S/35/PV.29 Security Council

After the signing of the Charter of the United Nations mankind thought the nightmare ofthe scourge of war had been for ever laid to rest. A new world was open to mankind; univer- sal and permanent peace was at hand. The weapons ofwar were to be cast aside and the spirit of tolerance and brother- hood was to reign; mankind was to unite to make everybody content with his way of life, his destiny. 93. But the scourge of war did not disappear and the dream came to naught. 94. You, Mr. President, on assuming the heavy but enno- bling burden of the presidency ofthe Assembly, emphasized that the thirty-fifth session is taking place at a time when the world is entering upon a difficult decade [1st meeting]. But you went on to say that we are capable of solving all the problems facing us and of concern to, us all as long as we approach them with the firm determination, the true politi- cal will, to resolve them. 95. Such a keen perception of international problems and such lofty thinking in setting them in their proper context and finding universally valid solutions to them further dem- onstrate your outstanding human and political qualities. 96. The people and Government of Mali welcome your unanimous election for two reasons: first, because your country, the Federal Republic of Germany, my country's friend, was the first to establish diplomatic relations with the young Republic of Mali; secondly, because the bonds that have been forged over 20 years have increased and strengthened, thereby offering a notable example of inter- national co-operation. The remarkable manner in which you have been conducting our debates augurs for the success ofour work. In conveying to you our best wishes for success, we assure you of the full and sincere co-operation of the delegation of Mali. 97. Permit me also to congratulate once again Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, President of the thirty-fourth session, for his wisdom, competence and skill which left a special imprint 98. We also take this occasion to convey to the Secretary- General and to the competent team which surrounds him our appreciation for their invaluable service in the cause of peace and understanding among peoples and nations. 99. Sir, your distinguished predecessor transmitted to us the following message: "... our world is now at a critical crossroads and that we must choose between the road which will lead mankind to its own fatal destruction and the road towards mutual understanding, peaceful coexistence, progress and prosperity." [lst meeting. para. 2.5.] 100. •ndeed, the thirty-fifth session of the General Assem- bly is opening in a world in crisis, which has been brought about by distrust in the relations among States and the serious deterioration in the international economic situation. 101. On 3 September last, in the general debate of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, we stated from this rostrum 10 that the crisis which is shaking our planet to its deepest foundations illustrates once again the common destiny of nations and peoples, the great hopes of which we are bound to translate into concrete realities. Unfortunately, one of those hopes is about to fade away. 102. The eleventh special session ofthe General Assembly, convened amidst turmoil in the world economy in order to deal with one of the most difficult, albeit most important, questions of our time, has dosed without attaining any profound perception of the future or even succeeding in meeting the legitimate hopes of millions of people who once again live in fear of the future. 103. Just as it was termed special, so the measures which the Assembly was to adopt at that session in order to bring order to and revive the world economy should likewise have been exceptional, because the challenge which it was to meet concerned our common fate. The encouraging statements of some speakers about the need to establish a new balance in international economic relations and the meritorious efforts made by others to initiate global negotiations next year on vital questions for the maintenance of international peace and security have only yielded watered-down resultsand this will have the effect ofovercrowding the already impres- sive agenda of this session of the General Assembly. 104. The recognition by everyone of the serious and dis- turbing deterioration of the world economic situation and the need to correct it immediately has led to the preparation 105. As a result the extreme interpretation ofthe notion of consensus introduced into the economic sphere the power to block action, which the Charter conferredon some Member States in other fields. Thus, that lack offlexibility has led to the deferment ofthis crucial question, which has once again been held in abeyance. 106. Not having dared to act, we run the risk of allowing the infernal spiral of inflation, recession and unemployment to continue. We risk seeing the most terrible threat to peace emerge on the horizon, the threat of millions of people mounting an assault on an economic system which for them is synonymous witr. frustration, poverty and absolute destitution. 107. "Absolute poverty" is the expression used by the World Bank to refer-to the condition of 800million human beings on our planet, among whom areincluded the popula- tions of most of the African States south of the Sahara and particularly States members of the Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel, an organization which comprises the eight countries of the Sahel which since 1973 have been severely hit by the scourge of drought and desertification. 108. One of the most tragic consequences of that climatic hazard is the chronic grain deficit besetting that region, which is thus converted into a famine area that requires the care of the international community. That community should step up its efforts with regard both to its emergency assistance, rendered even more indispensable by the recent low levels and uneven distribution of rainfall and to its actions in the medium and the long term aimed at ensuring self-sufficiency in food based on the complete control of the surface and subterranean waters. 109. The head of State of Mali, President Moussa Traore, in his capacity as current President ofthe Summit Confer- ence of that group of countries which is coherent in the geographical, economical and ecological senses, will once again in the coming days issue an anguished appeal to the international conscience. 110. Because of its anachronistic nature the present inter- national system, which is intrinsically unegalitarian, must inevitably lead to trouble. The present world situation is characterized by severe tensions, among them the phenome- non of decolonization, local conflicts and the unbridled arms race, all ofwhich are causes ofinstability and threats to peace. 111. Only the strict application of the excellent principles inscribed in golden letters in the Charter of the United JI Subsequently adopted by theGeneral Assembly as resolution 35/56 of 5 December 1980. 112. This December weshall celebrate the twentieth anni- versary of the adoption of the historic resolution 1514(XV), which subsequently came to constitute the basic charter of decolonization, thanks to which oppressed peoples obtained their inalienable right to self-determination, a universal and eternal right. It was on the basis of that principle that the General Assembly 20 years ago consecrated the interna- tional sovereignty of 18 young States, among them my own, the Republic of Mali. Subsequently, the international com- munity became prouder and richer with the accession to independence of 53 new States. The accession to member- ship in the international Organization ofSaint Vincent and the Grenadines on 16September last isa two-fold symbol- of the irreversibility of the phenomenon of decolonization and of the political maturity ofpeopleswhichare stilldepen- dent, regardless of the sizeof their population or the geogra- phical configuration of their territory. 113. The United Nations moves year after year towards the universality which it upholds because it isthat universal- ity which is its strength and which determines its future. I was going to say because it is our strength and determines our future. We have resolutely chosen to hasten such a future and support with all our strength both those peoples that achieve their independence and those that continue to fight, devoting all their energies to the affirmation and the exerciseof their national rights. For want of obtaining them by persuasion, they are wresting those rights by force of arms. 114. It is because the doors to negotiation on its future have remained closed after a long wait and much bloodshed that the valiant people of Namibia, after other heroic peo- ples, has undertaken the stubborn struggle for national liberation. 115. The plan for a peaceful settlement of the Namibian crisis adopted by the United Nations which the Secretary- General is endeavouring to; ..,olement with his usual tenac- ity and the proposals made .ig the same lines by the five Western Powers are at an impasse. The racist and illegal administration of South Africa, unable to rise above the level of violence, hatred and duplicity, continues to use all kinds of excuses to delay matters, in the absurd hope of imposing "its peace" on the heroic people of Namibia, resorting at the same time to the use of arms, organizing masquerades of popular consultations, with constant eva- sions and interminable requests for clarification after receipt of every letter sent by the Secretary-General. 116. On the initiative of the late President Neto, the settle- ment plan of the United Nations provides forthe creation of demilitarized zones between Namibia and its neighbours, which would permit the initiation of talks on the future accession to independence of the international Territory of Namibia. But Pretoria has responded to this initiative of peace with bad faith and acts of war. The delaying tactics it uses are designed to gain respites so that it may satisfy its hegemonistic ambition. 118. The illegal and racist regime of South Africa has no option but toengage in dialogue with the sole authentic representative of the Namibian people, the South West Africa People's Organization [SWAPO], its fighting flank which embodies its hopes and has shown it the road to national liberation. 119. SWAPO has taken up arms in order to liberate its homeland. Negotiations are with those who fight. 120. It is in that context that we urge the Secretary- General, the five Western Powers and the international community to make use ofall available resourcesso that the Namibian people may exercise its sacred right to self- determination. 121. South Africa not only will never reversethe course of the liberation struggle of the Namibian people but will never realize its dream of maintaining in slavery the population of Azania under the heinous system of apartheid 122. The chameleonic characteristics of the leaders of'Pre- toria whenever international pressure makes itself felt and whenever internal resistancedeals them fatal blowsdo not in any way change the true nature of apartheid. That hideous policy continues to be the apotheosis of racism and hatred, of hatred of the black. 123. Men who love peaceand justice are not duped by this. They redouble their efforts in order to awaken man's con- science to this new scourge which threatens our civilization. The fires they have started in the oil installations at Sasol- burg will continue to lightthe long and difficultstruggle that they will have to wage to recover their dignity in their own homeland and to save humanity from that cancer which saps it. 124. It would be work for peace to isolate South Africa and impose on it the provisions of Chapter VII of the Charter. 125. It is also in oroer to speak of peace that we now turn to one of the most sensitiveareas in Africa, Western Sahara in the north-west of our continent. 126. As is well known, the United Nations continues tobe seized of the question of Western Sahara, a decolonization problem. However, in its wisdom and in keeping with the provisions ofChapter VIII of the Charter, the Organization has allowed, as a first resort, the OAU to search for an appropriate solution. 127. The Assembly of Heads ofState and Government of the OAU, after having debated this matter many times, set up, at its seventeenth ordinary session, an AdHoc Commit- tee to which it gave the imperative mandate of assisting it in finding a peaceful settlement of that crisis. 128. The Ad Hoc Committee has heard all parties con- cerned or interested in the question of Western Sahara in the 129. Mali and the rest of Africa ask the international community, the United Nations, the non-aligned move- ment, the League of Arab States and the Islamic Conference to trust them to resolve this delicate question of Western Sahara. 130. My country is motivated only by the desire to put an end to the spiral ofviolence which would internationalize the conflict. My country also asks all interested parties to listen to the voice of reason and to place their trust in history in order to ensure the success of their demands however legitimate they believe them to be-in short, to see to it that that fertile area of Africa is freed from a war the outcome of which is inevitable. 131. As the philosopher said, the greatness of a nation, especially of a nation with a history, is not measured by its capacity to wage war but by its capacity to make peace. 132. For its part, the Republic of Mali is resolved to co-operate loyally in theAd Hoc Committee. In so doing, however, it will not depart from the principles and political ideals to which it is deeply committed. It will never com- promise on the right of peoples to self-determination. 133. The Malian people and their leaders will never depart from the African positions which they have freely chosen and which, need we recall, are summarized ill two themes: first, for nothing in the world will the people and the leaders of Mali be accomplices, not even passive accomplices, in a plot against the right to self-determination of peoples in general and the people of Western Sahara in particular; secondly, the people and the leaders of Mali will be scrupu- lous in ensuring that the circumstantial and therefore ephe- meral dispute among peoples that are friends and neighbours of Mali, peoples that have the same history, the same culture and the same faith, does not dangerously compromise the stability of the region. 134. The sequel to colonization is seen not only in the African continent. The Middle East feels it painfully on its flank owing to the expansionist policy of Israel and its lack of respect for the legitimate right ofthe Palestinian people to self-determination. 135. We will not cease to repeat that the Palestinian prob- lem is at the heart ofthe Middle East crisis. To disregard that would be to accept political illusions. Nevertheless, this evidence has not yetenabled the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People to lead the Security Council to face its responsibilities, given the growing deterioration of the situation in Palestine. 136. However, the world has seen the Palestinian reality. Suffice it in this context to refer to the resolutions adopted 137. Israel has clearly learnt nothing from history. If it had, it would not have set Lebanon ablaze with its expan- . sionist actions; it would not, in its vanity, have declared Jerusalem its eternal and indivisible capital, thus flagrantly and arrogantly violating the provisions of resolution 181 (11), adopted by the General Assembly on 29 November 1947 concerning the future Government of Palestine, and thus also seriously offending the conscience of millions of people who believe in the Eternal. 138. In fact, Jerusalem, because of its historic and reli- gious characteristics, transcends the dimensions of a single State. That thrice holy city, eternaltestimony to the spiritual heritage of the three revealed religions, certainly belongs to mankind and must continue to do so. 139. The international community must vigorously denounce the policy of Judaization of the Holy City which has been undertaken and pursued by the Zionist entity in contempt of international law. There is no doubt that the appeal made and the specific measures advocated on the subject at the Tenth Islamic Conference of Foreign Minis- ters, held at Fez from 8 to 12 May 1979,12 will find a ready response in the Assembly. 140. Nor has the political situation developed in Korea since the joint North-South communique of 4 July 197213 and the adoption by the General Assembly of its resolution 3390 B (XXX). The events currently taking place in the southern part of that country, which are ofconcern formore than one reason, call for the early implementation of the five-point peace proposal formulated by the People's Demo- cratic Republic of Korea. 141. A glimmer of hope may be perceived in Cyprus. The two Cypriot communities-Turkish and Greek-have agreed to resume the talks on the political future of their country, thus showing that the maturity of peoples..will. always win out over the most subtle political machinations. 142. The situation in Chad continues to be one ofthe main concerns of Of' ., J and especially of the Republic of Mali, a member, like tt. ' battered country, of the Organization of Saharan States. The fratricidal war which has set in there seriouslythreatens the territorial integrityand independence of that country, the security and stability of our region and, 12See A/34/389 and Corr.I. 144. It is also the lack of respect for the principles of the Charter-the principles of non-recourse to force, avoidance of foreign military intervention, non-interference in the internal affairs of States and the peaceful settlement of disputes-which has given to the crises in Afghanistan and Kampuchea dimensions which go beyond the national borders of those countries. 145. From this rostrum, the people and leaders of Mali, through our delegation, would like to make, in conformity with our traditions of respect for the will of all peoplesand for the sacred principles of effective non-alignment, an urgent appeal to all the parties involved in these regrettable crises to replace guns with ballot-boxes and negotiating tables so that the peoples concerned may in full freedom have the opportunity to choose the final solutions to their concerns. 146. Hotbeds of tension have not only continued: they have unfortunately multiplied. The current session of the General Assembly beganduring the border conflictbetween Iran and Iraq, two countries friendly to mine, members of the Islamic Conference, and of the non-aligned movement. Mali supports the opportune initiatives of the IslamicCon- ference and the non-aligned movement towards the com- plete cessation of hostilitiesand a quest, by peaceful means, of a lasting solution to the crisis. 147. Alliances forged by war have been shattered by the demands of opposing ideologies. While international rela- tions suffer less and less from theclashof ideologies,theyare more and more subject to the efforts of nationalism and selfish interests to the detriment of the ideals of peace and justice so dear to the international community. 148. Detente, to be real, must be extended to all the nations of the world, all the peoplesof the world becauseof the correlation of their interests and their equal ability to direct the course of international affairs. 149. Because this profound reality has not been recog- nized, because it has been forgotten that the Charter recom- mends uniting the strength of all to maintain international peace and security, fear continues to hover over the world. The balance of fear has returned in the form of the fear of tomorrow. 150. Ratification of the SALT 11 Treaty on the limitation of strategic offensive weapons, which we earnestly desire, has been thwarted by the resurgence of international ten- sion. The Disarmament Decade which the General Assem- bly decided to proclaim at its thirty-fourth session [resolu- tion 341/75] has opened to the clash of weapons.Further- more, the arsenals are stuffed with engines of devastation 152. What could be more absurd than to note that more than $500 billiona yearcontinues to bespenton armaments, when a far smaller sum would suffice to bringthe Sahel back into bloom, to open schools and hospitals. for hundreds of millions of people and to drive back the advance of hunger and malnutrition. 153. But the arms race has demonstrated its own futility, for it has not decreased the policy of zones of influence, prevented the maintenance and strengthening of blocs or extinguished hotbeds of tension. 154. Mankind must necessarily, then, respond to all the different challengeswithwhich it isfaced. Zones of influence and blind distrust are among the ills in modern international relations, the sole remedy for which, we believe, lies in non-alignment, steadfast and dynamic non-alignment, a non-alignment which goes beyond blocs, a non-alignment which will lead to true interdependence, in which a commu- nity of interests will replaceconflictsof interest in a world in harmony. 155. Such ambition.requires the mobilization of the politi- cal will of all.The establishment and maintenance of peace is not a matter for the Powersalone, howevermilitarilydevel- oped they may be, or for blocs:it is right and truly a matter for all. 156. The problem of the democratization of international relations, the need for which was affirmed in September 1970 at Lusaka at the Third Conferenceof Heads ofState or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, is thus clearly posed. 157. Respect for human rights is among the questions of world-wide importance, and it must therefore be placed in its precise context and comprehensivelyifwe wish correctly to resolve it. 158. To grasp thoroughly the import and scope of the question of fundamental human rights, we must first of all rid ourselves of ideological contingencies which do not merely circumscribe our consideration, but also tend to permit the notion ofa selective approach to take root, while, in fact, the basic rights of the individual cover all aspects of daily life-political, civil, economic and social. To empha- size political rights at the expense of social and economic rights would be tantamount to depriving millionsofpeople who live in sordid and abject conditions oftheir freedom to 159. On the one hand, since man isthe be-all and end-all of development, the right to development-the recognized right ofeach individual to meet his needs in accordance with his legitimate aspirations and in harmony with the degree of development of the society in which he lives-must be the first human right to be respected by Governments. 160. On the other hand, since there can be no peace and security in the world if the enjoyment by all people of their fundamental rights is not an effective reality, equal rights for all the members of the human family remains the corner- stone of peace and justice in the world. 161. In this connection one should be convinced once and for all that human rights ap!,ly to all people, irrespective of race, sex or creed. This implies the effective participation of all people in the development of the society in which they live. Human rights cannot be discriminatory, applicable, for example, to the whites who immigrated into South Africa, but withheld from the blacks, who are the authentic children of the country. 162. Man is but an element of society, the harmonious evolution of which requires respect for the collective right of all the elements which make up that society. In other words, because the right to development is first and foremost a collective right, human rights cannot and must not trans- cend the right of peoples. 163. The right to self-determination, the right to the free exploitation of natural resources, the right toorganize socie- ties according to political, economic and social rules that each people must freely choose-in sum, the right to exist, the right to live, the right to be must be admitted and applied by all. 164. In Mali, a young State but an old country, human rights are part ofour ethic. There, as in all societies ofan old civilization, man is happy because he is never alone, he is never lonely, he is never in despair because he can trust in his family, his clan, his country, to which he remains attached by an emotional and therefore indestructible bond, which is nevertheless destroyed by a certain form of development. 165. My country, Mali, on accedingto international sover- eignty, of course, adhered to the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, both of 1966[resolution 2200A (XXI). annex]. Moreover, on the national level, the sacred rights of the human person are protected by our laws and above all by our Constitution, in which they are embodied not only in several provisions of its preamble but in an entire chapter, the first. 166. This means that my country, our people and its lead- ers have no complex as regards the question of human 167. These few thoughts should lead the manipulators of consciences and public opinion, which, unfortunately, cer- tain mass media have become, to show more circumspec- tion, more restraint, more justice. 168. Such a policy, although quite common, isall the more unjust in that there is this imbalance in matters of informa- tion. The unequal exchange of information between North and South, the distortions which are found, the concentra- tion of the mass media in developed countries, the increas- ingly commercial nature ofthe importantpress, which in the main practises crisis journalism, are the major themes ofthe important debate taking place in UNESCO on a new world information order, which we heartily wish to see emerge so worrying is the present dangerous tendency to treat the news from the third world in a distorted way in the service ofwhat are often unworthy ends. The media in the major industrial- ized countries often give our countries a false and distorted image. The familiar demand for the free circulation ofinfor- mation between the strong and the weak incontestably has negative consequences for the latter.. The disadvantaged passively receive second-rate cultural works and values which alienate them because they are foreign to them. It is therefore essential to correct this other imbalance, which is detrimental to the South in its exchange of news with the North. 169. The freedom of the press, which is a fundamental right, must cease to be an unrestricted freedom, a commer- cial product or an instrument of power. The press should not seek only to free itself from control by the political power. It must also be on its guard, perhaps, above all, lest it fall under the in some ways more severe yoke of the eco- nomic power, whose subtle enormous and powerful methods are still more restrictive. 170. The freedom of the press must be at the service of man, and this must be its only purpose. As a means of education the press must contribute to the formation of the individual personality. As an instrument of progress, mass media must be at the service of development. 171.. These are the few thoughts which my delegation wished to express in this debate as a modest contribution to any efforts to seek solutions to the major problems of our time. We are pressed for time, for, as was recognized by the non-aligned movement in 1970: "We are at a crossroads in history, and every passing day brings new proof of the exceptional power of the human spirit and points to the dangerous paths into which man may be led by his imperfec- tions". We must apply that exceptional power of our crea- tive spirit to international problems. 173. We have already said that we are at a crossroads in history. Serious events assail us on all sides. Decolonization has not been achieved, apartheid takes innocent lives, brother countries are tearing each other to pieces,the world economy is undergoing an unprecedented crisis. In short, peace has never been more seriously threatened. 174. On 26 June 1945 men of good will signed at San Francisco the finest instrument of peace that has ever existed, the Charter of the United Nations. They did this because of their horror of war, to spare future generations the torment and untold sufferings, through their love of peace, that vibrant love which animates usall,the peoplesof the world.

I have the pleasure, on behalf of the delegation of the Democratic Republic of the.Sudan, of extending to Mr. von Wechmar our sincere congratulations on his unani- mous election to the presidency ofthe thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly.The Sudan, whichenjoyscordial and developing relations with his country, is confident that his varied experience in the political and diplomatic fields, espe- cially in the work of the United Nations, qualify him to occupy the Chair and to contribute to the success of the deliberations at this session. 176. My delegation wishes to express its appreciation to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, the outgoing President of the General Assembly, which during his term held four impor- tant sessions to consider international political and eco- nomic issues of great concern to the international community. The achievements under Mr. Salim's presi- dency are a source ofpride for the peoplesof the third world in general and to the peoples of Africa in particular. 177. My delegation welcomes the accession of Saint Vin- cent and the Grenadines to membership of the United Nations. We are confident that this new Member will enrich the work of the Organization. The admission of Saint Vin- cent and the Grenadines to the United Nations proves that the Organization is about to achieve its universality. 178. We meet at this session at a time when the world is passing through a critical period characterized by complex- ity and escalating tension that further diminishes the chan- ces for peace and detente. With the exception of the achievement of independence by Zimbabwe, the gloomy predictions and apprehensions regarding the state of inter- national relations voiced by many delegations during the thirty-fourth session have been confirmed by the events of the past year. It was a turbulent year, in whichthe world was buffeted by serious political, and economic crises which presented a tough challenge to the United Nations and which necessitated holding two emergency special sessions in January and July and a special session in August and 179. It is regrettable that even today the policyofdividing the world into spheres of influence is still actively pursued. As a result some of the countries of the third world are denied the exercise of their legitimate right to independence and to sovereignty over their natural resources. The Sudan, in reiterating its commitment to and respect for the Charter and international law and conventions, has rejectedand will continue to reject an international svstcm that is based on . . power politics and the division of the world into spheres of influence. \\'e reject such a system becauseitcontradicts and suppresses our aspirations to true independence, sover- eignty and true democratic international relations. There- fore we condemn and denounce any foreign intervention or interference, from whatever source, in the domestic affairs of any country. Foreign intervention, in whatever form, is irreconcilable with the duties and obligations of the States Members of the United Nations. It threatens not only the independence and sovereignty of countries but also interna- tional peace and security. 180. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, to take a recent example, is still a source of concern to the interna- tional community because of its serious repercussions and implications in the region and the world at large. The Gen- eral Assembly has, of course, met in emergency special session and has clearly pronounced itselfon the issue in its resolution ES-6/2. However, today, that resolution notwith- standing, the situation in Afghanistan remains unchanged. Therefore we call on the Assembly to consider the situation in Afghanistan, in order to take the appropriate measures that will ensure the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Afghanistan and guarantee its independence, sovereignty and non-aligned status. 181. The ongoing war between Iraq and Iran, two neigh- bouring Moslem countries that have strong historical ties,is deeply deplored by the Government and people of the Sudan. It is also deplored by all Moslem peoples, who are saddened and pained at this bloodshed between Moslems. We appeal to those two brotherly countries to put an end to this bloodshed and wasting of potential. to renounce the use of force and to resort to the procedure of dialogue 4l11d negotiations. We hope that the initiative of the Islamic Conference and other initiatives will succeed in containing the conflict and in bringing about an immediate end to the war, so that Islamic capabilities and potentialities may be spared and properly oriented towards social and economic reconstruction and the confrontation of the common enemy. 182. The situation in the Indian Ocean is deteriorating at an alarming rate. The conflict is widening to engulf new areas. The fleets of the big Powers are rushing to the scene. 183. Another important factor is that peace and security in the Indian Ocean will not be realized unless the littoral and hinterland States of the region cultivate and pursue friendly and good-neighbourly relations among themselves. We, for our part, have always believed in that principle and have always been guided by it in our relations with our neighbours. 184. The situation in the Middle East is increasingly and menacingly deteriorating every day. The mass media keep assiduously informing us of the dangerous and catastrophic incidents occurring there which threaten world peace and security. The numerous urgent meetings held by the Security Council on the situation in the Middle East during this year bear testimony to that fact. In his report on the work of the Organization the Secretary-General has pointed out that the Middle East question is unique in its complexity and wide- spread repercussions [see AI35/1. sect. IV]. Eventually the Assembly should devote most of its time and efforts at this session to taking positive measures to ensure the implemen- tation of the resolutions already adopted instead of adopt- ing more resolutions. The origins and dimensions of this question are no longer subject to any manoeuvres, tricks or pretence at justification. The international community has become fully aware ofit and has clearly pronounced itselfon it on many occasions, most recently at the seventh emer- gency special session, last July. 185. The Sudan has repeatedly expressed its belief in the possibility of a just and peaceful solution to the Middle East problem, provided that the genuine will exists and that expansionist and hegemonistic ambitions are disavowed. Peace cannot be established permanently in that area except on a just and comprehensive basis. 186. The inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, par- ticularly their right to self-determination and the establish- 187. The recent Israeli legislation declaring AI Qods- Jerusalem-the eternal capital of Israel confirms the arro- gance and intransigence of the isolated Zionist entity. While the Security Council and the General Assembly frequently meet and adopt resolutions condemning and denouncing Israeli brutalities against and torture of Arab citizens and their leaders in the occupied Arab territories, the establish- ment of new settlements and the violation ofthe sovereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon, Israel continues to defy the resolutions of the highest international organs responsi- ble for the maintenance of peace and security. Such defiance and disregard of United Nations resolutions, the Charter and the will of the international community are the direct causes of the deteriorating situation in the Middle East. Unless the international community adopts concrete meas- ures to put an end to the Israeli arrogance and intansigence and its continuing defiance of resolutions of the highest international organs responsible for the maintenance of peace and security, it will have to face the serious repercus- sions of the conflict in the area. 188. The Arab nation has confirmed its belief in a peace- ful, just and permanent solution of the Middle East ques- tion. In declaring its commitment to a peaceful settlement, the Arab nation has also reaffirmed its position, namely, that the Middle East conflict is not amenable to compart- mentalization or partial solutions. However, it is a source of hope that the international will represented in the General Assembly, at its seventh emergency special session, con- firmed that Arab conception and demonstrated that partial and unilateral solutions would not affect the roots of the conflict At that same session it emphasized the need to give effect to the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people under the leadership of their sole and authentic representa- tive, PLO. 189. The creation of obstacles in order to delay the peace- ful, comprehensive and just solution desired by the Arab nation and the international community as a whole, could cause.tension to escalate and lead the region to a devastating war. To avoid that explosive situation, which endangers all nations and indeed all human heritage, the United Nations should shoulder its responsibility for the achievement of a peaceful, comprehensive, just and permanent solution to the Middle East conflict. The United Nations, in our view, is the 190. In southern Africa the situation isdeteriorating stead- ily and is n serious threat, to the peace and security not only of Africa but of the entire world. On the question of Namibia, we. together with the rest of Africa. have repeat- edly expressed a genuine desire to resolvethe problems of southern Africa peacefully and have welcomed and sup- ported the initiative of the five Western Powers regarding Namibia. Within the group of African States, we have also affirmed our commitment to exert every effort to ensure implementation of the plan for a peaceful settlement. How- ever, the machinations and delaying tactics employed by thc racist regime of Pretoria to abort that plan have greatly diminished thc chances of a peaceful settlement in Namibia. 191. Wc therefore condemn the perpetuation of the occu- pation of Namibia and the. lootingofits natural resources by the racist regime of Pretoria. We condemn and reject nil the measures and steps implemented by racist Pretoria to deny the Namihian people the exercise of their right to self- determination and national independence and to install a puppet regime in Windhock that represents and defends the interests of the racists in Pretoria. not the interests of the Namibian people, My country reiterates here its declared firm stand on the illegality of the unilateral elections con- ducted by the racist regime of South Africa in Namibia and of the institutions that resulted therefrom. Any government that emerges in Windhoek must be the resultof freeelec- tions conducted under United Nations supervision accord- ing to the agreed plan, 192. The serious and deteriorating situation in Namibia makes it imperative for the Security Council to carry out its responsibilities as specified in the Charter by urgently imposing on the racist regime in Pretoria the necessary effective sanctions for the maintenance of intemational peace and security, If the Security Council fails to carry out its responsibilities. there will be no alternative to armed struggle by the people of Namibia under the leadership of SWAPO. their sole legitimate representative, with assist- ance and support from the African people and friendly nations which cherish peace and freedom. I should like to reiterate here the commitment of my Government to con- tinue to extend all possible support to SWAPO until the Namibian people have regained their independence and sovereignty, 193. Wc also hail the heroic role played by the African front-line Statesin the battle to liberate Namibia and reaf- firm our commitment to support them in their struggle. In this connection. we call upon all sister and friendly nations and all nations which love peace and freedom to give SWAPO and the front-line African States the support that will ensure victory in the struggle for the liberation and independence of Namibia. 195. The recent minor reforms and legislative measures introduced by the racist regime of Pretoria. which were applauded by some circles as positive developments. arc nothing more than superficial cosmetic changes in the ugly face of apartheidto stem the rising tide of resentment and resistance internally and to buy acceptance and approval abroad. 196. The atrocious policies and practices of that racist regime. which include discrimination. repression, torture, daily organized violation of human rights and the establish- ment of new bantustans, are glaring evidence that no real change or reform is taking place and that the regime is still defying and disregarding the will of the international com- munity as embodied in resolutions adopted against apart- heid. The international will and determination that defeated and eliminated nazism and fascism is called upon today to stand firmly in the face (A'apartheid and to help the majority in South Africa to regain its freedom. dignity and basic rights. Wc call upon all Member States to uphold the pur- poses and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and to desist from engaging in any kind ofco-operation with the racist minority regime in South Africa. 197. As well as being concerned over the international situation as a whole as it pertains to the Middle East and Africa. we arc concerned also with areas of conflict and tension all over the world. With regard to Cyprus. we note and appreciate the efforts exerted by the Secretary-General, which came to fruition in the high level IO-point agreement of May 1979.14 Wc arc pleased that intcrcommunal talks arc now underway and that agreement has been reached to proceed to the substantive stage of the talks. Wc sincerely hope that this positive step will result in peace and nationa1 unity for Cyprus. 198. As regards Korea. we arc concerned that the country is still divided. in spite of the aspirations of its people to achieve rcunification by peaceful means. The continuation of the present situation poses a serious threat to peace and stability in that area. It is gratifying, however. to note that the Korean people in the North and the South arc exerting serious efforts to reunify the peninsula peacefully and with- out foreign intervention. 199. The serious economic crisis facing the world today necessitates that the international community confront it with wisdom. objectivity. universality and far-sightedness, shunning confrontation and the pursuit of narrow national interests. The destiny of the world today is more intcrlinkcd 1980.annual report of the World Bank, .in which it is stated, as a conclusion to the analysis of the world economy during the past decade, that allcountries, rich and poor, will face a bleak future in which their stability and survival will be threatened unless they engage in serious co-operation in all economic fields. It is only natural that such an effort should entail greater concessions and sacrifices by the richer devel- oped countries, since the end result will be in the common interest and to the mutual benefit of both developed and developing countries. 200. By proposing the launching ofa new round of global economic negotiations, the developing countries have tried to give new impetus to the stumbling North-South dialogue ,1Od to accelerate progress towards establishing the new international economic order. The results of the eleventh special session were, however, frustrating and disappoint- ing. The Assembly could not reach an agreement on the procedures of the proposed global negotiations and has failed to launch the negotiations. The developing countries have exhibited great flexibility and a genuine willingness to co-operate, in recognition of the importance of the global negotiations and in the conviction that the failure of the special session willhave serious repercussions on the future of international economic co-operation and even on world peace and security. The failure of the special session is the inevitable result of the lack of political will on the part ofa few developed countries and the fact that some major Pow- ers are still prisoners of the traditional attitude towards the international economy, as pointed out by the Foreign Minis- ter of Sweden before the Assembly on 23 September [7th meeting, para. 245]. 201. The setback to the North-South dialogue should not discourage developing countries from the pursuit of eco- nomic and technical co-operation among themselves. In this context, we laud the results of the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads ofState and Government of the OAU, held at Lagos in April this year, the first such session devoted to economic matters. The Sudan has declared its full commitment to the African development strategy and to the Lagos Plan of Action for the Implemen- tation of the Monrovia Strategy for the Economic Develop- ment of Africa." We are convinced that solving the economic problems of Africa, the poorest and most under- developed continent, must start first in Africa, and that collective self-reliance is the only approach to the realization of economic and social development in Africa and the third world. It is also the principal means of achieving economic independence and actively participating in the economic activities directed towards the establishment of the new international economic order. We are confident that the international community will support Africa's efforts by 203. The Sudan, one of the least developed countries, is deeply concerned at the fact that vast resources are being squandered annually on the arms race. The sum of $450 billion is spent on military installations and hardware, while millions of people around the world are starving to death ,1Od others are victims of poverty and disease. The interna- tional community is called upon to put an end to this irrational state of affairs and this irrational rule. Serious and urgent action must be undertaken towards complete disarm- ament and the utilization of the financial and human re- sources thus freed in developing the developing countries, particularly the least developed among them, and for the prosperity of all mankind. 204. In concluding my statement before the Assembly, I find it fitting to address myself to the refugee problem. The Secretary-General has pointed out in his report that natural disasters and military and political conflicts have created millions of refugees around the world [see A/35/J. sect. VI]. That the majority of these refugees are in Africa is a fact which is often neglected, together with the fact that African countries hosting these refugees are facing serious difficul- ties. The situation of African refugees in the Sudan deserves special attention and consideration. The Sudan, because of its particular geographical location, is adjacent to many African countries which suffered or are still suffering natural disasters, political crises or civil wars resulting in the exodus of about half a million refugees into the Sudan looking for refuge and sustenance. Because .01' the heavy burden of taking care of halfa million refugees,the Government ofthe Sudan declared 1980a Year of Refugees in the Sudan. The objective is to highlight the plight of these refugees and solicit international assistance. The focal point of the pro- gramme for the Year was the International Conference on Ih See Proceedings 0f,IIt, United Nations Conference on Trade and l/)t','('lopme"'. Fij,II Session, vol. I, Report andAnnexes (United Nations publication, Sales No. E.79.II.D.14), part one, sect. A. resolu- tion 122 (V). 205. The Khartoum Conference has studied allaspectsof the problemsof refugees inthe Sudan and indicated the size and the quality of the assistance required to provide them with basic necessities. We are confident that the interna- tional community, represented in this forum, will respond generously to the appeal ofthe Conference for the financial and materialassistance necessary for the implementation of the measures and recommendations adopted bytheConfer- ence, which are reflected in the report of the interagency mission. 206. This is the internationalsituationon the thresholdof the 1980s-one characterized bytension, instability, lack of peace and security and gloomy economic and social pros- pects. If this precarious situation is allowed to deteriorate further, the outcome will inevitably be disastrous. As the world today is inextricably interdependent, international co-operation stands as the only option for satisfying the common interest and maintaining peace and security. But this will not be achieved in the absence of the necessary political will to act collectively. Weharbour great hopesthat this Organization will, if we adhere to its noble principles and objectives, succeed in maintaining world peace and security and achieving prosperity for allmankind. Mydele- gation will therefore spare no effort to work together with other delegations towards the achievement of these goals, and weshall since. ..· --:r 'perate withalldelegations believ- ing in the objectives ~'. . "UnitedNationsand committedto their attainment.

I should like first of all to extend to Ambassador von Wechmarmysincerest congrat- ulationson hiselection to the high office of President ofthis important regular session, the thirty-fifth sincethe General Assembly first convenedmore than three decades ago. His election coincides witha momentousperiodinthehistoryof the United Nations and, indeed, of humanity, when the dangers and challenges facing nations,individually and col- lectively, are unprecedentedin the second half of the twen- tieth century. However, with his brilliant record and experience in international affairs, and his country's exem- plary record in the field of development assistance to devel- oping countries like the Gambia and its contribution to 208. At this juncture, I should like to pay a tribute to the outgoing President, AmbassadorSalim,whosebrilliantper- formance and enlightened leadership at the thirty-fourth session have enhanced the imageof Africa, the third world and the United Nations as a whole. 209. Wealso thank theSecretary-General for theexcellent services he has continued to give the Organization and for his deep understanding of current international problems, particularly, the special problems of thepoorer members of our family of nations. 210. Many, if not all, the speakers who preceded me'have, as a previous sessions, brilliantly dilated on the current international situation and, as the debate continues, such questions will receive the close attention of representatives at various levels. The significance of this coincidence of thought and approach insodiverse a group isthat itdemon- strates and undescores the common concern of all States, bigor small,powerful or weak,to sensitize mankind to the urgent need for peace as the only alternative to conflicts. It also brings into sharp focus the fact that weare not lacking in ideas and that what weneed is action and the firm will to act before it is too late. 211. It was 35 years ago that the nations of the world, horrified at the devastation of a war that had never been equalled indimension and intensity, committedthemselves, through the Charter, to "save succeeding generations from the scourge ofwar". Yet, aswemeet today,weknowthat the legacy from the old to the new generation is an estate of insecurity, conflicts and stagnation. Indeed,as theyear2000 approaches faster than werealize, theearlierexpectations of a better life are eludinghumanity, which iscaught ina web of escalating tension and conflict, economic dislocations, food crises, energy problemsand the contagionof inflation. 212. The history of the UnitedNations has shownthat its first two decades were significantly dominated by political issues which represented residual problemsforwhich peace in 1945 did not adequately provide. Today, it is veryclear that the greatestthreat to worldpeace iscausedbyeconomic problems affecting, on the one hand, the internal stability, especially of developing nations and, on the other hand, aggravating the already inequitable relations between the industrialized countries of the North and the third world countries of the South. It is natural, therefore, that at this session the Assembly will need to focus attention on the current economic issues that underlie the more visible and explosive political crises. 213. In this regard, it is important to stress the need fora general awakening to the evolved state of international economicrelations. Today, welive in a worldinwhich there is no room for domination and power. Rather, there is growing interdependence in which global interests must be decided by consensus. It is inevitable from this mutual dependence that neweconomic arrangementsand relation- ships must be forged to consolidate that kind of interdepen.. dence between the industrialized and developing countries 214. What is Africa's position in this evolving and com- plex economic framework? The problems and preoccupa- tions of Africa in this regard, and indeed in every sphereof international relations, have been eloquently stated by the current Chairman of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU, Mr. Siaka Stevens of Sierra Leone, in his keynoteaddressat thissession [8thmeeting]. I can only, therefore, modestly give complementary support to that eminent spokesman for our continent. 215. While wedo not ignore theuniversality ofcontempo- rary economic problems, it is equally incumbent upon the communityof nations to recognize the special plightof the developing countries in general, and Africa in particular. The. case of Africa is illustrated by the stark fact that our continent is the least developed, with gross domestic pro- duct stagnating at 2.7 per cent of the world level, and per capita income averaging $166. Perhapstheseeconomic indi- cators are the ominous reflections of the fact that 20out of the 31 least developed countries of the world are African countries. Yet the pictureshouldnot havebeenso bleak for Africa, for the continent has immense human and natural resources that should ensure its development. This was eloquently highlighted in the report of the Secretary- General of the OAU at the second extraordinarysession of the OAU Assembly, devotedto economic matters, in which it is stated that "In addition to its reservoir of human resources, our continent has 97 per cent of worldreserves of chrome,85 per cent of platinum, 64 per cent of manganese, 25 per cent of uranium and 13 percentof copper;20percent of hydroelectrical potential, 20 per cent of traded oil,... 70 per cent of cocoa production, one third of world coffee production, 50 per cent of palm produce."!' 216. Is it therefore not a paradox that withall thiswealth, Africa remains the most underdeveloped region of the world, despite all the efforts made by its leaders to emerge from such a state of underdevelopment? It wasinsearchof an answer to this question that African leaders met at the first OAU economic summit at Lagos on 28 and 29 April 1980 and adopted theLagosPlanofAction. Asstatedbythe current OAU Assembly Chairman, the plan is a "priority action programme" and is born out of the frustrationsand unfulfilled promises and expectations of successive global strategies over the last 20 years, more sharply felt in Africa than in any other continent. 217. The Plan of Action isan African option forcollective self-reliance that must have primacy over other protracted negotiations which have not madeany significant progress. It can be called an African order based on horizontal co- operation leading to the establishment of an African Eco- nomic Community by the year 2000. We believe that it is only through our combinedeconomic strengththat itwill be 218. It is no less ironicthat thepreceding twodevelopment decades have witnessed a marked aggravation of the world food situation,especially in Africa,whereit has beenaccen- tuated by drought and other natural disasters. The food crisis in the Sahel is one of the most serious effects of drought in Africa in recent times. This problem was elo- quently brought into the limelight whenourhead of State, Alhaji Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara, addressed the thirty- third session of the General Assembly" in his capacity as Chairman of the Conference of the Heads of State and Government of the Permanent Inter-State Committee on Drought Control in the Sahel. The Assembly, as well as the entire international community, was sensitized to the drought and its long-lasting effects on the Sahel. It is my duty, therefore, to remindthe internationalcommunitythat despite national efforts and international intervention, the situation in the Sahel has not improved significantly. This year, the rains came very late, and most Saheliancountries have been hit by drought. Consequently, by mid-August, the Sahel had an estimateddeficit of 800,000 tons ofcereal grains neededto feed itspopulations.Wethereforecallupon the international community to rally to the timely appeal made by the current Chairman of the Inter-StateCommit- tee, PresidentMoussaTraore of the sisterRepublic of Mali. 219. Apart fromthe directeffects the shortageof food has on the populations of our agrarianeconomies, food insecur- ity is a major constraint on the development of our coun- tries. It causesincreased food imports, resulting in a loss of much-needed foreign exchange earnings. The magnitudeof the problem is iIIustated by the disclosure by FAO that Africa's grain imports will increase from 11 million metric tons in 1978 to 15 million metric tons in 1985. Imports had already risenfrom 4.2million metrictonsin 1970to the 1978 level. Thus, our foreign exchange earnings, already eroded in real terms by the increased worsening of the terms of trade, are consequently being consumed by this rising import bill, instead of being augmented through domestic investments for economic development. 220. Because we recognize that the primaryresponsibility for increasing food production isours, our aim isan imme- diate improvement in the food situation and to lay the foundations for the attainment of self-sufficiency. To this end, we in the Gambia continue to pursue, as a matter of priority, the executionoftheTrans-Gambia BarrageProject withinthe frameworkoftheGambia RiverBasinAuthority, an organization that brings together Guinea, Senegal and the Gambia in a collective effort to develop the entire basin of the RiverGambia.As President Jawara saidherein 1978, wesee the development of our entire waterresources as the solution in the matter of increased food and cash crops in the region. 221. Our own efforts, however, needto becomplemented by international assistance on a scale that will inducea real breakthrough in this important matter of human need and economicdevelopment. That iswhyweappreciatefood aid 222. While food and armaments occupy the opposite extremes in the international spectrum, their relationship was brought out in staggering clarity in the Brandt Commis- sion report. 19 The Commission found that one modern tank costs $1 million, an amount that could provide storage facilities for 100,000tons of rice, and that IY2 per cent ofone year's world military expenditure could pay for all the farm equipment needed to increase food production and approach self-sufficiency in food-deficient low-income countries within a decade. These facts call for a halt in the arms race so that the resultant savings could be channelled to productive economic activities in the more disadvantaged regions of the world. 223. It is against this unfavourable economic background that the eleventh special session of the General Assembly convened here just a fewweeksago. I recall thaton the eveof that much-heralded session.the ministers ofthe Group of77 expressed the hope that, in a spirit ofco-operation, interde- pendence and mutual benefit, the industrialized countries would approach the negotiations with a new sense of pur- pose and with the political will indispensable to the success ofthe special session. The appeal was not heeded and, as we all know, the eleventh special session did not achieve its objectives. It only confirmed that the main impediment towards progress in the establishment of the new interna- tional economic order is the opposition of many developed and industrialized countries to measures for the restructur- ing of the international economic system in a way that will ensure equity, justice and stability in global economic rela- tions. The failure of the session is not only a great disap- pointment but also a matter of serious concern, as it has far-reaching adverse implications for international co- operation, world peace and security. 224. Despite this'unexpected setback and the present stale- mate, new efforts should be deployed during the current session for the resumption of'meaningful negotiations in January 1981, which will, significantly, coincide with the coming into operation of the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade. Already our expectations have been raised by the consensus that emerged from the eleventh special session of the General Assembly in regard to measures to meet the critical situation in the least developed countries. We trust that the measures called for in General Assembly resolution S-II/4 will be accorded the speedy implementation which they deserve and that concrete steps will be taken in the current session to ensure the success of the United Nations Conference on the Least Developed Countries, which will 19North-South: A program for survival: report of the Independent Commission on International Development Issues under the chairman- ship ofWiIly Brandt (Cambridge, Massachusetts, The MIT Press, 1980). 226. This is the bleak economic climate in which the Gen- eral Assembly at its thirty-fifth session is debating world issues. I now turn to political matters. 227. While economic questions have dominated the world scene in the last decade, serious political problems continue to threaten world peace. The international situation in the past few years has been characterized by widespread unrest, conflicts and crises which have threatened the survival of some States and the very foundation of our community of nations. .Even as we meet now to discuss world problems, many of our populations, especially in the third world, are living in fear and insecurity and under the spectre of war. In Africa, the Middle East and Asia particularly, the evilforces of militarism and war have already been unleashed to the detriment of our peoples and our development obiectives. 228. The African scene has already been effectively repre- sented by Africa's spokesman, the current Chairman of the OAU Assembly, Mr. Siaka Stevens ofSierra Leone. Permit me, however, to refer briefly to some ofthese burning issues. 229. Against the gloomy political climate that prevailed in parts of Africa, we have scored a major success in southern Africa. The date 18April 1980will long be remembered in Africa's long struggle for freedom as the date on which Zimbabwe was born out ofthe blood of its martyrs and the indomitable character of its valiant people. We hail the independence ofthe fiftieth member State ofthe OA U under the enlightened leadership ofthat great statesman and son of Africa, Prime Minister Robert Mugabe. Indeed, the victory of the Patriotic Front over the forces of colonialism and racism is a great triumph for Africa and a major step towards the total decolonization ofour continent, an objec- tive that is entrenched in the OAU Charter. It is also a victory that demonstrates the iron will of the people of Africa to be free, and an inspiration for the oppressed peoples of the rest of southern Africa to continue, with our support, their legitimate struggle for freedom, justice and human dignity. 230. Zimbabwe is a lesson that demonstrates the magna- nimity,generosity and virtue ofthe African who, in the hour ofvictory and glory, can forgive the defeated oppressor and extend the hand ofco-operation to a-minority in the task of national reconstruction. That is the essence of the African struggle: love of freedom in fraternity and equality for the good of all. -It is also a lesson to South Africa's friends. 232. With regard to inter-African problems in Western Sahara, Chad and the Horn of Africa, we, especially in the Gambia, are satisfied that OAU is the only machinery that can effectively resolve them. Extra-African interests must therefore desist from interfering, in any manner, in the process of mediation and reconciliation already started by the OAU. 233. Another success that marked the African calendar this year is the significant progress made in the important area of human rights. When African leaders meeting at Monrovia in 1979 decided to have an African charter on human and people's rights, many were the cynics outside Africa who doubted our will, our seriousness and evenour ability to implement decision J15 (XVI) adopted at the sixteenth session of the Assembly of the OAU.20 Yet by December 1979 African legal experts had met and elabo- rated at Dakar a draft charter, to the surpriseofthe enemies of Africa. This was the context in which, together with our firm commitment in the Gambia to respectfor and promo- tion and protection of human rights, we were privileged to act as host to the first OAU Ministerial Meetingto study the draft African Charter on Human and People's Rights. 234. Although the BanjulconferenceofJune 1980 did not complete its work, much progress was made, given the magnitude and importance of the task and the expeditious manner inwhich the Monrovia decision was implemented. Furthermore, we must recall that, whilethe Universal Dec- laration of Human Rights was adopted by the United Nations in J948, it wasonly recentlythat the veryimportant International Covenant on Civil and Political Rightsand the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights wereadopted and brought into operation. But Africa is not going to delay the adoption of the draft Charter, and already the OAU Ministerial Meeting will reconvene in Banjul in the coming months with the mandate of the Council of Ministersof the OAU at Freetown to finalize the draft for submission at the eighteenth session of the Assem- bly of Heads of State and Government of the OAU [see A/35/463 and Co,.,../, annex l]. 235. The significance of this development is that it shows the importance that A1frica attaches to human rights. We in the Gambia arc firmly committed, under the leadership of 236. The situation in the Middle East has deteriorated since weassembled herea yearago. Contrary to the expecta- tions of peace through dialogue, Israel has now escalated its expansionist and oppressive policies. In total disregard of and contempt for international lawand morality, the Zion- ist regime of Tel Aviv has not only been establishingsettle- ments in occupied territories, but has decided to make Jerusalem the undivided eternal capital of Israel. 237. On the fundamental question of Palestine, we must reiterate that only the PLO, the sole representative of the Palestinian people, can negotiate on behalf of that people for their inalienableright to self-determinationand indepen- dence. If a durable peace is to come about in the Middle East, there must be an independent Palestinian State estab- lished through the restitution of their ancestral lands usurped by Israel. We therefore feel that there should be a negotiated peace between the parties directly concerned, that is to say, the PLO must be involved at all stages as an equal partner. 238. But if we,especially in the IslamicConference, are to attain our objectiveof reversingthe status quo in the Middle East so that lasting peace may return to the region, we cannot afford to dissipate our effortson fratricidal conflicts. Such armed confrontations will merely weaken our collec- tive action and strengthen the enemies of Islam. I therefore add my own voice to the appeal made to Iran and Iraq, especially by the Islamic Conference and generally by the United Nations and all peace-loving nations, to normalize their relations. 239. This is the background against which the thirty-fifth session is being held. It is a period unprecedented by eco- nomic uncertainty, in which the gap between the rich and poor is not narrowing. It isa timeofpoliticalcriseswhenthe peace, however fragile, that has prevailed since 1945 isnow seriously threatened. Yet there is hope of overcomingthese difficulties, since those who genuinely want peace out- number the forces of evil. And as I said at the beginning, we have the United Nations, whose machinery can be strengthened and better used, together with our regional organizations, to translate ideas inspired by the quest for development and peaceinto action for the common good of humanity.

I shall now call on those representativeswho haveasked to be allowed to speak in exercise of the right of reply. 241. "1r. ORTIZ SANZ (Bolivia) (interpretation from

The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya believes in the Charter, the principlesof the United Nations, the non- aligned movement and the vital importance of the security and stability of the Mediterranean region. In responseto the representative of Malta [28th meeting], our country would like to affirm that it harbours no aggressive intentions against Malta. On the contrary, it has always supported Malta and its people intheirstrugglefor liberation, indepen- dence and non-alignment. It has co-operated with Malta in the political, cultural and economicfields, on the basisofthe historical relationship which bindsthe peoplesof the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and Malta. As an example we should say that there are approximately 24 conventions and agree- ments betweenthe twocountries forco-operation and assist- ance in various fields. There are nine joint ventures under way, with a total capital amounting to more than $100 million. In addition, there isa holding company with many affiliated firms. At the same time, Libya has offered many loans and contributions to Malta and in the field of oil, Libya has offered oil supplies to Malta at reduced prices, that is, at the same prices given to Libyan consumers, between 1975 and June 1980. 244. With respect to the continental shelf, the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya was eager to solve the dispute by friendly means and through direct negotiations. v"ithin the frame- work of good-neighbourly relations. A preliminary agree- ment has been put forward to refer the matter to the International Court of Justice, and this agreement will be submitted to the legislative authorities verysoon. In general terms, the .Iamahiriya expresses its full readinessto go to the International Court ofJustice as longas Malta refrainsfrom drilling in the disputed area and abides by the decisionto go before the Court. 245. Agreement might be reached betweenthe two parties on the following terms: first the International Court of Justice would arbitrate the case; and secondly, both parties would have to refrain from any prospectionor drilling in the disputed area until an agreement is reached. 246. The Jamahiriya has expressed its readinessto accept the mediation of the heads of the non-aligned movement and welcomes this mediation. It is ready to conduct direct negotiations either by welcoming a Maltese delegation to Libya, or ty sending a Libyan missionto Malta at any time to seek the best solution. 248. Therefore, as Soon as the Jamahiriyalearned of Mal- ta's intention to start prospecting in the disputed area, it protested to the Maltese authorities and requested that the drilling be halted until an agreement was reached. But this was totally disregarded by Malta. However, the Jamahiriya is still convinced that the issue of the continental shelf is a purely technicalmatter whichcould besolvedthrough bilat- eral agreement or by recourse to the International Court of Justice. For the Security Council or the General Assembly to become involved in a technical matter like this on the grounds that the peace and security of the area and the world are threatened is an exaggerated reaction. 249. In conclusion, the Jamahiriya wishes to affirm its concern about peace and stability in the region and in the world. It is eager to preserve its friendly and co-operative relations of good-neighbourliness with Malta to which country it wishes peace and prosperity.

I am sorry to take up the time of the Assembly at this late hour but, considering the fact that Libya has had sufficient time to study the point of view of the MalteseGovernment on thisveryimportant question, the replyjust made by the representative of Libya seemsat first glance to bea merecontinuation of the delaying tactics Libya has been employing to prevent Malta from exercising its legitimate rights. 251. I mentioned this morning [28th meeting] not only that the facts shown in the photograph which I have available werewitnessed by citizensof other countries workingon the oil rig, but that the photograph contains the precise co- ordinates of the geographical position at which the armed threat took place. If the representative of Libya wishes to have a copy, I shall gladlyprovide him with one and he will then be able to seenot only the actual nature of the incident. but also the fact that the co-ordinates fall outside-I repeat outside-those provided offioially by the Libyan Govern- ment in its letter to the concessionaires dated 8 June 1975 in which the LibyanGovernment stated the co-ordinatesof the maximum area they were claiming. This proves that the oil rig was not operating within the area of Libyanjurisdiction. The area in whichMalta authorized.activities wasaround 20 miles within the outermost part of Malta's legitimate juris- diction. upheld bycurrent internationallaw. Inother words. the activities were carried out in an area which had not previously been claimed by Libya. 253. The Prime Minister of Malta replied to the Libyan suggestion of continuing contact between the two Govern- ments in a letter dated as far back as 1976, in which he replied that the Maltese Government was not interested.in going back on the agreement which had already been nego- tiated over a period of four years. If the Libyans are insisting that agreements aiready reached are to be renegotiated from the very beginning, then there is no point in accepting an invitation from Libya to discuss these questions. We do not want to put the clock back; we want to move forward. 254. As' indicated in my statement this morning, the pro- posed law of the sea convention provides for interim arran- gements and on this basis we have made a specific suggestion to Libya. Libya has not replied to that, and the Libyan statement made today does not constitute a reply. 255. 'think' owe it to the Libyan Government and to the Assembly to study the statement just made by the Libyan representative, but at first glance it seems that Libya is only going back on what it agreed to four years ago. This, of course, is no way to conduct a dialogue; it is no way to conduct negotiations. This is the point at issue between the two Governments and unless there is a favourable reply to the latest proposal put forward by Malta, I am afraid rela- tions between the two countries cannot proceed favourably. 256. 'think' put the questions this morning in a very specific manner and it is regrettable that the representative of Libya has not seen fit to give a specific reply to those specific questions. As , have said, at first glancethe Libyan reply does not seem to take us any further forward, and' am afraid that after having had an opportunity ofstudying it, that will prove to be the case.

We believe that Nicaragua has been not offensive but objective. What is offensive is the reality of the situation of our brother country, Bolivia. We have been told that words indicate the existence of a certain type ofsoul, but it is difficult to define the kind of soul anyone has. 258. Besides having witnessed at first hand the bloody events in Bolivia, the international press has also recorded with full objectivity the massacres of workers, miners and . peasants in places like Animas or Caracoles, the outrages and torture committed by the armed police who violate the civil rights of that country. The world's press, including The Washington Post, The New York Times, the DailyNews, The Times of London, Time magazine, Le Monde, Del' Spiegel, The Financial Times of London, El Nacional of Caracas, El Espectador of Bogota and hundreds of other newspapers and publications of all kinds have repeated these facts. 259. The Bolivian Episcopal Conference and other reli- gious organizations have given their truthful testimony. 261. The democratic interlude of less than three years was a victory for the Bolivian people. The inevitable return to the rule of law will be the fruit of its resolution. The civil disobedience of the people has prevented the internal con- solidation of the regime and the solidarity ofthe democratic nations means that there cannot and must not be any inter- national consolidation. 262. We have no doubt that Bolivian resistance will be successful because it is impossible to govern a country against the united and resolute will of the people. 263. .To sum up what Mr. D'Escoto also said this morning [28th meeting], Bolivia needs to be freed from its geographi- cally enclosed situation and to obtain its sovereign outlet to the sea. It must be freed also from those who today oppress that heroic people, by the consolidation of a regime of democracy, peace and social justice.

Guatemala is speaking in the exercise of its right ofreply because ofa comment made this morning by a speaker with reference to my country which obliges my delegation to make the following statement. 265. The Republic of Guatemala, although it suffered many years ago from prolonged dictatorships, institutional- ized after a glorious struggle by its people the change of governmental power through a system ofdirect elections by the people, and we have had no more dictatorships, whether of 5, 10 or 45 years' duration. In the last 14 years Govern- mentsin Guatemala have succeeded each other through the exercise of the popular vote at four-year periods. Several times the Government has become the Opposition accord- ing to the decision of the electorate, and political parties of every stamp have taken part in this process. At present we have a Government democratically elected within that sys- tem; a Government which respects and guarantees all human rights and existing fredoms under the Constitution of the Republic; a Government which carries through major projects of direct benefit to the masses in every area and which definitely has the support of the people. 266. For all these reasons, which are nationally and inter- nationally recognized, the delegation of Guatemala rejects what was said this morning by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Nicaragua with reference to our national order because it contradicts his profession of non-interference in the internal affairs ofneighbouring States since it constitutes obvious interference in internal affairs which are the exclu- sive concern of the Guatemalan State. 267. As for the matter of Belize, we need not repeat Gua- temala's position as expressed in the General Assembly by

The Malteserepresentative brought up the subject of photographs as evidence. j should like to say that the photographs cannot constitute evidence. and that the Libyan Arab Jamahariya has never used force and never l141d forces in urcas under the jurisdiction of Malta. 270. He mentioned in his statement a distance sometimes of 15 miles and at other times of 20 miles. and this proves that he is not sure what he is talking about. 271. Libya says that prospecting took place in a disputed area. and this is in contravention of the most elementary legal rules. Colonel Khadaffi, the leader of the Libyan Revo- lution. stated in his speech on I September that Libya was ready to go to the International Court of Justice. We reiterate that it is a technical question that needs further study. and therefore it requires time. What the representa- tive of Malta mentioned in regard to tactics is not true. Was the fact that the Conference on the Law of the Sea lasted for such a long time the result of some kind of tactics'? 272. Mr. TINOCO (Nicaragua) iinterpretationfrom Span- ish): We wish to apologize to representatives for taking up their time. but we feel it essential to make a briefstatement. 273. My country. which is deeply democratic and has a wide-ranging system of popular participation, is aware of the deep attachment of all the peoples ofLatin America and of the world to democracy. Therefore we wish to make it clear that our country. as a democratic country. respectsthe right of self-determination and the principle of non- interference in the internal affairs of other States. However. we do not think it is correct to regard that as in any way conflicting with the right of all sovereign States to have and to stale their views on the developments and progress of democracy. which is the only hope for the world. 274. In this regard. wewish to point out that Nicaragua. as a democratic and revolutionary country, considers it itsduty to express itsopinion on the trampling underfoot ofdemoc- racy in different parts of the world. The beast stalking the 276. MI'. GAlJCI (Malta): In order to help the representa- tive of Libya to get hisbearings. I will explain to him that the precise geographic locations of the incident are as follows. The distance from Malta was about 50 miles. The distance from Libya was about 13R miles. The 20milesthat I referred to was 20 milesshort of the demarcation linebetween Malta and Libva-in other words. 20 miles on our side of the median "line-and that was in accordance with the latest compromise offer that we made to the Libyan Government in the course of the fruitless negotiations that have already taken up eight years of our political life. In case he wishesto have further information. the Libyan warship that was threatening the peaceful and legitimate activitiescarried out by Malta on its side of the median linewas numbered C-411. As I indicated in a previous statement. it moored itselfto the buoys of the oil rig. it pointed its guns at the oil rig and it threatened that unless there was an immediate cessation of activities the situation would get out of hand. 277. If he wishes to have the exact co-ordinates. as Isaid to him before. he will find ifhe consults the officialrecords that the co-ordinates were away from the area that wasoriginally claimed by Libya as the maximum area within its jurisdic- tion. I .think I should not bore our colleagues with more detailed repetitions. The facts are clear. We have not ques- tioned the other aspects of our relations with Libya. They were as advantageous to Libya as. we hope. they will be advantageous to us. But this question isextremelydisadvan- tageous to Malta and advantageous to Libya. It is on this question that there is an issue between us, and it is on this question that we wish the Libyan Government would be more forthcoming than it has been. 278.. This morning I mentioned that there were some diffi- culties in interpreting obvious circumstances. but when it is a question of evidence and geographic co-ordinates. wit- nessed by citizens of other countries. I think there should be no question of equivocation. You cannot call black white and try to get away with it.That iswhat the Libyan represen- tative seems to be attempting to do. That, of course, my Government and mycountry willnot accept. and it isnot for the United Nations to accept it either. The meeting rose at 7 p.m.