating a civil war in Lebanon and worsening Lebanon's relations with the Palestinian revolution. They have, in fact, caused the diyi~ion of.Lebanon and.the establishment of an agent mlm-state In the south With the aim of perpetuating the 244. We should like to pay a tribute to the heroic determination and steadfastness ofthe fraternal people of Lebanon in their resistance to this criminal plan. We condemn the establishment of the separationist mini- state in the south and the aggressive military actions carried out by Israel against the Palestinian and Lebanese peoples. We call upon world public opinion to help to put an end to Israel's repeated aggression against Lebanon and to confirm the integrity, sovereignty and legitimate authority of Lebanon. 245. World imperialism and Israel are also trying to ignore the fact that the Palestinian cause is the root of the struggle in the Middle East. It has been proved, once and for all, that it will be impossible to solve this problem without recognizing the right ofthe Palestinian people to self-determination and to the establishmentof a national independent State in Palestine as well as recognizing the PLO as the sale legitimate representa- tive of the Palestinian people. It is further necessary that Israel withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories. 246. We have also witnessed the failure of American policy in the area when it embraced the Sadat regime and urged it to sign the Camp David agreements, which are another way of ignoring the facts of the situation in the Middle East and only serve to place the whole area in a position ofdependence on the United States so that that country may impose its influence and domination on the peoples and the wealth ofthe region. Democratic Yemen would like once more to reaffirm its denuncia- tion of this policy and these agreements, which are aimed at liquidating the Palestinian question. 247. Democratic Yemen affirms the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to reject and oppose any plan or agreement or covenant which does not recognize their inalienable rights to self-determination and to the establishment of an independent national state in Palestine, and to which the PLO is not a party. 248. Just as these manoeuvres are being carried out in the Middle East, so, too, the peoples of the African continent face numerous imperialist and racist plots and manoeuvres aimed at diverting them from their path of national liberation and the preservation of their independence and sovereignty and the elimination of racist regimes on the continent. 249. In southern Africa, the racist regimes, in collu- sion with the imperialist and colonialist Powers, con- tinue to defy the will of the peoples of the area and to practise further types of apartheid and racial discrimi- nation while trying to cover up their racist and im- perialist natures by distorting the will of the people of the region and ignoring the true representatives of the peoples of Zimbabwe and Namibia. 250. Democratic Yemen supports the just struggle be- ing waged by the Patriotic Front in Zimbabwe and we condemn imperialist attempts to hold sham elections and to impose through their own agents illegitimate leadership on the peoples. We also condemn the con- tinued occupation of Namibia by the Government of South Africa in violation ofthe resolutions of the inter- 251. We also condemn the overt military interven- tions by some Western countries aimed at changing political regimes in Africa and threatening peace and security and the stability of its peoples. 252. The question of Westem Sahara is undoubtedly one ofthe most important topics to be dealt with during the current session of the General Assembly. On more than one occasion in the past we have affirmed our rejection of the consideration ofthis question as though it were a conflictbetween Algeriaand Morocco. It is the cause of a people in quest of self-determination and independence. We support the struggle ofthe people of Western Sahara under the leadership of the Frente POLISARIO.'4 Democratic Yemen welcomes the re- cent policy adopted by Mauritania and we hope that Morocco will take the same step so that the peoples of the Sahara may achieve their total independence. Then the peoples of the Arab Maghreb will together effec- tively contribute to foiling imperialist and Zionist man- oeuvres and further strengthen the struggle ofthe Arab and African peoples. 253. On the question of Cyprus, we have constantly supported the total and unconditional withdrawal of all foreign forces and the elimination of military bases in the island. We would like to reaffirm here the need to respect the island's neutrality and independence, sovereignty and indivisibility. 254. With regard to Indo-China, we hail the victory of the Kampuchean people and their toppling ofthe auto- cratic Pol Pot regime, which had committed many crimes against the people of Democratic Kampuchea. 255. We also support the principles underlying the courageous stand of the peoples ofViet Nam and Laos, and we condemn all imperialist and reactionary ma- noeuvres and plots against them. 256. As far as the situation in Latin America is con- cerned, we strongly condemn the blockade imposed by the United States against Cuba, and we pay a tribute to the determination of the Cuban people in confronting this blockade and their struggle to liquidate the Ameri- can military base at Guantanamo. 257. We pay a tribute to the positive developments achieved in Latin America, particularly by Nicaragua and Grenada, and we condemn all imperialist and reactionary manoeuvres aimed at infringing upon the will of those peoples and their national choices. We would like to affirm once again the right ofthe people of Puerto Rico to independence and self-determination, and we denounce the steps taken by the American 14 Frente Popular para la Liberacidn de Saguia el-Hamra y de Rio de Oro. 259. Now that we are comingto the end ofthe Disarm- ament Decade we can see that, despite the steps taken to put an end to the anns race and to bring about total and compl,ete disarmament, these targets are still re- mote. BaSically, what is required is increased mutual trust, and the presence ofpolitical will on the part ofthe nuclear-weapon countries, in order that decisive steps may be taken to eliminate nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. In addition, there must be ~uaran,tees ~o prevent their bein~ owned and to halt their proliferatIOn by other countnes, particularly the racist regimes. 260: 'rhe dreamofa world in which peace prevails and which IS free from the threat ofa destructive war is one to which all peoples aspire. It is our responsibility to strengthen international peace, and to push away the threat of w~r. The efforts deployed for disarmament and the endmg of the arms race are vital and fundamen- t~ in th~s· respect. The signing of the SALT Treaty in Yle.nn~ IS an Important step and a turning-point in the lImitation of the arms race, and we should like to ex- press our satisfaction at the signing of that Treaty and the efforts exert~d by ~he Soviet,U,!ion in spite of many obstacles and difficultIes. The slgmng of that Treaty is of b~n.efit to all the peace-loving peoples of the world, and It I~ at the s~e time an indication that it is possible tl:? achIeve positive results in the search for total dIsarmament. f61. We '!lust also understand the importance of mak- !ng the IndIan Ocean a zone ofpeace, while also declar- Ing o~her areas zones free ofnuclear weapons. We have preVIOusly affirmed that the Red Sea is a natural exten- sion of the Indian Ocean, and we have asked that it be consldered a region of peace, security, stability and coexistence among all the peoples that live around it. We have called, and we continue to call for adherence to the policy of peaceful coexistence in this area, for mutual respect without interference in the internal af- fairs of other States, for non-use offorce or the threat of force, and for the peaceful resolution of conflicts. 262. The liberation of man and his achievement of prosperity and social progress is our objective. Peoples ~ave taken large steps forward towards political libera- tIO!?-, but, ne,:ertheless, they continue to struggle for th~Ir economIC and social progress and liberation. In thiS task they face great difficulties as a result of the ~revailiJ?g ineguality in international economic rela- ~lOns,. d¢ficultles that have their roots in the era of Impenallsm and economic dependency. In spite of the many meetings and conferences at all levels throughout t~e past five y.ears aimed at setting up a new interna- tlO!'!al eC0r:'0mlc order, most capitalist countries adopt an mtranslgent and stubborn attitude which prevents the achievement of any real progress' and as a result we find the dialogue between the advanced and th~ developing countries has reached a dead end. A~sembly Resolution 32/174 and the Preparatory Com- mittee for the New International Development Strat- egy: ~e cannot. overcome this situation unless the capitalist countnes demonstrate the political will to translate good intentions and promises into practical ~esults tha.t c~uld redound to the benefit ofthe develop- Ing countnes m all fields, whether in the field ofintema- tional trade or in the development of their ~echnological-industrialcapacity in the field offinance, m the tran~fe.r of re.sources and in the lifting of barriers and restnctlOns Imposed by the policy of pro- tectionism, .which ha~e an adverse effect not only on the developIng countnes, but also on the international economy as a whole. 264. The Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Gov- ernment of non-aligned countries, held in Havana, affirl!'ed the need to set up a new international eco- l1;0mlc order and to continue with international negotia- tIOns towards that end. This cannot be achieved with- out deep-rooted changes in the structure of interna- tional economic relations on the basis of mutual benefit and true ir:tternational interdependence based onjustice and equality. The capitalist countries must give up their methods of procrastination and delay in bringing about eyen m~re changes of fonn and their attempts to sow dls~en~lOn among the developing countries in order to mamtam. the status quo and the interests of their monopolIes. 265. ~ol~ective self-reliaJ?ce among the developing c.ountnes IS o~e of the mamstays of the new interna- tlOn~ econ~mlc order and a ~omplementary dimension of mt~rnatI0I!-al co-operatIOn with the developed countrIes. ThiS has become a fact which has been affirmed by the various statements and resolutions of the non-aligned Conferences and the Conferences of t~e Group of 77. However, this is only the start of a ~lfficuIt and arduous path which requires the mobiliza- tIOn of all efforts and making use of every opportunity and potentiality to reach practical results and to bring about real changes with a view to achieving structural amendments and developing the international economy. 266.. There ~re among the developing countries some pat:rlcularly disadvantaged: the least developed nations which suffer as a result of their meagre resources and the re~ardation of their development process. These countnes require and deserve intensified and ac- celer.ated assistance. UNCTAD, at its fifth session in Mamla, has drawn up an urgent Programme ofAction IS and outlined the necessary steps needed to help these IS See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference vn Trade andpevelvp,!,ell!, Fifth Session. vol. I. Report and Annexes (Uniled ~itl(.J). publication. Sales No. E.79.II.D,14l. part one A. resolution 267. This has become a more urgent issue for those countries which, from time to time, suffer natural disas- ters and in their special circumstances face the problem of inflation and rising prices. It is important that the recommended steps be put into effect forthwith and that the new international development decade must give special consideration to those countries. 268. In conclusion, 1should like to pay a tribute to the efforts of the Secretary-General ofthe United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, to achieve peace and security in the world, to his devotion to strengthening the role of the international Organization and its contribution to the solution of many international problems and to the enhancement of the Organization's position among the countries of the world.

The international community has welcomed the election of Mr. Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania to the presidency of this thirty-fourth session ofthe General Assembly with hope and satisfaction. As far as Africa is concerned, it is indeed proud, and I congratulate him. His election is a fitting tribute to a career which has been devoted largely to the noble cause of the emancipation of peoples, as typified by his brilliant chairmanship for a number of years of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the lmplementation of the Declaration on the Granting of lndependence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. It is a tribute also to his country, with which mine has excel- lent relations, and which has been making invaluable efforts on the' 'front line" for the triumph ofjustice and freedom. Lastly, it is a tribute to Mr. Salim's personal attributes of even-handedness, tact, good humour and constant goodwill. 270. Niger, a founding member ofthe OAU ,has never wavered, since its accession to sovereignty and its en- try into the United Nations, from a code of conduct in keeping with group ethics and international law. 271. Scrupulous respect for the rights ofothers is the comer-stone ofour foreign policy. In fact we revere the principle that every nation has the inviolable right to choose the political, economic and social structures which best respond to the aspirations and nature of its people. By the same token, however, we demand simi- lar respect forour historical values, and the same toler- ance for our national options. This foreign policy, which categorically rejects any selectivity, justifies, among other things, the place my country occupies in the great family of non-aligned nations. 272. Our non-alignment is dynamic and objective, free of any complicity or complacency. Our policy of co-operation with all countries stems from it; thus we are certain that that co-operation will exist within the framework of respect for our personality and will lead to the development of our mutual interests. 16 See document TD/236. 274. However, while my country does not wish to preach, we cannot help reiterating our indignation that resolution 1514 (XV), of 1960, on the granting of inde- pendence to colonial countries and peoples, in certain respects continues to be flouted. Similarly, we find it scandalous that, at a time when there is constant talk everywhere about respect for human rights, the denial and neglect of the basic rights of the black majorities in southern Africa continue to be tolerated. 275. My country, which for 16 years has constantly joined its voice to those ofother members of the OAU to denounce and condemn that state of affairs, cannot but rejoice to see the entire international community reject the sham elections of20 April 1979, which instal- led in Rhodesia a regime in the pay ofthe white minority Power. 276. That is why, while reiterating our support for the Patriotic Front, we are following with interest the cur- rent London Conference, which we hope will lead to the final establishment of legality and so bestow upon the people of Zimbabwe their rights. 277. With regard to Namibia, my country's position has been known for a long time. We have never spared our support for the courageous Namibian people and their fighting movement, SWAPO, which are struggling against South African colonialist and racist oppression. [n this connexion, we wish to make it clear to the international community that as far as we are con- cerned, Walvis Bay is an integral part of Namibian territory. 278. As for South Africa, everything has been said again for more than a quarter century about its loathe- some policy ofapartheid. But we repeat once again that the Government ofPretoria would long ago have ceased f1Guting the international community had it not enjoyed outside support, whether overt or covert. On Niger's behalf, [ can only launch an urgent appeal to all those countries which consider themselves friends ofthe con- tinent of Africa and of African peoples, and who uphold and defend the concept ofhuman rights, to put an end to such interference and duplicity as soon as posssible. 279. It is in the same spirit that we fervently hope that the other Members of the United Nations will work actively for the adoption of appropriate measures in accordance with the relevant provisions of our many resolutions, recommendations and other solemn decla- rations in order to put an end to colonialism, apartheid and racial discrimination in southern Africa. 280. It is also fitting to pay a warm tribute to the front-line countries, which have borne and continue to bear a heavy share in the liberation struggle which, tragically, is today deprived of the leadership of one of its most courageous freedom-fighters, President Neto, who was prematurely snatched from our midst, and whose active militance had given Africa one of its most 281. I ~ould ask the fratef!1a1 delegation of Angola to accept this renewed expressIOn of the deep compassion of the people and Government of Niger. 282. I c(;>uld pot c:lose this chapter wit,h,out mentioning the volatIle situatIOn currently prevaIlmg in Western ~ahara, w~ich, if we:: are n~t vigilant, may deteriorate mto a senous conflict which could engulf our entire subregion. My Government believes that everything must be done to promote the advent of a new era of peace and fraternal co-operation in that subregion in conformity with the resolutions adopted at the OAU Assembly in Monrovia [A/34/552, annex 11] which inter alia, called for recognition of the inalienable right~ of the Saharan people to self-determination. 283. Niger's geo-political situation and the historic relations, cultural as well as economic, which have always united. us with Islamic peoples, explain why my country remams deeply concerned over the situation in the Middle East. 284. In severing all relations with the Zionist State following the 1973 October War, all of Africa con- demned Israel's policy ofaggression and its occupation of Ara~ territories and Palestine. Unfortunately, that aggressIOn and occupation continue, in disdain of the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. Faithful to its principles, Niger will always stand firmly behind the Arab countries and the PLQ i~ their just struggle to. r.ecover their occupied temtones and to gam recogmtlOn for the Palestinian people's right to a homeland. 285..For my country, no just and lasting solution to the MIddle East problem could be conceived ofwithout recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to a homeland; the immediate and unconditional withdrawal oflsrae1 from all occupied Arab territories; the cessation of Zionist desecration of Jerusalem whi~h.c~not be considered Israel's property; and fuli partiCIpatIOn of the PLO, the sole and legitimate rep- re::sentative ofthe Palestinian people, in all negotiations aimed at restoring peace and security in the Middle East. ?86. Furthermore, my delegation wishes to express ItS deep concern at the escalation of Israeli aggression against Lebanon. Our Organization must urgently adopt the necessary measures to end such flagrant vio- lation by Israel of the principles of the Charter and resolutions of our Organization. 287. This year we have noted encouraging events in terms of the consolidation of international peace and the reign ofharmony among nations. Among others, we wish to mention Panama's recovery of full sovereignty over the Canal and the establishment in Nicaragua ofa regime that satisfies the profound aspirations of the Nicaraguan people. 288. With regard to Asia, we wish to see in that part of the world, which has suffered from so many wars and so much destruction in the past, a new era of peace, in which its peoples and countries can work for recon- struction, as well as a better future for coming genera- 289. Many other subjects are the source ofgrave con- cern for our young nations, because they could hamper our efforts at building a worthy and stable national society. Disarmament is among those concerns. In- deeq, over a year a~o this Asse~bly held a special session devoted to dlsannament, Its tenth special ses- sion, which drew up a programme of action [resolution S-IO/2] , including in particular measures for nuclear disarmament. My country, which took active part in that session's work, had an opportunity to express its views on that important question. 17 However, my dele- gation could not omit to mention here the lack of en- thusiasm among militarily powerful countries at trans- lating into action the commitments that they freely un- dertook at that historic session. That is why we favour- ably welcome-though without too much optimism- the signing by the USSR and the United States in Vienna of a second agreement on strategic weapons. Indeed, while the Treaty on the Limitation ofStrategic Offensive Arms is a step in limiting armaments, it does not mark any de-escalation in the production and sophistication of nuclear weapons. The major Powers as in the past, continue to cherish a fragile hope of maintaining ijeace in the world by cultivating terror. 290. While attentive to the civil spirits of domination those same Powers, to ease their consciences, prefer to check up on the small countries whose primary concern is the exploitation of their national resources in condi- tions of peace and harmony. For our part, "We have condemned unequivocably, wherever it s.eeme.d necessary to demonstrate this, not only pro- lIferatIOn but also the possession of nuclear weap- ons ....Our concern is over development." That was the reply given by President Seyni Kountche on this subject to those who intimated that because Niger was a uranium-producing country it might shortly join the club of nuclear-weapon States. It that not clear proof of Niger's commitment to building a world of peace and prosperity in which man can live free from the obsession of a nuclear holocaust? 291. After these few words on disarmament we natu~ rally come to the problems of security. The people and Government of Niger spare no effort to establish and consolidate with their neighbours in the countries ofthe subregion a peaceful climate of understanding and harmony, an atmosphere of peace that will be both an earnest and a guarantee ofour common desire to ensure for our peoples the necessary tranquillity and stability for their economic and social development. 292. It is in that context that we have made efforts on behalf of Chad, a country which, like ours, shares the concerns of a .developing country, a Sahelian land- locked developmg country. Its peoples, like ours, has suffered from Implacable droughts and in recent years has known regrettable internal tunnoil and fratricidal ~truggle~ which have compromised their ideal ofbuild- 109 a UnIted and prosperous nation of Chad. However, 293. Those results were recalled by President Seyni Kountche in the following statement to the Conference of noh-aligned countries at Havana: "We must draw on the goodwill of which there is no lack in conducting negotiations of reconciliation; because it is harmony, mutual aid and constructive co-operation we need to solve our development prob- lems. It is on the confusion of our enemies that we should erect the city of our solidarity, not over the ruins or the corpses of some of us, " 294. Thus, as in the case of Chad, my country wiu spare no effort to bring about peace and unity among peoples and hannony and solidarity among brothers who may be temporarily divided by conflicts. In this we shall act with stnct respect for sovereignty and national identity and without any selfish or vainglorious mo- tives; because our country and people love peace and are jealous oftheir sovereignty and intransigent when it comes to their security. Naturally, what they wish for themselves they also wish for others. 295. The thirty-fourth regular session of the United Nations General Assembly is beginning its work in the midst of a sombre world economic context. Years of efforts have beendevoted to bringing about betterorder and justice in international economic relations, but we are not yet able to see light at the end ofthe tunnel. The world economy is experiencing a serious crisis which can be attributed to the inability ofdeveloped countries to overcome their internal difficulties. In their confu- .sion those countries increase their protectionist meas- ures, thus accentuating the imbalance in world trade and in the international monetary and financial system. 296. It is that egocentric attitude of advanced countries, leading to a hardening of their position in international economic negotiations, which under- mined the results of the fifth session of UNCTAD and led to conclusions that fell shortofthe minimumaccept- able to the vast ml:ijority ofthe participating States. The eighth session of the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea suspended its work some weeks ago without any notable progress to justify the long months of negotiation. 297. The results obtained after many years of co- operation and dialogue are all too eloquent: the rich become richer and the poor remain poor; the gap wi- dens hopelessly between the nations although they are linked by constant interaction in many spheres, within the framework of an anachronistic international divi- sion of labour. 298. Africa's position in this whirlwind of distress is, unfortunately, well known: our continent, the cradle of mankind, which symbolizes the hopes and failures of our world, is experiencing more dramatically than any other region the conflicting effects of development ill- adapted to its environment; it still has 18 ofthe poorest countries in the world. 299. The gross national product throughout Africa 300. The facts show that today, after 20 years ofpoliti- cal independence, the African economy is still under- developed: low per capita incomes, an excessively large rural population, a low level of productivity, an economy dependent on only a few primary com- modities and directed towards unremunerative ex- ports, a complete split between traditional and modem sectors of production, a high percentage of illiteracy. 301. These results are scandalous and repugnant: thousands of human beings still die of hunger while others have too much. Humanity is suffering from an imbalance which can be overcome only ifthere is politi- cal determination to triumph. Forthe establishment ofa new international economic order is a stroke of luck for the industrialized countries, since their economies, very often affected by acute supply problems, cannot be restructured without the development of the de- veloping countries. 302. In addressing myselfto the representatives ofmy sister nations ofAfrica, I wish to recall the pledge ofour respective peoples to make ourAfricaa haven ofpeace, harmony and well-being. These noble objectives can be attained if we undertake the patient construction of integrated economic regional entities. 303. These noble objectives, I should like to stress. can be attained only if, in spite of our enormous poten- tial, brought to fruition by our own efforts and our creative imagination, our Africa continues to depend more on external inftuences than on itself. In this con- nexion, the Assembly of the DAU in Monrovia, which brought together in July important African researchers, leaders and leading African economists, is a positive contribution to the definition of a global strategy within the context of a future structural improvement of Mri- can economies and societies. I wish to congratulate those researchers and also the DAU and ECA on their initiative and their militant fervour in accomplishing their task. 304, Those were the few remarks we wanted to make on the world economy in general, and the situation in Africa in particular. It is up to our Organization, on the basis of repeated statements ofintentions-which have unfortunately remained dead letters-urgently to en- visage ways and means necessary to ensure that our intentions take specific form. 305. The problems ofdevelopment are many and dis- quieting. Niger, the link between the African and the Arab worlds, considers that the question ofdissemina- tion of information among peoples is an essential com- ponent among development priorities. Therefore we must study the means of ensuring a weD-balanced and continuous dissemination of information among our countries. 306. My Government is pleased to see that the prob- 307. Along the same lines, my delegation wishes to express the hope that the international Conference on the distribution of radio frequencies,18 which is being held in Geneva, will meet the hopes which our young nations have placed in it, that justice and the need for balance and harmony in the international mechanism for the broadcasting and reception of information will inform the work of the participants. 308. On behalf of my Government, I wish to express our pleasure at seeing the admission of Saint Lucia as the one hundred fIfty-second Member of the United Nations. In welcoming this new State to our family, we receive an independent and sovereign nation which shares with us the ideals and principles embodied in the Charter. . 309. This opportunity given to the thirty-fourth ses- sion ofthe General Assembly to work for the progress of the Organization towards the aim of universality makes it appropriate for me to proclaim once again the commitment ofNiger, its people and its Government to the decisive and highly appreciated contr;ibution of the United Nations and its specialized agencies to the building of a world of solidarity, justice and equality among peoples and to the establishment ofa new era of peace and co-operation among nations. 310. In this connexion, I wish to greet the Secretary- General of the United Nations, Mr. Kurt Waldheim, whose competence, dynamism and devotion to the service of our common cause evoke in us feelings of profound admiration and esteem. He may be assured of the confidence and support of my Government in the accomplishment of his important and noble task. 311. At this crucial time, when the United Nations is committed resolutely to waging a collective struggle to ensure for mankind a world of order, justice, peace and security, I wish to assure this Assembly ofthe unswerv- ing commitment of Niger and its President to working tirelessly to promote a better balance in international relations and thus to fulfil the lofty dream ofour shared destiny.

Mr. President, it gives the delegation of the Republic of Iraq great pleasure to extend to you its heartfelt felicitatIOns on your election to the presidency of the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. I wish you complete success in the discharge of the duties of this high office, and would like to stress that the delegation of my country will exert its best en- deavours, as it has done at past sessions, to participate actively in the work ofthis session in order to attain the goals assigned to it. Your vast experience at the United Nations, particularly your chairmanship over many years of the Special Committee on decolonization, en- 314. The developments witnessed by the world this year are grave and constitute a threat to peace in many regions of the world. Perhaps the gravest of these de- velopments are the schemes perpetrated in our Arab region, the implementation of which has begun to threaten our security and stability and constitute a setback to the cause of peace in the world as a whole. 315. In my statement last year 19 I called attention to the risks involved in the plans for the so-called peaceful settlement in the Middle East, which the United States ofAmerica has exerted all its material and moral efforts to implement successfully in the Arab regio~. I made special reference to the results of the Camp David agreements and tried to give a true picture ofthe aims of the so-called peaceful settlement which are based on nullifying the Palestinian existence and liquidating the cause of the Palestinian people. We declared at the time, as did the entire Arab nation, particularly the Palestinian people, inside and outside its occupied homeland, our vehement and categoric rejection ofthe two agreements, and singled out a number of essential elements in discussing the Palestinian question and the Middle East. We stressed that the United Nations should assume its full responsibility to make the Zionist forces ofoccupation withdraw from the Palestinian and Arab territories without giving the Zionist entity any political advantages. We reiterate our position that the Palestinian question should be discussed within the framework ofthe United Nations and in the presence of the representatives of the Palestinian people in con- formity with General Assembly resolution 3236 (XXIX). We reject all unilateral schemes for settle- ments which would not be conducive to a just and durable peace. 316. We have warned that the continuation of mate- rieJ and particularly military support for the racist re- gime in Tel Aviv will lead to the escalation of tension and the continuation of conflict in the Arab region which, in tum, will threaten peace and security in the world, particularly with the proliferation of nuclear weapons to the Middle East which has become a real- ity. In this context I wish to refer to agenda item 121, entitled "Israeli nuclear armament", proposed by our delegation this year in document A/34/142, which re- flects the mounting Zionist expansionist attempts to impose capitulation on the Arab nation through the use of every· method of terror and blackmail, including nuclear blackmail. I trust that this question will receive the attention it merits from the General Assembly at its current session. 317. The Zionist schemes for imposing occupation and capitulation on the Palestinian people and the Arab nation, with full support from United Statesim- perialism, culminated in the signing ofa separate peace treaty on 26 March 1979 between the Egyptian Govern- ment and the Zionist entity. Notwithstanding the fact s~t 1.!p its fr~ewo~k ,:",it~ the goal o~ ~rpetuating ZIOnISt occupatiOn, hqUidatmg the Palestlman question and imposing domination on the Arab States. 318. Artic!e VI, paragraphS, of the Egyptian-Israeli treaty provides that: ". . . in the event of conflict between the obliga- tions ,?f the parti~s uJ;lder the pre~ent treaty and any of their other obligations, the obligations under this treaty will be binding and implemented. "20 This prov!sion nullifies any obligations undertaken by the Egyptian Government in support of the Palestinian cause in conformity with the resolutions of the United Nations and of the non-aligned movement. The Egyp- tian Government did not stop at withdrawing its sup- port from this issue of the destiny of the Palestinians under the agreement, but it also took it upon itself to speak and negotiate on behalf of the Palestinians re- garding the autonomy formula proposed by Israel, ~hich had been categorically rejected by the Palestin- ian people: On this matter, the Zionist leaders have always Insisted on the fact that this constituted nothing more than a limited, local administrative. government relating to the people, and not to the land. 319. The pressures on the Palestinian people to force them to accept the formula of autonomy, which were created by the treaty of capitulation and continue with the support of the United States, violate the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and to their inalienable rights which have been recognized by the General Assembly in numerous resolutions. m~nt.How <;:an one reconcile a peaceful settlement With the Umted States weapons tran~actions which have begun to threaten the security of the Arab and African countries? The United States leaders do not hesitate to issue open threats to the effect that they are ( prepared to use force in the Arab area, and especially in I) the Arabian Gulf, if their interests are exposed to danger. In fact, the size of the United States naval prl?sence in the re~ion has recently incre~sed. The esca- lation of the Umted States military presence in the region has as its aim the strengthening of ties and co- operation with the racist regimes in southern Africa and the creation of an axis between those regimes and Egypt and Israel in order to suppress the national lib- eration movements and protect United States im- perialist interests. 320. The Camp David agreements and the separate treaty, as well as the exchange of letters that ac- companied the treaty, contradict United Nations res- olutiOns on Jerusalem, since those letters confirmed Israel's control over Arab Jerusalem, which the Zionist leaders stress will remain for ever the capital of Israel. Those separate agreements also violate the resolutions of the General Assembly on the right of those Palestin- ians who have left their lands since 1948 as a result of the Zionist aggression, which has continued through t~e 1967 aggression. These agreements give Israel die nght of veto on the return of the Palestinians who left t~t: occupied territories in 1967. The rights ofthe Pales- tlmans who were the victims of Zionist aggression in 1948 were totally ignored. 321. If the Egyptian-Israeli treaty is really a treaty of peace, why is there a continuous flow of United States weapons, more highly sophisticated than ever before, to the Israeli military establishment in larger quantities than ever before? The requests of the Egyptian regime for United States military weapons expose the area to . '·20- See Treaty ofPeace Between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the State of Israel, signed at Washington on 26 March 1979. For the text, see Weekly Compilation a/Presidential Documents, vol. 15, No. 13, pp.495-515. 322. The l.!nit~d.States press reported that Sadat had expressed hIS wdbngness to playa major military role in support ,?fthe West if he were provided by the United States With modem weapons worth billions of dollars. Responsible United States sources said that Sadat had made this offer to United States Secretary of Defence Harold Brown during a long meeting between the two. Those sources affirmed that the Egyptian President requested 300 F-16 fighter-bombers, hundreds of tanks and missiles, and thousands of military personnel car- riers and trucks. In return, Sadat would undertake to ens.ure the stabili~y of the area extending between Al- gena and Afghanistan and from the Mediterranean to Somalia. Sadat stressed that he would not use those weapons in the Arab-Israeli conflict. Should the United S~ates respond to Egypt's request, Sadat would con- tn~ute to the establishment of a military balance in the Middle East through Egypt's force and distribute the S,?viet weapons ~n Egypt'~ possession among the small fne!ldly States In the Middle East and Africa. The Umt~d States sourc,es added that Sadat's thinking was for him to be the polIceman ofthe areaand for his role to extend beyond his near neighbours. In other words Sadat made it clear that he wanted Egypt to be ari alternative to Iran but on a more massive scale than Iran during the days of the Shah. 323. Cairo was visited by numerous United States military delegations for this purpose in order to work out the details of the large-scale shipment of military hardware to be received by Egypt from the United States as part of the Egyptian-Israeli peaceful settle- ~24. It has become clear, particularly since the sign- lng of the separate Egyptian-Israeli treaty and the sign- 109 of the Camp DaVid agreements, that the aim of all these agreements is to heighten tension in the region and impose capitulation on the Palestinian people and the Arab nation, and not the reverse. The tragedy in southern Lebanon and the daily open aggression, death and destruction against civilian targets and the Lebanese and Palestinian population constitute irrefut- able evidence of the insistence of Israel on its ex- pansionist aggression ~gainst the Arab nation wi~ the full support of the UOlted States. We are nowwitnes- sing the most modem United States F-IS planes making daily raids against our defenceless people in Lebanon and hurling death and destruction at them. Where is the peace which the Zionist circles and their allies are persistently proclaiming? . 326. Lastly, the Sixth Conference ofHeads ofState or Government ofNon-Aligned Countries decided by con- sensus to condemn the Camp David agreements and the Egyptian-Israeli treaty [see A/34/542, annex, section 1]. The Conference also referred the question of suspen- sion of Egypt's membership in the movement to the Co-ordinating Bureau-in its capacity as a special committee-to examine the damages caused by the Egyptian Government to the Arab nation and the Pal7s- timan people, and to present a report to the Foreign Ministers ofthe movement in 1981, when a decision will be taken regarding the status ofEgypt in the movement. 327. Ever since the signing of the Camp David agreements and the Egyptian-Israeli treaty, attempts have been made to involve the United Nations, in one way or another, in their implementation. We warn against any attempts to give intemationallegitimacy to that unjust treaty, which ignores all the United Nations resolutions relating to the Palestinian question and the inalienable national rights of the Palestinian people, such as their right to regain their homeland, their right to self-determination, the unconditional withdrawal of the Israeli forces from the Arab territories without any gains, and the recognition of the PLO as the sole legiti- mate representative of the Palestinian people. All the contacts and consultations between Egypt and the Zionist entity with the support of the United States have been held outside the framework of the United Nations and not within it. This constitutes a cleardenial of the role ofthe Organization and an intentional disre- gard of its resolutions, although the Organization has been playing a central role in this question. Today, our Organization is asked to act as a witness and a party to schemes and conspiracies perpetrated by zionism and United States imperialism against the Palestinian people and the Arab nation. 328. The Arab nation rejected from the outset the Camp David agreements. It also vehemently rejected the unilateral peace treaty and considered it to be an aggression causinggreat harm to the rights and interests of the Arab nation. The Arab Kings and Presidents at the Ninth Arab Summit Conference,n as well as the meeting of the Council of the League of Arab States in Baghdad at the level of Ministers for Foreign Affairs and Economy, declared their categoric rejection of these agreements. They condemned the Egyptian re- gime, the Zionist entity and the United States, and decided not to deal with those agreements and to reject all their political, economic, legal and other consequ- ences. Today, this international Organization is called ~I Council of the League of Arab States at the level of Arab Ministers for Foreign Affairs, Economy and Finance. zz Held in Baghdad from 2 to 5 November 1978. 329. Iraq has always considered the Palestinian ques- tion to be the central and pivotal question in its foreign policy. It has provided and continues to provide all help It can to the Palestinian people in the struggle against the Zionist invasion. Despite all the Zionist and the imperialist attempts directed against our Arab nation, our struggle will continue and grow in strength until our just goals are attained and our usurped rights are re- stored. The Arab nation will not be deflected from this course by treaties an.d schemes concocte~to the e?,clu- sion of the people directly concerned, WIth the aIm of usurping their rights and liquidating their cause. In the event ofthe outbreak ofwar and the collapse ofpeace in our regiQn, the Arab nation can never be held responsi- ble because we are defending our legitimate rights, our land our very existence and our civilization. World zionism and those supporting it, particularly the United States, will bear the responsibility for the dire conse- quences in all spheres of the collapse of peace and the outbreak of war. We will never accept capitulation, whatever the price. The peoples ofthe world and peace- loving States should discharge their responsibilities be- fore it is too late. 330. Iraq fu'ly supports the non-aligned movement and is working actively to increase its role and effec- tiveness and its march toward the establishment of a new system of political and economic relations in the world. The great success of the Sixth Conference ofthe movement in Havana is a source of deep gratification for us. The Conference deepened the progressive character of non-alignment and adopted finn and clear positions against colonialism, imperialism, racism, in- cluding zionism, and all other fonns offoreign domina- tion. Iraq, which considers non-alignment the corner- stone of its foreign policy, is contributing actively and constructively to support the movement at all levels and is looking forward to 1982, when it will play host to the next summit conference of non-aligned countries. 331. Among the most important goals and principles of the non-aligned movement are total support for and assistance to the liberation movements in southern Af- rica in their final efforts to put an end to colonialism and racism in the continent. Iraq fully supports the libera- tion movements of South Africa, Namibia and Zimbabwe and the front-line African States in theirjust struggle to attain this goal which the United Nations has advocated for so long. 332. Western imperialist circles continue to conduct a well-planned and vicious campaign in a vain attempt to blame certain petroleum-exporting developing coun- tries for the economic problems besetting the capitalist countries. These same circles do not hesitate to blame the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries for the imported inflation of the developing countries, notwithstanding all the available evidence and statistics to the contrary. With a sense of responsibility, Iraq took the initiative of proposing the establishment of an international fund to assist the developing countries in facing the effects of inflation, a fund to which the indus- trialized countries, regardless of their systems, would contribute annually the equivalent of the inflation which they export to the developing countries. The members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting 334. All attempts to use the energy problem in order to divide the ranks of the developing countries have thus far met with failure, because the developing countries have maintained their unity and their detenni- nation to adopt a comprehensive approach in all discus- sion of the international economy. We have no doubt that the new waveofproposals will meet the same fate. 335. The position of Iraq on all the subjects included in the agenda of this session is well known and I shall refrain from repeating it at this time in order to save the time of the Assembly. Our delegation will, as usual, present our views and positions during the delibera- tions of the Main Committees and in the Assembly's plenary meetings when we discuss various items on the agenda.

Several representatives have requested to be allowed to exercise their right ofreply. I wish to recall that the General Assembly at its 4th plenary meeting decided that statements made in exer- cise of the right of reply should be limited to 10 minutes on anyone item and should be made by representatives from their seats. In the interests oforderly procedure, I intend to apply this decision strictly.

I am sorry to have to ask to be allowed to speak a second time in exercise ofmy right of reply to respond to the attacks made on my country by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Southern Yemen-attacks which we are becoming accustomed to hearat every opportunity, at every conference and at every session of the General Assembly. The Minister for Foreign Affairs of South- ern Yemen spoke of the security and stability of the Arabian penmsula and then, in the same context, mentioned my country. 338. I wish to affinn that the claim made by him in respect of foreign military pacts established in our re- gion is totally unfounded and is a product of his imagi- nation. My delegation wishes to place on record its protest at the flagrant interference by Southern Yemen In the internal affairs of my country in contradiction with the principles of the United Nations Charter. 339. The representative of Southern Yemen spoke of so-called non-existent liberation movements in the Ara- bian peninsula. The Southern Yemen representative has a habit of making these claims. The petroleum fields in the Arabian peninsula are under the sovereignty of independent Arab States, which are able to defend their own interests. 340. It was very strange to hear the representatbe of Southern Yemen in another part ofhis statement to the 341. The Sultanate of Oman has always respected the principles of peaceful coexistence, sovereignty and non-interference in the internal affairs of others, and in our statement [19th meeting] we affinned our perma- nent and firm position that the Indian Ocean should be a zone of (leace. We hope that Southern Yemen wiU follow sUlt, so that we may truly achieve stability and security in our region.

My delegation had not in- tended to reply to the allegations made by the rep- resentative of the Qaboos regime whom we have just heard, because we thought that he went beyond the bounds ofa statement in exercise ofthe rightofreply by making allegations against Democratic Yemen in order to cover up events that were taking place in Oman and in the region in general. 343. We did not expect him to tell us about what he called Oman's hope and its conviction of the need to declare the Indian Ocean a zone of peace at the very time when we are constantly hearing rumors, particu- larly recently, about invitations to establish some kind ofdubious aggressive pact in which, from what he said, foreign forces would take part with a view to ensuring what is called the protection of the strategic Straits of Hormuz. 344. When the Minister for Foreign Affairs of my country spoke before the General Assembly this after- noon, he spoke ofthe just struggle ofthe Omani people, under the leadership of the Popular Front for the Lib- eration of Oman, and ofthe danger posed by the United States military presence on the Omani island ofMasira, he was confinning a fact that cannot be denied. The statements made here by the representative of the Qaboos regime cannot camouflage the reality of the internal situation in Oman. A revolution led by the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman is taking place; there has been flagrant foreign interference in the mternal affairs of the Omani people. Because of its historic and friendly relations with the Omani people, Democratic Yemen will always take a concerned and loyal attitude with regard to the struggle of the Omani people and will not fail to point out the real situation whenever the occasion arises. 345. The struggle ofthe Omani people, underthe lead- ership of the Popular Liberation Front, is every day growmg in intensity despite that regime's recourse to the use offoreign military forces and experts, the influx of American arms and the unleashing ofgenocidal mili- tary campaigns against the Omani people. We are cer- tain that the Omani people will be able to win the final victory over the imperialist presence on its soil and will secure the genuine independence of Oman, thus enabl- ing that country to play the national role which the Qaboos regime has made and is making every effort to distort. 347. I reserve my delegation's right to reply to any future statement on this matter.

The chairman of the Egyptian delegation pre- sented Egypt's statement in the general debate on I October [15th meeting]. In his statement Egypt's posi- tion was clearly set forth with respect to the Arab- Israeli conflict and the just cause of the peoples' strug- gle and their liberation. 349. At this late hour I do not intend to repeat what my Minister has already stated, but, given the deliberately false statements and the cheap exaggerations we have heard here, and in which Egypt, with its heritage of civilization and record of real contributions, refuses to participate, I feel obliged to clarify certain issues and effectively deny those false statements. 350. Egypt's position is clear. It believes deeply in the need for the realization and implementation of the legitimate rights. of the Palestinian people, including their legitimate and natural right to self-determination !n an at"!osphere of full freedom and without foreign Intervention. 351. Egypt has never claimed at any time-nor does it claim now-that it has a right to speak on behalf of the Palestinian people. Egypt will continue forcefully and with determination to oppose illegal Israeli practices in the occupied Arab territories. Egypt will proceed with its pursuit of a just peace notwithstanding the loud noises made by the Arab rejectionist front. 352. Very briefly, those are the basic guidelines ofour policy. They have been so in the past, they remain so today, and they will remain so in the future. Egypt will alwl:lYs sincerely respect and comply with the United NatIOns Charter and the provisions of international law and intemational legitimacy. Egypt has never hesitated to sacrifice Iives and material resources for the Palestin- ian cause or to ensure the triumph of the just Arab cause, and has always contributed to the liberation of the peoples of Africa and Asia. 353. Whether on the battlefield or on the diplomatic front, Egypt always respects the same principles and hopes to attain the same goals. Egypt will not be hurt by the allegations that have been repeated here by those who have never made any real contributions to the Palestinian cause. 354. I should like to reiterate in conclusion that

The representatives ofOman and Democratic Yemen have asked again to be allowed to exercise their right of reply. May I remind members of the decision taken by the General Assembly at its 4th plenary meeting that the number ofstatements in exer- cise of the right of reply for any delegation at a given meeting should be limited to two per item, and that the second statement should be limited to five minutes.

I regret that I must ask to speak again and promise to abide by the rule established by the General Assembly. I wish merely to deny some untrue state- ments made by the representative of Democratic Yemen. The struggle he mentioned only exists in Southern Yemen, and we know nothing about such a struggle in Oman. 357. We have repeatedly emphasized our adherence to the policy ofnon-interference in the internal affairs of States. Consequently, I do not wish to talk here of the internal situation in Southern Yemen; it is enough to mention that it has been publicized by the press. The representative of Democratic Yemen mentioned in his allegations some statements by certain press sources hostile to the Sultanate of Oman. These are therefore not based on any facts.

I promise to be as brief as possible. in my reply, for I do not wish to waste the Assembly's valuable time trying to refute the lies re- peated here by the representative of Oman. It is well known·that the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman is carrying on the struggle ofthe people ofOman. There is no need to reaffinn or repeat that here. There is a revolution under the leadership of the Popular Front and the Omani people are heroically struggling under that leadership against the policy offoreign interference in their domestic affairs practised by the Qaboos regime. 359. Democratic Yemen believes deeply in its foreign policy based on mutual respect, co-operation and non- Interference in the domestic affairs ofother States. I do not believe that what the representative of the Qaboos regime is saying actually reflects the true foreign policy of Democratic Yemen. The meeting rose at 7.25 p.m.