Security Council — Session 35

Most active countries

• Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
  21
• Israel
  18
• German Democratic Republic
  17
• United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
  13
• Zambia
  13
• Tunisia
  13
• Jordan
  12
• Jamaica
  12
• Portugal
  12
• Norway
  11
• France
  11
• Bangladesh
  10
• China
  9
• Niger
  9
• Philippines
  8

Top agenda items

• Activities of foreign economic and other interests which are Impeding the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Coun- tries and Peoples in Namibia and in all other Terri- tories under colonial domination and efforts to ell.qinate coloniallSm,lIpartheid and racial discrimi- nation in southern Africa: report of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Im- plementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (concluded) REPORT OF THE FOURTH COMMITIEE (A/3S/S99)
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• Electionsto fillvacanciesin principalorgans: (G) Election of five non-permanent members of the Security Council
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• Financing of the Uni~ed Nations peace-keeping forces in the Middle East: (a) United Nations Disengagement Observer Force: report of the Secretary-General; (c) Reviewof the rates of reimbursement to the Govem- ments of troop-contributing States: report of the Secretary-General REPORT OF THE FIFTH COMMITIEE (PART I) (A/3S/667) l. Mr. PEDERSEN (Canada), Rapporteur of the Fifth Committee: I have the honour to introduce the part I of the report of the Fifth Committee on agenda item 101 [A/35/667] which deals with subitems (a) and (c). 2. In paragraph 10 of the report, the Fifth Com- mittee recommends the adoption of draft resolution I entitled "Review of the rates of reimbursement to the Governments of troop-contributing States; as well as draft resolutions 11 A and B entitled "Financing of the United Nations Disengagement Observer Force". 3. Finally, I would invite the attention of the General Assembly to paragraph 11 of the report, in which a draft decision is recommended for adoption, dealing with the special financial period of UNDOF. Pursuant to rule 66 ofthe rules ofprocedure, it was decided not to discuss the report of the Fifth Com- mittee. 4. The PRESIDENT: The Assembly will now take a decision on the draft resolutions recommended by the Fifth Committee. I would remind members that, NEW YORK in accordance with decision 34/401, explanations of vote should not exceed 10 minutes and should be made by delegations from their seats. I shall now call on ..hose representatives who wish to explain their votes. before the voting. 5. Mr. ALAKWAA (Yemen) (interpretation from Arabic): Because of certain circumstances my delega- tion voted erroneously in the Fifth Committee during the vote on the draft resolutions relating to the financing of United Nations peace-keeping forces in the Middle East, and my delegation would like to state its basic position on this subject. 6. We object to any measure resulting in the United Nations budget bearing the costs of United Nations peace-keeping forces in the Middle East because we feel that the aggressor should pay the costs of his aggression. Thus we reaffirm our objection to the utilization of United Nations forces for the consolida- tion ofaggression and to make possible the continuance of the forcible occupation of the territory of others. The forces are not being used to put an end to Israeli occupation of Arab territories or to prevent Israeli aggression against the Palestinian Arab people or the Arab peoples of the countries adjoining occupied Palestine. They have been used strictly for the pur- pose of ensuring disengagement of the parties to the conflict. 7. For that reason, if there is a vote on the draft resolutions, we shall abstain. 8. Mr. ALLAFI (Libyan Arab Jamahiriya) (inter- pretation from Arabic): My delegation has already explained its position on this question on many occa- sions in the Security Council and in the General As- sembly. That position is based on Libya's non-rec- ognition-as a matter of principle-of the resolutions by which the Forces were established. We should like to reaffirm at this time that, in view of that and in accordance with our position of principle, my delegation will not participate in the vote on the draft resolutions which have been recommended by the Fifth Committee in paragraph 10 of its report. 9. Mr. HOUNGAVOU (Benin) (interpretation from French): In conformity with its traditional position, the delegation of the People's Republic of Benin will not participate in the vote on the draft resolutions we are considering. We would like this position of the People's Republic of Benin to be reflected in the record of this meeting. 10. The PRESIDENT: We shall now proceed to the vote. The recommendation of the Fifth Committee is contained in paragraph 10 of its report [A/35/667]. 11. We shall first vote on draft resolution I, entitled ••Review of the rates of reimbursement to the Govern- ments of troop-contributing States". A recorded vote has been requested.
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• General debate 1. Mr. van del' KLAAUW (Netherlands): Mr. President, it is a particular pleasure for me to congratulate you on your election to the high office of President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. You have, during the past few years, given ample proof of your knowledge of United Nations matters, of your wisdom and tact, and of your organizational abilities. We look forward to working with you in the days ahead. 2. We want, too, to extend our cordial congratulations to the President of the previous session of the General Assem- bly and to compliment him on the most efficient and exem- plary way in which he guided our work. 3. We also wish to address very special congratulations to the delegation of Zimbabwe. Likewise, we welcome most warmly to our midst the delegation ofSaint Vincent and the Grenadines. We wish these sovereign and indepenent States a bright and peaceful future, and we declare our solidarity with them in their brave endeavours to that end. 4. The general debate in the Assembly presents us each year with a good opportunity to evaluate the events of the year behind us and to draw conclusions in respect of the future. And each year wetry to formulate recommendations that appear to us most suited to the mood ofthe particular period. Developments in the international political situation since we met last year have been deeply disturbing, as they have tended to undermine rather than enhance the rule of law that should govern the relations not only among nations but also among individuals, 5. In our endeavours to create a better international cli- mate and to further understanding among nations, we should never forget that nations consist of human beings and that human beings first and foremost bear the brunt of NEW YORK the clashes, .strife and discord among nations. Conversely, there will be no real basis for a stable peace and security as long as fundamental rights and freedoms of men, women and children are totally disregarded. The Universal Declara- tion of Human Rights of 1948 says: "recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights ofall members of the human family is the foundation offreedom, justice and peace in the world" [resolution 2/7 A (llI)]. 6. The attainment of respect for the individual and his rights all over the world is and will remain one of the principal tasks of our Organization. That means tolerance, justice and the right to live together in this world. 7. The Kingdom of the Netherlands throughout the ages has tried to build a society based on tolerance. As a result. our foreign policy is very much oriented towards the protec- tion of the individual and his rights. That outlook has also inspired our development policy, which lays particular stress on the need of the poorest members of the interna- tional community. 8. The events that have occurred since the autumn of 1979 have affected many human lives. I feel that it is essential to find adequate solutions for the needs of the many individu- als affected by war, famine, disease and discrimination. In my address I should, therefore, like to focus on the effect of international controversies on the individual, and on the widespread lack of justice. I intend to discuss some of the major themes that are of concern to the community of nations and that affect the lives and destinies of millions of people. 9. My friend and colleague, Mr. Thorn, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Luxembourg, expressed the views of the nine countries of the European Community on some major international problems before the General Assembly [6th meeting]. He also dwelt on the issues I have just mentioned. 10. A clear violation of the rules of international relations and of the self-determination and sovereignty ofa people is the Soviet invasion ofAfghanistan. This action by a perma- nent member of the Security Council was condemned bythe great majority ofthe members of this Assembly when it met in special session in January of this year [resolution ES-6/2]. 11. The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan has been a cause of deep concern to my Government, and we have expressed this concern on more than one occasion. The Governments of the European Community have also appealed to the Soviet Union to withdraw its troops uncon- ditionally. On these occasions it was stressed that detente is indivisible, that developments in one region have repercus- sions in other regions of the world. The Community, in 12. The effect of the intervention has been a human tragedy for the Afghan people in terms of casualties and of hundreds of thousands of refugees in neighbouring coun- tries. In view of the human suffering and of the threat to peace, the Netherlands Government reiterates its support of measures to restore Afghanistan's traditional status as an independent and non-aligned country, to enable its people to determine its own future in freedom. 13. In South-East Asia, the conflict in and around Kam- puchea remains unresolved. Here again a human drama continues to unfold with complete disregard for elementary human rights and the freedom ofthe individual. Here again, the stability of the area and world peace and security are threatened. The Netherlands Government will continue to support the efforts to help the victims of this conflict. It is even more important to address ourselves to the causes of this conflict. The Netherlands therefore supports whole- heartedly the initiative of the countries members of the Association of South-East Asian Nations [ASEAN] to con- vene an international conference on Kampuchea [see A/35/369-S/14182. aimex]. The political problem caused by Viet Nam's role in Kampuchea should be faced and solved in such a way as to allow the Kampuchean people to decide their future for themselves without outside interference, and thereby to restore peace and stability in the region. 14. We have witnessed anotherviolation of the rule oflaw in international relations in the region in the taking hostage of the personnel of the American Embassy in Teheran, an action that is a threat to peace as well as a violation of human rights. The Security Council has said as much on several occasions. I listened with great attention to what United States Secretary of State Muskie had to say on this subject [4th meeting], and I cannot but agree with him that this tragic impasse should be resolved quickly. Once again, we solemnly appeal to the Islamic Republic of Iran to release the hostages and thus put an end to their suffering. 15. For my country, the recent outbreak of hostilities between Iran and Iraq is a reason for grave concern. From this rostrum I make an urgent appeal to both parties to observe the utmost restraint and to resolve their dispute by peaceful means. 16. The ending of the war in Southern Rhodesia and the emergence of the sovereign State of Zimbabwe have 17. The Government of the Netherlands, conscious of the impact of economic and social development in a number of countries in southern Africa on political progress in Namibia and South Africa, has decided to set up a special aid programme for southern Africa. In this way we wish to make a contribution to the important political initiative of the nine States of southern Africa, members of the Organi- zation of African Unity, 3 aimed at achieving economic inde- pendence from South Africa and co-operation among themselves. We will avail ourselves of this General Assem- bly session to give an impulse towards this goal. We urge many countries to do the same, and we think that the Assembly should address itself to this issue. 18. Effective outside pressure on South Africa should be stepped up as much as possible. A policy of discrimination can never be made acceptable to those who are being dis- criminated against or to the international community as a whole. We make an urgent plea to the South African Government to face the inescapable truth that the apartheid policy will come to an end. In its own efforts to attain this goal, the Netherlands Government is in the process of sounding out friendly countries on any possible concerted efforts, including economic measures, to bring about a change in South Africa which will bring to this part of the world the dignity that mankind deserves. 19. My Government will continue to support the Secretary-General, the group of five Western States and the front-line States in their efforts to impler e settlement proposal for Namibia approved by the S .~y Council in its resolution 435 (1978). Outstanding issues have been clari- fied and we are confident that the greatest possible impar- tiality in implementing that resolution can now be achieved. Therefore South Africa should, without any further delay, be prepared to start implementation of the settlement plan in co-ordination with the United Nations. 20. Concerning the Middle East, Mr. Thorn, speaking on behalfof the European Community, has already elaborated on this issue. I, too, wish to stress that a just, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement can only. be based on the rule of law and respect for the individual. The nine countries of the European Community expressed this in their meeting at Venice [see A/35/299-S/14oo9], notably emphasizing two principles. These two principles-the right to existence and to security of'all States in the region, including Israel, and justice for.all peoples, which impliesrecognition of the legitimate rights of the Palestinian people-should now be put into practice. 1 Declaration adopted at Lusaka on 1April 1980by the head" ofState and Government of the nine independent southern African States. 22. I now come to the situation in Lebanon. The Nether- lands Government takes a particular interest in what happens in that strife-torn country. We attach great impor- tance to the independence, sovereignty and territorial integ- rity of Lebanon, including the re-establishment of the sovereignty of the Lebanese Government over its entire territory. I have mentioned the territorial integrity of Leba- non since it constitutes a prerequisite for stability in the Middle East. 23. A battalion of Dutch soldiers in the service of the United Nations is involved in the peace-keeping activities of UNIFIL in southern Lebanon. We deeply regret all sorts of obstacles preventing UNIFIL from carrying out the task entrusted to it by the Security Council. From this rostrum I call upon all parties concerned to enable the UNIFIL con- tingent to fulfil in safety its difficult and important mandate. 24. It is true that in certain countries the human rights situation has improved, but from other corners ofthe world we hear of serious situations and new waves of repression. Bolivia is a case in point. The process leading to a return to democracy has been interrupted in that country and repres- sive measures, often of a violent nature, are being taken. That development is the more regrettable because of the growing co-operation between the countries belonging to the Andean Pact" and the European Community. At this stage I wantto reiterate our wish to intensify relations between the European Community and the democracies in Latin America. 25. For many years my Government has, together with others, strongly advocated a return to democracy and respect for human rights in Chile. However, we cannot consider the recent referendum on the new Constitution in Chile as a step forward. In our view, that Constitution is not likely to guarantee a speedy return to Chile's traditional democratic form of government. 26. The Kingdom of the Netherlands, part of which is situated in the Caribbean, .is understandably concerned about the recent controversies in that region and in Central America. We think that a climate of stability and co- operation is of the utmost importance if true progress and development are to be achieved. 27. The international situation has worsened rather than improved in the past year. The conflicts I have mentioned an lead to greater suffering. They also lead to greater demands on resources which could be used for development and for the improvement of the deteriorated economic situation. They certainly lead to less security and peace for mankind. 28. My Government's policy remains directed at the attainment of peace and security and the lessening of inter- national tensions. This presupposes the creation ofa climate 4 Andean Agreement for Subregional Integration. signed at Bogota on 26 May 1969. 30. We hope that the second review session of the Confer- ence on Security and Co-operation in Europe, to be held at Madrid in November of this year, will contribute to the lessening of East-West tensions. The Helsinki Final Act' isa code of conduct, a set of ground rules for multilateral and bilateral relations between States, as well as between States and private citizens. 31. At Madrid, a frank and business-like discussion should take place on the full implementation of the provi- sions of the Final Act. In such conditions, we believe it will be necessary to discuss negative developments, such as those in the human rights sphere. Only in that spirit can the aim of the Conference be fulfilled. 32. Confidence-building and other measures should be agreed upon in the interests ofpeace, security and stability in the world. My Government will endeavour to arrive at meaningful confidence-building measures for the whole of Europe which should go beyond mere declarations ofintent. The growing tensions in the world compel us to pay special attention to effective measures aimed at disarmament and arms control and the curtailing of arms traffic. 33. Disarmament matters are discussed in various forums. However, inspiration is often lacking in those deliberations. Nuclear arms issues are taking a prominent place in those discussions. A comprehensive test-ban treaty would be desirable in itself and would provide us with an important psychological. stimulus for nuclear disarmament. It would also strengthen the non-proliferation regime. 34. A growth in the number of nuclear Powers would inescapably lead to nuclear chaos. We therefore regret that the non-proliferation discussion has developed overtones of a North-South controversy, whereas it concerns the security and survival of all of us. The Second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons" has unfortunately failed to reach a consensus. 35. We should not close our eyes to the possible serious repercussions of that set-back. Broad political support remains the basis for a viable non-proliferation regime. A world-wide meeting of minds on that vital issue is essential. In that context, we have noted with appreciation the inten- tion of the United States Government to move forward as speedily as possible after the presidential elections towards the ratification of the SALT 11 Treaty.' 36. The excruciating problem of nuclear armament and nuclear disarmament tends to overshadow all other prob- ~ Signed on I August 1975. ~ Held at Geneva from 11 August to 7 September 1980. 'Treaty between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Strategic Offensive 37. Just to underlinethegreat importancethe Netherlands attaches to disarmament and arms control, I should liketo mention in passing that this week has been proclaimed "Peace Week" in my country. 38. The conclusions of the eleventh special session of the General Assembly are stillfresh in our minds. There will be other occasions when we can explain in detail our Govern- ment's views on the present stage of the North-South dia- logue. I therefore wish to limit myself to a few remarks on the follow-up of that session. 39. It isour sincere desirethat the Assembly should adopt the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade" with a view to its implementation as from the beginning of next year.Let me echo the feelings of grave concern that you, Mr. President, expressed in your opening statement [1st meeting], that so many countries have not reached the0.7 per cent aid target. That target should indeed, inour view, be reachedinthe first half of this decade. 40. My Government shares the widespread disappoint- ment that no finalagreement could be reachedon a proced- ural framework for the new round of global negotiations. I strongly appeal to those Governments which, at theclosure of the eleventh special session, were not able to join in the consensus, to make every effort to overcome the present difficulties during this session. 41. On the subject of furthering the advancement of human rights, I want to underlinethe importance of attain- ing equality between women and men. The idea of conven- ing a World Conference at Copenhagen this summer, midway through the, United Nations Decade for Women, was a good initiative [resolution 3520 (XXX)]. It was there- fore regrettable that the work of the Conference was thwarted by extraneous political questions which had very little bearing on the subject under discussion. Unfortu- nately, I feel compelled to express my regrets that such eventshave affected other discussions in the UnitedNations as well. 42. The Netherlandsdelegation was unable to support the Programme of Action adopted at Copenhagen? as such. Nevertheless, the Kingdomof the Netherlandsstands ready to continue, within the United Nations and in the frame- work of the Decade, to work for the advancement of the position of women. Fortunately, there have been important achievements during the Decade,suchas theconclusionofa Convention on the EliminationofAll Forms ofDiscrimina- HSubsequently adopted by the General Assembly as resolution 35/56. 9 See Report ofthe WorldConference of'he UnitedNations Decadefor Women: Equality, Development andPeace, Copenhagen, 14 to 30July 1980 (United Nations publication. Sales No. E.80.JV.3 and corrigendum), chap. I. sect. A., 43. My country attaches great importance to the legisla- tive process with regard to the promotion of human rights within this Organization. I would appeal to all who partici- pate in that processto speedup the workon a declarationon the elimination of religious intolerance, on a conventionon the prohibition of torture and on a declaration on the rights of individuals who are not citizens of the country in which they live. The question of this last declaration is on the Assembly's agenda under item 12 [see AI351363]. It is our wish that at some time in the future the implementation of all human rights instruments will be monitored bya United Nations High Commissionerfor Human Rights, an institu- tion we will continue to promote. 44. In his report on the work of the Organization [A1351I], the Secretary-General hasonceagainpresentedto us withclarityand precision a concise pictureofthepolitical and economicsituation of the world of today.The pictureis not bright. I wish to pay special attention to the plight of millions of peoplesuffering fromdisease and starvation who are forced to leave their homesteads, and I shallquote from the Secretary-GeneraJ's report where it says: "Political and militaryconflicts and upheavalsinvaria- bly engender human suffering which, on occasion, reaches disaster proportions. . .. Problems of refugees and displaced persons as well as demands for reliefand rehabilitationon a massive scaleexist in Africaand Asia. . . . Considerable strain is imposedon the fragile econo- miesof countries that receive largenumbers of refugees, and theynaturallyexpectthe internationalcommunityto share the burden they carry. "In addition, international assistance is required to deal with the ravages of drought and famine which have spread from the Sahelian countries to many other coun- tries in Africa,leaving in their wakestarvation and social disruption." [Ibid., sect. VI.] 45. The international community has a responsibility to see to it that thesecalamities are avoided. We wereencour- aged by the Secretary-General's positive reaction to the initiative taken in the Economic and Social Council last summer fora review of the emergency operations of the United Nations system. 46. A numberof years ago, my country made a proposal to raisethe capacityofthe UnitedNationssystem forcoping with man-made disastersituations.11 It ismyGovernment's sincere wish that when the Secretary-General presents his review we once more seriously consider how to cope with III See Report ofthe WorldConference' :;,',! International Women's Year (United Nations publication. Sales Ne. ;:.:16.1V.I). chap. 11;sect. A. 11 See OfficialRecords ofthe GeneralA.uembly, Twenty-.vixth Session, Plenary Meeting«, 1948th meeting. para. 120. 47. The founder Members of the United Nations built a structure that, we believe, has kept its basic validity to this day. It has built-inchecksand balancesbetween the various groups of Members. Its size and composition make it an instrument for deep discussions and well-considered deci- sions. In the present circumstances, any proposals for dras- tic change may upset the present checks and balances and make the instrument at our disposal less, rather than more, effective. Ofcourse, thepresentmachineryshould, incertain instances, be improved. The strengtheningof the Organiza- tion for coping with the calamitieswhichI just mentioned is a casein point. I wouldalso liketo seemoresupport given to the peace-keeping activities of the Organization. We believe that more use could be made of valuable instruments that are already at our disposal. For instance, more frequent recourse to one of the main organs of the Organization, the International Court of Justice, and, even more important, abidance by its decisions would be conduciveto the settle- ment of conflicts between nations. 48. b a world in which political and economic tensions seem to grow rather than to diminish, the demand for a more peaceful world with a chancefor everycitizenofevery country to lead a decent life becomes more imperative. In this ever more interlocking and interdependent world, we must come to grips with the economicand social problems and provide peace and security for each and every one.
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• General debate I. Mr. KHADDAM (Syrian Arab Republic) (interpreta- tion from Arabic): Mr. President, it gives me pleasure to extend to you my felicitations on your election as President of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly, and to wish you complete success in that most important task. I am confident that your efficiencyand experience willenable you to guide our session to a successful conclusion. My delega- tion will do its best to co-operate with you towards this end. 2. May I express my appreciation to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim, the President of the previous session, during whose presidency the General Assembly held three special sessions. Mr. Salim conducted the work of the Assembly with exem- plary efficiency. 3. I take this opportunity to welcome the admission of Zimbabwe to membership of the United Nations, following a long and bitter struggle waged by the heroic people of Zimbabwe against the racist colonialist regime, thus prov- ing that peoples fightingfor their right to self-determination and independence are bound to win. I also congratulate Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on its admission to the international community. 4. Our faith in the Charter and its principles, and in the United Nations as an international forum for all peoples of the world, is steadily becoming stronger, despite the compli- cated problems and acute crises facing the world today. Guided by this faith, we rely on the Organization to examine such problems and crises, andwe are prepared to co-operate in seeking solutions conducive to security, stability and progress for humankind. 5. The first development during the past year was the severe shock that rocked the process of international detente. Detente had succeeded in keeping the world tem- porarily free from the cold war, on the one hand, and in NEW YORK creating a new atmosphere ofinternational co-operation, on the other. World imperialism has reverted to its previous practices of seeking to achieve the greatest possible domina- tion by creating spheres of influence, acquiring military bases and facilities, massing troops in specific regions and deploying destructive nuclear missile networks. All those acts have plunged the world anew into the climate of cold war and have created hotbeds of conflict that may explode at any moment. Consequently, we are witnessing growing international tension and a struggle for spheres ofinfluence, as well as resistance to those actions by peace-loving peoples. 6. From this. rostrum, we have warned the Assembly on several occasions that the process of detente cannot be universal and world-wide unless its framework is enlarged, encompassing the whole world and enabling us to solve the great international crises. The most significant proofofthis is the question of Palestine and the Middle East. The United States, a super-Power and a permanent member of the Security Council with specific responsibilities for the main- tenance of international peace and security, has removed the question from the United Nations and has sought to take action itself, with Israel and the Egyptian regime, without involving the remaining parties.concerned, in particular the Palestinian Arab people, and their legitimate representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO]. 7. The continuing existence of such problems and ofimpe- rialist practices stresses the need for all nations to partici- pate, on an equal footing, in defining the policy of detente based on right and justice, to give it the comprehensive inernational dimension it requires so that it may become a positive factor in guaranteeing international peace and secu- rity, and in setting up a new order of international relations. 8. Complete and comprehensive disarmament is a major objective which the international community is continually striving to achieve. There is no clearer proof of this than the fact that the agenda of the present session includes more than 20 items related to.disarmament, and that the United Nations has held several special sessions and conferences devoted to it. Nevertheless, the arms race grows and intensi- fies. -We are witnessing growing activity by the imperialist forces in establishing military bases in some regions, which ' represents a challenge. It is therefore high time for the Assembly to make every effort to curbthe arms race and the establishment of foreign military facilities, so that the world may feel that the Organization is working seriously and sincerely to spare it the tragedies of a destructive world war. 9. In this connection, we wish to emphasize, as a result of the current situation in the world, that disarmament can be realized only through the elimination of colonialism, racism, zionism and all aspects of aggression, usurpation, 10. Among the major issues which are still burning and dangerous is the problem of the racist regimes, which are still adamant in defying world public opinion and the Char- ter and resolutions of the United Nations. They are still practising racism in southern Africa and inPalestine and the occupied territories. These regimes are pursuing their expan- sionist, aggressive policy, consolidating collaboration among themselves in the various fields, particularly in manufacturing nuclear weapons. Owing to weak interna- tional deterrence, the regions dominated by such regimes have become hotbeds jeopardizing international peace and security and directly imperilling the peace and independence of the African continent and the Arab world. We reaffirm our complete support for the liberation movements in South Africa and Namibia in their struggle for the rights of their peoples to self-determination, independence and national sovereignty. We also wish to stress our support for the resistance of the African front-line States in the face of the savage racist aggressions and schemings against the aspira- tions of the peoples of southern Africa. 11. We cannot but express our deep regret for the explo- sive situation in several regions in Asia, owing to theimpe- rialist plots. and attempts to dominate those regions. 12. In addition, the Korean problem remains unsolved. This prompts us to stress the need for withdrawal of all foreign troops and for a dialogue between the two parties, in implementation of the North-South Joint Communique signed in 1972,I in order to reunify the country peacefully and independently without any foreign interference. 13. The situation in Cyprus remains tense and calls for concern. We laud, in this connection, the efforts of the Secretary-General, who was able to revive the negotiation process between the two communities, with a view to finding a solution based on the relevant United Nations resolutions and within the framework of respect for the sovereignty of Cyprus, its independence, territorial integrity, unity and non-alignment. 14. The United Nations, through the General Assembly, conferences and committees, has exerted strenuous and benevolent efforts towards setting up a new international economic order. Though five years have elapsed since the foundations of such an order were laid, the industrial nations are still placing obstacles in the way of this order, clinging to the advantages afforded them by the present economic, trade and monetary system, which is based on exploitation and is far from being just. As a consequence, the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and var- ious international bodies are at a deadlock and such efforts have failed so far. J See Ofjicial Records of the General Assembly. Twenty-seventh Ses- sion. Supplement No. 27. annex I. 16. We stress the need for initiating a basic change in the current structure of economic relations and for setting up a new international economic order, thereby consolidating the economic independence of the developing countries, securing prosperity and stability tor the peoples and contrib- uting to the maintenance of international peace and security. 17. In our review of some of the international issues and problems, we cannot but touch upon the issue of human rights and the specific interpretations given by certain coun- tries seeking pretexts tor interfering in the internal affairs of other countries, mainly the third world countries. 18. We can only caution against the dangers of such attempts and interpretations, especially in view of the fact that their authors belong to countries that do not cease to extend material and moral help and support to the regimes of oppression, aggression, occupation and racism to enable them to persist in violating the human rights and the dignity of man and even his very existence. 19. Proceeding from our faith in the rights of individuals, groups and peoples, big and small, we deem it necessary to confront this artificial offensive aimed at diverting the atten- tion of world public opinion to the rights of individuals in this or that country, rather than focusing attention on the basic rights of millions of peoples still labouring under the yoke of colonialism, occupation, zionism and racism, and even deprived of their right to life. No human right can be preserved under conditions of the exercise of force, coercion and colonialist and racist oppression, where the human being is deprived of his nation, land and home. A most prominent example is provided by the sufferings of the Arabs under the yoke of Zionist racistcolonialism in Pales- tine and the occupied Arab territories and the sufferings of the Africans under the yoke of the racist regimes in South Africa and Namibia. 20. If the first function of the Organization is the mainte- nance and consolidation ofinternational peace and security, addressing the explosive situation in the Middle East must rank at the top of the priorities in the United Nations. The Assembly is well aware of the strategic importance of the Middle East region and its impact on international peace and security. Thus, addressing the situation in this region is fundamental to the work of the Organization and its purposes. 21. Our region is suffering and facing dangers because of the Zionist entity in Palestine, as a result of the racist and aggressive nature of this entity, and its persistent defiance of 22. It was natural for the Arabs to reject and oppose this conspiracy, for they refuse capitulation to the same extent as they are eager to realize peace based on right and justice. Peace that is not based on right and justice is no more than a phase towards a new war. The continuous feeling of'oppres- sion and injustice is bound to increase the drive towards eliminating the causes of oppression and injustice. 23. The Camp David policy has realized some of the objectives of Israel and the United States by isolating Egypt and embroiling the Egyptian Government in a policy that runs counter to the Arab nation and the interests ofthe Arab people of Egypt, by setting up United States military bases in some countries of the region and by the adoption of a decision by the Israeli Government to annex Jerusalem and continue with the policy of settlements. However, despite these extremely dangerous objectives, which have rendered the region a field for a fierce international and regional conflict, the Camp David policy has failed to realize one of its main objectives, namely, to liquidate the cause of Pales- tine, because. of its failure to find a Palestinian negotiator and because of the firm Arab opposition to such a policy. 24. For this reason, attempts are being made by some international circles here and there, which are directly linked to the United States policy and strategy. These attempts arc designed to find a breakthrough for the Camp David policy to enable it to pursue its course under another title. While cautioning the world public of the dangers ofsuch attempts, we stress that they are bound further to complicate and aggravate the situation in the region. 25. We shall never accept any manoeuvres or conspiracies with respect to our right to liberate our occupied territories and the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, recog- nized by the United Nations, namely the right to return, to self-determination and to establish their own independent State. 26. The Assembly has defined in many resolutions the bases for a just and lasting peace in the region. Such bases may be summarized as follows: first, complete and uncondi- tional Israeli withdrawal from all the occupied Arab territo- 27. However, the Camp David accords have transformed the process of establishing a just and lasting peace into obstacles in the way of achieving peace. These obstacles are: first, the Egyptian-Israeli Treaty, and hence the Egyptian- Israeli-United States alliance and the objectives it aims to achieve in the region; secondly, the establishment of Ameri- can military bases, which reveal the hegemonistic intent of the United States of America in the region; and, thirdly, the Israeli decisions and measures related to Jerusalem, the establishment of settlements and the alteration of the char- acteristics of the occupied territories. 28. These aggregate results have created an imbalance in the region, thereby immobilizing the peace process and creating a major deadlock. Such a situation requires that all peace-loving peoples stand at the side of the Arabs in order to eliminate these obstacles. That is the only course that would create normal circumstances for the establishment of peace inthe region. 29. That is the situation in our region. The dangers grow day after day because of Israel's continuing policy ofaggres- sion in the occupied territories and against brotherly Leba- non, which include ground, air and sea raids that jeopardize the peace and security of Lebanon and the entire region. It has become urgent for the General Assembly to assume its responsibilities by imposing sanctions against Israel, since the United States of America has succeeded in paralyzing the, Security Council by the abuse of the right of veto. 30. Thus, there is a pressing need for the world community to re-examine Israel's membership in the United Nations, because Israel not only systematically rejects the United Nations resolutions but also defies them and persists in its defiance. Is there a situation that more warrants attention and the adoption of serious resolutions? We urge the Gen- eral Assembly to adopt resolutions imposing sanctions against Israel and suspending its membership in the interna- tional Organization, to ensure respect for the Charter and resolutions of the United Nations and to stress the signifi- cance of working for peace. 31. Mr. All (Egypt) (interpretation from Arabic): Mr. President, I should like at the outset to convey to you, an able, creative and experienced diplomat representating a great country with recognized distinction, my delegation's heartfelt congratulations upon your unanimous election to the presidency of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly. It attests to the increasing role played by your country in Europe and in the European community as a whole. We are confident that your country will thus contrib- ute to a better future for mankind. 32. I should like also to pay a special tribute to Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim for his skilful leadership of the deliberations of the General Assembly at its thirty-fourth session. He represented not only his great country, the United Republic of Tanzania, but also the whole African continent, with admirable competence. 34. I should also like to extend Egypt's congratulations to the people and Government ofSaint Vincent and the Grena- dines on its admission to the United Nations. 35. In reviewing the present international situation-in particular, the events of the past year since we· met at the thirty-fourth session of the Assembly-the delegation of Egypt would like to single out a number ofmajor issuesthat pose serious threats to the world and which require particu- lar attention and continuous sincere efforts so that we may be able to safeguard t.he very essence of international relations. 36. International economic relations, particularly in the light ofthe eleventh special session ofthe General Assembly, were given primary importance at the special session and at the second extraordinary session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAlfJ held at Lagos in April. However, we must intensify our .fforts in order to establish a new international economic order based on justice and efficacy. 37. The eleventh special session was convened with a view to evaluating the present stage of international economic relations. It was hoped that agreement could be reached to begin serious global negotiations to resolve the acute eco- nomic crisis that confronts our contemporary world, in particular, the developing nations, which suffer from such serious problems as increased indebtedness and the obsta- cles which hinder socio-economic development. There is no doubt that the special session of the General Assembly showed how much we need dialogue in order to resolve the difficulties inherent in present economic relations. 38. Whether in the African or international sphere, Egypt upholds the position espoused by the developing world that economic development is both a right and an obligation; it should be one of the basic results of rational and equitable relations. As a member of the Group of 77, Egypt realizes full well that its economic salvation must ultimately lie in self-reliance. Nevertheless Egypt realizes that certain com- plementary factors, such as economic co-operation among developing countries and interdependence between devel- oped and developing countries, are essential. There exists, in fact, a wide area in which developing countries can satisfy one another's needs, thereby effecting change in the pattern of international economic relations. 39. In that connection, I wish to cite as an example Egypt's latest endeavour in establishing a fund for technical eo- 40. By dealing first with international economic relations and, in particular, the new international economic order, I have merely sought to emphasize the important role the economic situation plays in contemporary international life. I am, however, of the view that it is primarily political will that can bring about change in the present pattern of inter- national economic relations. Political will derives from and is closely related to the existing international political order, which, in my view, requires our serious consideration. 41. The recent alarming developments .that have chal- lenged the Charter and the international order that we have subscribed to and adhered to since 1945 have not only created a perilous situation of political upheaval sometimes even bordering on chaos, but have also accentuated the disparities between the powerful and the weak countries. Moreover, such challenges have resulted in the continuance and exacerbation of racist policies and ideologies, the use of force in international relations, the acquisition of territory by war, the denial of legitimate national rights-foremost among them the right to self-determination-and last but not least the aggravation of the situation which has caused the efforts to achieve disarmament to become locked in a vicious circle. 42. The continuance of such policies and the situation resulting therefrom have had a negative impact on the con- duct of international relations. The time has therefore come for us to intensify our efforts to put an end to the problems posed by such policies and to explore means ofsatisfying the requirements of the international community and therefore the interevs of the peoples and nations. 43. Suffice it to mention that, although the Charter has existed for over 35 years and despite the purposes and principles embodied therein, the Palestinian people have not been spared the yoke of occupation and the agony of the denial of their rights; the invasion of Afghanistan has not been prevented and the people of southern Africa have not been protected against the evils of occupation, racism and apartheid. It is relevant to note that full-scale war has been avoided thus far not as a result of respect for the Charter of the United Nations and its purposes and principles but rather as a result of the existence of a balance of nuclear deterrence. If this balance were disturbed or if development drastically altered the statusquo, the world could be threat- ened by a nuclear holocaust. 44. Unfortunately, the use of force in international rela- tions has recently emerged once again, to resume a promi- nent place in the conduct of contemporary international relations. If the international community does not take a firm stand on this issue, the events that have taken place in Afghanistan could be the precursor of similar happenings 45. Events in Kampuchea are a further manifestation of recourse to the use of force in international relations. Regardless of the excesses attributed to one regime or another in that country, no justification ofmilitary interven- tion and external interference to impose a certain regime on a people is acceptable. 46. I should like also to refer to what is taking place in southern Lebanon, where Israel continues its armed attacks on the people of that sister country. Its policies constitute a grave threat to the security of the region and a serious obstacle to peace. 47. The policies of the Government of South Africa, whether in Namibia or in South Africa itself, and South Africa', recurrent attacks on Angola bear witness to the use of force for the purpose of the subjugation of a people. 48. The use of force has proliferated in such a way that it has now come to constitute a definite pattern ofconduct in inter-State relations, a fact attested to by recent conflicts between Iran and Iraq and between Morocco and Algeria. 49. In this connection, we wish to emphasize the impor- tance of adhering to the principles on which the United Nations is based and implementing the United Nations resolutions on the question of Korea so that the legitimate aspirations of the Korean people may be realized. 50. Another most disturbing phenomenon, parallel to the use of force, that undermines the fabric of international relations is subversion-the flimsy pretext of an invitation to foreign troops, inciting armed conflicts, and the intensifi- cation of the arms race for the narrow benefits of the arma- ments manufacturers and merchants. In various parts of Africa we see attempts at foreign intervention, which we deplore regardless of its origin. It is not our intention, however, to confine ourselves merely to condemnation but rather to focus attention on the dangers that surround the international situation. 51. After 35 years of a unique international experiment, the time is ripe to undertake an objective appraisal of the. existing political order and, in particular, of the role of the existing international machinery. Accordingly, the Govern- ment of Egypt will in the near future propose the convening of a special session of the General Assembly to take up this whole matter. 52. In making that proposal we are not forgetting that progress towards international detente, which is of such importance, is halted because there is no firm foundation on which to build. Detente must apply to all countries so that the aspirations of all the peoples of the world may be realized and their rights guaranteed; it should not be for the benefit of the two super-Powers alone. 53. In this connection, I would call upon the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America to initiate a dialogue on the present international situation. The timing of this initiative 54. We call for political interdependence, economic co- operation, recognition of the need to establish justice on the basis of sovereign equality in international relations and for detente not to be pursued to .the detriment of the third world. We solemnly urge that the renewed strategic conflict should not be carried out at the expense of small countries and the aspirations of their peoples. 55. This brings me to the question of the polarization in the present international situation. The increasing competi- tion between the super-Powers brings the threat of a new cold war, which would consolidate the policy ofoccupation and sacrifice the interests ofthe peoples to those ofthe world strategists. 56. In the Middle East we suffer from a volatile situation resulting from dangerous strategic rivalry which day by day comes clearly and aggressively closer. In the Arabian Gulf looming external threats are endangering the freedom and sovereignty of the Arab people in the region. By such threats I do not mean the reported threat to the oil wells, for in Egypt we espouse a different approach based on our keen interest in safeguarding the integrity, rights and riches ofthe Arab nation. From this rostrum I declare most solemnly that Egypt is willing and able to carry out its historic role and shoulder its responsibility for safeguarding the sover- eignty of the Arab people in the Gulf in accordance with their wishes. 57. In this regard, we are following with the utmost con- cern and dismay the ongoing war between Iran and Iraq. This outbreak of armed hostilities not only adds a new dimension to the already precarious situation in the Middle East, but has resulted in much bloodshed and destruction in two neighbour countries to which Egypt isbound by history and the common heritage of Islam. 58. The situation in the area is fraught with inherent danger, compounded by clear external strategic ambitions detrimental to the interests of its people. We therefore urge self-restraint and call for collective action to bring about a climate conducive to the resolution of the problems that resulted in the present conflict that would take into account the necessity of bringing the bloodshed to an end and safe- guarding the stability of the region. 59. As a littoral State of the Mediterranean Sea, Egypt is closely following, in conjunction with efforts undertaken within the context of European security, the effects of the serious international developments on the security of the States in the region. Egypt therefore urges that at the second review session of the Conference on Security and Co- operation in Europe, to be held at Madrid, a greater role be 60. The issues of polarization and the stagnation of detente lead us perforce to the role ofthe non-aligned mo~e­ ment in the relaxation of global tension and safeguarding the interests ofthe people ofthe third world. Egypt',as one?f the founding members of the move~ent. and ~ ~Ioneer m projecting, elaborating and ~evelopmg Its principles and underlying concepts, isdetermined to stre~gthen a~~ bol,ster the movement through active and responsible parncipanon, The rapid international developments, the heightened inter- national tension and the challenges that confront non- alignment necessitate joint and sincere efforts by all its members. 61. The non-aligned movement was established to secure the freedom and independence of States at a time when the cold war and the rivalry between major Powers dominated the international scene. The movement is now called upon to pursue its goals without distraction and t? perform.an increasingly more decisive role in defending mankind against the spectre of polarization. 62. Unfortunately, at present the non-aligned mov~",lent is the target of vicious and sinister attempts-s-oblivious either to the genuine.interests ofthe movement as a whole or even to its possible extinction-to divert it from its true ~nd original path and to inject alien concepts caJ?able of turmng the movement into a weapon to be exploited by a super- Power. Such attempts cannot but undermine the basis ofthe movement and wipe away its accomplishments realized through many years of struggle in defending freedoms and safeguarding the security and sovereignty ofthe peoples and countries of the third world. 63. The non-aligned movement was conceived and has been developed at Belgrade, Cairo, Lusaka, Algiers and Colombo as a movement that embodies great and lofty ideals. Non-alignment 'Is for peaceful coexistence, the realization of justice '_ ...t peace, intensification of co- operation among peoples, an end to. interference in the affairs of States and respect for human fights. In essence, the movement was designed to protect nations against recourse to force and the evils of polarization. It is on this premise that we cannot tolerate the manoeuvres of certain forces from within the movement .to transform it into a tool of a certain super-Power, thereby defeating the very purpose of its existence. 64. We did not establish the non-aligned movement so that it might be expoited by either ofthe rival blocs or end up as part of the system of competing political alliances, or for that matter as an appendage to a particular military pact. Rather we established that movement as a sound moral and spiritual force to play a positive and effective role in interna- tional affairs. On behalf of Egypt, I declare that we shall resist with all vigour the destructive roles that countrie.s play within the movement. The non-aligned movement will not be permitted to be a tool in the hands of ~ny bloc-I emphasize "any bloc". It will continue to be a VI~OroUS and 65. The time has come for the non-aligned movement to resist sliding into the abyss of polarization and to confront the negative forces that seek to push it into the labyrinth of regional conflict and use it f~r settling petty accoun.ts or serving ambitions to leadership, and should energetically pursue its genuine g?als. The ,m~vement shou~d o~erco~.e attempts to destroy It from within ~nd safeguard Its exist- ence. Its creation should be considered as a landmark amongst the greatest political developments .that have effec- tively contributed to peace and progress m the last two decades. 66. I should like now to turn to one of the most important fields of international activity, namely, disarmament. The continuation of the present arms race, whether in the con- ventional or nuclear sense, poses grave dangers for both the present and the future. It is a foregone conclusion that the exacerbation of the arms race, in particular in the nuclear field, in the present areas ofpotential conflict and the escala- tion of strategic rivalry enhance the possibilities of global war. 67. Nuclear disarmament, because of its implications for mankind, should be accorded the greatest priority. There- fore, during the Second Disarmament Decade the utmost attention should be given to arresting the qualitative devel- opment of nuclear weapons, ceasing the productio~ of fis- sionable materials for military purposes, preventmg the proliferation of weapons ofmass destruction and destroying stockpiles of such weapons. In this connection, we call for a collective commitment to the goals and objectives of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons [reso- lution 2373 (XX/I), annex]. By such a commitment the nuclear-weapon States would discharge their obligations to undertake accelerated measures for nuclear disarmament and co-operate with the non-nuclear-weapon States in the field of nuclear technology for peaceful purposes, while the latter fulfilled their obligations under that Treaty. 68. The position ofthe nuclear States at the second Review Conference of the Parties to the Treaty on the Non- Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons! in refusing to take posi- tive steps towards nuclear disarmament made it imperat.ive for the non-aligned movement to respond by requestmg firm guarantees for the security of the non-nuclear-weapon States and to reject the restrictions imposed by some nuclear fuel exporters, restrictions that have impeded the interna- tional transfer of nuclear technology for the benefit of the development of the countries of the third world. 69. In this context we should also like to emphasize the importance ofcreating nuclear-weapon-free zones. Tocom- plementthe efforts undertaken to that end in Latin Amer- ica where a treaty is in force,' and in Africa, whose leaders, with the support of the United Nations, have declared it a 2 Held at Geneva from 11 August to 7 September 1980. )Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin America (Treaty of Tlatelolco). 71. Nuclear technology is no longer the monopoly of some. Egypt, a country that has produced a substantial crop of nuclear scientists, will work towards saving the Middle East from the perils of nuclear destruction. In this regard, Egypt will submit to the First Committee a draft resolution which we hope will continue to command the unanimous support similar resolutions have enjoyed during the past six sessions. 72. Egypt would also like to declare, in the clearest terms, its total support for the creation of a zone of peace in the Indian Ocean. Such a zone should be created only after a careful and integrated study of the situation in central and west Asia, so that we may avoid the strategic rivalry we are now witnessing in the waters and shores ofthat area. Weare fully aware of the implications of such developments. Our primary concern is the interest of the peoples and States of the region, their independence and their non-alignment and with safeguarding them from hegemony and domination and keeping them out ofthe arena of rivalry and conflict. It is therefore our hope that the Conference on the Indian Ocean, which isexpected to take place at Colombo in 1981, will result in agreement to safeguard the interests of the region. 73. I have dealt with the major problems that face the world in its quest for peace. I shall now deal with the problems of southern Africa and Palestine, problems that continue to pose serious dangers that by far transcend the confines of their respective regions and thereby endanger international peace and security. 74. The situation in southern Africa will continue to be explosive as long as the racist regime inSouth Africa persists in its vicious policy ofapartheid, a policy doomed to failure. The racist policies of the Government of South Africa must be totally eradicated so that an acceptable and humane order may emerge. 75. On the same basis, the situation in Namibia should not be permitted to continue. The obstacles South Africa scat- ters in the way of the implementation of the United Nations plan make it imperative to employ the stern and effective measures called for in the Charter so as to force that country to comply with the relevant United Nations resolutions. Egypt's position in this regard is a matter of principle: it is total support for the. Namibian people in their struggle for 4 Declaration on the Denuclearization of Africa, adopted in 1964by the Assembly of Heads of State and Government ofthe Organization of African Unity. 76. The question of Palestine was considered by the Gen- eral Assembly only a few weeks ago at the seventh emer- gency special session. At that session an international consensus was vividlymanifested in support of the national legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. A just resolution of this problem is urgently required. 77. The problem of Palestine, more than any other prob- lem, has suffered over the past quarter Df a century from international indifference. It was only after the Ramadan October 1973 war, and as a direct consequence of it, that definite and effective movement on the road towards a peaceful settlement of this problem occurred. 78. Notwithstanding the unanimous support on the part of the international community, obstacles continue to obstruct the right of the Palestinians to self-determination. On the other hand, attempts persist to drown meaningful efforts in a sea of rhetoric. As a result of these attempts and in spite of the principles enshrined in the Charter and the various resolutions of the United Nations on this question, the Palestinian people. continue to be deprived of their rights, to suffer under the yoke of oppression and the agony of displacement and foreign occupation, without a glimmer of hope of the feasibility of their freedom and the exerciseof their inalienable and legitimate right to self-determination without foreign interference on their own land. 79. Egypt considers the Palestinian question an Egyptian, Arab and African probJem-a problem that relates to and affects the third world as a whole.. Consequently, Egypt has embarked on the solution ofthis problem, first byshattering the statusquo which some have tried to perpetuate and then by.ushering in a transitional period which could be utilized as a preparatory phase for a comprehensive negotiation of the final settlement in which the Palestinian people will participate on an equal footing with the other concerned parties. 80. This has been the rationale of the successive Egyptian initiatives over the past 13 years, starting with the accept- ance of Security Council resolution 242 (1967), then the welcoming ofand co-operation with the Jarring mission, the war of attrition, the acceptance of the Rogers plan of 1970, the mission of the African Wise Men in 1971, the glorious October war, President Sadat's initiative in November 1977 and the signing of the Camp David accords. 81. In all its endeavours, Egypt has never overlooked or ignored the fundamental premises laid down by the interna- tional community in the United Nations, the OAU and the non-aligned movement for a settlement of the Palestinian 83. It is universally recognized that the Palestinian prob- lem is a complex one, comprising many intricate and inter- twined components. All efforts for its resolution must therefore focus, first ofall, on terminating the foreign occu- pation of Palestinian territories in the West Bank, Arab Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, and the restoration of the inalienable and legitimate rights of the Palestinian people. Egypt's signing of the Camp David accords is a step in that direction. The Camp David accords represent a concrete step towards the implementation ofSecurity Council resolu- tion 242 (1967), a step that would usher in a transitional arrangement in preparation for the exercise of self- determination by the Palestinian people. The accords are also designed to foster Palestinian-Israeli coexistence. Once Israel respects the rule of international law and legitimacy, the two peoples can appreciate the mutual advantages of peaceful coexistence and co-operation in the future. When we embarked on the negotiations to establish the transi- tional arrangements, we had much hope that despite the vilification campaign, it would be possible to proceed to alleviate the plight of the Palestinian people in the occupied territories and to enable them to exercise full authority over their territory and later participate on an equal footing with the Israeli Government in negotiations aimed at determin- ing the present as well as the future. However, Israel's vacillation and obstructionism, together with its settlements policy and the illegal measures it is undertaking in Jerusa- lem, have all, more than once, resulted in stagnation and stalemate. Egypt,in spite of being the first to condemn such Israeli policies, still believes that an opportunity exists to achieve tangible progress towards a comprehensive settlement. 84. To surmount the obstacles posed by Israel's procrasti- nation in the negotiations and its policies in the occupied territories, obstacles that impede any meaningful movement towards the interim objectives stipulated in the Camp David accords, namely, the establishment of full autonomy in the West Bank, including Jerusalem and the Gaza Strip, for a period not exceeding five years, President Sadat proposed the convening ofa summit meeting with the Presidentof'the United States and the Prime Minister of Israel after the United States presidential elections. The purpose of the summit is to discuss these obstacles with a view to resolving them and thereby paving the way towards the establishment of the interim period in which the Israeli military Govern- ment will be replaced by a Palestinian authority, and the Israeli armed forces will commence their withdrawal from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. 85. Egypt's perseverance in resolving the Palestinian prob- lem within a practical and effective framework, away from irresponsible rhetoric, stems from its conviction that secu- rity, peace and stability in. the Middle East hinge upon solution of the Palestinian problem. Egypt in no way sug- gests that it monopolize the settlement of this problem but, 86. Meanwhile, it is relevant to recall that since the efforts of the African Wise Men in the early 1970s, the question of Palestine, since it is also an African problem based on the unity of struggle for liberation and independence, has been and continues to be the subject of intensive contacts among African leaders. 87. It is necessary to state in the clearest terms that all these initiatives, ideas and proposals should take two basic con- siderations into account, namely, completing the efforts made and those to be made for the peaceful settlement ofthe problem; and basing those efforts on the following princi- ples: first, the legitimate and inalienable right of the Pales- tinian people to exercise their right to self-determination without external interference; in addition, the recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to establish their own independent State in Palestine as an undisputed right, equal to that of all peoples, to independence; secondly, any settle- ment should provide for the implementation of all the prin- ciples embodied in Security Council resolutions, and in particular resolution 242 (1967), which stipulates the inad- missibility of the acquisition ofterritory by force and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity ofall States in the region; thirdly, the right and the obligation of the Pales- tinian people to participate in all the stages of negotiations leading to a just settlement; fourthly, the rejection ofall the Israeli.measures which are contrary to international law, the Charter and relevant resolutions of the United Nations and the binding international conventions, in particular those measures relative to the building ofsettlements in occupied territories; fifthly, the security of the area is indivisible and therefore does not relate to Israel alone; genuine security cannot be realized for one party at the expense of the security and rights of the others; and sixthly, the necessity that Israel immediately undertake certain confidence- building measures to bring about a climate ofunderstanding and coexistence between the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, a climate that would, on the basis of international legiti- macy, pave the way towards friendly relations between the two peoples in the future. 88. As stated by President Sadat, if the question of Pales- tine is at the center ofthe Middle East conflict, Jerusalem is the essence of it. It has become absolutely clear that any attempt on the legal status ofJerusalem will be rejected and any bilateral attempt to change it will be denounced and rejected by world consensus. Security Council resolution 478 (1980) on the inadmissibility of the measures taken by Israel affecting the status ofthe City ofJerusalem, states that 89. Egypt has chosen the path of peace. Egypt will spare no effort in its quest for peace because it believes in the lofty principles and objectives of the United Nations and the principles of non-alignment, for which it has struggled and will continue to struggle until they have become the estab- lished norms for the majority of nations. 90. Egypt's foreign policy should be seen as a manifesta- tion of the historical role it has played since the dawn of civilization. 91. Egypt will continue, together with other peace-loving nations, to strive for the elimination of the spectre of war, the development of friendly relations and fruitful co- operation among nations in order that an international order with justice and peace may prevail. 92. Mr. NASE (Albania) iinterpretatlonfrom French): Mr. President, first of all, I should like, on behalf of the delega- tion of the People's Socialist Republic ofAlbania, to convey to you our greetings and best wisheson your election to the high office of President of this Assembly. 93. At the. same time, I should like, on behalf of the Albanian Government, to welcome the Republic ofZimba- bwe to membership of the United Nations and to express our best wishes for the progress and happiness of the friendly people of that country who, through bloodshed and sacrifice, won their freedom and national independence. We also welcome the admission to the Organization of the free and independent State ofSaint Vincent and the Grenadines. 94. The course of events during the period which has elapsed since the thirty-fourth sessionofthe General Assem- bly corroborates the fact that the military, economic and ideological aggression and expansion of the imperialist Pow- ers and the constant intensification of the inhuman and neocolonialist oppression and exploitation of various peo- ples and countries have/always been an integral part of the hostile policy and strategy of imperialism in its fight against peoples and revolution. This dangerous expansionist and hegemonistic activity by the imperialist super-Powers and their military blocs has created throughout the world a very serious and explosive situation and has more than ever before endangered the freedom and independence of peo- ples as well as international peace and security. 95. The capitalist-revisionist world is in the grip of a serious economic, political, military, ideological and moral crisis. From within it is being eroded by very acute contra- dictions. Unable any longer to dominate through the old forms of exploitation and oppression, the international bourgeoisie is ever more overtly bringing the most reaction- ary forces into play and, in various countries, it is moving in 96. The capitalist-revisionist bourgeoisie is striving to shift the heavy burden of this economic crisison to the shoulders of the proletariat and the other peoples and countries, espec- ially in Asia, Africa and Latin America, where it has under- taken a true crusade of neo-colonialist expansion, plunder and exploitation. 97. As clearly emerged also at the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on economic questions, the peo- ples and the developing countries in various regions of the world are experiencing more and more the grave consequen- ces of this unrestrained economic aggression. Through their so-called aid and credits, through their so-called technical co-operation, through the existing neo-colonialist exploita- tive system of exchange imbalance and discrimination in economic and trade relations, the super-Powers and the other imperialist Powers are striving to step up the plunder and exploitation of these peoples and countries and hinder their efforts to place their natural wealth and resources under their own control and national sovereignty and to crush the struggle they are waging to consolidate their eco- nomic and political independence for their freeand indepen- dent development. 98. Just as in the past, the Albanian people and Govern- ment express their full solidarity with the struggle and the efforts being waged by the developing countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America radically to change the inequalities existing in world economicand trade relations, to put an end to the neo-colonialist plunder and exploitation by the impe- rialist Powers and to forge ahead independently on the road to their all-round development and progress. 99. The fierce rivalry between the two imperialist super- Powers, the United States of America and the Soviet Union, not to exclude social-imperialist China and the other impe- rialist Powers-their deals and machinations to monopolize markets and to preserve and extend their respectivezones of influence, elbowing one another out of those areas where their presence and influence have been shaken-has intensi- fied and taken on serious new and stillgreater proportions. Examples of that are threats b" the United States ofAmerica and its overt preparations for interference in Iran and the further intensification ofthe aggressivepolicy and activity of the social-imperialist Soviet Union and its expansion towards the oil-rich regions and surrounding waterways. One of the most concrete and overt steps of this hegemonis- tic policy was the Fascist aggression by the Soviet social- imperialists against Afghanistan and the military occupa- tion of that sovereign country. 100. At the same time, we notice a new escalation of the political, diplomatic and military activity by the United States of America and the other imperialist Powers in the Middle East and neighbouring areas, where a very tense 101. In Europe, too, we witness an ever-greater number of turbulent elements fraught with threats and the danger of war. The two imperialist super-Powers have intensified the arms race to the limit and bolstered the striking power of their aggressive blocs-the North Atlantic Treaty Organiza- tion [NATO] and the Warsaw Treaty-in whose member countries have been stationed today in a state of permanent alert military forces three to four times greater than those present there on the eve of the Second World War. The new plans for increasing military budgets and deploying the most sophisticated American nuclear weapons in NATO coun- tries, the development of new Soviet nuclear weapons and modern war-planes and the concentration of navies, mil- itary bases, stockpiles of weapons, tanks and missile units, as well as the "rapid deployment force" near possible areas of military confrontation that are the targets of the expan- sionist aims of the super-Powers are certainly factors which directly influence the deterioration of the situation in Europe and have seriously endangered the freedom and the independence of European peoples. 102. One of the fundamental features of the situation today in the European continent is.theconstant sharpening ofcontradictions and disagreements between the two super- Powers and their partners in their respective alliances over a number of important economic and political questions. Hence the United States of America and the Soviet Union are trying to alleviate and eliminate numerous disagree- ments and to neutralize the centrifugal tendencies in their alliances so as to strengthen their control and diktat over them and force their allies to support their aggressive poli- cies and activities in various regions of the world. The United States of America is requesting solidarity from the Western European countries and asking them to follow it in its aggressive activities, pressure and blockade against Iran, in the Middle East, and in its sanctions against the Soviet Union because of its occupation of Afghanistan. The Soviet Union orders its allies to support the aggression in Afghani- stan as well as its policy of "detente" with the West. 103. At the same time, the two super-Powers have under- taken a series of endeavours, with each resorting to every means to widen the division in the alliances ofits rival. Thus, while the Soviet social-imperialists are striving to exploit in their own interests the disagreements that have emerged between the United States of America and some Western 104. In other areas of Europe, the United States of Amer- ica is exerting pressure on some allied countries to make them accept its conditions in connection with agreementson new military bases, surveillance stations and forces it wants to station in the territories of those countries, while the Soviet Union is dispatching new forces and weapons and building airports and stockpiles ofweapons in the territories of countries members of the Warsaw Treaty. 105. These dangerous activities of the two imperialist super-Powers are also seen today in the Balkans in their attempts to intimidate and demoralize the Balkan peoples. While engaging in blackmail and threats ofaggression, they keep alive, and strive to aggravate, the disagreements and feuds among the Balkan countries. At certain given times, the super-Powers stir up war psychosis and make open threats of interference and aggression. 106. In its relations with neighbouring States, the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, as an independent and peace- loving State, has always consistently pursued a policy of good neighbourliness. On this basis it has taken and is taking concrete steps for the normal, always positive, devel- opment of bilateral relations in various fields of common interest. As we have stated in the past, and as we wish to reiterate, no evil will ever come to neighbouring peoples from the territory of Albania. The Albanian Government holds the view that the interests of the Balkan peoplesand peace and genuine security in the region require that the Balkan States should not be involved in the dangerous intrigues and schemes of the imperialist super-Powers. The Balkan peoples should be left free to live in peace and friendship with one another. 107. In order to justify their war preparations and their frenzied arms race, and the efforts ofeach of them to attain superiority over the other, the two imperialist super-Powers have recently further intensified their intimidating and be- fuddling uproar about the dangers deriving from the rup- ture of the balance offorces and from their confrontation. This is the aim of the clamorous announcement of the new nuclear strategy elaborated by United States Administra- tion "hawks" and the threatening statements made by the Soviet social-imperialists about the measures they would take to offset this new development in the Soviet-United States rivalry. 108. Both sides ceaselesslyrepeat to one another that they will permit no concession which destroys the balance of forces. On this pretext they increase their military budgets and publicly announce plans and projects for the produc- tion of new nuclear weapons and delivery systems. Exerting 109. In his work "Eurocommunism isAnti-communism", the leader of the Albanian people, Comrade Enver Hoxha, said that "The argument about the balance between big Powers as a factor in or means of safeguarding peace is an old imperialist slogan with which the world-and Europe especially-is very well acquainted. It has always been used to justify the hegemonist policy ofthe big imperialist Powers and the right which they claim for themselves to interfere in the internal affairs of other countries and to dominate them." 110. The super-Powers seek to solve any difficulty in their relations at the expense of the peoples. They always fail to reconcile their rivalry and co-operation and they exploit any breakdown in the balance to intimidate the peoples, to disarm them psychologically and thus more easily to attack and occupy them militarily. In this context, they create serious and complicated situations in various countries and zones, instigate crises, tensions and hotbeds of conflict and undertake acts of aggression and local wars, thus gravely jeopardizing the sovereignty, freedom and independence of the peoples and general peace and security. " Ill. Hand in hand with all this openly aggressive activity and with the plots and behind-the-scenes manoeuvres they devise daily against the peoples, the American imperialists and the Soviet social-imperialists, while increasing their own military budgets, building up and improving their arma- ments and unscrupulously threatening and occupying other territories and countries, are talking and making a great fuss about disarmament and "detente", and are proposing new conferences on disarmament and so forth. While menacing the Iranian people and the other peoples of the world with aggression, tb: United States affirms its alleged good will with regard to the solution of the Middle East problem. For its part, the Soviet Union is making every effort to cover up its new aggression against Afghanistan with worries about "detente" and with "pledges" on the attainment of Euro- pean security at the Madrid Conference-until it plunges in against another Afghanistan. 112. But, whatever the efforts of their ideologists and politicians to disguise themselves by displaying pacifist slo- gans and holding various conferences convened for dema- gogic purposes, the two imperialist super-Powers-the United States of America and the Soviet Union-have been and remain the two greatest enemies of the freedom and independence of the peoples, of sovereign, freedom-loving States and of peace and international security. Experience has shown that in certain situations, when their interests are at stake, the two imperialist super-Powers, irrespective of their rivalry and their bitter struggle for hegemony and the domination of the world, find common points when it is a question of fighting against the peoples and the revolution. They do their utmost to suppress all forms of people's 113. Despite the great economic and military potential 'which the two super-Powers have put at the service of their policy of world domination and hegemony, despite the~r threats and their blackmail, their aggression and their fraudulent plots, despite the incalculable arsenals of their agents, spies and followers, they are not in a position to obstruct the course of events or to find stability in theirfight to establish their hegemony over the peoples. 114. The combined strength of the enemies of the peoples is powerful and considerable, but the strength ofthe peoples is colossal. The development of events fully corroborates this undeniable fact. The year that has passed since the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly testifiesto the fact that the freedom-loving and peace-loving peoples in various regions of the world are increasingly committed to revolutionary and national liberation struggles against oppression and domination, against aggression and interfer- ence by the imperialist super-Powers, against violence and exploitation by local forces of reaction. This isseen in the victories of the valiant Iranian people and its determination constantly to carry forward the democratic and anti- imperialist revolution. It is seen in the resolute struggle of the Afghan people against the Soviet social-imperialist aggressors, in the resistance and heroic struggle ofthe Pales- tinian and other Arab peoples against imperialist Zionist aggression, in the great victory of the Zimbabwe people and in the struggle of the peoples of Namibia and Azania and other African peoples against racism and neo-colonialism and for national liberation. In many countries of Latin America, the proletariat and the other working masses have risen and are shedding their blood in fierceclashes with the Fascist juntas for genuine freedom and democracy and to throw off the double yoke of the financial oligarchy of local feudal lords and monopoly capital from the United States. 115. Today we are witnessing the great surge of the peo- pie's revolutionary revolt ofthe broad massesofthe Moslem peoples, in Iran, the Arab countries and other Islamic coun- tries. These peoples, who in the past had been left in dark- ness and great backwardness by the colonizers and oppres- sive regimes but always preserved their militant spirit and traditions and freedom-loving and progressive feelings, have risen against savage oppression and exploitation and imperialist interference and aggression. Despite the efforts of the international bourgeoisie to denigrate the powerful movement of the Moslem peoples and its struggles and uprisings, which it calls retrogressive and a manifestation of religious fanaticism, progressive mankind and peoples that love freedom and peace appreciate them for their true worth as an important contribution to the great anti-imperialist struggle of peoples. 116. The anti-imperialist, anti-American and anti-feudal revolt of the Iranian people and its heroic resistance to the pressure and blockade by American imperialism and the intrigues and plots of the Soviet and Chinese social- imperialists, and the current struggle of the Afghan people against Soviet aggression, constitute positive examples which inspire the peoples oppressed by and dependent on neo-colonialism to rise in struggle and put an end to foreign 117. In the Middle East, despite the intensification of the aggressive activity of the Israeli Zionists and the anti- Palestinian and anti-Arab plots by the super-Powers, the struggle and resistance of the Palestinian people and their Arab brothers against their imperialist-Zionist enemies are resolutely continuing. At present the imperialist super- Powers-the United States, the Soviet Union and China- and Israel and Arab reactionary forces are making every effort and resorting to every means to incite disagreements and feuds among Arab peoples and countries in the Middle East in order to create ever more.obstacles to the efforts they are making to unite their ranks and mobilize their own forces and energies in their common struggle against impe- rialist aggression and interference in that region of the world. 118. The anti-Arab and anti-Palestinian Camp David plot continues to be put into practice. American imperialism today is doing its utmost to strengthen it further, to drag other Arab countries into its suffocating maelstrom and increasingly to tighten the noose around the neck of the Palestinian movement. Meanwhile, the United States has incited Israeli zionism to intensify its acts of violence and terror against the broad masses of Palestinians in the occu- pied territories and its overt activity of aggression and war against the neighbouring Arab countries. Clear evidence of this is the constant aggressive acts against Lebanon and. the Fascist acts of genocide which are being carried out ever more forcefully against the Palestinians. The decision of the Israeli parliament to proclaim Jerusalem the eternal capital of Israel is another arrogant act on its part which clearly demonstrates the consequences of the overall aid and sup- port it receives from American imperialism in its overt aggressive and annexationist policy and activity. 119. This new annexationist step by the Israeli Zionists has rightfully been condemned forcefully and resolutely by the Arab peoples and by international public opinion as a whole. It clearly reveals the plans and aims ofzionism for the perpetuation of the occupation of Arab territories as a logical continuation of the old efforts directed towards the creation ofa "greater Israel". No doubt it isalso an insepar- able part of the massive Camp David plot, which had and has only one aim-to preserve the occupation of the Arab territories, liquidate the Palestinian resistance and preserve and strengthen the presence and domination of the United States in the Middle East. 120. The Palestinian people and the other Arab peoples do not allow themselves to. be deceived by the promises and pledges of Washington about the efforts it will allegedly make after the presidential elections to bring peace and security to them. They are deceived even lessby the manoeu- vres of the Soviet social-imperialists, who, masquerading as the ally of the Arab peoples and countries, are striving to extend their influence in that region. 121. The Albanian people and its Government vigorously support the just and heroic struggle ofthe Palestinian people for the restoration of its legitimate rights and the movement 122. The Government ofthe People's Socialist Republic of Albania and the Albanian people have always vigorously condemned the aggressive and hegemonistic policy and the interferences and plots of the imperialist super-Powers-the United States, the Soviet Union and China-in the region of Indo-China, as a result of which the freedom-loving peoples of that region, particularly the Cambodian people, continue to be the victims of much suffering and privation. The situation in that region remains very grave and explosive. The threats by social-imperialist China to teach Viet Nam a "second lesson" and all the political and diplomatic machi- nations of the imperialist super-Powers in South-East Asia are fraught with grave consequences for freedom and secu- rity in that region. 123. As always, the People's Socialist Republic ofAlbania and the Albanian people support the right of each people in that region to live free and independent and to solve their problems themselves without any foreign interference, whatever its origin. 124. We also support the full realization of the legitimate aspirations of the Korean people for the independent reuni- fication of their country and their struggle to put an end to the military occupation of South Korea by the United States and the local oppressive regime, which is a tool of United States imperialism. 125. The Albanian people and Government strongly sup- port the just anti-imperialist and anti-eolonialist struggle of the African peoples and of the revolutionaries and demo- cratic patriots for freedom and national independence and to guarantee their independent political, economic. and social development. 126. At present, the peoples of Africa are waging a fierce struggle against the neo-colonialist Powers, and especially the two super-Powers, which are feverishly vying with each other to exploit the great riches and the raw materials of the African continent and to encircle their spheres of influence with military bases and armed forces. 127. Despite the efforts and refined methods of the impe- rialist Powers to create ever more difficult situationsfor the African peoples and countries and set them against one another while preventing them from joining their efforts for national independence and identity, the struggle of the peo- ples of that continent against colonialism and neo- colonialism is constantly mounting and is scoring one success after another. 128. An important victory in this direction is the proda-' mation of the independence and creation ofthe new and free State of Zimbabwe,a direct result of the long struggle over many years ofthe freedom-loving people ofZimbabwe, who through sacrifices and fighting arms in hand smashed the 130. The People's Socialist Republic of Albania has always pursued a just, principled and fully independent foreign policy which corresponds to the safeguarding of the lofty interests of our socialist homeland as well as to the cause of freedom and independence of the peoples. The Albanian people and its Government have always been in solidarity with and have resolutely supported the peoples that are fighting for liberation, freedom and national independence and for social progress. They have fought and will fight to expose the enemies of the peoples and their policies and activities of aggression, oppression and exploi- tation everywhere in the world. 137. We are also exerting all efforts to reunite Yemen.To this end, we are earnestly endeavouring to strengthen con- tacts and brotherly dialogue between the Governments of the two parts of Yemen and intensify the activities of the joint committees in an effort towards achieving the early completion of their tasks in accordance with agreements between the two Governments. We are working together with our brothers in Sana to develop means of co-operation and co-ordination in the fields of trade, development plans and economic integration for the unification of our Yemeni people on a peaceful and democratic basis. 131. In its international relations, socialist Albania has always been guided by the desire to livein peace and friend- ship with other peoples and countries and, in conformity with this, it has maintained and maintains relations with an ever growing number of States. It has stood and stands for the expansion of trade, cultural and other relations in fields of mutual interest with various States, loyally adhering to well-known international norms governing the relations among sovereign States. 138. We are confident of our success, thanks to the solid commitment of the Yemeni people to its independence, national sovereignty and the restoration of its unity against all forms of foreign interference and imperialist and reac- tionaryattempts to create a climate of tension in Yemen. 139. Since the signing of the treasonable Camp David accords by the United States, the Zionist entity and the Egyptian regimevthe imperialist and Zionist conspiracies continue to mount and to escalate in the Middle East. They have been unfolding at a rapid pace in an attempt to com- plete tile imperialists' full control over the whole area and liquidate the national cause of the Arab peoples and in particular the national cause of the heroic Palestinian people. The Zionist enemy has practised the most brutal forms of repression, terrorism and genocide against the Palestinian people in addition to its settlements policy in the Palestinian and other occupied Arab territories, which cul- minated in the declaration of Jerusalem as the eternal capi- tal of the Zionist entity. Lebanon is suffering continuous acts of aggression designed to uproot the Palestinian resist- ance and the nationalist Lebanese movement and under- mine its security, independence, territorial integrity and Arab character. The conspiracy of the imperialist and reac- tionary circles extends far beyond these boundaries. They attempt to sow the seedsofdivision, to break the unity ofthe Syrian internal front and thus weaken the steadfast Syrian stand against the Zionist enemy. What is more, weare faced with Egyptian military reinforcements on the borders of the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. 132. At this session also, the delegation of the People's Socialist Republic ofAlbania willnot fail to make its modest contribution to the discussion of the questions facing the General Assembly. 133. Mr. MOHAMMED (Democratic Yemen) iinterpre- tationfrom Arabic): Mr. President, it gives me great pleasure to congratulate you on your election to preside over the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly and assure you of our full co-operation for the success of the session, which we hope will contribute to the realization of the aspirations of peoples and strengthen the struggle for international peace and security, 134. I am equally pleased to express our gratitude and appreciation to your predecessor, Mr. Salim Ahmed Salim of the United Republic of Tanzania, who successfully guided our deliberations at the sixth and seventh emergency special sessions and the eleventh special session, as well as the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly. 140. Yet.the conclusions of the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly represented an important political achievement for the Palestinian revolution at the international level.The widening support for the Palestinian cause was clearly demonstrated at a time ofincreasing isola- tion of Israel, the United States and the Egyptian regime. The adoption ofSecurity Council resolution 478 (1980) was a further step in that direction. It declared the annexation of Jerusalem null and void. However, inspite ofthat increasing world recognition of the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination, a process that started in the United Nations when the General Assembly adopted its resolution 135. This session acquires special significance in view of the current dangerous and complex developments in the world. International imperialism, led by the United States, has accelerated its intensive propaganda campaign against States and peoples struggling for their freedom andindepen- dence. It continues its efforts to reinforce its military pres- ence by the establishment of new military bases and the dispatching of its naval and other forces to launch itsaggres- sive wars, aggravate the world situation by creating new hotbeds of tension and threaten the peace and security ofthe peoples in Asia, Africa and Latin America. 141. The international community has reaffirmed its solid support for the Palestinian cause. The General Assembly has recognized. the right of the Palestinian people to self- determination and its right to establish its independent State; it has recognized the PLO as its sole legitimate repre- sentative and has refused to accept the Camp David accords and the policy they represent. With mounting United States support, Israel continues to oppose the world consensus and violate United Nations resolutions. It consolidates its occu- pation of Palestinian and other Arab territories. It concen- trates on liquidating the Palestinian question and establishing a Zionist-imperialist reactionary alliance to serve the expansionist ambitions of Israel and United States interests and to threaten the independence, sovereignty and social progress of the Arab peoples. 142. In an attempt to ensure the success ofitsdesigns in the Middle East, international imperialism has provoked crises in Afghanistan, South-East Asia and the horn of Africa to divert world attention from the aggressive conspiracy it has been orchestrating in those areas. 143. Together with all these rapid actions in the Arab region today, we are also witnessing extremely dangerous developments. These include the imperialist military pres- ence, in the form of war fleets, in the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea, and the expansion and strengthening ofthe Ameri- can base in Diego Garcia. A new political situation of particularly dangerous dimensions arose this year following the agreement of the United States with Oman, Egypt, Somalia and other States for the establishment ofaggressive bases and the granting of military facilities in their territo- ries. It is part ofan all-out American effort to flex its military muscle whereby, in our area, it aims to control international waterways and guarantee an imperialist capacity for rapid and direct interference to suppress and abort peoples' efforts to uphold their right to independence and sovereignty over their national wealth. 144. Such imperialist military presence, which forms part of a comprehensive design, goes hand in hand with the objectives of the Camp David conspiracy. Its goal is to exacerbate It:' ')r in the Middle East, Africa and Asia and subvert peacer. .ations between States so as to keep them under the cons.,... · threat of imperialist interference and obstruct international efforts to make the Indian Ocean and its natural extensions a zone of peace, co-operation and stability. 145. We regret the war that is currently raging between Iraq and Iran. We appeal to both sides to solve the problem by peaceful means and to mobilize their energies against the Zionist enemy. 146. Democratic Yemen is. particularly anxious to eo- operate, and deeply committed to such co-operation, with the other countries in the region against imperialist Zionist designs, in the interests of freedom and prosperity for its 147. In Africa, imperialist designs have proved unable to protect the white minority regime in Rhodesia. The people of Zimbabwe, under the leadership of the Patriotic Front, won its final victory. Zimbabwe today is amongst us, play- ing its role in supporting the struggle of peoples and strengthening the purposes and principles of the Charter. We are confident that the people of Namibia, under the leadership of its sole legitimate representative, SWAPO, will similarly win its heroic struggle against the policy of apart- heid in South Africa, which country continues its occupation of Namibia in violation of United Nations resolutions. Such a situation requires that the United Nations shoulder its responsibilities to isolate that regime and impose sanctions against it until the final elimination of racism. 148. More than once we have had the opportunity to express our firm support for the struggle of the people of Afghanistan and its legitimate Government against the imperialist and reactionary conspiracies aimed at flagrant interference in its internal affairs. We also support the strug- gle of the peoples of Viet Narn, Laos and Kampuchea to preserve peace and stability in South-East Asia and foil imperialist designs. We demand that the legitimate Karnpu- chean representative, the Revolutionary People's Council, should occupy its seat in the United Nations. We also sup- port the struggle of the people of Cyprus for its indepen- dence, security, territorial integrity and non-alignment and reiterate our firm stand with the Democratic Republic of Korea in its peaceful efforts to reunite Korea. 149. With regard to Latin America, we support the resil- ient struggle of the Cuban people against the blockade imposed by the United States and its struggle to eliminate the American military base in Guantanamo. We also salute the victorious revolutions in Nicaragua and Grenada and condemn the imperialist conspiracies against the people of El Salvador; and we extend our support to the just struggle of the Puerto Rican people for self-determination. 150. The policy of international imperialism aims at sub- verting peace and detente by escalating tension and instabil- ity in a number of areas in the world, opposing people's movements of national liberation and democracy, feeding the enmity against the socialist States, particularly the Soviet Union, and sowing division and disunity between the devel- oping and socialist countries. We condemn this policy and, 151. The world's economic crises are worsening and assuming critical proportions. The developing countries, which live mostly in poverty, hunger and sickness, bear the brunt of their negative repercussions. They are still. the victim of the vicious circle of backwardness, in spite of the international development strategies and other inadequate world efforts. Yet the capitalist industrialized countries, regardless of their problems, enjoy affluence and luxury consumption and squander resources at the expense of the developing countries. It is clear now that these capitalist countries do not shoulder their responsibilities, except. to preserve their selfish short-term interests, without due regard for the global interest of genuine interdependence and the establishment of the new international economic order. 152. Only two weeks ago, the eleventh special session of the General Assembly, on development and international co-operation, was concluded. It bore witness to the futility ofdialogue in the absence ofpolitical will. It appears as if the capitalist countries are after dialogue for its own sake. But dialogue is not an end in itself if it does not lead to the expected structural changes in the world economy. In spite of their flexibility, understanding and positive initiatives, the developing countries .are deeply disappointed by the conclu- sions of the session, as a result ofthe hardeningposition ofa few developed capitalist countries. The capitalist countries, in fact, have not improved their position to any substantial degree since the Declaration on the Establishment of the New International Economic Order [resolution 3201 (S-VI)] and during the last six years of negotiations. They are con- cerned primarily with preserving the existing framework of the world economic relations which guarantee their domi- nance and control over the international economy. Conse- quently, they resort to any pretexts and delaying tactics. Even before the start of the global negotiations, and during negotiations on the International Development Strategy for the Third United Nations Development Decade, they created numerous obstacles to weaken both the global nego- tiations and the strategy so that they would not lead to the expected positive results. On the global negotiations they 154. Since its inception the United Nations has been able to save humanity from the disaster ofworld wars,contribute to dismantling the old colonial system, achieve some economic and social goals and contain a number of world crises. We call for respect for United Nations resolutions in the interest of international peace and security. 155. In conclusion, I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to express my deep gratitude and appreciation to the Secretary-General for his continuous and tireless efforts to solve world problems and strengthen the princi- ples upon which this world Organization was established.
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• General debate I. Mr. MUWAMBA (Malawi): On behalf of the Malawi delegation, I should like to extend to Mr. von Wechmar our warmest congratulations on his election as President of the current session ofthe General Assembly. In extending our congratulations to him, I wish to take the liberty of record- ing our satisfaction at seeing him preside over the delibera- tions of the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly . 2. In this connection, we wish to recall that the friendly Government which he so ably represents, that ofthe Federal Republic of Germany, was the first to promise economic aid to Malawi when, in )963, our Government served notice to quit the now defunct Central African Federation of Rhode- sia and Nyasaland. We also wish to recall that, since then, not only have the two countries enjoyed the most cordial bilateral relations, but these relations have waxed from strength to strength. Therefore, it is only natural that our delegation should assure him ofour fullest co-operation and support in the discharge of the responsibilities of his presi- dency that lieahead. It is in this spirit that wesalute him and convey to him our great personal pleasure in seeing him preside over the Assembly. 3. Our delegation would be remiss ifan appropriate public tribute were not paid to his predecessor Ambassador Salim A. Salim of the United Republic ofTanzania, who acquitted himself so ably and with such total dedication that the special sessions over which he presided not only added to his stature as a seasoned diplomat but also did tremendous honour to his country in particular and Africa in general. Our delegation is indebted to Ambassador Salim for his outstanding contribution to the work ofthe United Nations. NEW YORK 4. The Government of the Republic of Malawi continues to follow with very keen interest the efforts deployed by the Secretary-General as he attempts to give positive expression to the resolutions of both the Assembly and the Security Council. Our Government has taken special note of his visits to several parts of the world-including South-East Asia and the Middle East-in hisquest for a peaceful settle- ment of explosive situations which seem to undermine inter- national peace and security. Accordingly, on behalf of the Malawi Government, we wish to record our sincere thanks to Mr. Kurt Waldheim for those efforts and to congratulate him and his dedicated staff for their invaluable service and contribution to the cause ofinternational peace and stabil- ity. Our Government also commends the Secretary-General on his report on the work of the Organization [A/35/1], on the objectivity of the annual report and itscareful analysis of the international political developments during the past year. Indeed, we take pride in the very high standard of performance that he has set for the entire United Nations system. 5. The Government of the Republic of Malawi, in concert with other Commonwealth Governments, joined the inter- national community in welcoming the advent of the two newly independent sovereign States of Zimbabwe in Africa and Saint Vincent and the Grenadinesin the Caribbean. Both States were former possessions ofthe United Kingdom ofGreat Britain and Northern Ireland and were admitted as the one hundred and fifty-third and one hundred and fifty- fourth Members of the United Nations, respectively. With the admission of these two new Members, the United Nations took bold and positive steps towards its desired objective regarding the fulfilment of the principle of univer- sality of its membership. It is in recognition and apprecia- tion of this achievement that we wish to take the liberty of extending our delegation's sincere and heartfelt congratula- tions to the Governments and peoples of Zimbabwe and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. We also wish to congrat- ulate Her Majesty's Government ofthe United Kingdom on facilitating the independence of its two former colonies. The Malawi Government has noted with complete satisfaction and jubilation the removal, for the first time, from the agenda of the General Assembly of the item entitled "The situation in Southern Rhodesia". Accordingly, it isthe hope of my Government that similar items that still remain on the agenda of the Assembly might equally be dropped, sooner rather than later. 6. At the seventeenth ordinary session the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the Organization of African Unity [OAUj, held at Freetown, lastJuly, agreed to 7. During the thirty-fourth session of the General Assem- bly, the international community expressed both dismay and disappointment at the negative turn of events when agreement ona formula for resolving the Namibian prob- lem initially submitted by the five Western Powers through the Security Council eluded the feuding parties. This disap- pointment notwithstanding, efforts to maintain the search for a peaceful solution to the problem have been stepped up by the Secretary-General and as a result we hear that all outstanding issuesmilitating against the settlement proposal approved by the SecurityCouncil in its resolution 435(1978) have now been resolved. However, we are unable to under- stand and appreciate the apparent reluctance ofthe Govern- ment of the Republic of South Africa to facilitate the immediate implementation of the formula that not only has been carefully worked out but also has been exhaustively examined by all concerned. We believe that the assurances given by the Secretary-Generalare genuine and that they are aimed at ensuring the peaceful transfer ofpolitical power to the Namibians themselves. We believe that under United Nations auspices not only would free and fair elections be feasible, but the participation ofeach Namibian in any such election would be guaranteed. 8. In this connection, we wish to recall our Government's belief in the Western initiative, which has now culminated in what has been agreed to by all parties. Addressing the thirty-fourth session of the General Assembly last October, the then Chairman of our delegation, Mr. D. T. Matenje, Minister of Education, had this to say about our Govern- ment's reaction: UMy Government is convinced that this isstill the way that offers the most hope of leading to a just and interna- tionally acceptable solution to the Namibia question. It is therefore encouraging to note that efforts are under way to pursue the Western initiative, and I would appeal for good faith among ... the parties concerned so as not to lose again an opportunity to bring this problem to a successful conclusion."! I Officiat Records of the General A.\'f£'mb~I', Thirty-fourth Session. Plenary Meetings, 26th meeting. para. 166. 10. We would venture to submit that the views of our Government on apartheid and racism and what they con- note are well known, not only to the Assembly but also to the Government of the Republic of South Africa. It will be recalled that last year the leaderof our delegation had this to say on the policies of apartheid and racism espoused by the Government of the Republic of South Africa: "My Government remains resolutelyaverse to the poli- cies of apartheid and the methods used to enforce it, including the establishment of 'homelands'. This is a stance that is well known to the Government of the day in South Africa. But my Government remains equally con- vinced that the best way to induce the white people to the south of us to change is by contact and example, by engaging in a dialogue with them."? 11. The black people of South Africa continue to chal- lenge the legal instruments of their oppression because for upwards of three centuries they have been reduced to the status of aliens in the country of their forebears. Alas, even black school children. too, have for quite a spell now shown utter defiance. and this in broad daylight, of the armoury that has been assembled there for what appears to be their perpetual political subjugation, The black people of South Africa abhor the creation of bantustans, which they perceive as a summation of apartheid and downright racism. They resent the balkanization of beautiful South Africa and rather yearn for its unification. Their desire for the total integration and cohesion of their land prompts them to step up the fight for freedom and prosperity for all its people, irrespective of colour or creed, Therefore. the continued balkanization of South Africa can only mean an affront to the dignity of sovereignty, aimed at entrenching the endur- ing myth of baaskap. 12. The black peopleofSouth Africa will continue to insist on respect for their lives and dignity. For, as long as those basic human rights continue to beignored, the fight not only to participate in but also to govern, the affairs oftheir land will not cease. Therefore we, like the international commu- nity, believe that there ismerit in the people's quest for social justice and political emancipation. Wc believe that they loathe violence just as they abhor political injustice and racism. We believe that neither confrontation nor intransi- gence is in the best interests of the racial groups inthat land. We believe that the black people ofSouth Africa arc crying out for and committed to the building of a united, dynamic, strong and prosperous nation capable of providing enlight- ened leadership in the African continent. 13. South Africa has always been, is and willcontinue to be part and parcel of the African continent. Therefore we are unable to understand why the white minority that now governs that country should insist on creating a mini- Europe there while at the same time justifiably insisting on 14. No instant solution to the Middle East problem capa- ble of commanding the immediate support of all parties seems feasible. But Malawi believes that, given a suitable political climate and willingness to engage in meaningful discussions among all the feuding parties, a solution might be found sooner rather than later. Unfortunately, the ten- dency in recent times to assail the efforts of the United Nations in the region, the most recent decision to take unilateral action on certain disputed aspects ofthe problem, the continued acquisition of weaponry of death and mass destruction, which goads the feuding parties into acts of violence, the refusal to recognize and accept each other's existence, the temptation to ignore the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, the unwillingness that has been dem- onstrated so far to give effect to the myriad resolutions ofthe United Nations calling for withdrawal rrom occupied.terri- tories, and so on, seem in our view to have succeeded only in undermining the credibility of United Nations peace initia- tives in that region. Naturally the Malawi delegation deplores this negative development. We believe that the region can ill afford to continue to bleed itself to death, because to do so is to set itselfon a course ofself-destruction and create general world instability and insecurity in its wake. Consequently, we submit that the Secretary-General made a very pertinent and timely observation to this body when he said in his report: ..Any progress in the Middle East requires in the first place a vastly improved degree of communication and understanding at many levels. There can be no hope of peaceful progress if the peoples of the region and their leaders do not recognize and accept each other's ... right to exist. Conditions must be created in which positive and agreed solutions can be developed." [See AI351J. sect. IV.] 15. We see no concealed innuendos or provocative epithets in that observation, which to us seems to be a fundamental truism that reflects the reality ofthe situation. We discern nothing in it that might incur the wrath of the gods of the Middle East. Accordingly we would urge the international community to join the Secretary-General in attempts to bring suitable pressure to bear on all the parties in the area to facilitate the creation of the type ofconditions envisaged in that quotation and to facilitate the develop- ment of "positive and agreed solutions" aimed at a peaceful resolution of the Middle East conflict. 16. In the view of our delegation, the Secretary-General has made what seems to be a very intriguing proposal concerning the situation in Afghanistan. According to hiru, ". . . the only way that appears open is to initiate a process of negotiation among all the parties concerned with a view to finding a political solution of the problem with As far as we are aware, the Afghan representatives regard any such proposals as wanton interference in their domestic affairs. They have even objected to the inscription ofan item on the subject on the agenda of the Assembly. As far as they are concerned, the foreign troops that have inundated their country are there by invitation because their sovereignty was allegedly threatened by imperialists and neo-imperialists in concert with their foster-cousins the colonialists and neo- colonialists. However, the international community still has not been informed why the Afghan people, on whose behalf the foreign troops are alleged to have been invited into their country, seem to be taking to the bush, and some even seeking refuge in neighbouring countries. If the question of the invitation cannot be discussed by the Assembly, at least that of thousands of refugees would seem to merit consider- ation. Therefore we would hope that the Assembly-which is already involved by being looked to for material support for the well-being of the Afghan refugees-might be permit- ted to review the situation there before it deteriorates beyond redemption. It is in this light that we perceive the Secretary-General's constructive proposal, which would seem to merit prompt and positive consideration by the international community. 17. The situation in Kampuchea, like that in Afghanistan, is said to remain dangerous. We have been informed that even humanitarian relief operations carried out by the United Nations system in concert with voluntary organiza- tions for the benefit of the uprooted and displaced Kampu- chean men, women and children have run into serious political and military difficulties. We are concerned that hardly any progress appears to have been made in giving effect to General Assembly resolution 34/22, which does not merely deal with the situation in Kampuchea, but also specifically calls for the withdrawal of foreign troops from that land, which has literally been bleeding to death since the hostilities of recent years. We believe that the withdrawal of those foreign troops would certainly facilitate the search for a mutually acceptable political solution. 18. In this regard we have taken note of the Secretary- General's efforts in using his good offices to assist the parties to the conflict to try and come to some accommodation. Although those efforts have not yielded any spectacular results, the Secretary-General seems to have succeeded in getting at least two of the Foreign Ministers to continue the dialogt e during the thirty-fifth session of the General Assembly here in New York. We wish them every success in their endeavour, and for our part we shall watch their efforts with keen interest. 19. The meeting held on 9 August this year concerning the situation in Cyprus is said to have culminated in an agree- ment between the two communities to start discussing sub- stantive issues pertinent to the dispute. But both. parties are said to be lacking in an essential ingredient: the necessary political will and commitment to negotiate and compro- mise. In the absence ofsuch essential political chemistry, it is proving difficult to get down to really serious business. In this connection we would once again appeal to the two communities to co-operate with the Secretary-General in the general search for a peaceful resolution of the dispute. 21. In this regard it is pertinent to observe that the disarm- ament strategy elaborately worked out at the tenth special session of the General Assembly devoted to disarmament [see resolution S-lO/2] has not in fact been translated into substantive action as expected. Instead, the international community has witnessed further escalation of the arms race. The international community has, during the past year, seen Governments giving priority to military prepared- ness while at the same time espousing the principle of dis- armament. This mental attitude has resulted in meagre progress on this problem. The bottom line of all this would seem to be that by the end ofthe current year, according to the report of the Secretary-General, world military expendi- tures will exceed $500 billion, or roughly 6 per cent of total world output [see AI351I. sect. V]. We are horrified by the findings of a comprehensive study on nuclear weapons, commissioned on behalfofthis General Assembly some two years ago, which has just been completed and which high- lights the dangers of those weapons in the arsenals of major Powers [see A1351392]. According to the Secretary- General, "In 13 years the total number of strategic nuclear warheads has reportedly almost tripled" [see AI351I. sect. V]. Can the international community afford further nuclear proliferation-has the international community become so obsessed with technology that the objective isnow to annihi- late itself from the surface of the Lord's earth? 22. The Malawi delegation agrees with the view expressed by the Secretary-General that "There must be tangible dem- onstrations of renewed commitment to the objectives out- lined in the Final Document of the Tenth Special Session" [ibid]. Our delegation also supports the Secretary-General in his assertion that "The Second Disarmament Decade, which began this year, offers a suitable framework for set- ting politically attainable concrete targets and making sub- stantive progress in that direction" [ibid]. The Assembly has had more than enough of its share ofempty professions flowing from those who claim never to have violated any international agreements on disarmament and arms con- trol. Such professions cannot impress anyone in the Assem- bly as long as they are not related to what actually goes on in the backyards of those who advance them. 23. The development of the essential political will among nations at the highest levelsofGovernment conducive to the transformation and restructuring of the current interna- tional economy seems to have eluded the participants in the eleventh special session of the General Assembly devoted to development ami international economic co-operation. Consequently, yet another opportunity to give effect to the proposed establishment of the new international economic order appears to have been lost last month. However, our 24. Permit us to recall that during the closing hours of the eleventh special session, Canada took the first step in announcing that "... the Government of Canada has decided to reverse the trend of the last few years under which Canadian official development assistance was declining as a propor- tion of our gross national product. We shall now move upwards once again and our official development assist- ance will reach a level of 0.5 per cent of gross national product by the middle of the decade. Our intention there- after is to accept the need to reach an official develop- ment assistance level of 0.7 per cent of gross national product by the end of the decade, and we shall employ all our best efforts to reach this objective"." Clearly, once again Canada has taken the initiative in setting the pace for the major traditional donors. Accordingly, my delegation commends Canada for that gesture. 25. The Government of the Republic of Malawi is pleased to note that the Third United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea last August completed its ninth session, at Geneva, on an extremely hopeful note. In terms of the reports that we have received, it is hoped that a convention might be adopted early in the new year and that it might be ready for signature by April 198I. Accordingly, we should like to record our thanks and indebtedness to all the partici- pants for their outstanding contribution to the draft consti- tution for the seas. We hope and pray that the final conference, scheduled for early next year, will contribute positively to the advent of the new international economic order. 26. The Malawi delegation wishes to be among the first to salute the United Nations system and to commend its loyal, dedicated and hard-working personnel at all levels for the invaluable services that they continue to render and which have sustained the smooth administration of the entire sys- tem. We would wish to pay a particular tribute to the secretariat of UNCTAD for their determination to give positive expression to one of the objectives of the interna- tional community-the establishment of the new interna- tional economic order. In this regard, we would recall that, through UNCTAD at Geneva, yet another major step towards the realization of that goal was taken when on 27 June this year the United Nations Negotiating Conference "Ibid., Eleventh Special Session, PlellaryMl'l't;IIg.l. 2Jst meeting. para. 14. 27. As the Assembly might already be aware, it isintended that the Fund should serve as a key instrument in the attainment of the objectives of the Integrated Programme for Commodities as enshrined in UNCTAD resolution 93 (lV). 7 It is our understanding that the Fund will also facili- tate the conclusion and functioning of international com- modity agreements or arrangements, particularly concern- ing commodities of special interest to developing countries. 28. From our perspective as a developing country, the significance of the Fund would seem to affect at least six major areas, as follows. 29. First, the Common Fund can be regarded as an impor- tant element of the new international economic order and the Programme ofAction for the establishment ofthat order [resolution 3202 (S- VI)]. The Programme of Action envis- aged the need for the regulation of world trade in primary commodities with the objective of producing greater benef- its to developing countries in terms of prices, earnings, opportunities for processing and marketing and control over their natural resources. 30. Secondly, the Fund represents the first major change that has taken place since the end of the Second World War in the organization of international economic relations. Unlike the immediate post-war financial institutions, that is, IMF and the World Bank, the Common Fund would permit developing countries to play a decisive role in the manage- ment of the world economy. The universal membership of the Fund would bring together countries with differing eco- nomic. and social systems. It is hoped that the problems created by payments made by countries in either convertible or non-convertible currencies might be a non-issue, elimi- nating the current double standards within the United Nations system which adversely affect developing countries. 31. Thirdly, the operations of the First Account of the Common Fund, that is, activities related to stocking, would make for greater price stability for many commodities exported bydeveloping countries. Price instability, as expe- rience has shown, does affect the export earnings ofdevelop- ing countries. It contributes to inflation and in some instances it could hamper the planning ofproduction, espe- cially agricultural production in the developing countries. Price stability would eliminate these problems and contrib- ute to greater security of investments in raw materials. 32. Fourthly, the operations of the Second Account, that is, activities other than stocking, such as productivity ~ TOil PC/Cr:'ICONF124. (, TO/IPC/CF/CONF123 and Add.l. 7 See Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. Fourth Session, voJ.I.ReportandAnnexes(United Nations publication. Sales No. E.76.1I.0.10 and corrigendum), part one, sect. A. 33. Fifthly, the capital structure of the Fund is such that developing countries should be able to subscribe to it without unduly straining their economies. The ratio ofthe subscribed to the borrowed capitalofthe Fund, as agreed, that is, one third subscribed to two thirds borrowed, would enhance the credit-worthiness of the Fund and maintain its financial integrity. For developing countries this is impor- tant, as the ability of the Fund to enter into capital market operations could directly affect its stocking operations. 34. Sixthly and finally, the voting structure of the Fund- 47 per cent of voting power for the Group of 77,42 per cent for .Group B,8 per cent for Group D and 3 per cent for China-established a new principle of power sharing in international financial institutions. If all developing coun- tries ratify the Articles ofAgreement, they willconstitute the largest voting bloc in the management of the Fund. 35. To us, the establishment of the Common Fund is a recognition by the international community of the growing political and economic tensions which tend to undermine international relations and which must be addressed at the earliest available opportunity. The establishment of the Fund, we believe, introduces a new economic partnership in a world of increasing interaction and interdependence. Therefore, mindful of the myriad advantages of the newly created Fund, we would venture to urge all States Members of the United Nations to consider the immediate ratification of the Articles of Agreement, and let us move forward together thereafter. We commend the Common Fund to all Governments of the international community.
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• Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples by the specialized agencies and the international Institu- lions associated wlthtbe United Nations (concluded): (Q) Report of the Special Committee on the Situation with nprdto the ,Implementation' of the Declara- t.ion" on the ,Granting of Independence"·to' Colonial Countries and Peoples; (b) Report of the Se.cretary-Ge.,.,ral Report of the Economic and Social Council . ,',. REPORT OF THE FOURTH COMMITTEE (A/3S/600)
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• Inlormatlon from NOIIoiSell·Govemlna Territories transmitted under Artlele 73e 01 the CIt.rter 01 the Unl~ed Nations (collclrukd): (a) Report 01 the Seeregry.Genenl; (b) Report 01 the $pee~1 Committee on the Sltutloa with nprd to the Implemengtlon.of .IIJ Declara- tion on the Grantln.·or Independence .. CoioIIIId Countries and Peoples REPORT OF THE FOURTH COMMITrEE
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• Question of Palestine: report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People 1. Mr. MRANI ZENTAR (Morocco) (interpreta- tion from Arabic). The General Assembly is once again studying the Palestine question in an attempt to put an end to the tragedy that has been experienced ans suffered for more than 30 years by the Palestinian people. 2. The General Assembly this year also is taking as the basis for its examination of this question the report of the Committee on the Exercise of the Ina- lienable Rights of the Palestinian People [A/35/35], which has persistently exerted its utmost effor.s in order to make it possible for the Palestinian people to exercise its legitimate national rights. 3. I should like to take this opportunity to pay a tribute to the Committee for its positive action and to express our sincere and warm congratulations to its Chairman, Mr. Falilou Kane of the sister State of Senegal, for the wisdom and expertise with which he guides the work of the Committee. Our respect for the Committee and our appreciation of its efforts are increased by the fact that it works in very difficult circumstances and without. real co-operation from those who have the capacity speedily to implement its recommendations. 4. The most important event witnessed by the inter- national community this year as far as the Palestine question is concerned was the convening of the seventh emergency special session of the General Assembly last July to examine this question, once it was obvious that the Security Council was unable to fulfil its responsibilities by taking the necessary deci- sions to enable the Palestinian people to exercise their inalienable rights and particularly their right to return to their land and to self-determination. NEW YORK 5. The convening of that session was on the one hand an affirmation by the General Assembly of its. commitment and its determination to carry out its histcric responsibility to the Palestinian people and on the other a clear expression of the determination of toe international community to use all available ways and means in order to remedy the injustice experienced by the Palestinian people for over three decades. 6. During that session a~~ freedom-loving countries expressed their support for that people in their bitter struggle led by their sole legitimate representative, the Palestine Liberation Organization [PLO]. At that session the international community demonstrated its refusal to remain idle in the face of the defiant attitude of the Israeli authorities. Those authorities, not satis- fied with expelling the majority of the Palestinian people from their homeland by the use of all kinds of force and oppression, have also tried to destroy the Arab and Islamic character of occupied Palestine through assassination and destruction. 7. Since 1948 the world has witnessed the extent of Israeli intransigence and of the moral and material destruction carried out by Israel against the land and the people in a part of the world that should have been the land of love, co-operation and peace. 8. The tragedy of the Palestinian is far greater than can be described in speeches. Documents of the United Nations and other international organizations and reports of a large number of international com- mittees give a detailed picture of the inhuman prac- tices of the Israeli authorities in Palestine and the occupied Arab territories, through which Israel is trying not only to continue its occupation but also to change the civilization and the cultural aspect of all the areas it occupies. 9. The actions of the Israeli authorities in the Holy City of Jerusalem and in Hebron are the strongest proof of Israel's defiance not only of political resolu- tions and international codes but also of moral values. To the international conscience these are the worst political and moral crimes. 10. The Israeli decisions concerning Jerusalem, particularly the decision to annex that Holy City and to proclaim it the eternal capital of Israel, are positive proof that the Israeli authorities base their actions on a policy of expansion, hegemony and usurpation. Their policy is rigidly racist, detrimental to the rights of man, contrary to his moral values and aimed at destroying the spirit of brotherhood and tolerance which should prevail among religions. 11. The response of the Islamic world to Israel's violation of the Holy Places in Palestine and in the Arab occupied territories was commensurate with the shock that was felt· by hundreds of millions of 14. At this time, when we are glad to see that the question of Palestine has gained increased under- standing on the part of the international community and to witness the growing support of that commu- nity for the Palestinian people, represented by the PLO, its sole and legitimate representative, we can only reaffirm our denunciation of Israel's intransi- gence and its clear refusal to implement the resolu- tions of the United Nations. Worse than that, Israel, instead of responding to the calls of the international
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• Question off*t Timer (eol,dlllhd): . (a) Report·01 the·Speelal Committee en .the ·SIt...tloD
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