S/34/PV.54 Security Council

Before calling on the first speaker, I should like to propose that the list of speakers in the debate on this item be closed tomorrow, Wednes- daY,7 November, at 12 noon. If I hear no objection, it will be so decided. 2. Mr. LOEIS (Indonesia), Rapporteur of the Special Committee against Apartheid: It gives me great pleasure to introduce the annual report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A/34/22] , as well as a special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid on recent developments in the relations between Israel and South Africa [A/34/22/Add.1]. These are submitted to the General Assembly and the Security Council in accor- dance with the relevant provisions of General Assembly resolution 2671 (XXV) of 8 December 1970. 3. I should like also to say that it is I who am present- ing the reports, owing to the early departure of my predecessor, Mr. Anthony Yeo of Malaysia, from the post of Rapporteur, and to add that I feel privileged in presenting this comprehensive report that he was so in- strumental in preparing. 4. The annual report of the Special Committee against Apartheid, which was adopted by the Committee on 25 October 1979, gives a brief review of numerous ac- • Resumed from the 47th meeting. NEWYORK tivities undertaken by the Committee during the interna- tional mobilization against apartheid. It contains the conclusions and recommendations which the Commit- tee considers essential in regard to the repeated breaches of the peace and acts of aggression by the apartheid regime. In this connexion, the Special Committee has regretted the failure of the Security Council to recognize that apartheid is a threat to peace under Chapter VII of the Charter. S. The Special Committee was requested by the General Assembly in its resolution 33/183 B of 24 January 1979 to promote an international mobilization against apartheid, which was launched on 21 March 1979. The Special Committee viewed the mobilization as a comprehensive campaign with emphasis on sanctions against the apartheid regime and full support for the South African national liberation movement. 6. In this connexion, the Special Committee considers that, in view of the growing crisis in southern Africa, the United Nations must urgently launch an interna- tional campaign for total sanctions against South Africa, as a matter of priority within the context of the international mobilization against apartheid. 7. In pursuance of its responsibilities, the Special Committee held consultations with numerous Govern- ments and organizations, participated in many con- ferences and took a series of steps to encourage action by Governments, specialized agencies and public opin- ion in all countries. 8. The Special Committee gave particular attention to nuclear collaboration with South Africa during the past year and organized an international Seminar on Nuclear Collaboration with South Africa, held in London on 24 and 25 February 1979, with the participation of Govern- ments, intergovernmental and non-governmental organ- izations and southern African liberation movements, as well as individual experts. 9. The Special Committee has transmitted the conclu- sions and recommendations of the Seminar to the Security Council. I The Special Committee regrets that the Security Council has taken no action in response to General Assembly resolution 33/183 G or in the light of the conclusions and recommendations of the Seminar. 10. The Special Committee considers that the con- tinued existence of the apartheid regime in itself con- stitutes a constant menace to world peace. The past year in South Africa, the Special Committee notes, has been characterized by a further aggravation of the situation, caused by the enactment of new discriminatory and repressive legislation and by the intensification of repression of all opponents of apartheid. 12. The Special Committee also expressed great con- cern at the increasing collaboration between Israel and South Africa, particularly in the nuclear field, despite General Assembly resolution 33/183 G, which requested Israel to put an end to such collaboration. This concern has prompted the Special Committee to bring to the at- tention of the General Assembly the extent of this col- laboration, details of which are contained in document A/34/22/Add.l , 13. To this end, the Special Committee recommends that the General Assembly and the Security Council call on all States to adopt effective legislative and other measures, including the seizure of vessels which violate the embargo, to prevent petroleum companies and ship- ping companies, as well as banks and other financial in- stitutions, from giving any assistance to the South African regime in circumventing the embargo. 14. The Special Committee also recommends that the Assembly authorize it, in co-operation with the Organization of African Unity [OA U] and in consulta- tion with all other appropriate bodies and organiza- tions, to organize a United Nations-OAU international conference on sanctions against South Africa. 15. The Special Committee also recommends that the General Assembly reaffirm international solidarity with the front-line States and appeal to all States to provide them with all necessary assistance against acts of aggres- sion and subversion by the apartheid regime. 16. The Special Committee further recommends that the General Assembly endorse the conclusions and recommendations of the International Seminar on Children under Apartheid, held at UNESCO House from 18 to 20 June 1979, and commend them to all States and organizations concerned [see A/34/22, paras. /80-/89]. 17. The Special Committee recommends that the General Assembly strongly condemn the proclamation of the so-called "independence" of the bantustan of Venda, and the plans of the apartheid regime to con- tinue and accelerate its policy of bantustanization. 18. Finally, the Special Committee recommends that the General Assembly appeal to the mass media to con- tribute to international efforts by providing truthful in- formation on the situation in South Africa, on the aspirations and activities of the South African national liberation movements and on the efforts of the United Nations to ensure the elimination of apartheid. The mass media should be requested to counteract false and deceitful propaganda by the apartheid regime and reject advertisements for apartheid. 19. I should like to conclude by expressing the warm appreciation and thanks of the Special Committee to the 21. My Government, and indeed all the Governments of independent Africa, consider this debate a crucial one. It is crucial because the racist and colonial character of the South African regime derogates from the dignity of each and every African as a human being. It is crucial because apartheid is contemptuous of our sovereignty and political independence. To paraphrase Abraham Lincoln, Africa cannot remain part free and part in slavery. This debate is crucial because we cannot forget the innocent blood spilled in the streets of Sharpeville, Soweto and other black townships in South Africa in defence of Africa's freedom. Nor can we re- main insensitive to the massive violations of human and political rights, incessantly made more poignant by the anguished cries of the patriots and heroes of the African liberation struggle who are today being held in racist prisons and detention camps. We also consider this debate crucial because the policies of the Pretoria regime, within and beyond South Africa, constitute the gravest danger to the peace and stability of Africa. 22. Some four decades ago, at Nuremberg, after the terrible Second World War precipitated by that fake prophet of racial superiority, the international com- munity declared racism to be a war crime, a crime against humanity. The South African apostles of that prophet, notably Malan, Verwoerd, Vorster and now Botha, who concealed neither their admiration and sup- port for nazism nor their enmity against the Africans, the British and the Jews, not only imitated but actually perfected their arrogant white-supremacy racist theories from the ashes of the holocaust. Apartheid therefore, as a State policy and an institutionalized programme of ac- tion, is doubly condemned as an historic crime against humanity and threat to international peace and security. 23. This debate is being held against the background of momentous events. A few days ago, the world woke up to the news that the racist regime of South Africa had reportedly detonated a nuclear device. The conse- quences for international peace and security of this grave development are yet to be fully assessed as we await the Secretary-General's report for which we have called [see 47th meeting, para. /8]. But one thing is cer- tain. Those Western Governments and transnational corporations, which through offers of capital, technol- ogy, equipment and political support, have assisted South Africa to acquire nuclear capability, bear a heavy responsibility to history. 24. A few days after that frightful news, came reports that South African armed forces had again attacked Angola and Zambia. If the motive was to intimidate those States in the front-line trenches of the liberation war in southern Africa, the South African marauders were woefully mistaken. Those African States were born of the fire of the African liberation war. They can- 25. Those who may still be nursing some doubts as to the nature of the threats posed to world peace by apart- heid, only have to reflect on the notorious and crim!nal record of the racist regime's open defiance of the United Nations. Southern Rhodesia's illegal seizure of in- dependence was declared by the Security Council in its resolution 217(1965),on the initiative of the administer- ing Power, the United Kingdom of Great Britain a~d Northern Ireland, as a threat to world peace. At the 10- stance of that administering Power, mandatory sanc- tions were imposed against the racist rebel regime of Southern Rhodesia.' It was the first time the enforce- ment measures, prescribed so expresslyand inevitably in Chapter VII of our Charter to give effect. to the deci- sions of the Security Council, were put to the test. The South African Government has in the last 14 years not only made a mockery of our Organization by refusing to apply those measures, but has also consistently furnish- ed the Rhodesian rebels with arms both to perpetuate their internal repression and for barbarous attacks ~n independent neighbouring States and refugee camps, 10 violation of the principles of the Geneva Conventions of 1949. 3 26. Furthermore, Pretoria continues to occupy Nam~b­ ia illegally in defiance of the decisions of the Sec.unty Council and the advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice of 21 June 1971,4 the principal judicial organ of the United Nations. ~on!r~ry to all good s~r:tse and international law, the racist regime of South Afnca is still backing dissident elements in Angola, t.hus destabilizing a sovereign Member State of the United Nations. The question that we must therefore ask ourselves is whether South Africa is not a greater threat to the very existence of the United Nations than we realize? Since Nazi Germany, has any other State been known to break with crass impunity all the rules and norms of civilized international behaviour as South Africa has been doing? Need we hesitate to determine that South Africa has manoeuvred itself into the posi- tion of a pariah in the international community and therefore must be expelled forthwith from all interna- tional organizations, including the United Nations? 27. Determined to move away from the pious rhetoric of the last 30 years in the condemnation of the racist policies of South Africa, the Special Committee against Apartheid has been addressing itself to specific strategies for action. Earlier this year, in February to be exact, the Special Committee, as if prescient of the dreadful events to come, organized in London an International semin.ar, the United Nations Seminar on Nuclear Collaboration with South Africa. In the face of recent developments, I wish once again, here and now, to commend the follow- 2 Ibtd., Twentieth Year, Supplement for October, November and December /965, document S17021. 3 United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, Nos. 970-973. 4 Legal Consequencesfor States ofthe Continued PresenceofSouth Africa in Namibia (South West Africa) notwithstanding Security Council Resolution 276 (/970), Advisory Opinion, 1.e.J. Reports /97/, p. 16. 28. Last week-end, from 2 to 4 November 1979, the British Anti-Apartheid Movement, with which the Special Committee organized the Seminar to which I have just referred, in co-operation with the Special Committee once again organized, also in London, another seminar, the International Seminar on the Role of Transnational Corporations in South Africa. I must 29. In the first place, for instance, from the facts and studies presented, the Seminar concluded that, by the very process of developing the South African economy through investments, trade, loans, export credit guarantees and so on, in order to exploit for high profits unmatched anywhere else, the abundant cheap labour and the vast mineral resources of South Africa, the transnational corporations have become the ac- complices and the mainstay of the system of apartheid in South Africa. These transnational corporations have, by investing billions of dollars in South Africa, stimulated the industrialization of its economy without any improvement in the political and social status of the black people. If anything, industrialization has vastly increased the economic and political power of the racist white minority. Correspondingly, the black Africans have been forced, on the one hand to herd themselves into overcrowded black townships with a high incidence of crime, infant mortality, tuberculosis, kwashiorkor and dehumanization, and on the other hand to become migrant labourers in their own country shorn of politi- cal rights, victims of the ubiquitous pass laws and deprived of their manhood. The upshot is that the ac- tivities of the transnational corporations are strategical- ly crucial to the economic and political viability of the apartheid system. 30. Secondly, the Seminar found and concluded that the transnational corporations actively undermine inter- national action to promote freedom and human dignity in South Africa. For instance, in order to counter the oil embargo which all the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries have imposed, in order to circumvent the mandatory arms embargo which the Security Council decreed in its resolution 418 (1977) - endorsed in its resolution 421 (1977) - and in order to defeat the provision in that resolution enjoining all States to refrain from any co-operation with South Africa in the acquisition, manufacture and development of nuclear weapons, the transnational corporations have been providing funds to the racist regime of South Africa to finance its public expenditures so as to in- crease South Africa's self-sufficiency in the energy field through its Electricity Supply Commission and the Strategic Oil Fund. Thus, oil would be made from coal and South Africa would no longer be vulnerable to a possible world-wide oil embargo. To this end, the Fluor Corporation of California has received two contracts totalling more than $4 billion to expand South Africa's facilities for converting coal into oil. Similarly, other transnational corporations have either established an arms industry in South Africa in partnership with the racist regime or mounted a booming undercover trade in arms to South Africa. It is superfluous to quote United States District Judge Robert C. Zampano in the Plow- man Case in order to discredit these despicable acts calculated to defeat the mandatory arms embargo. By facilitating its nuclear plans, by the transfer of technology and by providing it with capital through in- vestments, credits and loans, transnational corporations have also assisted South Africa in acquiring nuclear- weapon capability. 31. I can only add at this stage that we are compiling dossiers on aU the key transnational corporations and banks which assist South Africa in the military and nuclear fields as well as in the petroleum industry. Their 32. Consequently, the Seminar rejected the argument that transnationals have become instruments for the promotion of freedom and equality through their econ- omic involvement in South Africa. Adverting to the so- called Sullivan principles and the codes of conduct of the European Economic Community and others for im- proving workplace conditions, the Seminar concluded that, although they may have been well meant, their practical effects were partly to legitimize and increase existing and new investments at a time when the regime faced an acute economic crisis and shortage of capital and partly to serve as a deflector of criticisms of the ob- noxious policies of apartheid. Thos~ principles and codes of conduct do not challenge the system of apartheid itself, and foreign investments continue to maintain that system. 33. It was therefore not surprising that the Seminar made the following recommendations, which I should like to commend highly to the General Assembly for adoption. 34. In the area of military and nuclear collaboration, the Seminar urged that there be an urgent international campaign to implement and strengthen the arms em- bargo against South Africa by prohibiting: the transfer of licences and technology to South Africa; the supply of any military equipment or equipment for military use, or components thereof, including particularly elec- tronic and communications equipment, aircraft, four- wheel-drive vehicles and so on; involvement in arms manufacture in South Africa; and all nuclear collabora- tion with South Africa. In this connexion, speciat atten- tion should be paid to legislation and regulations by Governments in implementation of the arms embargo. 35. In the area of finance, the Seminar recommended that a campaign to end the flow of finance to South Africa be co-ordinated internationally and that special attention, with a view to securing their discontinuance, be focused on: external financing of South Africa's nuclear programme and Sasol oil-from-coal projects; termination of credits by IMF to South Africa; expul- sion or suspension of South Africa from IMF and GATT; boycott by the United Nations and other inter- national organizations and by Governments and organizations of banks with links to South Africa; Eurobond market loans to South Africa; and insurance institutions' services to South Africa. 36. Allow me to conclude this part of my statement by quoting two opinions on the subject. The first is a state- ment by that man of God, Bishop Desmond Mrilo Tutu. He had called on our friends, the Scandinavian coun- tries, to stop importing coal from South Africa. When it was suggested that many black men would go unem- ployed in South Africa if Denmark stopped buying South African coal, that great man of conscience in the tradition of the late Nobel laureate Chief Albert Luthuli said: "They would be unemployed and suffer tem- porarily. It would be a suffering with a purpose. We would not be causing what is happening now, where Blacks are SUffering, and it seems to be a suffering that is going to go on and on and on." 37. Lately there have been reports that there are cer- tain developments inside South Africa pointing towards a liberalization of its race laws. They refer to the sup- posed intentions of Mr. Botha, the Prime Minister, to abolish the Immorality Act, to introduce new industrial relations laws and to remove discrimination in sports, canteens and toilets. If indeed these are budding changes, imperceptible or not, to what factors should we attribute them? Are they due to the growing internal unrest and uprising? Are they the products of external pressures? No one has so far bothered to ask whether these reports are the products of a cleverpublic relations blitz, fuelled and financed by the more than SUS 72 miIlion which Mulder, Rhoodie and company have "laundered" to buy influence and public opinion in cer- tain Western countries. Nor has any effort been made to compare and contrast these reports with the official advertisements in the National Party newspaper, Die Transvaaler, in which Mr. Botha's stand on race laws was made clear: "The Prime Minister talks of improve- ment, no abolition" of the apartheid system, the adver- tisements say. By way of riposte, that brave woman, Mrs. Motlana, was reported to have said in The Voice of South Africa of 9-15 September 1979: "We do not want our chains made comfortable. We want them removed." 38. Consequently we must all support the appeal of the Methodist Church of South Africa made recently in Cape Town that leaders of South Africa like Nelson Mande1a must be released so that they may negotiate the future of their country with the racist regimein order to avoid the racial blood-bath that is looming on the horizon. Similarly, we must all support the recent call by the Black Sash, a white women's organization, to the South African regime to put an immediate end to the reckless gaoling of blacks without trial and the banning or house arrest of white liberals. 39. The reportsof the Special Committeeagainst Apart- heid [A/34/22 and Add. I] before the Assembly are, therefore, of critical importance. The former report notes that the situation in southern Africa has been ag- gravated in the past year by the inhuman and implacable policy of apartheid. The apartheid regime of South Africa not only has enacted new and more Draconian repressive legislation; it has intensified its dismember- ment of the country, thereby further dispossessing the African people of their lands and liberty through ban- tustanization. The statement of 21 September 1979 by the President of the Security Council," on behalf of the entire Council, declaring null and void the purported declaration of Venda as a so-called independent ban- 43. In spite of the gloominess of the situation, the pic- ture would not be complete without mention of the help and assistance in carrying out the mandate of the Special Committee given by the socialist countries, par- ticularly the German Democratic Republic and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, as well as some Western countries, notably the Nordic States and Canada. We pay them a 'varm tribute for that. Some other Western States have also, to their credit, denounc- ed the evil system of apartheid. But they must move from declarations to concrete action. We are all sitting on the top of an active volcano. In combating racism and apartheid within the framework of the United Na- tions, we are defending the eternal truths about the 6 Ibid., Thirty-fourth Year, 21681h meeting, para. 1. 40. The report has also drawn attention to the follow- ing conclusion of the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979: "The Conference declared that southern Africa as a whole constitutes one singletheatre of operations in which apartheid South Africa is the central strategic issue. Freedom, peace, security and progress cannot be achieved in southern Africa unless the apartheid system of institutionalized racial discrimination, ex- ploitation and oppression is crushed and is replaced by a democratic State whose policy will conform to the principles of the OAU, the Non-Aligned Move- ment and the United Nations."[See A/34/542, an- nex, sect. I, para. 78.] 41, The report has also quoted the following relevant passage from the Lusaka Declaration of the Common- wealth on Racism and Racial Prejudice: "We reaffirm that it is the duty of all the peoples of the Commonwealth to work together for the total eradication of the infamous policy of apartheid which is internationally recognized as a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind and the very existence of which is an affront to humanity." [See A/34/439-S//3515, annex.] 42. As a result of all these expressions of concern and anger, the Special Committee's report has called for specific actions in certain important areas. We hope in the course of the debate to submit appropriate draft resolutions for the Assembly's consideration and ap- proval. One significant initiative, which has already been endorsed by the sixteenth ordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of OAU, held at Monrovia from 6 to 20 July 1979 [see A/34/552, annex 1/ ] and the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, heldat Havana from 3 to 9 September 1979 [see A/34/542, annex], is the proposal to hold an international conference in 1980 under the auspices of the United Nations and OAU, to consider how best to accelerate concerted international action, particularly in the area of comprehensive sanc- tions, for the eradication of apartheid and the liberation of the South African people. 44. Nigeria is irrevocably committeed to the cause of liberation in southern Africa. We shall continue to judge our relations with other States, including their organizations and business enterprises, in the light of that wider interest of Africa. Those who do lucrative business in Nigeria, but remain insensitive to our feel- ings about the plight of the black man in South Africa, must learn to heed our warnings seriously. We believe in economic interdependence; we welcome investments in Nigeria and guarantee fair dividends from them. But we put principles and honour before profits. We therefore remain as committed as ever to the cause of freedom, equality and human dignity in South Africa. 45. The Nigerian Government will therefore spare no effort in the crusade for the liquidation of apartheid. No sacrifice will be too great for it to bear in its struggle to rid our continent of all vestiges of racism and col- onialism. The racists themselves, we are confident, will know no rest and have no sleep until they concede basic and elementary rights to our people, as they are granted to other free citizens in a free world. That is the goal we have set for ourselves. The road to full emancipation in Africa may be long, agonizing and even bloody, but there is no other road. We are determined to follow it to the bitter end.

My country, as a member of the Special Com- mittee against Apartheid, has followed closely all the ef- forts made by that Committee, under the chairmanship of Mr. Clark, in drawing up the report which is now before the General Assembly for consideration [A /34/22]. The efforts constantly made by the Commit- tee in past years to enlighten world public opinion about the atrocious crimes committed by the racist regime in Pretoria against the oppressed peoples of southern Africa, through the practice of the policy of apartheid, will continue to retain the interest of the international community and to arouse its appreciation until humani- ty is rid once and for all of this practice. 47. We .live in a world in which disagreements and divergent views playa very important part, a world in which the East is different from the West strategically, ideologically and politically; a world in which, while the South has been pursuing a dialogue with the North for 10 years, the gap between them grows from day to day. While we understand the background, the nature and the motives of these divergences, we remain convinced of the need for the world to stand in solidarity in com- bating policies of discrimination between men because of differences of colour or race. 48. A world that has undergone a world war which caused millions of deaths and which visited on people the odious nightmare of nazism, cannot be indifferent to the tragedy which is being inflicted on the people of southern Africa because of the policy of racial discrimination and apartheid practised by the South African Government. The policy of apartheid will re- main a disgrace for all mankind so long as that policy continues to exist in any part of the world. To speak in those circumstances of liberty, democracy and human rights would be tantamount to saying nothing at all. 50. The South African Government is intensifying its barbaric campaigns by arresting and eliminating all na- tionalists who reject the policy of apartheid. They are thrown into prison and cruelly tortured. Successive reports which have reached us from Pretoria have described the psychological and sanitary environment in which political prisoners live on Robben Island and other prisons in South Africa. Therefore, we believe that it is incumbent on all men throughout the world who love freedom and justice to make every possible ef- fort to have these prisoners released and to put an end to the barbaric trials to which they are being subjected by the Pretoria authorities. Those authorities are not con- tent with merely torturing and imprisoning people. They have also assassinated hundreds of prisoners in am- biguous and shady circumstances. We wish to take this opportunity to salute the militant martyrs who have been assassinated by the criminal authorities of South Africa. Those martyrs are led by Steven Biko and Solomon Mahlangu. The blood of these martyrs will not have been shed in vain. As Solomon Mahlangu said a few days before he was put to death last April: "My blood will not have been shed in vain because it will water the trees of victory which will produce the fruits of victory in the near future." 51. The Government of Pretoria has made its meas- ures even more severe-those oppressive measures which it has imposed within South Africa and also in connivance with its lackeys in Salisbury-by carrying out aggressive attacks against the front-line African States, particularly Angola, Mozambique, Zambia and Botswana, causing enormous damage and loss of hu- man life and property in those countries, which con- tinue courageously and perseveringly to shoulder their responsibilities by giving refuge to revolutionaries who are the victims of the intensive campaigns launched against them by the fascist regime. We must give every help and assistance to those States, so that they may preserve their independence and their territorial integri- ty and may be compensated for the damage inflicted upon their economies and their natural resources because of the continual attacks which have been perpetrated against them. 52. The experience of the last third of the century has shown that South Africa is not prepared voluntarily to give up its policy of racial discrimination. It must be forced to give it up. It is part of the responsibili- t) - indeed the duty - of all countries to exert the greatest possible I''''~ure on South Africa. They are duty-bound to apr' , ",;"ainst South Africa all the provi- sions of Chapter vIi of the Charter, and to boycott 53. The acquisition of a nuclear capacity by the racist regime is a direct threat to international peace and security. The General Assembly, in its resolution 33/183 G, adopted during the previous session, requested the Security Council urgently to consider measures aimed at effectively preventing South Africa from developing nuclear weapons. That resolution requested all States which had not yet done so, to cease forthwith all co- operati: n with the racist regime of South Africa in the nuclear field. The transfer of technology and the exten- sion of loans and economic assistance to South Africa, as well as investment in the country, are of vital impor- tance to the racist regime there. Therefore, if the aid given to this regime were ended, this would be an effec- tive and speedy way of forcing it to give up its policy of apartheid. Here we should be gratified, I think, at the courageous and wise decision which has been taken by the revolutionary Government of Iran to cease pro- viding South Africa with oil. This Iranian decision was a blow struck against the racist regime of Pretoria, which imports 90 per cent of its petroleum needs from Iran. The decision taken by Iran is important because it shows that there is a moral commitment to principles and ideals rather than material gain. We should also like to welcome the Swedish Government's decision to pro- mulgate laws that would stop the expansion of Swedish investments in South Africa and Namibia. We feel that this example should be followed by countries which con- tinue to maintain economic relations with South Africa. 54. We also welcome the proposal that an interna- tional conference be held in order to impose sanctions on the Government of South Africa, a conference which would be organized by the United Nations in conjunc- tion with OAU and which would involve all countries, non-governmental organizations, peoples' organiza- tions, churches and trade unions, in short, all those op- posed to apartheid. It is our hope that the idea of such a conference, which was so favourably welcomed by OAU and by the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana last September, will mark the beginning of the end as far as the racist regime of Pretoria is concerned . 55. The international community, at this stage, must give moral and material support to the liberation movements in southern Africa which are recognized by OAU, so that they may continue their struggle for liber- ty, justice and equality. My country gives all the assistance within its means to the liberation movements in southern Africa. Offices have been opened for the two liberation movements in Khartoum and, further- more, the President of the Republic has approved the creation in Kartoum of an institute for training person- nel coming from South Africa. Furthermore, for some years now, we have given scholarships to South Africans.

In his report to the General Assembly this year, the Secretary-General very succinctly summarizes his viewson southern Africa. He says: "Our aim should be the stable and prosperous future of southern Africa as a whole. This will not be achieved, however, as long as the problem of apart- heid persists. One of the great challenges confronting the United Nations and all the peoples of the region is the absolute necessity of transforming the racial situation in southern Africa so that men and women of different races can coexist and exercise their rights as equals." [See A/34/1, sect. Ill.] 58. In essence, this is what our concern for southern Africa has been about throughout all these years. In the many speeches that have been made at this rostrum and in the many documents that have been produced by this Organization on the problems in southern Africa, the leading theme has been a constant one: it is the apart- heid system in South Africa that is the major and underlying factor which causes these problems. 59. In expressing our abhorrence of this system, we have used stronger language than on any other interna- tional issue. In stating our deep concern, we have had vividly in mind the suffering that apartheid causes to the large majority of the population in South Africa itself. In warning against the serious national and interna- tional repercussions if apartheid is allowed to persist, we have pointed to the many acts of aggression that South Africa has committed against its neighbours and em- phasized the risk of a widening of the area of confl!n. Recent South African raids into Angola have given fur- ther weight to these warnings. We have said that South Africa's potential as a nuclear Power makes such a development even more perilous. 60. Thus, our strong criticism of the creators and upholders of the apartheid system is an expression of deep concern not only for the present plight of the peoples in the region but also for the fate of future generations. Those generations should be given a chance to live peacefully in stable and prosperous societies, but as long as apartheid persists that chance is remote. As long as the white leaders of South Africa shun the necessity of transforming their society in the direction of racial harmony, South Africa itself willsteer towards 61. We are agree that the situation caused by apart- heid is intolerable and that apartheid should not be allowed to exist as a phenomenon within our interna- tional community. But the white rulers in South Africa cling to the course they have chosen, apparently blind to its inherent dangers. We certainly have no difficulty in observing the many material advantages and privileges that the present system bestows upon the white in- habitants of South Africa, but we completely fail to comprehend how the present white generation can be content to hand over this legacy to their children. As long as it is founded on injustice, oppression and human exploitation, it can only be a legacy of doom. But let us not forget that the white minority in South Africa does not speak with one voice. Many among the white pop- ulations have long since urged the leaders to save the na- tion and its inhabitants from such a bleak future. They, too, run great risks when working for another and bet- ter South Africa, and their efforts should be recognized and supported by the international community. 62. It has become a sad tradition for us in our state- ments during the annual apartheid debate, to describe the many tragic aspects of this system. We have pointed out how the majority of the people lack political, economic and social rights. We have condemned the in- numerable cases of persecution, torture and other forms of repression. We have criticized the highly exploitative conditions in the labour market. We have been shocked by the inhuman uprooting of Africans as part of the bantustanization policy. We have warned of the threat posed to international peace and security by South Africa's aggressive policy towards its neighbours, in- cluding its occupation of Namibia. We have expressed our fear that one day this whole region will become the arena of foreign military intervention and even of large- scale war. 63. But all our appeals to the South African Govern- ment to come to its senses and to start speedily on the thorough transformation of its society have been in vain. It is indeed sad to observe that, in spite of slight adjustments, the South African Government continues to stick to its apartheid policy as firmly as before and to implement it in some respects in e" more inhuman and cruel ways. 64. If this year we abstain from further elaborating on the conditions caused by apartheid in South Africa, it is not for lack of concern over the struggle of the majority for freedom, nor for want of facts and documentation, but because we wish to focus this statement on what ac- tion the international community should take to con- vince the South African Government that apartheid has to be abolished. 65. As we have repeatedly stated, it is in the interest of all countries to contribute to the maintenance of peace and security in southern Africa. We cannot hope to achieve this with any kind of permanence so long as apartheid persists. The assistan.ce of the world com- munity is of crucial importance to all those Africans who have to carry the heavy burden of the struggle against discrimination and injustice. For us in the world 67. The world community so far has taken one step of this kind. The mandatory arms embargo against South Africa, although not as comprehensive as many of us would have liked it to be, constituted an important break-through. It was the first time that all the members of the Security Council had accepted the principle that sanctions under Chapter VII of the Charter should be applied to the situation in South Africa. 68. We believe, however, that it is important not only to secure the full implementation of Security Council resolution 418 (1977), but also to complement it with other measures. 69. The Security Council could, for instance, consider steps to achieve, at an early date, the cessation of fur- ther foreign investments in and financial loans to South Africa. Such steps would be a serious warning to the Government of South Africa that the world community is prepared to keep increasing its pressure as long as the white minority insists on excluding more than 20 million South Africans from exercising their rights as citizens and equals. 70. In several previous statements, my delegation elaborated on the reasons why we consider that the Security Council should take such steps. 71. To summarize, a cessation of further foreign in- vestments and financial loans would be an effective complement to the arms embargo. South Africa is now attempting to become self-sufficient in arms produc- tion, and foreign capital is directly or indirectly of great significance to such domestic production. Furthermore, measures to curb the flow of capital to South Africa would hit the most sensitive nerve in the South African society and therefore be likely to be taken seriously by those now responsible for its economic welfare. 72. Moreover, the threat of a cut-off from the Western economic world would have a psychological impact on the white leaders in Pretoria. It would show them that the Western countries, after all, take the long- term view, aiming at peace, stability and prosperity in southern Africa, rather than striving for economic benefits of limited duration. 73. In this context, we have elaborated also on the crucial role of apartheid in the South African economy as a whole. For instance, without apartheid the foreign investor could never count on profiting from a source of cheap labour and a virtual guarantee against strikes and 74. Now, some countries seem to say that business codes of conduct, by improving the lot of the black ma- jority, may act as an agent of change. Obviously, nobody could have anything against such codes of con- duct so long as they actually lead to the amelioration of the working conditions of the non-white South Africans. We rather see such principles as something that should be taken for granted, that foreign com- panies operating in South Africa should never do anything less than what the apartheid legislation allows or what the most basic human decency requires. 75. But that is not the point. It is not much more than an illusion to believe that commercial enterprises that have to work within the legal framework of apartheid and are interested in making money, not politics, are able to erode the apartheid system. An exclusive em- phasis on codes of conduct as a means of influence is not likely to contribute much to political and other changes. We therefore persist in expressing the view that the peaceful abolition of the apartheid policy will come only as a consequence of pressure on the South African Government, not as a result of appeals to the goodwill of corporate interests. 76. I have chosen to elaborate at some length on the issue of foreign investments in South Africa since this is one essential element of the programme of joint action against apartheid that the Nordic Governments have adopted, an element for which we seek the widest possi- ble support in the United Nations. 77. The proposal to put an end to new investments in, and financial loans to South Africa, has already met with overwhelming response -in the General Assembly. We hope that the Security Council will find it possible to act without further delay on the relevant General Assembly resolution [resolution 33/1830]. Only Securi- ty Council action has a chance of putting South Africa under really effective pressure, 78. However, in the absence of such further action and in view of the unique and grave situation prevailing in South Africa, Governments must now be prepared to consider also unilateral measures. To this end, the Swedish Parliament passed a bill on I June of this year, which entered into force one month later, by which new Swedish investments in South Africa and Namibia were prohibited. The main aim of a prohibition of in- vestments is to exert influence on the South African racial policy and social order. Through our initiative, which involves an exceptional measure, we hope to en- courage other States and the Security Council to decide on similar action against South Africa. However limited in its scope, such a step wish regard to new investments, if taken by a number of countries - or preferably by the Security Council- would be a clear expression of our will and decisiveness as members of the world Organiza- tion to show by practical action our solidarity with those who for years have fought against injustice and for human dignity in southern Africa. 80. I mentioned earlier that the prospect of South Africa's developing its own capability to produce nuclear explosives lends to the problem of apartheid a particularly perilous dimension. By developing such a capability, South Africa would hang a nuclear sword of Damocles over the nations in the whole region and could use its power in attempts to exert all kinds of pressure against its neighbours. 81. As long as South Africa is not a party to the Non- Proliferation Treaty [resolution 2373 (XXII), annex] and full-scope safeguards are not applied to its nuclear programme, there is no way of preventing such a dangerous development. Adherence to the Non-Prolif- eration Treaty or, as a minimum, the acceptance of such safeguards, should be a basic requirement made by all countries at present co-operatirg with South Africa in the nuclear field. However, in order to achieve max- imum pressure against the apartheid regime, it may be necessary to consider the contribution which a total cut- off of all nuclear co-operation with South Africa could make, as part of a programme of economic sanctions decided upon by the Security Council. Any such con- sideration must include a balanced judgment of, on the one hand, the persuasive value of sanctions in a sector that is particularly sensitive to South Africa's economy and, on the other hand, the risks to the region - and to the world - of South Africa's action without the restraints of international safeguards and developing on its own a military nuclear capacity. 82. But pressure on Pretoria must not be the only way in which the world community attempts to help in creat- ing just and decent conditions for present and future generations of South Africans. To alleviate the plight of the many victims of apartheid and to support the neighbouring countries in the region which also suffer the consequences of the application of that system, the international community has to continue to show soli- darity with those peoples and continue its assistance to the various programmes established for such purposes. As Chairman of the Trust Fund for South Africa, I have ample opportunities to witness how greatly needed such assistance is. Sweden's aid to the African National Con- gress of South Africa for its civilian activities amounts to 16 million Swedish crowns this year. But not least, in view of the constant stream of refugees coming out from South Africa, we have to do more for them and their families - for instance, in the fields of legal aid and educational assistance. 83. It remains our conviction that, by implementing such an approach of applying pressure on those who are responsible for the repugnant apartheid system and showing compassion for those who are its victims, the world community can best secure the aim of a stable and prosperous future for southern Africa, so that men and women of different races can live and work together and exercise their rights as equals in peace and harmony. 85. Every standard, regulation, law and act of the racist regime is tainted with this pernicious doctrine, distorting and destroying all the normal relationships between human beings in that society. The peoples of South Africa have been dispossessed of their land and its resources; the whole country has been turned into a vast prison. 86. The system of apartheid has been universally and systematically condemned and rejected by the peoples and nations of the world. The General Assembly has declared apartheid "a crime against the conscience and dignity of mankind". Year after year, in this august Assembly and in other forums, the voices of protest and abhorrence, anger and anguish, have been heard speak- ing against this cruel system. That the system remains entrenched is a profound tragedy of our time. 87. International peace and security cannot be durable as long as the peoples of South Africa remain under the brutal system of racial oppression and exploitation. In the ultimate analysis, world peace is based on the inter- national obligation to respect the dignity and equal rights of all the peoples of the world. Unfortunately, the international community has remained powerless in the face of the challenge posed by racist South Africa. Our resolutions have been disregarded. Our condemnations are treated with contempt. 88. The 'question arises, how is it that a regime that is universally reviled has found it possible to defy the will of the peoples of the world? Why is it that the United Nations has found itself unable to adopt jhe measures of censure and the sanctions which the Charter provides for those very circumstances? How can the handful of racists in South Africa continue to impose their abhor- rent system on the vast majority of the people of that country? 89. The answers to those questions lie in the continu- ing support and collaboration which Pretoria receives from certain circles which seem to be more devoted to profit than to the principles of the United Nations Charter. 90. The Centre against Apartheid, in a series of reports, has documented the dimensions of the external role played by other countries in the expansion of South Africa's military-industrial complex. Despite the man- datory arms embargo imposed by the Security Council in November 1977, transnational corporations have continued to play a crucial role in strengthening Pretoria's oppressive rule by providing technology and 91. The special report of the Special Committee against Apartheid [A /34/22/Add. 1], exposing the grow- ing collaboration between the racist regime of South Africa and Israel, is a matter of serious concern and calls for firm international action. 92. History will surely run its course in South Africa, as it has elsewhere. But those Governments which gain from collaboration with. South Africa must understand their responsibilities. They. must ask themselves which is the greater threat to world peace, as well as to their own long-term interests: a rupture of relations with South Africa now or the disastrous racial war that is inevitable if Pretoria persists in its defiant course? To my delega- tion, as to the majority of States represented here, the answer is evident. 93. The threat posed by South Africa racism has now assumed ominous dimensions. I refer to the recent reports of South Africa's having conducted a nuclear ex- plosion. The acquisition of nuclear-weapon capability by the racist regime of Pretoria poses incalculable danger not only for the oppressed people of South Africa but for the entire continent of Africa and, in- deed, for world peace and security. 94. The struggle against apartheid and racism is at the core of the international community's efforts to protect and promote human rights and fundamental freedoms. My delegation wishes to express its deep appreciation to the Special Committee and the Centre against Apartheid of the contribution which they have made to this strug- gle. My delegation has taken full cognizance of the an- nual report of the Special Committee and fully supports its conclusions and recommendations [A /34/22, chap.Il, paras. 212-331]. We endorse the proposal that the United Nations should urgently launch an interna- tional campaign for comprehensive sanctions against the Pretoria regime and convene an international con- ference for this purpose in co-operation with OAU. We also support the recommendations set out in the report on nuclear and military collaboration with South Africa [ibid., paras. 24/-255]. At the same time, we must recognize the urgent need for increased assistance to the liberation movements by providing all the necessary moral and material assistance. The front-line States, which have so heroically participated in this battle against apartheid and suffered grievous human and economic losses, also have the right to a more tangible manifestation of our solidarity. The international com- munity has an obligation to assist them in the defence of their independence and territorial integrity against acts of aggression and subversion by the apartheid regime. 95. Pakistan's consistent and resolute solidarity with the oppressed people of South Africa is well known and needs no reiteration. Pakistan joins the international 96. Pakistan's abhorrence of and opposition to apart- heid and racial discrimination has its roots in our very ideology. Fourteen hundred years ago, the Prophet of Islam declared the commitment of the Moslem peoples to human rights and laid the foundations of a society which recognizes no distinction on the basis of colour, creed or sex. In Pakistan, we are endeavouring to con- form our lives with the eternal precepts of Islam. Hence, our commitment to the struggle against the inhuman system of apartheid is a matter of deep conviction aris- ing from the well-springs of our faith. 97. Since its inception, therefore, Pakistan has, within the constraints of its limited resources, extended all the help it can for the eradication of apartheid, and we reaf- firm our support for any further step that the interna- tional community may take to accelerate the process of the establishment of a just and peaceful society in South Africa. 98. The year 1979 has been declared the International Year of the Child. Let us, therefore, commit ourselves in this year to a course of purposeful action which wiII enable the children of South Africa to live in the condi- tions of freedom and equality that are their birth-right as much as they are those of children in other parts of the world.

Apartheid is a facet of the old world order which has enabled a minori- ty to raise their standards of living at the cost of pover- ty, misery and deprivation of rights for the majority of the people in southern Africa. Despite our recognition of apartheid as a crime against humanity, it has con- tinued to survive. The goals yve must achieve are clear enough as they are enunciated for us both in the United Nations Charter and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. What is not understood-and is ignored- is that these goals cannot be attained until all nations recognize that civil and political rights are closely related to economic, social and cultural rights. Different standards cannot be applied. It is incumbent on us to create a universal system in which the human rights of all peoples will be protected by the rule of law. 100. We have witnessed the end of the International Anti-Apartheid Year, during which useful contributions were made. It is our duty to commend the Special Com- mittee and the Centre against Apartheid for their useful work. However, we must be mindful of the fact that the policy of apartheid not only still continues unabated, but is taking on new and insidious forms to crush the legitimate struggle of millions of people. These millions continue to be deprived of their freedom and their right to decide their own destiny. They are compelled to con- tinue with their painful experience of servitude and humiliation. 101. Moreover, apartheid also represents a threat to international peace and security. There cannot be peace as long as over three quarters of the population of South 102. The racist minority regime of South Africa not only perpetuates the injustices of the apartheid system, but also thwarts the will of the international community with regard to Namibia and Zimbabwe. Indeed, South Africa is the central bastion of racism and colonialism in southern Africa. Peace in southern Africa cannot be achieved until apartheid is eradicated and the regime in South Africa is compelled to give up its oppression of the majority of the people of that country. The Sri Lanka delegation deplores this situation and supports all efforts to eradicate apartheid, which is the core of the problem in southern Africa. My delegation also reaffirms our support of and solidarity with the op- pressed people of South Africa and their national Iibera- tion movements. 103. Despite our efforts, apartheid continues in open defiance of the decisions of the international communi- ty, the Security Council and the General Assembly. While the policies of apartheid continue, the apartheid regimes have increased their repressive, aggressive and expansionist tendencies. They invade and sysr.rnatically attack Angola, Botswana, Mozambique, the United Republic of Tanzania and Zambia. These acts of aggres- sion and destabilization carried out by South Africa, Southern Rhodesia and their allies are for the purpose of blocking the support given by those front-line States to the liberation struggle which is supported by the in- ternational community. It was only a few days ago that the Security Council, in its resolution 454 (1979), con- demned South Africa's recent aggression against Angola. The international community must bring its combined wiII to bear on South Africa to make that State scrupulously respect the independence, sovereign- ty and territorial integrity of the front-line States. 104. The Security Council and the General Assembly have repeatedly expressed concern about South Africa's building up its nuclear-weapon capability. A few days ago, we had a report of an alleged nuclear explosion in that region. South Africa, in its desperate attempts at maintaining apartheid, cannot be allowed to confront the world with the fait accompli of its acquisition of nuclear-weapon capability. The report of the alleged ex- plosion has at least been a timely reminder to the inter- national community of the grave threats to international peace and security that could be posed by the racist minority regime in South Africa. 105. The elimination of apartheid has been one of the essential objectives of the non-aligned movement and, indeed, of the whole international community. We, in the non-aligned movement, have also reiterated our firmest support for the struggle of the people of Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa to achieve their full independence and the total elimination of racism and apartheid. The United Nations and the entire inter- national community have a special responsibility towards the oppressed people of South Africa and their liberation movements. Apartheid stands at the core of the problems of that region. Thus, the United Nations has a:'1 important and vital role in the mobilization of in- ternational action for the elimination of apartheid. There is an urgent need greatly to intensify lhe efforts t(1 106. The Sri Lanka delegation believes that, inter alia, the following steps are essential for the eradication of apartheid and its many manifestations: first, to inten- sify world public opinion for the eradication of apart- heid; secondly, to demand strict implementation of all United Nations resolutions, particularly those of the Security Council on this subject; thirdly, to denounce the increase of military, political and economic col- laboration by certain countries with South Africa, which helps to maintain the racist minority regimes built on the policy of apartheid-all Member States must be requested to give their fullest co-operation to achieve this goal; fourthly, to give support and assistance to front-line States, which must not be left alone in their courageous determination to resist the racist regimes of southern Africa; and fifthly, to ensure that all States refrain from any direct or indirect co-operation with South Africa in the manufacture and development of nuclear weapons, as any military nuclear collaboration with South Africa constitutes a threat to international peace and security. 108. I should like to conclude by quoting from a re- cent statement by His Excellency Mr. Jayawardene, President of Sri Lanka: "We voice our protest against these desperate and ruthless measures being adopted by the apartheid regimes as an attempt to maintain the status quo. I reaffirm the solidarity of the Government and people of the' Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka with those suppressed and oppressed as a result of the apartheid policies and with those who have pledged themselves to use all legitimate means at their disposal towards the goal of eradicating the last rem- nants of racial discrimination and apartheid. Sri Lanka, which is unequivocally pledged to democra- cy, has an abiding interest in the principles and prac- tice of anti-apartheid policies. We associate ourselves with those who struggle valiantly to ensure the dawn of a new era of dignity with the ultimate emancipa- tion of all human beings from racial discrimination." 107. Apartheid and its consequences gravely concern the entire international community. It is a matter of compelling urgency that apartheid be eradicated forth- with and replaced by a system based on freedom,