S/36/PV.99 Security Council

In the broad range of items discussed every year by the General As- sembly in the course of its regular sessions, the situation in the Middle East occupies a special place. It is a prob- lem that affects the fate of the peoples of a whole region of our earth. 16. The Soviet Union is seriously concerned that the Middle East continues to be a dangerous hotbed of ten- sion. For many years now, the problem of settling the Arab-Israeli conflict has been one of the most complex international problems requiring radical solutions. But, rather than slackening, tension in the Middle East is growing. That part of the world continues to be one of the earth's "hot points" and poses a serious threat to in- ternational peace and security. Naturally, for that reason, in the interests of international detente, of ensuring inter- national peace and security and safeguarding the vital in- terests of the peoples of the Middle East, it is vitally nec- essary to achieve, as quickly as possible, a comprehensive Middle East settlement and to establish just and lasting peace there. 17. The fact that the Middle East problem remains un-, settled and that there is still an explosive situation in that 18. In order to achieve the purposes of its policies in the Middle East, the United States has chosen the course of a separate settlement and has tried to divide the Arab world. More than three years have now elapsed since the Camp David agreements were reached. We can draw cer- tain conclusions from this. One thing is quite clear: Camp David not only failed to bring any closer the prospects of genuine peace in that part of the world but exacerbated the knotty Middle East problem. The Camp David agree- ments have freed Israel's hands and allowed it to step up its aggressive activities against the Arabs. The policy of the Israeli Government is taking on a more and more dan- gerous and provocative character. There have been con- tinued acts of armed intervention against Lebanon and aggressive sorties have been carried out against other Arab countries, including the Israeli air· force's piratical raid, on 7 June of this year, on the nuclear research center near Baghdad, which was condemned decisively by the international community. 19. Creeping annexation has taken on even greater pro- portions through Israel's policy in the occupied Arab ter- ritories. The repression, terrorizing and persecution of the indigenous population has increased, and a decision has been taken to build a canal between the Dead Sea and the Mediterranean. These are only some of the "fruits" of Camp David, which has caused the Arabs nothing but bloodshed, devastation and grief. 20. The danger of the present situation has been further complicated by the general worsening of the international situatjon, particularly by the stepping up of United States military preparations in the Middle East. The present United States Administration, like its predecessors, is hoping, through reanimation of the Camp David agree- ments, to throw wide open the doors to the Middle East and to set up there a world on the American model, based on United States domination and on promotion of the interests of United States imperialism, to the detri- ment of the interests of other countries and peoples. 21. Furthermore, "peace" is not really the right word to describe United States policy: everything planned to be carried out with the help of the Camp David collusion and outside its framework is aimed primarily at strength- ening the United States military presence in the Middle ~East and militarizing the countries of that area. Numerous facts support the assertion that the United States has re- cently been making every effort to strengthen its military and strategic positions and to ensure its direct military presence in the Middle East region. It obviously intends to surround that region with military bases and to set up a reactionary military-political bloc under its own aegis. Peace-loving States cannot, in particular, fail to be alarmed at the threats to the security of the Arab countries in com~ection with the plans to station United States 22. In order to justify this aggressive policy, primitive manoeuvres are being resorted to: a particular part of the world-in this case the Middle East-may be arbitrarily declared a zone of "vital interest" to the United State,), and then the contrived invention of a so-called Soviet threat to that part of the world is thought up, and under this pretext Washington tries to implement its specific plans in crder to step up its military and strategic infiltra- tion of that explosive part of the world. It is precisely thefte imperialist actions which represent the real threat to the interests of Middle Eastern countries and peoples. t~e flights over Saudi Arabian territory by Israeli war- planes, in addition to the aforementioned steps, can only be regarded as gross attempts by the United States and Israel to apply military pressure against countries in the region in order to keep them in their sphere of interests. In that way, American imperialism, hiding behind the smokescreen of allegations of the notorious "Soviet threat"-repeated until everybody is fed up with them-is seeking to impose on the Arab people its military and political diktat in the fonn of a modernized variant of the "big stick" policy. 24. However, whatever Washington and Tel Aviv say about the "nobility" of their "strategic co-operation", the true aggressive purport of this anti-Arab agreement can be seen and understood by everyone-first and foremost, by the Arabs themselves. 23. As before, in carrying out this hegemonistic policy the United States is putting most of its money on Israel. As is known, the United States and Israel have agreed on "strategic co-operation", which envisages involving Tel Aviv in the global plans of American imperialism, the use of Israeli territory to house American heavy weaponry and to create beach-heads for the rapid deployment forces, and the participation of the Israeli army in those forces. 25. There has been a most indicative reaction by the overwhelming majority of Arab countries to the agree- ment reached on "strategic co-operation" between the United States and Israel, which they have quite justly re- garded as .a threat to their security and sovereignty. This was illustrated by the final communique adopted at a meeting of the foreign ministers of the States members of the Organization of the Islamic Conference, held at United Nations Headquarters on 3 October 1981 [A/36/603, annex]. The communique stated that the agree- ments were designed to increase the military and political imbalance in the region, to place the United States in a state of war with the Arab nation and to undermine efforts to achieve a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. At this meeting it was also stated that the strategic allia.'1ce between the United States and Israel would have serious consequences and that the United States would bear full responsibility for those consequences. 26. Today the world has already been forced to reap the fIrst "fruits" of that "strategic co-operation". 27. Yesterday, Israel passed a bill which provides for the introduction of Israeli law on the occupied Syrian Golan Heights. That action by the Israeli authorities can 34. The Soviet Union's position on a Middle East set- be regarded only as an unprecedented act of annexation tlement is well known. We remain convinced that genu- by one State Member of the United Nations of the ter- ine peace in the Middle East requires putting an end to ritory of anoth~r sovereign State Member of our Organ- Israel's occupation of all the Arab territories that were ization. It is contrary to all the norms of international law seized in 1967. The inalienable rights of the Arab people and is a blatant violation of the Charter of the United of Palestine. including creation of their own State, should Nations and its fundamental principles, including the be implemented. The security and sovereignty of all principle of the inadmissibility of acquiring territory by States in the region must be guaranteed. Those are the 29. Another result of the "strategic co-operation" is the campaign launched by Washington under contrived pre- texts shamelessly to apply pressure and blackmail on the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. To this end, political, military and economic pressures have been used with the aim of intimidating the Government of the Libyan Arab Jam- ahiriya and forcing it to refrain from pursuing an indepen- dent foreign policy which is not to the liking of the pres- ent United States Administration. 30. The large-scale "Bright Star" military manoeuvres, 31. The statements and practical actions of the United States Administration demonstrate th~t the problem of finding a genuine settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict has been pushed far into the background-if, indeed, it had ever been in the forefront of Washington's concerns. 32. Today, as never before, the complete breakdown of the Camp David policy is obvious to everyone, and this cannot be concealed even by those who had previously placed any hopes in it. The same fate awaits the anti-Arab agreements on "strategic co-operation" between Wash- ington and Tel Aviv. However, the initiators of Camp David and "strategic co-operation" have been successful in one respect: there has been a further deterioration in the situation in the region, and a Middle East settlement seems to have been thrown back. 33. All are well aware that the Soviet Union has consis- tently called for a radical political settlement of the Arab- Israeli conflict that would take into account the legitimate rights of all the parties involved, one based on the well- known decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly. The efforts being undertaken by the Soviet Union in order to bring about such a solution of the Mid- dle East problem are part and parcel of its consistent struggle to remove the threat of war and to intensify the process of international detente, in support of peoples fighting for their freedom, independence and sovereignty. 36. Speaking on 27 October at a dinner in Moscow in honour of the President of the Yemen Arab Republic, AIi Abdallah Saleh, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Leonid Brezhnev, explained in the following terms the Soviet proposal concerning an international con- ference on the Middle East: "This offers a constructive alternative to Camp David: to achieve a peaceful settlement by the collec- tive efforts of all concerned, a kind of settlement that would not be detrimental to the interests of some and to the advantage of others, but to the general benefit and in the general interests. "We believe that such a conference, along with all the Arab States which have a common border with Is- rael and Israel itself on an equal basis, must necessarily also include the Palestine Liberation Organization. "Other States, along with the Soviet Union and the United States, could also take part in)t, representing, as it were, the regions adjacent to the Middle East-for example, Vlestern Europe, North Africa and South Asia. " 37. The underlying purpos\.. c:' our proposals is the un- ambiguous desire finally to make progress on a just and comprehensive settlement in the Middle East; otherwise. prolongation of the unsettled situation in that region will once again simply play into the hands of the aggressor and of those which aspire to domination over th~ Arab world. Therefore. common sense would indicate that the speediest possible achievement of a peace settlement would beyond any doubt be to th~ benelit of all the peo- ples of the Middle East. and. of course. would serve the cause of world peace.

A tense. explosive situation has long existed in the Mid- dle East. Events that have taken place since last De- cember testify to the further deterioration of that situation in l!eneral and the creation of new ob!ltacles and addi- tion~al difficulties blocking the settlement of the problem of the Middle East. The tension in the area is constantly l!rowinl!. The dangers and threats are multiplying. This is '-'.... '" .... the result also of the deterioration of the international sit- uation and intensiticntion of anti-Arab and anti-P'alestinian activities and plots. Through their rivalry and their aggressive actions. the two imperialist super-Powers have turned the whole region of the Middle East and the Medi- terranean right up to the centre of Asia 'and the Indian Ocean into a vast arena of armpd contlicts and hotbeds of. tension and war preparations. 40. For that reason we believe t.hat the situation in the Middle East, instead of improving, has become more complicated and more threatening to general peace and security in the world. The Israeli Zionists this year have continued to give free rein to their acts of aggression and their daily threats against the Arab peoples, particularly the Palestinian people. They have proved to be even more brutal and cynical in their methods and attempts to de- stroy the Palestinian resistance, to strike at other Arab countries and to oblige the Arab peoples and world public opinion to bow to the annexationist claims of Israel, which increase day by day. The brutal bombing of Lebanon, the repeated military incursions into the ter- ritory of that country, the threats and provocations against the Syrian Arab Republic and the bandit-like attack against the nuclear installation in Iraq are all flagrantly criminal acts, among so many others, which Israel has perpetrated since the fast debate here in the General As- sembly on the situation in the Middle East. Israel has continued with revolting intransigence to defy the rules Df international law and the voice of world public opinion, which denounces and firmly condemns its acts of aggres- sion. 41 . And now. just when the General Assembly is con- sidering the situation in the Middle East. Israel takes the decision to annex the Golan Heights formally. thereby hurling an intolerable challenge at the Arab countries and the entire international community. 42. This renewed outbreak of aggressiveness on the part of the Israeli Zionists and their total scorn for the entire world clearly show that their true intentions are to go steadily farther along the road of aggression and expan- sion. All this reveals even more clearly the truth-already known to everyone-that the Israeli Zionists can afford to be so arrogant because they enjoy the direct and indirect assistance and steady encouragement of the imperialist super-Powers, especially the United States, which con- tinues to give Israel unlimited political, economic, mili- tary and financial assistance. In order to deceive the Arab peoples and countries, the United States pretended for a while that it had a bit of distance between itself and the annexationist amibitions of Israel. But now we see United States imperialism once again openly casting off its mask and throwing its full weight behind the Israeli Zionists, who in turn become more and more demanding in their sinister designs, at the expense of their victims. 43. All of Israel's aggressive annexationist acts have had the blessing and the support of the United States. In our opinion, the decision to annex the Golan Heights is cer- tainly no exception to that rule. 45. The Soviet Union and the United States are trying to create a psychosis of fear and an atmosphere of insecu- rity to force the peoples and the countries of the Middle East to seek shelter in American or Soviet tutelage and to agree to be bound to the super-Powers by treaties or al- liances. The United States is now actively trying to ex- tend its already broad network of military bases and sup- port points for its rapid deployment forces which are intended to act especially in the Gulf area and the Middle East. The Soviet Union for its part, after having militarily occupied Afghanistan, is also trying to expand its pres- ence, to establish around the Middle East its own network of military bases and to build a military machine equal to that of the Unit.p.d States. 46. The reactionary strategy of the two imperialist super-Powers, in the Middle East as everywhere else, con- sists of destroying the national and revolutionary libera- tion struggles of the peoples of the world and subjugating sovereign countries. The many attacks and plots against the Palestinian and the other Arab peoples testify clearly to this. Another dangerous example is the constant at- tempts by the United States to destroy the Iranian revolu- tion, which brought down one of the most important pil- lars of the United States domination in the Middle East. The Soviet .occupation of Afghanistan is another sorry manifestation of the same strategy. The main causes of the armed conflict in the Persian Gulf area, which has now gone on more than a year, are also the intrigues and plots of the imperialist super-Powers. 47. Since the concluding of the Camp David agreements and the outbreak of hostilities in the Gulf region, the unity of the Arab countries and of the Middle East, which is so necessary to them in their fight against the common enemy, has been experiencing serious difficulties. The Zionists, the imperialists and the social-imperialists wel- come this and at the same time are trying by means of new intrigues to poison the situation further in order to prevent unity among the peoples and countries of the re- gion from being restored in the near future and to prevent the solidarity of these peoples with the struggle of the Palestinian and Afghan peoples from developing as it should. 48. The enemies of the Arab peoples have always made use and continue to make use of certain ideas and plans for so-called political or negotiated solutions of the prob- lem of the Middle East under the sponsorship of the super-Powers, using the mechanisms thought up and es- tablished by them individually or jointly. These attempts have always been aimed at perpetuating or legitimizing the consequences of aggression, at pardoning injustices and at creating situations of "neither war nor peace" to leave the door open to imperialist intervention and ma- 49. But we remain convinced that all the hostile actions and anti-Arab plots of the Zionists, imperialists and so- cial-imperialists are doomed to failure. Notwithstanding the many enormous difficulties that the Arab peoples face at present, in th~ end they will assert their rights. They have proved that they know how to resist aggression and the plots of their many enemies and are capable of doing so and that they have learned how to reject and thwart those plots. They have tremendous strength and means which, when those means are used fully and properly in the service of their cause, will make it possible for them to pursue to the end their victorious struggle. 50. The just struggle of the peoples of the Middle East is supported by the progressive peoples and States of the entire world, which constantly denounce and condemn firmly the imperialist-Zionist aggression and the ag· gressive actions of the imperialist super-Powers. 51. The Government of the Socialist People's Republic of Albania and the Albanian people now as in the past firmly support the struggle of the Arab peoples against the imperialist-Zionist aggression in their effort to liberate their occupied territory. They support the national libera- tion struggle of the heroic people of Palestine to recover all its inalienable national rights and to win back its homeland. They support the liberation struggle o~ the Afghan people to drive the foreign occupiers from its country and to regain national sovereignty. They support the struggle and the efforts of the Iranian people to de- fend its victories and thwart all the hostile action and plots against it and its anti-imperialist revolution by the imperialists, social-imperialists and other reactionary forces.

For 34 years now the world has been holding its breath over the continuing explosive crisis in the Middle East, which has already been marked by four wars. Once again this year this situation demands the close attention of the General Assembly. The many recent developments, which have now supplemented the original source of the conflict, continue to maintain an atmosphere particularly heavy with menace and fraught with grave anxiety. 53. The crisis in the Middle East came into being at practically the same time as the United Nations, through one of the Organization's decisions, which is the most challenged in its principle, the least understood in its im- plications and the most serious in its effect. Since then the Middle East has been both an accusing witness of an historic injustice which is late in being redressed, and a revealing example of the frustrating inability of the United Nations to get its decisions respected and applied. 54. Undoubtedly, after many unjust obfuscations. sketchy efforts and false starts, the General Assembly has finally managed to define the outline and to establish the content of a just and definitive solution which, in resolv- ing the Palestinian problem, would at the same time pro- vide appropriate responses to th~ other questions and suc- cessive aspects of this crisis. 55. But the outbreak of the Zionists' aggressive violence and their stubborn persistence in denying the Palestinian national reality continue to doom this entire region to in- 56. Our debates this year quite properly, therefore, re- flect a legitimate concern at the latest serious develop- ments, which are making the possibility of authentic, comprehensive peace in the Middle East even more re- mote. 57. The present situation in the Middle East contains the germs of a particularly dangerous development. It is disquieting in itself because it presents the characteristics of a lasting deadlock, and, furthermore, it is subject to the influence of exogenous factors, which undoubtedly add an extra dimension to the tension. 58. Quite obviously. the threatening consequences inherent in the Camp David agreements have already be- come part of the daily life in the Middle East. The many people who quite properly foresaw the inevitable outcome of the Camp David machinations are today following with distress the accelerated development of an effort to re- cover the Middle East as-part of a world-wide imperialist strategy. Thus. following the neutralization of the human and material capacities of a leading Arab country. a so- called strategic co-operation agreement .has made this axis an official one. It appears that the correspondence be- tween imperialist interests and Zionist plans in the Middle East has taken the form politically of the most uncondi- tional -support ever and. militarily. of a considerable rein- forcement of the war machine of the Zionist entity. 59. In a region where Zionist activism has always relied on military superiority, the transformation of Palestine into a huge arsenal containing the most sophisticated forms of weaponry takes on all the disquieting ap- pearances of war-readiness, to which the peoples in that region are the most vulnerable. furthennore, the major military deployments and the large combined manoeuvres in that region, while they are first of all part of a vast operation to reallocate responsibilities, also bear witness to a determination to involve the Arab peoples in bloc rivalries which are quite alien to their aspirations to peace and development and to their attachment to an authentic policy of non-alignment. 60. While it is true that these attempts to take over the destiny of the Arab peoples are cloaked in diplomatic lao- I guage borrowed from the era of the cold war, it is none . the less true that their ultimate purpose is to distort the basic facts of the Middle East crisis and, most specifi- cally, to obliterate the central element: the reality of the Palestinian nation. 61. The new doctrine which led to what has been termed "the strategic consensus", in this unhappy year now drawing to a close, had as its aim a fundamental change in the very essence of the problems of the Middle 62. The year 1981 has thus suddenly produced a doc- trine which seeks to reduce to nothing 34 years of authen- tic nationalistic struggle by the Palestinian and Arab peo- ples against zionism and imperialism. The year 1981 will at the same blow have made the Israeli occupiers the po- licemen not only of the region immediately bordering Pal- estine but of a dangerously increasing circle of territory, thus revealing the Zionist entity in its true roIe as an agent of imperialism. During this unhappy year of 1981 there, has been an unprecedented increase in the threats of Zionist aggression, with the attack against Iraq and the threats of aggression against Saudi Arabia-and a begin- ning made at carrying out those threats. 63. These attacks are in the final analysis only the pre- dictable extension of the logic of Zionist aggressiveness. They reflect Israel's persistent determination to subject the entire region and the areas beyond it to the rule of its strategic and technological superiority. It is this same power-madness which has caused it to step over the nu- clear threshold and manufacture, under known illegal con- ditions, nuclear weapons of mass destruction. To do this, th~ Zionist entity has found a reliable ally in South Af- rica,. that other bastion of racism and aggression, -with which it shares a doctrine and purposes and methods--an ally that is also well versed in the methods of repressing the aspirations of peoples to freedom, dignity and pro- gress. 64. Repression directed against the Palestinian people in the occupied territories, the physical annihiliation of the Palestinian leaders on foreign soil, the occupation of and the attempts to annex Arab territories, and acts of aggres- sion against more distant .Arab countries such as Iraq or even Saudi Arabia: the remarkable record does not stop there. Martyred Lebanon has al:so been a target. The war which has devastated the Lebanese people for more than six years bears the indelible stamp of zionism. Zionism has created, maintained or produced various contradic- tions in Lebanon. When it has not set the fire itself, it has at least kept it burning. To exterminate the Palestinian camps in Lebanon, to break the Palestinian resistance, to disrupt the natural solidarity between the Lebanese and the Palestinian peoples, to divide the people of Lebanon and create military enclaves in revolt against the central authority, to occupy a part of Lebanese territory, to divert the water-courses in Lebanon-in a word, to dismember the country and tear up the fabric of its people: those are some of the Zionist leaders' goals in Lebanon, unfortu- nately achieved in large part. 65. What can be said, moreover, of the grave decision taken by the Israelis to build a canal linking the Mediter- ranean to the Dead Sea, except that it reveals a constant and insatiable desire for annexation? It perpetuates the il- legal occupation of the Palestinian and Arab territories as part of a vast plan to ensure the occupier a hold over the economy of the entire Middle East region through com- 67. Politically, this decision taken by the Zionist lead- ers, who believe that we are still in the era of colonial conquests and annexation of the sixteenth and the nine- teenth centuries, was taken at.a time when the United Nations was on the point of opening its debate on the situation in the Middle East. This is the height of ar- rogance and insolence on the part of the Zionist leaders with respect to the universal Organization; it shows the supreme irresponsibility of men who are playing with world peace in a spitit of criminal casualness. 68. The crisis in the Middle East is the outcome of the Palestinian problem. Implanted in the heart of the Arab world by an international concatenation of events, the Zionist entity could only be the antithesis of the home- land of the Palestinian nation. In fact, it has played this roie with an implacable determination to eradicate in the land of Palestine everything that the Palestinian people had cultivated in the way of tolerance and the harmonious coexistence of communities, faiths and cultures. The Pal- estinian people, deprived of its homeland and expelled from its hearth, dispossessed of its cultural heritage and its property, has been given over to the horrors of foreign domination and exile. The oppressive violence unleashed against the Palestinian people for a third of a century fi- nally simply breeds a liberating violence to which this people has had legitimate recourse. Today, in occupied Palestine, in the West Bank, an irresistible popular upris- ing has thwarted the new strategy of the Zionist occupier. The anti-Israeli resistance has taken on new dimensions, and the people's war is being fought from a different per- spective. 69. The totalitarian attack which has been directed against the usurped territory of Palestine is intended as the point of departure for the systematic implementation of a vast territorial expansion. The continuous aggression by the Zionist entity against the neighbouring Arab coun- tries has simply added a further dimension to the original tragedy. Territories of independent and sovereign States Members of the Organization are still occupied, in vio- lation of the principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisi- tion of territory by force. 70. This is why the international community has refused to countenance any steps towards annexation, whether taken or simply envisaged. This is also why it has pro- claimed the right of the Arab countries to recover their occupied territories. This is why, finally, it has expressed its profound conviction that the res"oration to the Palesti- nian people of its inalienable rights is a sine qua non of 72. The United Nations, which has vigorously affirmed the inalienable national rights of that people, could not endorse such agreements without being untrue to itself: The attempts to implement those agreements have not only revealed the piecemeal and false nature of the solu- tion intended by their protagonists, but also amply dem- onstrated that they plan to suppress resistance and the Pal- estinian people and at the same time to increase further the strength of the Zionist entity. 73. Peace and security in the Middle East and in Pal- estine are constantly threatened by the hunger for power and the expansionist designs of the Zionist regime, which exerts physical terror in that region and subjects the inter- national community to moral blackmail. 74. It is now obvious to all that one of the main strat- egies of Zionist adventurism is to multiply to an infinite extent the areas of tension in the Middle East so as to better oppose the national rights of the Palestinian people in the homeland which belongs to it. As long as a just and lasting settlement is not found to the question of Pal- estine, the threat of a general conflagration remains real, and it would be dangerous to underestimate this risk. 75. Having become aware of its own responsibility in the drama of the Palestinian people and the tragedy which it is undergoing, the United Nations must act. This is its duty and this is within its power. In particular, it should consider the proposal that an international conference be convened under its aegis.

The prospects of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East are, unfortunately, no better today than they were a year ago at this time. The dangerous situation in the Middle East continues, there- fore, to be a source of deep and serious concern to the Government of Turkey. Because the stability of the Mid- dle East is of such central importance, indeed is vital, for the security and prosperity of the e.ntire world, any fur- ther disruption in the area could have uncontrollable re- percussions and grave consequences for international peace. 77. Since the thirty-fifth session of the General Assem- bly the Middle East has been burdened with additional sources of tension. Israel's premeditated and unprovoked attack on the Iraqi nuclear installations last June and its continual armed aggression against Lebanon have intro- duced fresh discord into an area already saturated with tension and conflict. 78. As if these provocations were not grave enough. Is- rael is now bent on creating yet another fait accompli with respect to the Golan Heights in Syria. The decision of Israel to apply Israeli laws and administration to the 79. Israel, by its Golan Heights decision, proves once again that it prefers to pursue a path of arrogance, short- sighted opportunism and complete disregard for the legiti- mate interests of its neighbours. Israel seems to be imper- vious to the concerns of even its closest friend. We should like to remind Israel that one can reap only what one sows. 80. Israel's fait accompli with respect to the Golan Heights is fraught with extreme danger and portends the most. serious and highly destablilizing repercussions in a volatile and fragile region. 81. Surely, Israel alone will be responsible for all the consequences of its action with respect to the Golan Heights. Consistent with the well-known position of my Government on Israel's unilateral and illegal decisions and practices in regard to the occupied Arab and Palestinian territories since June 1967, including Jerusalem, Turkey does not and will not accept this decision of Israel on the Golan Heights and regards it as null and void, as is clearly stated in the official communique published yester- day in Ankara. 82. The continuation of the war between Iran and Iraq is a new dimension of contltct in the region. In regard to this problem. we should like to commend the constructive efforts of the Organization of the Islamic Conference in particular in the search for a peaceful solution. Turkey believes that the termination of hostilities bctwccn thcsc two countries and a negotiated solution of thcir problems should help create peace in the Middle East. 83. The situation in the Middle East is being further aggravated by the dynamics of international politics in general. The setbacks to the process of detente suffered in recent months, particularly as a result of events in adja- Cl'nt regions. have cxaccrbated thc usually difficult and uneasy situation in the Middlc East. Conversely. the pres- ent configuration of thc dynamics of international politics is less conducive to the prevention or the containment of an explosion in the Middle East. 84. While the Middle East picture has been darkened even more with the entry of new negative variables, exist- ing problems in the area have not received any solace or relief. We explained from this same rostrum only a few days ago [8Jst meeting] that the question of Palestine is not any closer to a just solution today than it was when the General Assembly last deliberated on the issue. On the contrary, the realization of the inalienable rights in Palestine of the Arab Pdlestinian people appears to have receded even further into the distance. Israel is adamant in its persistent and irrational refusal to recognize the le- gitimate aspirations and rights of the Arab Palestinian people. 90. There is much reason to be pessimistic and gloomy about the prospects for a dramatic and lasting improve- ment in the situation in the Middle East. We have just referred to some of these considerations that lead us to believe that a lasting settlement will continue to elude us for some time to come. This does not augur well for the 85. It is our firm conviction that no party, least of all future of the international community. The inability to Israel, has anything to gain by withholding from the Pal.. manage conflict can lead to a further lack of cohesion· in estinian Arabs the attainment of their inalienable rights as the region. 86. The resolution of the Palestinian question, which lies at the heart of the Arab-Israeli conflict, is the first and most essential requisite for a comprehensive, just and lasting peace in the Middle East. The achievement of such a solution would also entail the realization of certain other conditions stipulated in the various resolutions of the United Nations. 87. Israel must withdraw from all the Arab and Palesti- nian territories occupied since June 1967, including Jeru- salem. Until that time, Israel should also desist from al- tering the demographic, institutional, religious ~:".:~ cultural character of these territories and respect tile human rights of those who live there, includmg those rights which accrue to these people under the Geneva Convention of 1949. I The special character and status of Jerusalem must be scrupulously observed. Israel must re- alize that a:ny and all measures it has taken so far, or those it might be contemplating, which change or purport to change the character or status of Jerusalem will never find acceptance. Turkey, for its part, considers all such measures null and void. 88. Peace in the Middle East, to be just and lasting, requires also that it provide for the independence, sov- ereignty and integrity of all States in the region. All States in the region, including the Arab Palestinian State, the establishment of which is envisaged by the resolutions of the General Assembly, must be able to exercise their right to live within recognized bou~daries once peace is restored. 89. We should like particularly to stress the grave con- cern ,with which we view the continuing crisis in Lebanon. The most unfortunate circumstances with which Lebanon is confronted today are inextricably tied up with the larger situation in the Middle East. The crisis is both the effect of the Middle East problem and a cause of it. The Government of Turkey is of the view that strict re- spect must be shown for the territorial integrity, sov- ereignty, unity and political independence of Lebanon within its internationally recognized boundaries. This, we feel, is the necessary prerequisite for any settlement in Lebanon. We acknowledge with appreciation the various efforts, particularly those of the Arab States, to preserve the integrity of Lebanon and to restore some degree of stability to that country. We also think that it is of utmost importance that the existing cease-fire be fully respected. , 92. Turkey, enjoying fraternal bonds with the people of the area and itself located in this strategic region, is closely and constantly concerned with developments in the Middle East. 93. It is in that spirit that the praise which the Prime Minister of Turkey had for the peace plan of Saudi Ara- bia3 should be understood. The Government of Turkey be- lieves that the Saudi initiative, like the prior initiative of the European Community, constitutes an important milestone on the road towards an eventual peace. We be- lieve that just as the l)nited Nations has witnessed a sig- nificant evolution in its understanding of the Middle East problem over the years. so too will ~e witness an eVO!ll- tion in its understanding of how best to approach f1. settle- ment in the Middle East.

The question of the Mid- dle East seems to haw.: become a permanent issue on the agenda of the General Assembly. This year, questions re- lating to the Middle East conflict are dealt with explicitly in no less than nine separate items on the agenda, and indirectly in several others. In addition, we have seen the Middle East conflict brought up even in United Nations organizations and agencies that were set up originally to deal with more technical non-political issues. 95. The Norwegian Government is not entirely con- vinced that all these debates bring us closer to peace in the Middle East. But we do recognize that this continuous focusing on the Middle East problem in the entire United Nations system is a reflection of the fact that the Middle East conflict is a difficult and dangerous conflict which, in one way or the other, affects the entire international community. 96. The United Nations has been involved in the Arab- Israeli conflict since its very first years. Through the years, the Security Council has been called upon to stop four major wars in the area, and the Council has repeat- edly discussed other occurrences of open hostility and armed conflict. In the present debate, in which many speakers have cast doubt on the Security Council's ability to fulfil the· responsibilities entrusted to it under the Charter of the United Nations, we should not forget that the United Nations and the Council are still directly and continuously involved in the efforts to maintain interna- tional peace and security in the Middle East. Without the cease-fires arranged by the United Nations, without the peace-keeping forces and the observers in southern Lebanon and the Golan Heights and without the recourse of asking for meetings of the Security Council when new armed incidents occur, the risks of the outbreak of armed conflict in the area would be higher than is the case now. 97. The basic elements of a peaceful solution have bren defined in the Charter and in Security Council resolutions 242 (1967) and 338 (1973). There we can find three of the foundation stones on which peace in the Middle East must be built: first, the acquisition of territory by force cannot be accepted; secondly, all States in the area must have the right to live in peace within secure and interna- tionally recognized boundaries; and thirdly, the legitimate 99. In this regard, the Norwegian Government has also supported the Camp David agreements and the Egyptian- Israeli peace treaty as important first steps in the effort to achieve a comprehensive settlement based on these princi- ples. Lately. new peace initiatives which may be of im- portance in the peace efforts in the Middle East have been introduced, lOO. The Palestinian question remains at the core of the Middle East conflict. Just as the acceptance of all parties of Israel's right to live in peace within secure and recog- nized boundaries is a prerequisite for any peace in the Middle East, so it is very difficult to see how a just and lasting peace in the area can be achieved without recogni- tion of the legitimate national rights of the Palestinian people and their right to self-determination. 101. Norway has consistently maintained that it must be up to the parties concerned to negotiate a solution to the Palestinian problem. We think it essential that the Palesti- nians themselves be brought into the peace effort through the participation of their representatives. Only in this way can we expect that the Palestinians wiU accept the respon- sibilities inherent in any peace solution. 102. In recent years Israel has been condemned and at- tacked increasingly in the United Nations and in a large number of its resolutions. The Norwegian Government deplores this, as we do not think it will contribute to making the Israeli Government more flexible or more re- sponsive to compromise solutions. Any attempt to adopt sanctions against Israel or to deprive Israel of its right to participate fully in international organizations will be to- tally unacceptable to Norway. We also think that it would be counter-productive. There ~, however, many aspects of Israeli policy towards the occupied areas and towards the neighbouring countries that we think are unwise from a political point of view and not in accordance with inter- national law. 103. In this connection I would particularly mention the decision by the Israeli Government to extend Israeli law, jurisdiction and administration to occupied Syrian ter- ritory in the Golan Heights. The Norwegian Government deplores this action, which would seriously undermine the search for a comprehensive and lasting peace in the Mid- dle East. 104. As a major troop-contributing country to UNIFIL. Norway has a special interest in the situation in southern Lebanon. It is of paramount importance that UNIFIL be put in a position to accomplish its tasks in accordance with its mandate. United Nations forces can only do this provided they are given the full co-.operation of all parties concerned. This has not been the case, even though the cease-fire negotiated on 24 July this year seems to have taken a certain hold. le6. Many reasons have been '-et forth to explain W:1Y the Arab-Israeli conflict and the general situation in the Middle East are so seemingly ir. :mluble. Some of these reasons are geographical, others historical, still others have to do with social, cultural and national identity. Even religion plays its significant part. 107. In our opinion, a main stumbling-block to the peace plans and initiati ..es put forward through the years has been the lack of confidence, or the complete lack of trust, between the parties concerned. The United Nations should have a role to play in this confidence-building pro- cess. The Middle East conflict will not be solved through unrealistic demands. 108. Without willingness to break the vicious circle of non-recognition and violence, without recognition by one party of the other's legitimate rights, interests and exis- tences, it is difficult to see how a just and lasting peace in the Middle East can be achieved.

The situation in the Middle East has figured on the agenda of the General Assembly since the birth of the Organization. During these three decades and more, serious attempts have been made both within and outside the United Nations to find a solution to this complex problem. It is indeed a matter of deep regret that a comprehensive settlement acceptable to all the parties concerned continues to elude us. 110. Nepal believes that the United Nations must per- severe in its search for a solution to the situation in the Middle East. Any durable solution of this question must be just and equitable and must meet the legitimate inter- ests and aspirations of every State and people in the re- gion. Ill. . Israel's withdrawal from the territories occupied since 1967 would constitute a major step towards such a final solution. The continued actions of the occupying Power to change the legal and demographic character of those lands is wholly unacceptable to us. Such actions as the recent decision by Israel to change the legal status of the Golan Heights have further aggravated an already complex situation. Likewise, Nepal believes that any en- during solution must inevitably recognize the right of every State in the region, including Israel, to live in peace within recognized and secure boundaries, free from threats and acts of violence. 112. The Palestinian people form an important element in the situation in the Middle East, and the PLO is the sole representative of the people of Palestine. This is the reality; no structure of lasting peace can be built without recognizing their legitimate rights and aspirations, includ- ing their right to a separate State. This calls for the full , participation of the Palestinian people, on an equal foot-· ing, in any comprehensive peace negotiation. 113. The tragic situation of Lebanon, caused by the re- peated violations of its sovereignty and territorial integ- rity, has added an unfortunate dimension to the problem of the Middle East. Nepal deeply regrets the indiscrimi- nate bombing by Israel of Beirut and other parts of Lebanon. By contributing a small contingent to serve with UNIFIL, Nepal has supported the United Nations ! 14. The course of events in the Middle East during the last 30 years has conclusively proved that war or th~ use of force can never lead to a solution. On the contrary. each resort to ml1itary force hw~ added to bitterness and laid thc groundwork for morl~ armed conflicts. t.JepaI. therefore. has always considered that a negotiated politi- cal settlemcnt is the only way to establish a just. compre- hcnsive and lasting peace which will enable all the peo- ples of that region to live in peace. security and harmony. Thc United Nations continues to provide a forum through \vhich the partics concerned can come to an understand- ing and thus create the atmosphere of trust and confi- dence which is essential for a lasting peacc in the region. Wc cannot over-emphasize the great impact peace and stahility in thc Middle East will have on international peacc' and security. As in the past. Nepal will continue to support and encourage any initiative which aims at the achievement of these goals.

Allow me at the outset, as we approach the conclusion of this session. to express my sincere admiration to Mr. Kit- tani of Iraq for the wisdom with which he is conducting the proceedings of the Assembly. He has demonstrated the high degree of ability, skill and experience which he gained during his career in the international Organization. 116. We should have preferred the situation in the Mid- dle East to be one of development, because ever since the Second World War the Arab people have longed to elimi- nate imperialism and foreign occupation so as to devote all its energy and focus all its attention on economic de- velopment and the achievement of the political and social progress that would enable it to deal with the realities of this age and to pursue its cultural and historical role. 117. However, the imperialist forces, when they realized the imminence of their departure from Arab territory and the inevitable end of their domination, influence, exploita- tion and control in the area, leaned entirely towards the side of the Zionist adventurer and implanted an alien en- tity in the heart of the Arab nation. 118. Israel came into being in the wake of the partition decision of 1947. and over the years it has expanded be- yond the borders set in the partition plan. By continual acts of aggression it has taken the whole of Palestine and encroached upon the territories of neighbouring Arab States. 119. The whole world is well aware that this was possi- ble only with the support of the colonial States, especially the United States of America, which provides the most sophisticated weapons and opens its treasury to Israel. The United States puts all its political weight behind that aggressive State. The United States right of veto has be- come a new Israeli weapon, which is brandished before the Arabs whenever they have recourse to the Security Council. 120. More than 100 peoples of the world have acceded to full independence during the era of the United Nations. The glori0us record of the Organization is demonstrated by its success in the sphere of decolonization and in ena- the unfair partition resolution in 1947. creating what we call today the problem of the Middle East. 121. Then the United Nations condoned the adventurism and the acts of aggression of that alien artificial entity, so that that entity has be.~n able to ravage the whole of the Palestinian homeland and expand its occupation to neigh- bouring Arab countries. Some great POWCiS, Members of the Organization, have after several wars provided that entity with military hardware, men and money; they have protected that entity in the Organization whenever neces- sary by resorting to their right of veto to obstruct the adoption of any of the deterrent measures against it in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law. 122. The 4 million Palestinians are victims of persecu- tioli and oppression under the Zionist occupation of their territory. They are a pe:>ple subjected to dismemberment and dispersion in the neighbouring areas and to fierce at- tacks. And the tragedy of that people puts a stigma on the international Organization. This tragedy is evidence of the flagrant incompetence, falseness, lies and hypocrisy of our world tod~y. Those who thought that they could get rid of this r.:ople and force it into submission or capitula- tion have failed. 123. We see the Palestinian people, under the leadership of the PLO, organizing its ranks, defying its adversaries and gaining the respect, support and admiration of the peoples of the world who recognize its existence. The Palestinian people is no longer alone on the battlefield, The whole Arab nation has been affected by the aggres- sion which- goes beyond the borders of Palestine and has blindly struck many areas outside Palestine. Today the Arab nation stands face to face with that octopus, and it feels that its existence, security, prosperity and stability are indivisible. 124_ The Israeli occupiers, who have been entrenched for so long and have defied and flouted United Nations resolutions and refused to withdraw from the occupied territories, are today disregarding all the rules of interna- tional law in attempting to change the nature of those ter- ritories. They bring in alien immigrants, establish dozens of settiements, proclaim the annexation of Jerusalem as their "eternal capital", plan to construct a canal to the disadvantage of the Palestinians and the Jordanians- which portends a permanent Israeli occupation-persist in their persecution of the Palestinians in the occupied ter- ritories in the hope of forcing them to emigrate, and try to force the inhabitants of the Syrian Golan Heiglits to emigrate or to acquire the new citizenship. The aggressors reach Beirut in pursuit of victims from among the Palesti- nian immigrants. They repeat their aggression against Lebanese territory. They have gone so far as to viola~e the airspace of Arab countries in attacking the nuclear reactor in Baghdad. 125. All this takes place while the General Assembl' and the Security Council are adopting a series of resolu- tions. How can Israel continue to defy the opinion of the international Organization and disregard the international " - ._--~~---------- 126. The ramifications and compexity of the situation in the Middle East increase with every passing day and threaten the securit~!. peace and prosperity of the entire world. 127. Last weekend the United States handed over a val- iant young man. Ziad AhlJ Eain. who had spent about two and a half years in United States prisons. to the Isra- eli occupation authorities. A group of notahle Americans defended him and demanded that he not be extradited and handed over to his enemies. In addition. high officials of Arah countries and Amb ambassadors in Wishini!ton con- tinued their official efforts on his behalf in the American capital. If he was to be extradited. he should he sent to Jordan. since he holds a Jordanian passport. All of a sud- den last weekend w-.: learned of his extradition to the oc- cupied territory: he had been handed over to his enemies. This i:-; a grave precedent. Nobody would have believed that the United States would do such a thini!. as it is always talking about the principles of human '-rights und international law. 128. The muss t ••cdia have also surprised us hy another grave piece of information: the introduction in the Kncsset by the Israeli authorities of a draft bill concelTI- ing the application of Israeli rules and laws to the oc- cupied Syrian Golan Heights in preparation for the erad- ication of the Arab and Syrian character of that area and for its annexation. This is a challenge to the whole world: it is a flagrant violation of international law. a new provocation'- which can only complicate the situation in the Middle East. These new developments will give rise to new and more serious dimensions in the conflict at a time when international attempts are being made to estab- lish a just. permanent and total peace in the area. It is the duty of the Organization to warn Israel of the grave con- sequences of that action and. on hehalf of the interna- tional community. to declare it null and void. 129. Thus the Middle East problem becomes more com- plicated day by day, threatening peace and security not only in the Middle East but in the whole world. Whatever may be the falsifications and evasiveness of Israel, en- couraged by the great Power behind it, the international community will know no peace until the Middle East problem is solved in a just and proper manner. 130. The solution is clear: the withdrawal of Israel from all the occupied Arab territories in Palestine and in the neighbouring Arab States, thus enabling the Palestinian people to determine its own destiny and to establish its own independent State on its territory and in its capital, the Holy Clty of Jerusalem, under the leadership of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people. Unless all that is achieved, the whole world will pay a high price, and the suffering will not be confined within the borders of the Middle East. 132. This arrogant and aggressive attitude of Israel not only contravenes the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and repudiates its international obligations under the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, I but also invites potential dangers of unlimited proportions from all sides. 133. It has become a tragic irony that Israel, which has broken the world's criminal record of lawlessness by its belligerence towards the Palestinians and other Arab na- tions, was admitted to membership in the United Nations, under resolution 273 (Ill) of 11 May 1949, entitled .~­ mission of Israel to membership in the United Nations", un certain conditions and after Israel had declared that it unreservedly accepted the obligations of the Charter of the United Nations and undertoo{: to honour them from the day when it became a Member of the United Nations. 134. This was a clear warning to Israel to desist from its belligerent behaviour towards its Arab neighbours. Re- grettably, however, that resolution, together with a multi- tude of other resolutions and decisions adoptee ....nce then by the Ger3ral Assemb!,;, and the Security Council, did not preven~ israel from perpetrating further open aggres- sion against the Palestinians and other Arab people in the occupied territories. 135. This perpetual aggression by the Zionist entity against Arab rights could not have lasted so long had it not been for the unconditional and cOl)tinuously abundant supply ·ja [Jolitical, financial and military support it re- ceives from its United States guardians. It is very regret- table tbi"': under this protective umbrella the illegal Israeli aggression against the Arab nations has grown to dan- gerous proportions. 136. FolIgwing the illegitimate adoption of Israel, the world h!iS become bewildered by the alarming escalation of violence against the Palestinians and the inhuman treat- ment of the Arabs in the occupied land. The ongoing ex- pansionist policy of illegal Israeli settlements in the oc- cupied Arab territories; the renewed and intensified brutal attacks on the Palestinians and Lebanese people in south- ern Lebanon; the sinister annexation of Jerusalem as the e~ernal and indivisible capital .ty of the Israeli regime and the evil purpose of altering the character and the sta- tus of the Holy City of Jerusalem; the persistent and de- fiant refusal of Israel to withdraw from Lebanese ter- ritory; the recent Israeli bombing of the Iraqi nuclear research installations of Osirak. near Baghdad. causing considerable loss of life and property; and the recent Isra- eli activities in building a canal to link the Dead Sea to the Mediterranean-these are all vivid examples of delib- ~ erate acts of active provocation which maintain the ex- 910sive state of acute tension in the region. 137. It is very regrettable that so far all the resolutions designed to force Israel to stop its illegal pra~.ices and to settle the Middle East crisis have shown the utmost weak- ness in dealing with the very core of the Arab-Israeli con- flict. The whole world is cognizant of the impossibility. of bringing about a durable peace settlement in the Middle 138. The Government and people of Djibouti strongly reaffirm that the question of Palestine is the heart of the problem of the Middle East and that only the recognition of the inalienable right of the Palestinian people to re- cover their usurped rights, leading to the establishment of an independent Palestinian State, and the unconditional withdrawal of Israeli forces from the Arab territories oc- cupied since June 1967, including Jerusalem, can lead to a durable and lasting peace in the region. 139. All endeavours in the search for a peaceful solu- tion of the Middle East crisis should fully take into ac- count and enable the participation on an equal footing of the PLO, the sole legitimate representative of the Palesti- nian people, as a full partner in all negotiations directly or i'1directly concerning the Palestinian people. 140.· At a time when all the Arab leaders have put their minds to the search for workable solutions leading to the establishment of peace and permanent security in the Middle East, we are confronted with the fact that the Isra- eli authorities are bent on aggressive acts and are inex- haustibly devising schemes to disrupt all the efforts being made to achieve a peaceful settlement in that region. 141 . The Government and people of Djibouti are vig- orously opposed to the Zionist policy of Israel, which, in a naked conspiracy with imperialistic aims, has usurped Palestine and other Arab lands. We reiterate our condem- nation of the aggressive attitude of Israel, which has over the years become immune to international peace efforts. 14f It cannot be denied that the Arab nation has always demonstrated to the whole world that it wants peace to prevail in the region. It cannot be denied either that the Arabs, who have the faith and the capacity to develop and prosper, have shown their unshakable determination to live in dignity and honour on the land of their heritage and have proved to be a viable partner and a force which could contribute a great deal to the establishment of the new international socio-economic order for which the world--developing and developt'd alike-has been yearn- ing for so long. 143. In contradiction to this encouraging peaceful at- titude shown by the Arabs, we find Israel turning a deaf ear to all international pressures to come to terms with the Palestinians and other Arab nations. Instead, Israel has unwisely chosen to consolidate its capacities for aggres- sion against the Arab nation, in spite of its realization that it has lost the political and diplomatic war in the Arab- Israeli conflict. 144. As we notice today the emergence of a popular trend of a change of opinion leading to widespread sup- port for the Palestinian and Arab cause in spheres not pre- viously prone to change, we find Israel feverishly man- oeuvring to confuse the actual issues of the conflict in the Middle East with its moribund falsehood, namely, that it is fighting for its life and security against the Arabs in the Middle East. 145. It is very important to realize that this change of opinion has come as a result of the international commu- nity's gaining an insight into the reality of the conflict, which favours the Arab cause, as well as of the fact that 146. The plight of the Lebanese people and the deterio- rating situation in southern Lebanon are an obvious exten- sion of the strategy of the Israeli cancerous aggression, whose sole aim is to disrupt Arab unity. The continuous violat~on of Lebanese airspace, land and territorial waters by Israel and its intensive attacks on the heavily populated quarters of Beirut. killing thousands of civilians and de- stroying property, are vivid examples of this strategy. 147. The whole world has repeatedly condemned the Is- raeli plan to sabotage Lebanese sovereignty and has re- affirmed the urgent need for protection of the unity, sov- ereignty and territorial integrity of Lebanon. 148. We believe that appropriate pressure should be put on Israel by all peace-loving nations to force it to with- draw completely from Lebanese territory so that the south can come under the authority of the Lebanese State. We demand that more significant steps be taken in the efforts to condemn the Israeli activities in Lebanon, thereby ena- bUng the Lebanese Government to overcome the crisis by regaining full Lebanese sovereignty. 149. We are shocked at the alarming news that the Is- raeli Kncsset has very recently passed legislation with re- gard to the annexation of the Golan Heights in the Syrian Arab Republic. We regard the timing of this Israeli move as an insult to and open defiance of this body. especially at a time when it is seized of the problem of the Middle East. We also regard it as an irresponsible act of violation of the United Nations principle of inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by war. In this regard. we declare that it has no legal validity. as it constitutes a violation of the Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949 1 and repre- sents a serious obstruction to the efforts aimed at achiev- ing a just and lasting peace in the Middle East. 150. We call upon all peace-loving nations vehemently to reject the waves of aggressive and expansionist move- ment by the Tel Aviv regime and to condemn all meas- ures taken by that regime in the occupied Arab territories to change the demographic and geographic character and institutional structure of those territories and to declare them null and void. 15t. In conclusion, we declare our firm belief that, un- less the whole world resolutely concerts its efforts to stand up against the Israeli belligerency in the Middle East, and unless a final solution of the Palestinian prob- lem is found, we shall witness further confrontations which may plunge our modem world into an era of eco- nomic, social, political and military calamities that may annihilate us. 152. It is our fervent hope that the advent of this calam- itous era will be averted by the collective wisdom of the international community in the GeneraI Assembly and es- pecially the Security Council in applying to Israel, once and for all, the necessary comprehensive mandatory sanc- tions provided for under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations, to ensure that the Israeli authorities aban- don their irresponsible acts of war against the Arab na- ... lion. ~.~~~~0~=~-=-~='--~~~ ~.~--=~ --=-'~~7~---_-=~=~~'-~~"-----~~-~~=~~---' ~.~~~ ~-~~~ 154. On the international scene a decade of detente has been shattered by the Reagan Administration. The evolv- ing cold war is heating up in our region. The Israeli war machine has been let loose against the Palestinian people and their Lebanese brothers and sisters. The Middle East today is more polarized and more militarized than ever. 155. The military-industrial comple~ in Washington is bartering oil for turmoil. Like the prospective American salesman, American foreign policy makers have reduced their options to the art of selling arms and creating a mar- ket for them. In the Middle East the new marketing ploy is called the strategic consensus. 156. Apart from the American flair for coining high- sounding phrases, the notion of a strategic consensus in the Middle East has a particularly revealing meaning. Washington is not only insensitive to the plight of the Palestinian people living under Zionist occupation, it not only pretends to ignore the Arab-Israeli conflict which is now a focal point of international tension; Washington seeks to underline its commitment to Israel, to formalize its partnership with it, and to pursuade and pressure the Arabs to accept this. The strategic consensus is but a smoke-screen. Washington's real aim is to forge a strate- gic alliance with Israel, an alliance directed against the aspirations of the Palestinian people and the security of the Arab States. The Washington-Tel Aviv axis is unleash- ing a policy of destabilization in the whole region. Hav- ing effectively neutralized Egypt, thus dividing the Arab world, Washington is warming up to engage its forces in combat against the progressive regimes in the region. Op- eration Bright Star has been orchestrated to intimidate those who refuse to be parties to America's imperialist designs. Little wonder that those military manoeuvres took place across the borders of Democratic Yemen. the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and Ethiopia. 157. The United States is creating the spectre of a bogus enemy only to shield Israel, our real enemy and its strate- gic ally in the region. Those who have agreed to lease their territories and to participate in America's war games not only are serving American interests and losing some of their national dignity, but also are helplessly supporting the Israeli aggression against the Arab nation. 158. It is an acknowledged fact that the conflict in the Middle East cannot be re'Solved without a ju.st and hon- ourable solution of the Palestinian question. The interna- tional community has consistently upheld the right of the Palestinian people to national self-determination and state- hood. Yet the United States conveniently ignores the core issue. because it can only address the question of Pal- estine from the Israeli perspective. 159. American foreign policy in the Middle East goes beyond its commitment to the security of Israel. It is predicated on the assumption that what is good for Israel is good for America. Hence, the United States is liable to Israeli manipulation and extortion. 161. The second Sinai agreement is not a one-time deal. It is a pattern that reflects the most profound Israeli think- - ing and policy. War, for Israel, is a vocation. It is a way of life and a reason for being. Israel demands a geo-polit- ical reward for its aggression and a price for its with- drawal. Consequently, the Arabs are left with few op- tions. They should surrender either their territories or their sovereignty, or both. That is the American formula for peace in the Middle East, and that is why we reject it. 162. There is anc;~ler war being waged against the Arabs, a psychological war. The United States and its apologists in our region are propagating the idea that it i~ time for the Arabs to come up with their own initiatives and plans. This is a calculated att~mpt to blame the Arabs for Israel's intransigence and to convince them to give up their rights for an elusive peace. 163. It is necessary only to point to the autonomy plan oifered to the Palestinians at Camp David. This is now a mere proposal to regroup occupation forces with a s~all sweetener of local self-government. 165. The Palestinian people and their Arab compatriots yearn for a genuine peace in the Middle East, peace that is both honourable and just. Israel has to withdraw from all the occupied Arab territories without a price, political or otherwise. The Palestinian people have to exercise their inaH~nable national rights and establish their own inde- pendent and free State in Palestine, without conditions. That is the verdict of the international community. There will be no peace so long as the United States considers Israel to be its outpost and gendarme in the Middle East and so long as Israel aspires to be a regional Power and not the tiny entity it is.

When Mr. Kittani as- sumed the presidency of this session on 15 September, he so rightly advised us to devote the session to implementa- tion and follow-up rather than repetitious statements and the inevitable resolutions that follow. Today, three months later, when we are on the eve of concluding the main tasks of this session, he might well say that we have not exactly heeded that salutary advice. He also remarked that most of the important issues on the Assembly's agenda have been exhaustively studied and that hundreds of reso- lutions concerning those issues have been adopted year after year. 167. In the debate we are about to conclude on the sit- uation in the Middle East, perhaps a third of the members have already spoken on their own behalf or through a rep- resentative speaking on behalf of a group. The same is perhaps true of the other important items on the agenda on which there have been debates, if not in plenary meet- ing, then in the Committees. The President himself men- tioned some of those issues" such as disarmament. Namibia, apartheid or the inalienable rights of the Palesti- nian ; eople. On practically all these matters, including the present debate, it would not be wrong to say that we h~ve not added to the fund of our knowledge. 168. Nevertheless, my de~~gation, like the many preced- ing us, does feel obliged to speak even at the expense of being repetitive because on all these issues, and no less on the situation in the Middle East, we feel so helpless about the absence of the smallest movement towards a solution. What we witness is, if anything, rathet a con- tinuing deterioration or worsening of the position. Nev- ertheless, my delegation will endeavour to respond to the President's advice by refraining from making a lengthy statement. 169. Before I commence my other remarks, let me say on behalf of my delegation that there can be no compre- hensive settlement in the Middle East without the full ex- ercise by the Palestinian people of their inalienable na- tional rights. For such a settlement the Pill, the sole representative of the Palestinian people, must participate on an equal footing. Peace in the Middle East is indivisi- ble, and any solution must ensure the complete and un- conditional withdrawal of Israel from the Palestinian and other Arab territories occupied since 1967. This alone will enable the Palestinian people to exercise their ipalien- able rights, including the right to return, self-determina- "The situation in the Middle East with all its com- plexities and ramifications continues to be of central concern to the entire international community, contain- ing as it does an explosive potential of conflict en- dangering world peace." [See A/36/1. sect. l~] 171. The sentiments of the international community could not have been better expressed. If we werp briefly to recount events in the Middle East during the last twelve months, we would see a transition from one crisis to another. The occupied West Bank and Jerusalem are the scene of recurrent violence, violence that is inevitable when an oppress~d people asserts its determination to live in its land in dignity. The sovereignty of Lebanon is re- peatedly violated and its territory almost dismembered. Arab land is being annexed with a total disregard for in- ternational law and the Geneva Convention of 12 August 1949.. Iraq's sovereignty was violated by a pre-emptive attack on its nuclear facility. 172. Yesterday we learnt of the latest development, namely the annexation by Israel of the Golan Heights in defiance of international law and of the resolutions of the Assembly and in disregard of the sensitivities of its friends and allies. If past practice provides a precedent, we shall have a resolution of disapproval. of non-recogni- tion of this seizure, and Israel will carry on regardless. 173. We may be asked what has happened since the adoption of General Assembly resolution 35/207 of 16 December 1980. In his report [A/36/655] the Secretary- General acknowledges having received some 9 or 10 com- munications or resolutions adopted by different interna- tional gatherings over the last year. None of these has had the slightest impact on the Government of Israel, whose policies and actions have been those of total disregard of the views not only of the Assembly but of every other gathering that deems it appropriate to pronounce on the Middle East situation. The Assembly should know that any pronouncement, any step taken by Governments or intemational or regional bodies that are critical of the pol- ~cies of Israel is promptly seized upon as not merely criti- calor hostile but as endangering the very existence of (he State of Israel. The policies of the Govel11ment of IsraeJ. are designed not so much to seek a lasting settlement in which all States in the region can live in peace within recognized boundaries, but rather to establish a State of Israel whose boundaries are visualized in the biblical con- text of an undefined greater Israel. 174. It is no secret that Israel could not afford to pursue these policies in defiance of international opinion unless it had the support of Powers who are of consequence beyond their region. The persistent acts of aggression against Is- rael's neighbours in Lebanon, the Syrian Arab Republic and the occupied West Bank would not be possible if States outside the region had not involved themselves in this conflict for political, military and strategic considera- tions. 175. What has been said in this debate. which has now become an annual debate on this item~ is in reality ad- dressed to thos.e who have the power and the capacity but unfortunately a lack of will to bring about a settlement 176. As he so rightly said then, there is no lack of reso- lutions. There is a multitude of resolutions, adopted both by the Assembly and the Security 'CounCil, which give directives and recommendations and spell out the inten- tions of the international community. Here they are adopted annually with large enough majorities, though perhaps with varying degrees of conviction. What is lack- ing, as the President said, is resolve or commitment to translate these resolutions into reality. It is just such a commitment which we seek at the conclusion of this. de- bate.

The last speaker in the debate is the observer of the League of Arab States. I call on him in accordance with General Assembly resolution 477 (V) of 1 Novembcr 1950.

As the debate on the situation in the Middle East comes to its final stages, we are faced with unravelling developments in that region that are tending to bring us to the brink of confrontation. The General Assembly has deliberated and debated the situation in the Middle East, and we have succeeded in a diagnosis of the situation in full detail. 179. We all know the reasons why there is tension and destabilization. We all know the root causes of the present violence. But where do we go from there? The Israeli attempts to render peripheral the debates of the General Assembly, to marginalize the efforts of this body, to make these deliberations into a matter of an annual routine, to reduce the significance of this world body as the mecha- nism for bringing about peace and security in the world are now well established and everybody knows about them. 180. If we examine the Israeli pOSItiOn, its insulting posture and its attempt to conduct a form of intellectual and diplomatic terrorism, if we examine the terseness with which the United States delegation spoke on the Middle East situation, telling us patronizingly that we should address outselves to broader issues, we find that their description of the situation in the Middle East is based on three false assumptions. 181. The first is that Security Council resolution 242 (1967) must form the basis of any form of settlement. That resolution was adopted in the aftermath of Israel's military aggression in 1967. At that time the United States delegation made efforts to delete the word "the" from the expression "withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from [the] territories occupied in the recent conflict". The deletion of the word "the" was interpreted by Mr. Gold- berg as allowing for only minor rectifications of the pre-1967 borders. and not as representing the weight of occupation. Lord Caradon. the author of that resolution. described it as a resolution of constructive ambiguity. 182. We found that Israel alone interpreted the deletion of the word "the" to mean that any withdrawal what- soever constitutes compliance. Further, the deletion of the word "the" was interpreted-and intended-by Israel to give it the freedom to legitimize occupation anywhere it wished to do so. The latest manifestation of that inter- 184. Moreover, that resolution has enabled Israel to convince the United States that any form of minor com- pliance. such as that in the Sinai. constitutes a major con- cession and a major sacrifice on the part of Israel. Hence the attempts to pamper Israel by saying that it is "sacri- ficing" while it is merely complying. Israel has thus used 'the resolution as an excuse for limited compliance. which it called "major concessions", in order to buy time in which to unfold the process of its colonization of the oc- cupied territories. 185. How can we accept the argument that resolution 242 (1967) is the only basis for any eventual comprehen- sive settlement in the Middle East when the question of the Palestinians is not even m,"ntioned in it, but is rather treated as a refugee problem? That has allowed Israel to interpret that part of the resolution more in terms of "ex- change of populations" than in terms of the Palestinian people's right to return, its right to self-determination, and its right to build its own State in its homeland. 186. The situation in the Middle East requires that reso- lution 242 (1967) be treated more as a source of input than as the sole basis for a solution, a basis upon which American policy and other policies seek to allow Israel to excuse its occupation, using Israel's own interpretation of the resolution as a pretext. 187. It is time for a reassessment in the Iight of the pattern of this Israeli interpretation and of the pattern of United States permissiveness towards it. 188. The new development in the Middle East is the growing irrelevance of resolution 242 (1967). I am not suggesting that it should be abandoned, but it should be put in its proper context and drawn on as a factor in the overall resolution of the situation rather than as the sole basis for a solution in the Middle East. 189. The second false assumption involves the inter- pretation of the so-called Camp David agreements. We have been told repeatedly that it is necessary for the inter- national community and the Arab world to allow the Camp David agreements to run their course so that our Egypt can regain sovereignty over part of its own ter- ritory. 190. I should like to state that the League of Arab States and the Arab nation as a whole are eager to see the return of Egypt's territory. for Sinai is an Arab occupied territory. We want Sinai to return to Egypt with the sa"me intensity that we want the Golan Heights to return to the Syrian Arab Republic and all the P.alestinian occupied ter- ritories to return to the Palestinian people. 191. The Arab nation and the occupied territories are organically interlinked and interrelated. Our objection to the Camp David agreements is not that they would ensure the return of Sinai to Egypt: that may be their only 192. We appreciate Egypt's condemnation of the annexa- tion laws of Israel~ we expect such condemnation, because Egypt is entrenched within the Arab national constituency and is able to articulate its attitudes. But we cannot un- derstand-nor will we understand-that the declaration of annexation of the Golan Heights will not affect Israeli- Egyptian relations. We cannot accept any form of paral- ysis of Egypt within the Arab national front. That is why we understand and comprehend that if the Camp David agreements are utilized as a way of paralysing the two other parties to the Camp David agreements-namely the United States and Egypt-in their global and regional re- sponsibilities towards an overall, comprehensive and just peace in the region, then the Camp David agreements, like resolution 242 (1967), have been interpreted by one .party as a means of paralysing the influence and the lev- erage of the other two parties. 193. That is why we have rejected the Camp David agreements as a mechanism. Although the United States delegation asserts that those agreements are the only thing going as a method of achieving peace, we have seen that the peace that has been achieved has been interpreted- and the Camp David agreements enabled Israel so to in- terpret it-as license for Israel to strike at will, wherever it wants, without the constraints that Egypt's leadership in the region would have exerted were it not for the Camp David agreements. 194. The United States considers the Camp David . agreements as the only mechanism, and thus its intention and objective are to paralyse the mechanism of the United Nations and all genuine efforts at a comprehensive peace in the region. Since the Camp David agreements, we have seen how Israel found it convenient, under the pretense of the agreements, to usurp Jerusalem, to annex tile Golan Heights, to strike in southern Lebanon and to overcome and destroy certain sectors of Beirut. kill ing in thc most barbaric way thc civilian population. both Lebanese and P.alestinian. Wc have seen how it has bombarded the nuclear research faciJities in Baghdad: wc have seen how it has maintained its capacity to pre-empt the right of the legitimate Lebanese authorities to exercise full sovereignty over part of southern Lebanon. We have seen how. under the pretense of the Camp David agreements. the United States and Egypt were paralysed diplomatically because they felt that any condemnation or any punitive measures determined by the international community might lead Israel to use the agreements as onc of its ways to manipu- late the international community so as to have a green light to do whatever it seeks to do in the region. 195. The third pillar of Israel's interpretation of its own bebaviour pattern in the Middle East-the pillar upon which it rests its ability to destroy the chances of peace, to destabilize the situation. to increase tension, to arro- gate licence to itself and. ex carhedra. to declare what it wants-is the so-called strategic agreement between the United States and Israel. That strategic agreement was intended more as an instrument for increasing the chances of a cold war. leading to a situation where polarization bccomcs danlrcrous and incvitable. The stratclric alrrce- mcnt soulrht it) brinlr the relrion into a c(mfront:ltion ~with itself. instcad of cOllfronlati~m with occupation. The stra- 196. The strategic agreement between Israel and the United States means that Israel would have immunity to do whatever it wants to do under the pretext that it is enhancing the strategic objectives of the partners in the strategic agreement. Geopolitics took over from policy. That is why today-at a moment when international ten- sion is increasing, when the whole international commu- nity, especially in Europe, is seeking to prevent total po- larization between East and West and to prevent the establishment of nuclear facilities' in the area, when the great constituency of conscience in Europe asserting its right to play a constructiv.e role in order to bring about expeditious disarmament, when the peoples of the third world are seeking to affirm the priority of development and the transformation of their societies in order to bring themselves into the twentieth century during the twentieth century-we find that the Middle East is being singled out as an arena of international violence, with the worst scenarios being played out in our midst, preventing us from developing a unity in which we seek to affirm our own priorities of development and transformation. 197. That is why the strategic agreement between the United States and Israel upsets our prio.rities. It gives Is- rael the means with which to annex the Golan Heights, as it did yesterday. Therefore, today Israel is able to say that its annexation of the Golan Heights is its own interpreta- tion of resolution 242 (1967). It is its own licence under the Camp David agreements. and it has the excuse of the strategic agreement. It is necessary that we ask the ques- tion of those who have provided Israel with the imple- ments of aggression. whether diplomatic. strategic or mil- itary: do the other two parties to the Camp' David agreements, namely. the United States and Egypt, allow such a development to take place and to remain without using the sanctions and leverage they have in order to deter Israel and make it rescind its annexationist policies and declare them null and void? If so, the Camp David agreements would no longer be agreements of paralysis: they would be the green light that has enabled Israel to defy the international community. 198. Let me say here that the League of Arab States and the Arab nation do not consider this pattern of interpreta- tion. the Camp David agreements or the strategic agree- ment to be proper alternatives to the United Nations. We believe that we must enhance the capability of the United Nations. not render it ineffective. as was done in the past to the League of Nations when the teeth were taken out of its deliberations. The United Nations remains the proper framework for making and achieving peace. In the Middle East, in particular. we want to extricate problem-solving from the tensions and polarization of the cold war and from the exigencies of strategic considerations so that the issues involved become believable. implementable and ex- amined on their merits, as they have been diagnosed and prescribed by various United Nations committees and in the reports of the Secretary-General. 200. It is this new fascism which has been unleashed and goes unchecked because it interprets the Camp David agreements. resolution 242 (1967) and the strategic al- liance as a licence for it to achieve its expansionist and aggressive objectives in the region. unchecked by the United Nation~, which it seeks to render helpless and hopeless. 201. At this juncture, when mankind finds the interna- tional situation as a whole amenable to new kinds of ra- cism and dangerous polarization, the role of non-align- ment-the corrective role in the region and throughout the world-would enable us to join with the corrective, positive and constructive forces throughout the world. Non-alignment is not an isolationist policy, but a positive, corrective policy in today's world. 202. As we pursue our objective of peace in the region, we realize that the central issue, the core, is the Palesti- nians' right to self-determination and to build their own State in their homeland. They are the only people who have been systematically denied the right to national self- determination and right of statehood in their oWn country. They and the people of Namibia are a testimony to the ability of racism to recrudesce: they remain witnesses to the fact that mankind cannot remain indifferent to the fate of those who have been disfranchised and dispossessed. 203. With the tragedies unfolding in Lebanon, the sup- pression and forced citizenship imposed on the Arab peo- ple of the Golan Heights today, the annexation of Jerusa- lem and Israel's annexation of more than 37 per cent of Palestine and occupied territories. it is time that we an- swer the fundamental question: is the United Nations to be a platform for empty and inconsequential rhetoric and resolutions, or is it to resume its credibility and effective- ness as those who established it intended?

I shall now call on those repre- sentatives who have asked to be allowed to speak in exer- cise of the right of reply. 205. Mr. SASSI <Lihyan Arah Jamahiriya) (ill1el1JreICl- liOIl ji-0111 Arabic): Last Friday. during the dehate on the situation in the Middle E.lst. the representative of the Zionist entity accused my country and the leader of its revolution of terrorism. What is ridiculous is to be ac- cused of terrorism hy the Zionist entity. If they call us terrorists hecause we aid liheration movements around the world. we accept that name. If that representative has in mind the real meaning of ·'terrorism'·. then th.it descrip- tion applies rather more to the Zionist entity itself. Was it not the Zionist entity which expelled a people from its land and country in order to huild its racist entity thcre? Does it not daily imprison dozens of Palestinian Arahs simply hecause they demand their right to determine the future of their usurped homeland? Does not that entity commit aggression and violation in· southern Lehanon? Does it fi(~tcontinue to occupy Arah territories in spite of the resolutions adopted hy the General Asscmhly. the Se- curity Council and other appropriate agencies'! Was it not that entity which destroyed homcs and committed acts of 206. In refuting the allegations made by the represen- tative of the Zionist entity, we affirm that those alle- gations are but camouflage for the genocide committed by that entity against the Palestinian people. Also we find that they are designed, as is the practice of that represen- tative, to divert attention from the real reason for the problem. 207. Those are some of the facts that clarify beyond doubt the real nature of that entity. The allegations made by the representative of the Zionist entity are complete fabrications created to besmirch the firm position taken by my country concerning the right of peoples to self-deter- mination and freedom. 208. My country will always support the liberation movements of the world until the struggle of those move- ments for freedom and independence is crowned with suc- cess. The peoples of the world are called upon more than ever to strive to protect humanity from the evils of zionism, which sows the seeds of discord everywhere ut the world. 209. The Zionist entity repeated the words of its mas- ters and those of the mass media hostile to the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya which have been spreading groundless lies about the Jamahiriya and accusing it of supporting terr.orism. The Jamahiriya has been and will always be against all forms of terrorism. My country has declared this position and will always adhere to it. 210. The Zionist spokesman, wl!en he made utterly groundless allegations concerning the relationship between the Jamahiriya and terrorism, omitted something. What can one call the shooting down by Israeli warplanes of a Libyan airliner a few years ago when it was en route to Cairo, which caused the death of more than 100 pas- sengers? The Zionist spokesman forgot to tell us about the Zionist terrorism against the people of Palestine and its pursuit of them even into the territories of other States after they have been expelled from their own land. The Zionist spokesman conveniently forgot that the world has learned a lesson from history, which is that any racist regime. like the Zionist regime, can survive only on ter- rorism and murder. The Libyan Arab Jamahiriya, in sup- porting the Palestinian people and the PLO in their efforts to regain their land and recover their rights, feels that it is undertaking a national duty which is not at ali incompati- ble with the rights of the Palestinian people as recognized by the international community and as provided for in the Charter of the United Nations. 211. If the Zionist spokesman means to imply that our support of the Palestinian people is terrorism, then b,e must be labouring under a delusion, and there is no doubt that he understands nothing about the meaning of the word terrorism. 212. As for Chad, the spokesman from the Zionist en- tity must realize that we in Africa are capable of dealing with cur own affairs and do not need adyice from anyone. There is a tremendous difference between entering a State to expel its people and to pursue a policy of usurpation and occupation, and entering a State at the request of its

I admit at the outset that words, no matter how'eloquent and pithy, and information, no matter how abundant, will be unable to describe and portray the bloody Iranian re- gime led by Khomeini and his coterie of ayatollahs and mullahs. I am sure that representatives do not need any more information about that bloody regime. 215. However. I should like to address the Iranian repre- sentative in this Hall. Maybe his conscience will bring him back to his senses and he will realize the reality of the tragedy which his country ~s undergoing so that be- fore it is too late he will join the dozens of youn'g diplo- mats who strive to preserve the national interests of Iran and who resigned in protest over the scandals and mas- sacres committed daily by Khomeini and his clique against the people of Iran and its true combatants. 216. Iran today is experiencing an unprecedented trag- edy. Murder, murder and yet more murder, everywhere in Iran. is the picture which ornaments the face of Knomeini and his bloody and hateful regime. I declare here that I shall award a valuable cash prize to anyone who can give the correct number of innocent citizens murdered at the hands of Khomeini and his non-revolutionary guards. 217. Allow me to read a table containing the numbers of those who ~ere officially declared to have been mur- dered by Khomeini last week; the figure for those not declared is much larger. 218. Last Friday, 20 Iranian citizens were executed, 17 were executed on Sunday, 18 on Monday, 43 on Tuesday, 25 on Wednesday, and 27 on Thursday. In the same week, the Iranian opposition reported from Paris an un- precedented crime, the execution in Shiraz of Mrs. Fatirna Zakiri, who was five months pregnant, while Mrs. Zahour Abul Fateh was executed in Tabriz in her sixth month of pregnancy. Also Nurullah al-Turkuki, a 15-year- old secondary school student in a vocational institute, was executed and his body was given to his parents after his fingers and other parts of his body had been amputated. The racist criminal clique of Khomeini's regime has be- come a heavy burden for and a disgrace to Islam, Moslems and human history. It is a corrupt and backward regime based on aggression, racism and murder; 219. Here I should like to address the representative of Iran. Does he deny that his brutal regime intends to ex- port its destructive revolution to Iran's neighbouring coun- tries and to threaten them with occupation? Does he re- member how Khomeini recanted his demands to the Americans regarding prerequisites for freeing the hos- tages? Does he not agree that all that was a performance staged by the two parties IQ give Khomeini an oppor- tunity to save his regime. which was about to collapse, and to give the United States an opportunity to surround the Arab homeland with its aggressive fleets and for its warships to come into the Arabian Gulf on the pretext of 220. Does the Iranian representative know what is hap- pening in the north of Iran to the Kurdish citizens? Their cities are being bombarded, houses are being destroyed and innocent victims are being murdered simply because they are demanding their legitimate national rights like their brother Kurds in the north of Iraq. What has hap- pened to the national movement which overthrew the Shah's regi~e? What has become of those who brought Khomeini back to Iran? What has happened to Kho- meini's .aides, his men and those responsible persons like Rajai, Bahishti, Ghotbzadeh and Yazdi? Where is the first President of the Republic? . 221 . What is the fate of the clerics who opposed the Shah's regime with patience and courage until they over- threw it and who did not escape abroad as Khomeini did? What is the fate of Ayatollah Sharia't Madari and Ayatollah Hassan Koumi, who spent several years in the Shah's gaols? Does the representative of Iran not re- member how Khomeini's guards stripped the latter in public in spite of his age, his religious prestige and his patriotic record'? Does he remember how they shaved the beard of his son Mahmoud, a well-known cleric? Why did the names of Ayatollah Shahab El Din Mara'ashi and Ayatollah Mohammad Rida Raldiajani disappear from the political arena, although they are still supporters of Kho- meini? Does he remember that the grandson of Khomeini, Hojat El Islam Hussein Khomeini, stated in one of his speeches in Mashad last summer that the regime was worse than that of the Shah, and that he was later trans- ferred to Qum to live under house arrest, like other cler- ics? Do I need to remind him of the number and the names of the clerics who have been murdered by Kho- meini or whom he conspired by different means to get rid of? I think that he does not need reminding. Perhaps the representative is one of those who gained the honour of committing crimes in Iran and therefore was rewarded by being assigned to this international organization. If he is really keen on protecting the clerics, he should protest the practices of Khomeini against them. If he is a true Moslem, he should resign today. To shed tears here over a criminal like Baker El Sadr-who was arrested by the Iraqi authorities after having been. caught committing a crime against the people and Government of Iraq-will be of no benefit at all to him in this Hall. 222. The regime of Iran has betrayed Islam and its glorious heritage, which built the greatest civilization in the history of mankind upon love, peace, brotherhood and equality: "0 people, we have created you in tribes and peoples, so that you may get to know each other. The closest to God is the most pious." . 223. Mr. Azizur Rahman, the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, said in a statement to Reuters, "The Kho- meini regime is committing acts that are inadmissible to Islam. Islam forbids indiscriminate murder." 224. As for the co-operation between the two racist re- gimes in Iran and occupied Palestine, we have nothing to add to what we said in this Hall yesterday (97th meeting) except to quote the following from Neue! Volksblatt, the newspaper of the People's Party of Austria: "The secret , contacts between the Khomeini regime and Israel in sev- ~.\" ;"~==-_.~~~==-==.::.--=._-.;;~-~~.c=.~~.,..",,~- ~~.=::.===.==-.:=--_._ ' '-"~'=-== ~_ _."--",,~."':~~,.,.,..,,,CC' 225. The news media last week confirmed that Kho- meini executed two Palestinian youths accused of leaking important information about the co-operation between Is- rael and Khomeini. The non-Islamic guard of Khomeini has been surrounding the offices of the PLO for the past several weeks-

I would ask the represent(Jtive of Iraq to conclude his statement.

The Egyptian delegation listel1ed with its usual at- tention to what was said by Mr. Maksoud at the end of the debate on the question of the Middle East. There are perhaps some points on which I do not disagree with him, but I must say that in his statement there are once again points which call for comment and explanation from us. I shall comment on only two points: the first concerning Security Council resolution 242 (1967) and the second concerning the Camp David agreements. 228. Egypt's position is well known. It is firmly con- vinced that resolution 242 (1967) is still the main base for all Arab and international action for restoration of the oc- cupied Arab territories and establishment of lasting peace in the Middle East. The principle of the inadmissibility of the acquisition of territory by force is the cornerstone of our policy regarding the safeguarding of the rights of the Arabs to their lands. What we in fact oppose is a wrong interpretation of resolution 242 (1967), wherever it may be made. We are not against the resolution itself. 229. Egypt also has a finn posit~on on the framework of the Camp David agreements. We consider that these agreements are based on the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and on United Nations resolutions. Suffice it to say that they have led to the liberation of Sinai and to growing international support for the Palesti- nian cause and have advanced towards a peaceful settle- ment of the issue. Here I welcome Mr.. Maksoud's state- ment to the effect that the recovery of Sinai is a positive element in the implementation of the Camp David agree- ments. This is an indication of Arab progress in that di- rection. 230. Egypt assumes its regional and international re- sponsibilities and is faithful to its commitments. We do not believe that polemics and the adoption of numerous resolutions will lead to a solution. We believe that the practical way is more beneficial for the Arab cause. We do not agree with Mr. Maksoud when he says that the Camp David agreements and resolution 242 (1967) have caused paralysis in Egyptian action. Rather we see the paralysis in the movement towards a solution as the result of intransigence, no matter where it may be. It is also the result of the lack of consensus among the parties con- cerned in regard ·to the appropriate approach. 231. Egypt is against all illegal acts, acts incompatible with resolution 242 (1967) and with the principles and the spirit of the Camp David agreements and with the princi- ples of the Charter and international law. 233. President Mubarak stated only today that Egypt cannot approve any action taken irrationally or im- pulsively. Egypt is shouldering its responsibilities, whether or not the representative of the League of Arab States admits it. Egypt insists on shouldering its respon- sibilities so as to bring peace and security to the area in the context of a peaceful settlement and practical, positive action and implementation of the principles of the Charter and Arab rights, without polemics and the repetitive reso- lutions which, in our opinion, have not achieved the de- sired results.

We have all heard the representative of Saddam speak far beyond his time-limit and attack my country and my people at a time when the main issue of the Middle East in the hearts of all Moslems of the world is Zionist Israel. He and· his re- gime's leader, Saddam Hussein, have a lot to say about their so-called struggle against the Zionists. But appar- ently Israel is of no concern to them since their merce- nary soldiers are killing my people, and Saddam's repre- sentative, instead of attacking Israel, is attacking Iran. 244. I wish to recall that Begin, the grand master, claimed that Saddam Hussein said that Iraq must man- ufacture the atom bomb in order to strike Israel, but that later Begin had to withdraw that claim. I have .great hopes . that the representative of the Iranian regime, if he has a modicum of decency, will withdraw his lie. 235. Once again today the double standard of Saddam's representative is obviou:i. He talks about international law, but does not have the slightest respect for any interna- tional law, including the Charter of the United Nations, and Iraq continues to occupy our land. Iraq invades our land, bombs our civilians day at:td night, including bom- bardment of our civilians the day before Human Rights Day, on Human Rights Day and on the day following Human Rights Day. 236. I tell the representative of Iraq that it is irrelevant to talk about our internal situation when the real issue is that of Iraq's invasion of my country. Are Iraq's soldiers really in Iran to fight their fellow Moslems or are they. in Israel, where he claims his enemy is? 237. Mr. Saddam's representative has tonight talked about his compassion for Islam. I am sorry to embarrass him, but in November 1980-1 have to quote Mr. Sad- dam here and let the whole international arena hear his words once more-Saddam al Takriti in the so-called Par- liament of Iraq said "The Persians are not Moslems, be- cause the Koran is in Arabic. The Prophet was an Arab and Islam belongs to the Arabs." 238. I ask the representative of Saddam, is there any sense in talking about Islam when nobody can become a Moslem except, I suppose, the Arabs and, presum,ably, the Iraqi regime? . 239. I say to Mr. Saddam and his representative that it is too late to remedy their sad situation by this kind of silly game. They only make their illegal invasion of our land more conspicuous. They have invaded our land in violation of all international laws and the Charter of the United Nations. With their cluster bombs they have been continually murdering our innocent civilians. At this very moment their crumbling armies are on our sovereign ter-

I shall now call on represen- tatives who wish to exercise the right of reply a second time. Such second statements are limited to five minutes.

Mr. President, I apologize heartily for having to exercise the right of reply a second time. 242. There is a proverb which says th3t if you do not have a sense of shame, you can do wh: tever you want. It seems to me that the representative of Khomeini is not ashamed of lying and fabricating. In any case, he is not .. ashamed of what is happening in his country, such as the commission of unprecedented, barbaric crimes. We con- gratulate the representative of Iran on this Islamic posi- tion, which no Moslem in the world shares 243. I challenge the Iranian representative to prove the validity of his claim that President Saddam Hussein made in the Iraqi National Council the statement which the Ira- nian representative has attributed to him. 245. How· did the war between Iran and Iraq start? I do not think that I need to explain that and I do not feel that I need to affirm that Iran began the war by bombarding the Iraqi border towns of Khanaqin, Naft Khaneh, Zur- batiyah, Mandali and Basra and then bombarded our eco- nomic installations and closed the Shatt al Arab. After we ran out of peaceful means to put an end to their attacks against Iraq, including submitting three memoranda to the United Nations, which are now official documents of the Organization, we had to repulse that attack. 246. As for the occupation, we asked the representative of Iran a few days ago who occupies the three Arab is- lands. Who is occupying the territories of Iraq and will not agree to return them? Who was saying that the Algiers agreemenr is a suspect agreement and that Iraq will not abide by it? We are hoping to hear a clear answer from the representative of Iran, but it seems that he is proud of the aggression and the racist spirit of this regime. We congratulate him once again on that regime, with which no human being would wish to be associated.

The representative of Iran wishes to exercise the right of reply a second time.

I am very glad that the representative of Saddam has brought up the issue of the invasion and the aggression and of who is the aggressor.

I call on the representative of Iraq on a point of order.

I am advised that the rule con- cerning the exercise of the right of reply a second time applies to a single meeting. Since we are now in this af- ternoon's meeting. the representative of Iran is entitled to exercise the right of reply a second time, and I therefore call on him.

Of course, it is no secret that the Iraqi regime is so afraid of the facts that it will use every opportunity to cover up its shameless aggres- sion. Distortion of historical facts by the aggressor is a well-known phenomenon in the history of mankind. So it is not surprising to see the hopeless position of Saddam's. representatives, who, regardless of all the documented facts and evidence, are trying to accuse the Islamic Re- public of Iran of being the party responsible for starting the war. They do not even dare to sit and listen. 253. The Iraqi Ba'athist regime claims that it has asked Iran to participate in a peaceful settlement of the dispute arising from the 1975 agreement. However, after the Isla- mic revolution of Iran, several meetings were held be- tween the top-ranking officials of the two countries, and in none of them did Saddam's representatives ever bring up Iran's so-caned violation of the treaty of June 1975,4 signed after the Algiers agreement of March 1975. 254. For instance, on 5 June 1979 the Iraqi ambassador in Teheran, Abdolmalek Al Yassin, had a meeting with the Foreign Minister of Iran. At the Sixth Conference of Heads of State or Government of Non-Aligned Countries, held at Havana in 1979, Iran's Foreign Minister conferred with Saddam Hussein and the Foreign Minister of Iraq on various issues of mutual interest. At the thirty-fifth ses- sion of the General Assemby, in 1980, the Iranian repre- sentative called on Iraq to refrain from instigating Iranian counter-revolutionaries and to settle any problem which might have caused a misunderstanding. But in none of those meetings did the Iraqi authorities bring up any mat- ters related to territorial claims against Iran. 255. Furthermore, an the documents available in the United Nations clearly demonstrate the undeniable fact that Saddam's regime had never registered any complaint whatsoever in connection with the Treaty of 1975 prior to its invasion of Iran. And this includes the documents signed on 26 December 1975,5 and article 1 of the Treaty of 13 June 1975. 257. On 22 September 1980 Saddam Hussein, who pre- viously had initiated the negotiations that resulted in the conclusion of the Algiers agreement, suddenly, in total disregard of all provisions of the 1975 Treaty, unilaterally and in violation of all international principles declared the Algiers agreement to be null and void. Again, on 24 De- cember 1980, at a meeting with his Cabinet, and also at the Third Islamic Summit Conference, held at Mecca-Taif in January 1981, Saddam stated that the 1975 agreement had been imposed upon Iraq under unnatural and coercive conditions. 258. This brings to mind a well-known Persian proverb, "Liars often have poor memories". But obviously Mr. Saddam could net have been so forgetful, since he him- self was the one who signed the Algiers agreement on 6 March 1975 and called it "a great victory for the Arab race". Nevertheless, that same Saddam, on 16 April 1980, in explicit defiance of the 1975 Treaty, made the cessation of hostilities between his regime and the Islamic Republic of Iran conditional upon Iran's acceptance of Iraq's sovereignty over the entire Shatt al Arab. further- more, Saddam's Foreign Minister, on 26 July 1980, stressed that the Treaty had been concluded in circum- stances that no longer existed. 259. Soon after the unilateral Iraqi abrogation of the Treaty, on 22 September 1980, the Ba'athist Government launched military aggression along the entire length of the Iran-Iraq frontier. In any case, even an assumed violation of the agreement by the Iranian side can by no means justify Iraq's invasion of Iranian soil. According to the sixth and first articles of the 1975 Treaty, in case any differences should arise between the two parties, the ar- bitration must be carried out while fully observing the entire border between Iran and Iraq. Nares I United Nations. Treaty Series. vol. 75. No. 973. p. 287. 3 Expounded in a radio interview broadcast by Riyadh Domestic Service on 7 August 198I. For a transcription of the interview, see For- eign Broadcast Information Service. Daily Report. FBIS-MEA-81-153. of 10 August 1981. vol. V. No. 153, p. C 3. ~ See United Nations. Treat'" Series. vol. 1017. No. 14903. , Ibid.• No. 14904 to 14907.