S/PV.10077 Security Council

In accordance with rule 37 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the representatives of Egypt, the Sudan, Türkiye and the United Arab Emirates to participate in this meeting. On behalf of the Council, I welcome His Excellency Mr. Kamil El-Tayeb Idris, Transitional Prime Minister of the Republic of the Sudan, and I request the Protocol Officer to escort him to his seat at the Council table. In accordance with rule 39 of the Council’s provisional rules of procedure, I invite the following briefers to participate in this meeting: Mr. Khaled Khiari, Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, Asia and the Pacific in the Departments of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs and Peace Operations; Ms. Edem Wosornu, Director of Operations and Advocacy in the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs; and Mr. Cameron Hudson, independent analyst and consultant on African security, governance and geopolitics. The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. I would like to remind everyone that this is an official meeting of the Security Council. Being fully aware that today’s briefing is not an easy one for anyone in the Chamber, I would like to particularly remind all participants and speakers at today’s discussion to engage in the meeting with the utmost respect and to observe the appropriate standards of tone, wording and content in their remarks. I now give the floor to Mr. Khiari. Mr. Khiari: Since the Secretariat’s previous briefing on the Sudan in October (see S/PV.10027), the conflict has again intensified, confirming fears that the dry season would bring increased fighting and renewed attacks on civilians. Each passing day brings staggering levels of violence and destruction. Civilians are enduring immense, unimaginable suffering, with no end in sight. In recent weeks, the conflict has centred on the Kordofan region, where the Rapid Support Forces have made significant territorial gains. On 1 December, the Rapid Support Forces captured Babanusah in West Kordofan, followed, on 8 December, by their capture of Hijelij in South Kordofan — an oil field and critical processing station for South Sudanese crude oil pumped to Port Sudan for exportation. Kadugli and Dilling, both in South Kordofan, are now under tightening siege conditions. Reports indicate that Sudanese Armed Forces personnel withdrew from Babanusah and Hijelij into South Sudan, and that South Sudanese forces moved into the Sudan to protect the Hijelij oil infrastructure. Beyond Hijelij, movements of armed groups across the Sudan and South Sudan’s border have been reported in both directions, with potentially destabilizing effects for both countries. These developments reflect the increasingly complex nature of the conflict and its expanding regional dimensions. If this is unaddressed, the Sudan’s neighbours could become embroiled in a regional conflict in and around the Sudan. For months, the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights has warned of the dangers of the escalation of hostilities in the Kordofan region and called for urgent action to prevent the repetition of the atrocities documented in North Darfur and particularly El Fasher. A particularly alarming feature of the conflict is the growing use of indiscriminate drone strikes by both parties, which are causing a significant number of civilian deaths. On 4 December, drone strikes in Kalogi, South Kordofan, hit a kindergarten and then the hospital to which victims of the initial attack had been taken for treatment. More than 100 people were killed in this despicable attack, including 63 children. On 13 December, drone attacks targeted the United Nations logistics base at the Joint Border Verification and Monitoring Mechanism headquarters in Kadugli, South Kordofan. Six members of the Bangladeshi peacekeeping contingent serving with the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) were killed, and nine others injured. UNISFA has launched an investigation and is working to preserve evidence, under challenging circumstances, that would help to identify those responsible. Owing to the prevailing insecurity, all UNISFA personnel are being evacuated from Kadugli until further notice. As the Secretary-General has stressed, attacks targeting United Nations peacekeepers may constitute war crimes under international law and call for accountability. The safety and security of our peacekeepers is non-negotiable. In addition to the rising civilian death toll, there are concerns about increasing cases of the detention of civilians accused by one party of “collaboration” with the opposing side. In November, the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights documented that 93 civilians were arrested and detained in the Kordofan region for reasons of collaboration. The continued supply of weapons — increasingly sophisticated and deadly — remains a key driver of the conflict. The Sudan is saturated with arms. Calls to end these flows have gone unheeded, and there has been no accountability. Meanwhile, the parties remain unwilling to compromise or de-escalate. While they were able to stop fighting to preserve oil revenues, they have so far failed to do the same to protect their population. The backers of both sides must use their influence to help stop the slaughter, not to cause further devastation. Preventing a further deterioration of the situation and preserving the unity and territorial integrity of the Sudan requires swift and coordinated action. The Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General for the Sudan, Ramtane Lamamra, is in contact with both warring parties to encourage them to engage in discussions on concrete and implementable measures to de-escalate violence and advance the protection of civilians in the Sudan. Personal Envoy Lamamra is engaging closely with members of the Quad. Consistent coordination of peace efforts is essential to increase our collective impact. Equally important is the deepening collaboration among the quintet of multilateral organizations — the African Union, the European Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the League of Arab States and the United Nations. Together, we are currently focused on supporting an African Union- led inter-Sudanese dialogue that can pave the way for a credible, inclusive and civilian-led transition, To support these efforts, the Office of Personal Envoy Lamamra is developing a consensus document aimed at synthesizing the visions put forward by Sudanese political actors and prominent individuals. The goal of this exercise is to identify convergences in views that can assist Sudanese stakeholders in shaping a credible political horizon. To foster the complementarity and coordination of peace efforts, preparations are under way for the fifth Consultative Meeting on Enhancing Coordination of Peace Initiatives. The next meeting is expected to be held in Cairo in early 2026. As mediation efforts continue, the strong support of the Council is needed. With the conflict nearing the tragic milestone of 1,000 days, the Secretary-General has renewed his call on the parties to agree on an immediate cessation of hostilities and to re-engage in talks towards a lasting ceasefire and an inclusive and Sudanese-owned political process. We urge the Council to send a clear, united message: those who enable this war will be held accountable. We also look to the Council to use all the tools at its disposal to demand peace, protect civilians and ensure accountability for violations of international law. The United Nations is fully committed to working with all international actors to end the violence and to support an inclusive path towards peace and security, for the sake of the people of the Sudan and regional stability.

I thank Mr. Khiari for his briefing. I now give the floor to Ms. Wosornu. Ms. Wosornu: As this catastrophic war nears the 1,000-day mark, its devastating toll on civilians continues to expand and intensify. The brutality of the conflict appears to have no bounds. The Kordofan States, as Council members have heard, have emerged as a new epicentre of violence and suffering, with attacks continuing, causing death, injury and destruction, and severely constraining humanitarian access. As you have heard from the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs, in South Kordofan State, more than 100 civilians were killed in drone attacks between 4 and 16 December, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights. That includes strikes on a kindergarten and a hospital in Kalogi on 4 December, which killed at least 89 civilians, including eight women and 43 children. Sieges around the towns of Kadugli and Dilling have tightened, with deadly shelling and drone strikes continuing. As Council members have heard, a strike on the logistics base of the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei in Kadugli on 13 December forced a temporary relocation of United Nations and international non-governmental organization personnel from various locations in South Kordofan, including the two besieged towns. Despite widespread condemnation, attacks in the area further intensified. On 14 December, a drone strike on a hospital in Dilling reportedly killed at least six people and injured 12 others, including medical personnel. An inter-agency team led by the Humanitarian Coordinator, Ms. Denise Brown, scheduled to arrive in Kadugli on 15 December, was unable to proceed owing to the increasingly volatile and unpredictable situation. A United Nations convoy did reach Dilling and Kadugli in October but faced very serious security challenges en route. In North Kordofan State, the situation has been equally alarming, with continuing attacks in and around the capital, El Obeid, and worrying reports of forced recruitment and of civilians being prevented from leaving the area as fighting closes in. A strike on a World Food Programme truck in North Kordofan on 5 December, in which a driver was seriously injured, was yet another demonstration of the grave risks humanitarian workers face across much of the Sudan. This was the sixth attack harming World Food Programme assets in the Sudan this year alone. And in West Kordofan, we have also received reports of further displacement, including across the border with South Sudan, and of civilian casualties due to drone attacks following the takeover of Hijelij in the southern part of the state earlier this month. Last week, local authorities in White Nile State reported approximately 1,600 new arrivals from the Kordofan region in the city of Kusti, of whom the vast majority were women and children. Staggering levels of humanitarian needs also persist across Darfur. Efforts to safely access El Fasher continue, with ongoing discussions on the deployment of a security assessment team. We continue to see new reports of serious violations of international humanitarian law committed during and after the takeover of El Fasher by the Rapid Support Forces, including mass killings and sexual violence. A report of our colleagues at the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights of the past week details some of the horrors inflicted on civilians in the area during the Rapid Support Forces’ three-day offensive on the Zamzam displacement camp in April: deliberate killings of civilians, gruesome sexual violence, including rape and gang rape, and the prolonged blocking of food, water and supplies essential for survival. Humanitarian responders in Tawilah and Dabbah and other areas are struggling to fully cover the needs of new arrivals from El Fasher, with resources and capacities severely stretched, despite new injections of funding from the Central Emergency Response Fund and the Sudan Humanitarian Fund. And while much of the focus of the Council’s recent discussions has been on El Fasher and its surrounding area, we must also highlight the very serious humanitarian situation in other parts of Darfur. A drone strike on the town of Katilla in South Darfur State earlier this month killed more than 30 civilians and injured many more. Further civilian casualties were reported in another strike in the town of Kutum in North Darfur on the same day. Last week, the World Health Organization reported that large numbers of healthcare workers were detained in Nyala, the capital of South Darfur. The World Health Organization has documented 65 attacks on healthcare in the Sudan since January, with more than 1,600 people killed and 276 injured. The Adré crossing from eastern Chad remains indispensable to humanitarian operations across Darfur, and we therefore noted with great alarm reports of an alleged drone attack causing a large explosion in a nearby location in West Darfur State on 7 December. Drones also continue to extend the reach of the fighting beyond the Darfur and Kordofan regions. Last Friday, multiple explosions were reported in Atbarah in River Nile State owing to drone strikes reportedly targeting power stations, triggering widespread blackouts in the area. We have teams in all these locations. This is the tenth briefing by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs to the Security Council on the Sudan this year. Month after month, we have highlighted deadly attacks against civilians, spiralling needs and the complex array of impediments that delay or block efforts to reach the many millions of people who require urgent, life-saving humanitarian support. We have urged the Council to use its collective influence and the full set of tools at its disposal to reduce the unacceptable risks civilians continue to face. We have pressed for de-escalation and peace. We have appealed for additional funding so that the local and international responders, working in nearly impossible circumstances, have the support and resources they need to deliver their work. But over the past year, we have seen yet more atrocities and a further hardening of the apparent impunity that fuels them. Increasingly sophisticated weaponry flowing into the country has caused the violence to spread further, deepening food insecurity, and new areas are falling into famine conditions. Additional waves of displaced civilians are fleeing for their lives, including across borders, and broader regional destabilizing effects are growing. Humanitarian organizations are being forced to cut back on life-saving programmes, just as the needs continue to grow. There are relentless attacks on humanitarian personnel and health workers, and repeated targeting of essential infrastructure. Despite the challenges, the humanitarian response continues, with 16.8 million people receiving some form of humanitarian support since January this year alone. Our system is under unprecedented strain and, increasingly, under direct attack. But it continues to deliver. As the Emergency Relief Coordinator, Tom Fletcher, said during his briefing to the Council in October (see S/PV.10027), we need to find ways to act with greater courage and collective purpose in the face of this absolutely devastating crisis. We therefore renew our call for urgent, concerted engagement and action along three tracks. First, on protection, the Security Council must send a strong, unequivocal message that attacks directed against civilians, indiscriminate attacks, sexual violence and other shameless violations of the most basic tenets of international humanitarian law will not be tolerated. Women continue to carry a disproportionate share of this crisis. The Council cannot allow the horrors that unfolded in El Fasher, despite repeated warnings, to occur again in El Obeid, again in Kadugli, in Dilling, or elsewhere. Council members should use their collective influence with the warring parties. Secondly, concerning access, humanitarian workers, including the local partners who remain at the forefront of our collective efforts — our dear humanitarian colleagues — must be able to do their work safely and without interference. We need to continue to strengthen the United Nations presence on the ground in all areas of need, including across the Darfur and Kordofan regions. We have colleagues in these locations. We do not feel safe. Our courageous teams need clearer guarantees so that they can operate safely. Life-saving humanitarian supplies need to flow freely, via all necessary routes, whether across lines or borders. In this regard, I note our appreciation to the Sudanese and Chadian authorities for having kept the crucial Adré border crossing available for humanitarian movement. We renew our request that this authorization be extended indefinitely and that increased support for host communities and refugees in Chad and other areas continue in other neighbouring countries. Thirdly and finally, regarding peace, with another grim milestone in this nightmarish war approaching, renewed efforts are needed, now more than ever, to halt the fighting, to stop the arms flows that are fuelling the conflict and to move the parties towards the inclusive and lasting nationwide ceasefire that is so desperately needed.

I thank Ms. Wosornu for her briefing. I now give the floor to Mr. Hudson. Mr. Hudson: I am grateful for the opportunity to discuss the evolving crisis in the Sudan and to offer my perspective as an independent political analyst who has spent nearly 25 years engaged in international efforts to achieve a lasting peace, civilian rule and enduring stability in this increasingly contested country and region. At no point in the Sudan’s modern history has the State, its institutions, or its people been under such enormous threat from both internal and external forces. The risk of partition, break-up and new catastrophic levels of violence and death are real and will be further realized if aggressive actions are not taken to end the fighting. Be assured, the effects of such an outcome will not be confined to the Sudan but will destabilize an already fragile Horn of Africa and send shock waves of refugees and extremists across the Sahel, the Red Sea and the Mediterranean. For nearly 1,000 days, the Sudan has been under attack. In that time, this body has warned of the risk of mass atrocities and State fracture. But talk of warning ignores what is already happening. The question is whether, when faced with these shocking realities, the international community will cease simply admiring the problem and take measurable actions that impose costs on the perpetrators and their enablers, offer hope to the victims and compel the parties towards peace. The same question was posed at the start of the war, when the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) sacked the West Darfur capital of El Geneina in a bout of violence so vicious and intentional that the Biden Administration then called it what it was: genocide. Had the world responded to that killing with adequate resolve, perhaps we would not be here today. Instead, we are seeing a severe escalation of this conflict. Since the Rapid Support Forces militia completed their takeover of El Fasher in October, the truth around what has transpired is only beginning to emerge. Their crimes represent the worst transgressions of this war and possibly in all of the Sudan’s modern history. There is simply no comparison. A city of roughly 1 million people a year ago, El Fasher today has only 70,000 to 100,000 people remaining. As many as 150,000 are unaccounted for and thousands, if not tens of thousands, have been killed. The only thing worse than these crimes is knowing that they are not over and that they will be repeated in the days, weeks and months ahead if the Council does not respond. The RSF has now set its strategic sights on the neighbouring Kordofan states. The siege there now extends to the cities of Dilling and Kadugli, which are already suffering under a famine declaration. With no food, functioning hospitals or route out of the cities, these populations now have virtually no means of survival. This begs the question, what possible tactical or strategic reason does the RSF have for targeting civilians after the army has already withdrawn? And what, if any, consequences will they suffer for these blatant war crimes? Left unchecked, in the coming days an all-out battle for the control of the city of El Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan State, will emerge. This promises to be the largest and perhaps most destructive battle yet. Not merely because of the city’s strategic location at the country’s crossroads, nor because the city now plays host to well over 1 million vulnerable people, but because over the course of the past year this conflict has been transformed. It has morphed, through outside enablers, from a conventional twentieth century war, fought with ageing heavy equipment and light arms, into a modern twenty-first century conflict, deploying the latest generation of advanced weaponry. The introduction of long-range tactical fibre optic and so-called kamikaze drones, along with sophisticated jamming technology and armoured personnel carriers, have replaced the barrel bombs, non-standard tactical vehicles and tanks in use at the start of this war. On its surface, smarter weapons should have improved targeting and avoided civilian casualties. But instead, we know that the opposite is true. Civilians, especially those in urban areas, have been subjected to an unrelenting barrage of drone attacks by both sides. Moreover, these weapons have vastly enlarged the scope of the war in ways that respect no battle lines. Every corner of the country is now under threat. Just last week, the northern city of Atbarah, hundreds of kilometres from the nearest combat, was barraged in an RSF drone attack that, despite targeting an army base, knocked out electricity supplies to the eastern part of the country. And just this weekend, a drone attack killed 10 in a market in North Darfur. Weapons from as many as a dozen countries have been found to be in use by both sides in this war, in violation of the 2004 arms embargo. Many of the countries providing weapons actively decry the civilian casualties inflicted by the same arms they provide. Still other countries providing these weapons are members of the Security Council. But not all countries bear equal responsibility for fuelling this conflict. In the past two years, the United Arab Emirates has used influence across the Horn of Africa to construct an extensive military air-bridge operation, flying weapons to the RSF via regimes in Chad, Libya, the Central African Republic, South Sudan and Somalia’s Puntland region. These efforts have expanded this conflict in ways that have no justification and that are beyond doubt. The situation in the Sudan is too dire to accept half-truths and obfuscations about the role outside Powers play in fuelling this conflict, and it is no longer sufficient to decry the crimes of the belligerents alone. If we ignore the war’s enablers, then we are all complicit. Against this backdrop of expanding and unrelenting conflict is the faint prospect of peace. Unfortunately, efforts aimed at curbing this conflict or preparing civilian alternatives have not been nearly as coordinated as efforts to arm the combatants. Recent efforts by the United States to form a Quad mechanism with Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have seen the most high-level attention and offered some hope for a ceasefire but so far have produced little by way of breakthroughs. The announcement by President Donald Trump about becoming more personally involved shines a much-needed light on the conflict. Remarks last week by his Secretary of State indicate, however, that the United States remains focused on the task of achieving the urgent near-term goals of a ceasefire and humanitarian access. Make no mistake: these are essential tasks that are welcome and must be prioritized, but it will not be possible to break the Sudan’s long cycle of violence if we are not equally engaged in pursuit of the fundamental goals of institutional reform and civilian rule. Those objectives cannot be achieved through elite bargains alone. It will take a sustained commitment from Sudanese political leaders and the international community, neither of whom have been serious enough in their efforts to present or support realistic civilian alternatives to military rule. But the Sudanese cannot do it alone. Just last week, in a sign of the Sudan’s tightening civic space, peaceful protesters marking the anniversary of the popular revolution that removed President Omar Al-Bashir from power were met with tear gas. Other pro-democracy leaders have been harassed, detained and even disappeared by recidivist forces within the apparatus that fear the long-term erosion of power. It must be said on this score that the disparate efforts under the African Union and the Personal Envoy of the Secretary- General to engage civilian voices have been insufficient to match the urgency of the moment. Nonetheless, these institutions, along with other organizations making up the quintet, remain the best placed to offer opportunities build broad-based coalitions, heal the social fabric that has been shredded by this war and create alternatives to rule by force, but those efforts must be unified under a shared mandate. In this regard we must also not lose sight of the complicated local-level, ethnic, social and resource-based conflict drivers that are too often overlooked in external analyses but have been exacerbated by this war. In many places, these dynamics drive local violence more than the national or international forces that we focus on. More worrisome still is that these tensions are likely to persist even with an end to the war and will most assuredly jeopardize any progress towards rebuilding the country, if sustained attention is not paid by peacemakers and politicians. Likewise, the Council has been equally remiss in its responsibilities vis-à-vis the threats to international peace and security in the broader Horn of Africa and Red Sea region. It is unconscionable that the international tools we have to end the conflict, punish the perpetrators and prevent the expansion by outside actors are all two decades old, designed and implemented at a different time, for a different conflict. Expanding the arms embargo on the Sudan to cover the entire country is an overdue requirement, and genuine efforts should be made to enforce that embargo, which, today, exists only in the breach. To that end, renewing and expanding United Nations sanctions on those actors and their accomplices who enable and carry out these crimes under international law must be supported. Talk of condemning impunity rings hollow unless it is backed up by tangible action. Finally, this body must urgently press the International Criminal Court to accelerate its long-overdue investigation into the crimes committed at the start of the war but should also revisit the scope of that mandate that the Council gave the Court 20 years ago to cover all crimes committed in the course of this conflict, not merely those confined to Darfur. Lastly, this body should acknowledge the heroic and irreplaceable work being carried out by the Sudan’s own mutual aid groups. The Council should not only extend to them adequate financing to carry out some of the only humanitarian response happening in the country but offer them greater flexibility in programming to support resiliency and, eventually, reconstruction efforts. These groups know better than we that which is needed to support their lives and livelihoods. At the same time, ongoing attacks against these groups by the belligerents must be condemned, and this body should extend to these heroes the full protection afforded to other organizations under international humanitarian law. The Sudan is today on the precipice of State collapse and risks an exodus of refugees and instability that will plague the Horn and Sahelian States for years to come if we allow it to fail. To avoid this outcome, the Council must acknowledge certain hard truths about this war and even the complicity of many Member States that have found profit and strategic advancement in this conflict. This is not simply a civil war between warring generals seeking power and personal aggrandizement. It is a fully internationalized conflict with arms and financial and political networks extending across continents. In this light, the half-measures, the diplomatic ambiguity and the paralysis that have defined the international response have done nothing to counter these networks and, in fact, have only encouraged the present calamity. If we think that these same networks will not support the region’s next war — in Chad, South Sudan or Ethiopia — then we are mistaken. The Sudan cannot survive if any part of it is governed by a genocidal militia that can challenge the very existence of the State, but nor can it succeed if we allow extremist forces the chance to re-emerge and restore their networks of influence that have tormented the region and the people of the Sudan for nearly three decades. It will take concerted efforts by this body, the Sudan’s neighbours and the wider region to pursue an outcome that allows competing interests to be met and the region to be stabilized, while reserving for the Sudan’s people the latitude to chart their path forward and realize the promise of their revolution. This is no simple task. But if the Council does not signal its intolerance of this war and its many abuses and take immediate and meaningful steps to curb war crimes and advance the cause of peace, then I fear that the Sudan’s war will only be the prelude to wider bouts of regional instability to come. There is no time to waste.

I thank Mr. Hudson for his briefing. I now give the floor to those members of the Council who wish to make statements.

I have the honour to deliver this statement on behalf of the three African members of the Security Council plus, namely Guyana, Sierra Leone, Somalia and my own country, Algeria. We wish at the outset to welcome the participation of His Excellency Kamil Idris, Prime Minister of the Republic of the Sudan and commend his commitment to a peaceful and stable Sudan. We thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari and Director Edem Wosornu for their briefings. We also take note of the contribution of Mr. Cameron Hudson. Almost 1,000 days have passed since the outbreak of the conflict in the dear nation of the Sudan — a conflict that continues to have devastating consequences for innocent civilians, including women and children, but also on the critical infrastructure of the country. We are appalled by the recent developments in the Kordofan region, with reports of mass atrocities committed and where cities are under siege and civilian infrastructure, particularly hospitals, schools and even kindergartens, have become the target of unmanned — or should I say deliberately targeted — aerial vehicles. In this regard, we wish to underline the following. First, addressing the catastrophic humanitarian situation must remain our common priority. While we commend the efforts deployed by the Government of the Sudan, we stress the need to sustain and reinforce these efforts. We also call for continued coordination with international partners for the delivery of humanitarian assistance to all those affected by the conflict. The alarming developments in Kordofan, combined with the already dire situation in Darfur, have naturally led to an increase in humanitarian needs. In this context, we commend the efforts deployed by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in engaging all actors on the ground, particularly the Government of the Sudan, to alleviate the suffering of innocent civilians. However, these international efforts cannot yield concrete results without predictable and sustainable financing for the humanitarian response plan, which is around 36 per cent funded only. We therefore call for an urgent scaling-up of international funding. Secondly, the solution to the conflict cannot be reached through the use of force. Only inclusive dialogue and genuine negotiation can lead to a durable solution — one that is Sudanese-led and Sudanese-owned and enjoys support from the broader international community. There has to be a space for international diplomacy and international mediation to bridge the positions and views, in full respect of the national sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the Sudan, with a single legitimate Government. However, these diplomatic efforts and initiatives need to be further coordinated while preserving the central role of the African Union and the United Nations, through the Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy, Mr. Ramtane Lamamra, and building on the achievements realized within the framework of the Jeddah process. We encourage our Sudanese brothers and sisters to engage constructively in dialogue that can lead to a ceasefire and establish the foundations for a meaningful and home-grown peace process. Intensified diplomatic efforts are needed more than ever in these dire times to prevent further massacres and avert another tragic El Fasher-like scenario in the Kordofan region. Also, we seize this opportunity to reiterate our rejection of the establishment of any parallel governing authority in the Sudan, which undermines the Sudanese State and risks the country’s fragmentation. Thirdly, the committed atrocities cannot go unpunished. The massacres perpetrated during this conflict, in particular those committed by the Rapid Support Forces in El Fasher, El Geneina, Zamzam camp, Wad Madani and the Kordofan region, to mention only a few horrific cases, must be met with accountability. The Rapid Support Forces have not only demonstrated complete disregard for international law, but they have consistently broadcasted their heinous and barbaric crimes with complete impunity. Accountability must therefore be pursued using the available tools at the disposal of the international community and this very Council, in particular sanctions, investigations and possible prosecutions. These measures should not only target those who kill, torture, starve or maim innocent people but also those who enable, finance or facilitate such crimes. We strongly condemn the recent drone attack against a logistical base of the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei in Kadugli, which resulted in the death of six peacemakers from Bangladesh, and we stress the need for a thorough investigation and full accountability. We extend our deepest condolences to the families of the victims and the Government of Bangladesh. We reiterate our call for the public and firm condemnation of the external interference in the Sudanese conflict. Those enabling the slaughter of the Sudanese people through the supply of arms, drones and mercenaries must be held accountable. Enough suffering in the Sudan, enough bloodshed — it is time for restraint, it is time for dialogue, it is time for peace.

I thank the briefers for their remarks. The United Kingdom condemns the drone strikes on the base of the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei in Kadugli on 13 December, which killed six United Nations peacekeepers and injured nine others. Our thoughts are with the families of those killed and all those affected. Those responsible must be held to account. I will make three points. First, as my Foreign Secretary has said, the atrocities in the Sudan scar the conscience of the world. We all witnessed the horrific violence against civilians in El Fasher during the assault of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), including reports of targeted killings often on the basis of ethnicity, mass executions, torture and sexual violence. And today, as we have heard in this Chamber, the fighting is intensifying in the Kordofan regions. These atrocities must end, and the perpetrators must be held to account. This month the United Kingdom sanctioned four senior Rapid Support Forces (RSF) commanders suspected of atrocities in El Fasher. The United Kingdom has repeatedly condemned the violence perpetrated by both the RSF and Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) since the conflict began. This includes reports of aerial bombardments, attacks on peacekeepers, food convoys, hospitals and schools and the systematic use of rape, particularly impacting women and girls. We have also condemned restrictions on aid, including the expulsion of World Food Programme staff. We call on both sides to end the fighting and protect civilians. We also call for full compliance with the arms embargo and urge all States to refrain from providing financial or military support to the warring parties. Secondly, there is no military solution to this conflict. We call on both the SAF and the RSF to urgently agree a humanitarian pause and to advance a comprehensive Sudanese-owned and civilian-led political transition. We particularly commend the United States intensive leadership and mediation efforts, including through the Quad. We welcome the efforts of regional and international partners towards a political solution. We urge both the RSF and the SAF to engage in these processes in good faith. And we urge all those with influence over the warring parties to bring them to the negotiating table to seek a political resolution. Thirdly, humanitarian access remains critical. Millions of Sudanese face the spread of disease, collapsing essential services and the growing risk of famine spreading. It is essential that the Adré crossing remains open, and we condemn the reported drone strike there. Attacks on humanitarian personnel and infrastructure should stop immediately. We call on all parties to lift restrictions on humanitarian access, guarantee safe passage for civilians and allow unhindered delivery of life- saving assistance. Sudanese civilians faced unimaginable hardship and suffering this year. The warring parties must end the bloodshed and prioritize peace.

I welcome the presence of Mr. Kamil El-Tayeb Idris, Transitional Prime Minister of the Republic of the Sudan. I would also like to thank Mr. Khaled Khiari, Assistant Secretary-General for the Middle East, Asia and the Pacific, and Ms. Edem Wosornu, Director of Operations and Advocacy of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, for their briefings, as well as Mr. Cameron Hudson for his input. Greece strongly condemns the deliberate drone attack of 13 December against the logistics base of the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei in Kadugli, South Kordofan, which resulted in the tragic loss of six Bangladeshi peacekeepers and injuries to several others. We extend our deepest condolences to the families of the fallen peacekeepers, as well as to the people and the Government of Bangladesh, and wish a swift recovery to those wounded. Greece reiterates that attacks against United Nations peacekeepers are unacceptable and may constitute war crimes under international law. In this regard, we echo the Secretary-General’s statement of 13 December (SG/SM/22954) and fully support the press statement circulated by the United States. In the same spirit, Greece joined the women and peace and security stake-in delivered prior to this meeting, expressing grave concern about the devastating impact of the conflict on women and girls in the Sudan. We strongly condemn the widespread use of sexual and gender-based violence, which constitutes serious violations of international humanitarian and human rights law and may amount to war crimes and crimes against humanity. Allow me to highlight three critical dimensions of the conflict. First, Greece is deeply concerned by the deteriorating security situation in South Kordofan, particularly in and around Kadugli. Urgent preventive action is needed to avoid a repetition of the tragic outcome witnessed in El Fasher. Civilians remain dangerously exposed to hostilities, humanitarian access is constrained, and insecurity is growing. We call for de-escalation, the protection of civilians, particularly vulnerable groups such as women, children and the elderly, and unhindered humanitarian access. This is essential to prevent a siege-like scenario with devastating humanitarian consequences such as that in El Fasher. Secondly, Greece reiterates that there cannot be a military solution to the conflict. Both the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces must engage constructively and in good faith with international stakeholders to pursue a negotiated path forward. We urge their full and unconditional cooperation with the United Nations, the African Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and other relevant partners, including the Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy, Mr. Lamamra, to advance an immediate cessation of hostilities and a credible political process. Accountability for violations of international humanitarian and human rights law remains essential nevertheless in all stages of this process. Thirdly, the humanitarian situation has reached unprecedented levels of severity. More than 10 million people are displaced, while famine and disease threaten populations trapped in besieged areas. We continue to stress the urgent need for the rapid, safe and sustained delivery of humanitarian assistance, in full respect of international humanitarian law. Children continue to suffer disproportionately, and all parties must immediately cease and prevent any violations against women and children, including recruitment, killing, maiming and sexual violence. In conclusion, Greece reaffirms its firm respect for the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of the Sudan. All efforts towards resolving the conflict must remain Sudanese-owned and Sudanese-led, in full accordance with international law and the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. Preserving the Sudan’s unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity is essential to avoid further fragmentation of the country, regional destabilization and prolonged human suffering. Respect for international law remains the cornerstone of any credible and sustainable path to peace. We urge all sides to intensify efforts for an immediate ceasefire and a return to the political process.

I welcome Prime Minister Idris of the Sudan to today’s meeting. I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khiari and the other briefers for their sobering briefings. I also welcome the presence of the representatives of Türkiye, Egypt and the United Arab Emirates at today’s meeting. Recently, the situation in the Sudan has deteriorated. While the tragedy in El Fasher is still fresh in our minds, the fighting has spread to areas such as Kordofan. Schools, hospitals and even United Nations peacekeeping bases have become targets, which poses a grave challenge to international humanitarian law and the authority of the United Nations. China strongly condemns such attacks on civilians, civilian infrastructure and United Nations personnel and facilities, and we express our deepest condolences to the victims and families. We support a full investigation into these atrocities, in accordance with international law, to bring perpetrators to justice as soon as possible. In order to help the Sudan end the conflict and achieve peace, stability and development at an early date, the international community must make greater efforts. I would like to make four points. First, the urgent priority is to end the hostilities. This conflict, ongoing for nearly three years, has caused the world’s largest humanitarian disaster today, with neighbouring countries grievously affected. We urge all parties to the conflict to prioritize the well-being of the Sudanese people, heed earnestly the calls of the international community, immediately and unconditionally cease hostilities, explore a political solution through dialogue and negotiation and effectively protect the safety and security of civilians and United Nations personnel and facilities. All external forces should refrain from providing military support to local armed groups and avoid adding fuel to the flame. Secondly, intensifying mediation efforts is a shared expectation. The international community looks to the United Nations, the African Union (AU), the League of Arab States, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development and other international and regional organizations to step up mediation efforts and achieve results at an early date. We must uphold the central role of the United Nations, support Personal Envoy Ramtane Lamamra in leading mediation efforts, support the AU and other regional organizations in leveraging their respective strengths and support countries with influence over the conflict parties in playing a constructive role to bring mediation efforts to early fruition to ensure tangible results on the ground. Thirdly, advancing the political process is an imperative. Prime Minister Idris said that he would present the Sudanese Government’s peace initiative, which China welcomes. It must be stressed that the conflict in the Sudan must be resolved by the Sudanese themselves. All countries must respect the Sudan’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. The international community should continue to support the Sudanese Government in implementing the political road map and support its people in exploring development paths and institutional arrangements in line with their national conditions. No imposition of external solutions should be allowed, acts that could lead to division must be opposed, and geopolitical manipulation must be renounced. Fourthly, scaling up humanitarian assistance is a practical necessity. Amid the worsening humanitarian crisis, it is of critical importance to ensure sustained access and the effective distribution of aid supplies. China supports the Sudanese Government in its continued coordination with United Nations humanitarian agencies to ensure the supply of essential items, including food, drinking water and medicine, to meet people’s basic needs. The United Nations humanitarian response plan for the Sudan and the regional refugee response plan are both underfunded. The international community, especially traditional donors, must increase their inputs and responsibly honour their humanitarian aid commitments. China has always maintained an objective and impartial stance on the Sudan. Together with the international community, we will continue to make every effort to help the Sudan bring an early end to the conflict, ease the humanitarian crisis and achieve lasting peace, development and prosperity.

I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari, Director Edem Wosornu and Mr. Cameron Hudson for their sobering briefings. I also welcome the participation of His Excellency Mr. Kamil Idris at today’s meeting. In every conflict, it is the civilians who suffer the most. In the Sudan, however, their suffering has reached a level that can no longer be explained by battlefield dynamics alone. It is not incidental nor sporadic, but systematic and worsening, pointing to one of the most dangerous humanitarian crises we face today. As the catastrophe that has devastated El Fasher now spreads into Kordofan, the Sudan is being pushed further into crisis, testing the limits of international tolerance. Against this backdrop, I would like to make three points. First, the most urgent priority must be an immediate cessation of hostilities and the full respect of all parties for their obligations to protect civilians. Despite resolution 2736 (2024) and the humanitarian truce announced by the Rapid Support Forces, the siege of El Fasher continues, alongside further military operations in Kordofan, including attacks on hospitals and kindergartens, causing massive civilian casualties, many of them children. Equally alarming is the targeting of humanitarian actors, as seen in the recent attacks on World Food Programme convoys. The warring parties must ensure safe, unhindered and sustained humanitarian access for all civilians in need. This includes securing the Adré border crossing. Such access must never be politicized. A commitment to ensuring the flow of humanitarian aid must be demonstrated through concrete actions, not words. Secondly, the entrenched culture of impunity in the Sudan must be dismantled. We strongly condemn the drone attacks in Kadugli on 13 December that killed and injured United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei peacekeepers. As underscored in the Council’s recent press statement, attacks against United Nations peacekeepers may constitute war crimes, and those responsible must be held fully accountable. Indeed, accountability must extend beyond this incident and apply to every individual and entity responsible for violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. At the end of last year, the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005) concerning the Sudan designated additional individuals under the Sudan sanctions regime. In October this year, the International Criminal Court delivered its first conviction related to past atrocities in Darfur. These are important signals that indicate that serious crimes will not go unpunished. The Council must build on this momentum, by rigorously reviewing the existing sanctions frameworks, notably additions to the sanctions list, and promoting the full and effective implementation of the arms embargo. Thirdly, all efforts towards a credible and sustainable peace process must be reinforced. We support the road map outlined in the Quad for the Sudan’s joint statement of September, and we also commend the recently renewed engagement by the United States and the tireless mediation efforts by regional actors and Personal Envoy Lamamra. Ultimately, the international community can help to end the Sudan’s war, not by sponsoring either side’s military victory, but by acting as a mediator or guarantor of a political process whose outcomes can be sustained over time. Furthermore, without credible implementation mechanisms, commitments collapse and violence resumes. This is precisely why the design and enforcement of such implementation mechanisms must also be treated as a core priority. The Sudan has already endured far too much tragedy and loss. The international community must respond with unity and greater resolve, through strong political signals, accountability and a readiness to act, in order to pave the way towards a comprehensive, inclusive and Sudanese-owned peace process. And in paving the way, the Republic of Korea stands ready to remain actively engaged in support of peace, security and stability in the Sudan.

We thank Under-Secretary-General Khiari, Director Wosornu and Mr. Cameron Hudson for their very clear briefings. We also welcome all representatives to the meeting. Denmark aligns itself with the profound concerns expressed by the briefers about the catastrophic evolution of the war in the Sudan. The people of the Sudan are paying an unbearable price. Last week, more than a hundred people, including 43 children, were reported killed in a horrifying attack on a hospital and kindergarten in South Kordofan. These are not isolated incidents. The cries of the Sudanese people have for too long been met by weapons and violence. We have also recently seen a drone attack on United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei peacekeepers in Kadugli, which led to the tragic loss of six peacekeepers. We condemn this attack in the strongest terms and call for a comprehensive investigation. This situation simply cannot continue. I have three messages. First, this war is a struggle between armed actors, who have shown scant regard for the Sudan’s civilians. There is still no ceasefire, nor a credible, unified political process towards a civilian-led transition, free from the coercion of armed actors. There is no willingness for warring parties to come to the negotiating table. We implore the warring parties to immediately agree on a ceasefire and create space for a genuine, inclusive, civilian-led process capable of preserving the Sudan’s unity and lifting the country out of this tragedy. We urge external actors who continue to supply arms or provide other forms of military support to stop fuelling this war. They must comply with the arms embargo issued by the Council. Thousands have died and millions of innocent people continue to suffer. We support the efforts of regional and international mediators, including the African Union, the United Nations, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the League of Arab States, the European Union and the Quad. These efforts must respond both to the needs of the Sudanese people and to the lack of political will by the parties to silence the guns. This requires a unified diplomatic front by the international community, the consolidation of mediation tracks, targeted sanctions, no external military interference and real accountability. Civilian voices, including women’s, must also be heard. My second point is that front lines have expanded from Darfur into large parts of Kordofan and beyond. The fall of El Fasher to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) after more than 500 days of siege, accompanied by reports of systematic killings, sexual and gender-based violence and the destruction of critical infrastructure, was in brazen defiance of resolution 2736 (2024) and international law. We strongly condemn the RSF for these attacks, which must be comprehensively investigated, with full accountability for those responsible, including through targeted sanctions. The European Union has adopted restrictive sanctions against the RSF’s second-in- command. These events represent only a fraction of the atrocities committed. We stress that all perpetrators must be held to account for grave violations, regardless of affiliation. My third and final point is that nearly 14 million people — a quarter of the population of the Sudan — have been forced to flee their homes and are displaced either internally or to neighbouring countries. Famine continues to spiral in El Fasher and Kadugli, as markets collapse, livelihoods are destroyed and access to basic services disappears. This disaster is compounded by a lack of adequate funding. We pay tribute to neighbouring countries, which have kept their borders open for hosting millions of refugees. We continue to urge the warring parties to lift access restrictions and provide unconditional security guarantees for humanitarian access and to allow safe and unhindered passage for civilians fleeing violence. We urge the Sudanese authorities to keep the Adré border crossing open, as it is a lifeline for millions of civilians in Darfur. In conclusion, this brutal war has been going on for too long. We urge the warring parties to respect the commitments set out by the Council and to take genuine action to put the Sudan on a path to peace.

We welcome the participation of His Excellency Mr. Kamil Idris, Prime Minister of the Sudan, among us today. We thank you, Mr. President, for convening this meeting at the request of the Sudan, with the support of several Council members, including Pakistan, in the context of the grave and escalating security situation in the country. We thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari and Director Edem Wosornu of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs for the insightful briefings. We also take note of the remarks by the civil society organization representative, Mr. Hudson. As we heard from the briefers, once again, the Sudan’s crisis is deepening, and the cost is being paid most acutely by civilians. Even United Nations peacekeepers have not been spared. Pakistan condemns the attack on United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei (UNISFA) peacekeepers serving in Kadugli, in what has been described as a deliberate drone strike against United Nations premises. We convey our deepest condolences to the Government and people of Bangladesh and the families of the six fallen peacekeepers and wish a swift recovery to those injured. Attacks against peacekeepers are unacceptable and amount to war crimes. Those who target United Nations personnel must be identified and held accountable. This attack did not occur in a vacuum. The Secretary-General’s latest report on UNISFA (S/2025/649) had warned of the growing threats to peacekeepers, including the persistent encroachment of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) on UNISFA’s operating environment. Nor is Kadugli unfamiliar terrain for such violations. We had already witnessed the appalling kidnapping of 60 peacekeepers and the seizure of United Nations assets and fuel trucks by the RSF earlier this year. The Council carries a responsibility to ensure that peacekeepers are not left exposed to predictable threats, without consequences for those who attack them. Only last week, we heard United Nations officials caution against the risk of the El Fasher-type atrocities that are now happening in Kordofan, where the RSF has been on a rampage, including killing children in a kindergarten and attacking schools and hospitals. The atrocities committed by the RSF in El Geneina and El Fasher are still fresh in our memories. Before El Fasher fell, the Council and the broader international community were warned repeatedly of the consequences of inaction. Resolution 2736 (2024) demanded that the siege of El Fasher be lifted and called for the protection of civilians and humanitarian access, yet we saw defiance on the ground, followed by catastrophic outcomes, undermining the credibility of the Council. The lessons from these massacres are clear: where siege tactics, starvation and indiscriminate attacks against civilians are not stopped, graver atrocities follow. We cannot allow Kordofan to become the next chapter in the same tragedy. Recent developments, including attacks on towns such as Babanusah and Hijelij, underline the risks of regional spillover in Abyei and South Sudan. Humanitarian imperatives must also remain central to the Council’s work in the Sudan. The situation being reported from Kordofan and Darfur — besieged communities, collapsing services, restricted movement and attacks on aid convoys — demands our immediate attention. Sustained, safe and unimpeded humanitarian access must be provided by all parties, and humanitarian routes should be kept open and protected. Pakistan has consistently encouraged the Council to welcome the steps taken by the Sudanese Government in pursuance of its transitional road map, including the appointment of the Prime Minister, His Excellency Mr. Kamil Idris, and his technocratic Cabinet, which are tasked with alleviating humanitarian suffering and advancing an inclusive political transition. There is no military solution to this conflict. The only durable path forward lies in a political dialogue and reconciliation. Pakistan therefore supports all genuine efforts and political processes aimed at achieving an immediate cessation of hostilities and a ceasefire, protecting civilians, securing unfettered humanitarian access and paving the way for a peaceful political transition that reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people. The Council must support all such efforts and base its approach on the following essentials: first, the preservation of the Sudan’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity; secondly, the rejection of any so-called parallel Government or structures, which undermine State institutions and risk fragmentation of the country; thirdly, an immediate cessation of hostilities and the protection of civilians, including urgent steps to prevent mass atrocity risks in Kordofan; fourthly, unimpeded humanitarian access to all people in need of assistance all across the country; fifthly, greater coherence and complementarity between the various peace initiatives and mediation tracks that are currently active for the achievement of our common objectives; and lastly, the maintenance of zero tolerance for war crimes, including attacks against United Nations peacekeepers and humanitarian workers, with credible investigations and accountability for the perpetrators. The brotherly people of the Sudan have suffered beyond measure. The guns must be silenced and hopes for a brighter future rekindled, with peace and normalcy visible on the horizon. The Council must fulfil its responsibility towards that end. Pakistan will continue to support all such endeavours.

We thank Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari and Director of Operations in the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs Edem Wosornu for their briefings. We also listened to the statement by the civil society representative, Mr. Cameron Hudson. We welcome the participation of the Prime Minister of the Sudan, Mr. Kamil El-Tayeb Idris, in this meeting, as well as that of the representatives of Egypt, Türkiye and the United Arab Emirates. We are closely following the developments unfolding in the Republic of the Sudan. We note the efforts undertaken by the current Sudanese Government and the national armed forces to stabilize the situation and restore normal life in the country, which includes ensuring the functioning of State institutions and assisting the population. This is evidenced by the fact that the Government enjoys support from the Sudanese people themselves. We consider this work to be an important factor in preserving State governance amid a severe crisis. We express serious concern about the dangerous escalation in the south of the Sudan, which is directly linked to the destructive actions by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Their armed raids, attacks on populated areas and infrastructure and attempts to sabotage local governance mechanisms exacerbate humanitarian suffering and extend the geographical scope of the conflict. Such actions have no justification whatsoever and serve only to drag out the crisis. In this context, we must mention the attempts by certain members of the Security Council to artificially shift the focus of discussions from the root causes of the conflict — namely the atrocities committed by rebel groups, primarily the RSF — to its consequences. Protecting civilians, addressing food insecurity and coping with the growing number of refugees and internally displaced persons are indeed serious challenges. However, taking these issues out of their cause-and-effect context and remaining silent about the actions of those who largely bear direct responsibility for what is happening brings us no closer to a lasting settlement. We proceed from our unconditional respect for the unity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Sudan. Any attempts to undermine these principles, including through creating parallel power structures, are fraught with serious risks of the disintegration of the country with ensuing irreversible consequences for its statehood. Such a path is unacceptable and dangerous, first and foremost for the Sudanese people themselves. The legitimacy of the current Government of the Sudan should not be called into question. We believe that the international community’s support for it is of fundamental importance for preserving effective State institutions capable of ensuring a sovereign, incremental and sustainable civilian transition. Attempts from outside to substitute these institutions or weaken them artificially will only exacerbate instability. The path in this direction has already been outlined in the road map for reforms announced by Prime Minister Idris at the beginning of the year. We are convinced that this plan deserves the unconditional support of the Security Council. The humanitarian situation in the country remains extremely dire. However, we believe that increasing the effectiveness of the humanitarian response is impossible without closer and more substantive engagement among United Nations humanitarian agencies and their partners and the legitimate Sudanese Government. Attempts to ignore national authorities and bypass State mechanisms only undermine coordination efforts, create additional risks for personnel and in no way contribute to a sustainable improvement of the situation for the civilian population. A sovereign State must remain the central link in humanitarian response efforts on its territory. The Russian Federation has consistently advocated for an immediate ceasefire and a transition to a political settlement of the conflict. We are convinced that the only viable path to peace is a broad, inclusive intra-Sudanese dialogue that is not imposed by external actors and takes into account the interests of all major political and social forces in the country. Decisions regarding the Sudan’s future must be made by the Sudanese themselves, without external pressure or prescriptions. We take note of the various mediation initiatives and efforts aimed at facilitating a settlement. At the same time, we believe that it is the United Nations that should play a leading and guiding role in coordinating such efforts and in fostering constructive engagement among influential regional players. Most importantly, any initiatives for a sustainable political settlement must not be adopted behind the backs of the Sudanese people themselves. Due regard must be paid to Khartoum’s opinion and its vision of ways to overcome the crisis. We look forward to more vigorous efforts by the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General for the Sudan, Mr. Ramtane Lamamra. We hope that following his contacts with the warring parties and regional partners, the Council will have on the table specific, well-considered proposals regarding the parameters for a fair political settlement, without encroaching on the sovereign right of the Sudanese people to independently determine the future configuration of their State. We are convinced that the Security Council’s role in this regard is to facilitate de-escalation and national reconciliation and not to deepen divisions. Russia stands ready to continue making a constructive contribution to collective efforts aimed at restoring peace, stability and unity in the Sudan.

The United States condemns in the strongest terms the continued horrific violence across the Sudan, particularly in El Fasher and elsewhere in Darfur and the Kordofan region. We denounce in the strongest terms the 13 December targeting of United Nations peacekeepers in Kadugli, South Kordofan. Once again, we express our deep condolences to the families of the fallen peacekeepers and the Government of Bangladesh. The Trump Administration unequivocally condemns the atrocities committed by both the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces. This includes the atrocities committed by the Rapid Support Forces in El Fasher and reports of the ethnic targeting of civilians by the Sudanese Armed Forces in Wad Madani. We further condemn the Sudanese Armed Forces’ use of chemical weapons in violation of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production, Stockpiling and Use of Chemical Weapons and on Their Destruction. And we must hold the Sudan accountable. Accountability is not optional; it is the cornerstone of the Convention’s credibility. Let me be clear: the onus is on the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces to end this horrifying conflict now. Under President Trump’s leadership and under his direct instruction, Secretary Rubio and Senior Advisor Boulos have offered a way forward via a humanitarian truce. We urge both belligerents to accept this plan without preconditions, immediately. We also call on all parties to honour their humanitarian commitments, including refraining from attacking civilians and allowing full, safe and unhindered humanitarian access throughout the country. It is imperative that the relevant authorities extend the opening of the Adré border crossing with Chad past 31 December. There should not be any preconditions to humanitarian assistance delivery or any politicization of access. This devastating war, the fall of El Fasher, the escalation of the conflict in the Kordofan region and years of conflict in the heart of Khartoum would not have been possible without external financial and military support to the warring parties. Supplying arms to any of the parties prolongs the conflict, and, if the weapons are provided to parties in Darfur in the absence of approval from the Committee established pursuant to resolution 1591 (2005) concerning the Sudan, is in violation of the United Nations arms embargo. This needs to stop. Finally, we encourage the 1591 (2005) Committee to utilize the tools at its disposal, including sanctions, to hold to account those who are committing violations of international humanitarian law or human rights law or atrocities in Darfur.

I would first like to thank the Assistant Secretary-General, Mr. Khaled Khiari, and the Director of Operations and Advocacy, Ms. Edem Wosornu, for their briefings, and Mr. Cameron Hudson for his remarks. We are meeting today to respond to the conflict in the Sudan, where civilians are bearing the brunt of the violence. The Sudanese Armed Forces, the Rapid Support Forces and their allies are continuing their deadly clashes, particularly in Kordofan. External actors continue to fuel these clashes, including in violation of the arms embargo on Darfur, which was unanimously renewed in September. These actions are amplifying the regionalization of the conflict, which is already under way and poses a lasting threat to the security and stability of the Horn of Africa but also North Africa, Central Africa and the Red Sea. On Saturday 13 December, a drone attack in Kadugli against a base of the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei killed six Bangladeshi peacekeepers and wounded nine others. France condemns this attack in the strongest terms and expresses solidarity with Bangladesh. We extend our condolences to the families and loved ones of the soldiers who died and wish the wounded a speedy recovery. Those responsible for this attack must be identified and held accountable for their actions. I would like to make three remarks in the context of this Security Council meeting. First, France strongly condemns the systematic and persistent violence inflicted on civilians. In El Fasher, the Rapid Support Forces have committed atrocities in violation of international humanitarian law and international human rights law. In fact, no effective measures have been taken to give substance to their announcement regarding the implementation of a humanitarian truce. The Rapid Support Forces must immediately guarantee the protection of civilians without discrimination, facilitate humanitarian access and hold accountable those responsible for crimes within their ranks. We are also concerned about reports of violations committed by the Sudanese Armed Forces, including press reports of incidents involving the use of chemical weapons. The Sudanese Armed Forces must, without delay, adhere to the humanitarian truce proposed by the United States within the framework of the Quad for the Sudan. Furthermore, all parties involved must comply with international humanitarian law, in particular the obligation to ensure the rapid and unimpeded delivery of food aid, medicines and other essential supplies. They must respect their obligations under resolution 2736 (2024) and their commitments under the Jeddah Declaration, including the protection of civilians and humanitarian workers. It is intolerable that hunger and famine persist because of the cynicism of the parties to the conflict. It is also important to recall that the parameters for resolving this conflict are clearly identified: the conclusion of a ceasefire accompanied by a peace process. Efforts are under way to achieve a humanitarian truce, notably through the action of the Quad for the Sudan, reiterating the need to relaunch an inclusive and transparent transition process that is not controlled by any of the parties to the conflict. France supports the Quad and all efforts to promote peace in the Sudan, in particular the work of the Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General, Mr. Ramtane Lamamra, and the involvement of the African Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, the League of Arab States and the European Union in resolving the crisis. The informal interactive dialogue organized at the request of Denmark and the United Kingdom on 16 December provided an opportunity to express the Council’s support for that mediation and its coordination. The meeting was an opportunity to reiterate the importance of fully including Sudanese civil society in all its diversity, and Sudanese women in particular, in the political processes with a view to achieving lasting peace. It is this civil society that is now on the front line in supporting the populations affected by the fighting. Through the emergency response rooms in particular, this civil society carries the hope of a peaceful, united and non-militarized Sudan. Lastly, the Security Council must bring all its weight to bear in support of the peace efforts. This is necessary in order to call on the parties to the conflict to engage urgently and in good faith in negotiations on a political solution. It is also necessary to hold to account those responsible for atrocities against civilians. In this regard, France supports the use of individual sanctions under the resolution 1591 (2005) regime. The Council must act now, when the unity of the Sudan and the stability of the region are at stake. It is essential to live up to the aspirations of the Sudanese people for freedom, peace and justice following the revolution of December 2018.

Panama thanks Assistant Secretary-General Khaled Khiari, Ms. Edem Wosornu of the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs and independent analyst Mr. Cameron Hudson for their briefings. We welcome His Excellency Mr. Kamil El-Tayeb Idris, Prime Minister of the Republic of the Sudan, and welcome his participation in this meeting. We recognize the presence of the representatives of the countries honouring us with their participation. Panama strongly condemns the 13 December drone attack on the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei logistics base in Kadugli, which killed six Bangladeshi Blue Helmets and left several others wounded. We extend our condolences to the Government and the people of Bangladesh and the families of those who gave their lives while serving under the United Nations flag. We echo the Secretary-General’s statement by affirming that attacks against peacekeepers are unjustifiable and may constitute war crimes under international law. This attack, in a context characterized by intensified fighting and the humanitarian crisis, highlights the increasingly dangerous environment in which peacekeepers and civil society organizations operate as they help people at considerable personal risk. Since October, with the resurgence of violence in El Fasher, we have received multiple reports of extremely alarming developments and attacks from the Sudan. The conditions faced by civilians point to a protection crisis of extreme proportions. No individual should have to live under such conditions. The scale and escalation of violence, including indiscriminate attacks on civilians with drones and increasingly sophisticated weaponry, highlight the urgent need to put in place concrete measures to protect those who are most vulnerable. We call on all parties to cease hostilities, prioritize the protection of civilians and participate fully in the ongoing mediation channels, and we recall the State’s obligation to guarantee the safety and integrity of the population it serves. Panama recognizes and values the various mediation efforts under way, both regionally and internationally. In this regard, we acknowledge the active role of the Quad for the Sudan, the African Union and regional initiatives, which seek to facilitate dialogue among the parties and are essential to promoting a peaceful and sustainable solution to the conflict. The current context reveals an inescapable truth: in a conflict of this magnitude, there will be no winners as long as civilians continue to pay the price of violence, which unfortunately continues to be fuelled by the provision of arms, financing and support from external actors, instead of them exerting their influence to encourage the parties to cease hostilities, put an end to the violence, stop the atrocities and respect human rights. At the same time, we call for strengthened protection against ongoing sexual and gender-based violence against women and girls. Sexual violence, used as a tactic of war, is a crime and constitutes a serious violation of international law. The priorities must be clear: guaranteeing the protection of civilians, addressing the humanitarian crisis, achieving an immediate cessation of hostilities, ensuring respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Sudan and promoting accountability for violations of international humanitarian law and human rights. Panama reiterates its commitment to a coordinated, inclusive and human rights- based approach that supports mediation efforts and contributes to progress towards the stable, secure and dignified conditions that the Sudanese people deserve.

I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of Slovenia. I thank all briefers for their insight. The Sudan today is not confronting a tragedy of chance, but of sustained and deliberate conduct. This war has crossed every moral, legal and human boundary. Slovenia condemns unequivocally the destruction of civilian lives across the Sudan. I wish to make three points. First, the pattern of harm in the Sudan leaves no room for misinterpretation. Civilians are attacked, killed, besieged, starved, bombed, raped and displaced by design. Violence is not incidental, it is calibrated. Hunger is not a by-product, it is imposed. El Fasher is the most compelling example. For 18 months, a city has been surrounded, suffocated and attacked from both the ground and the air. As we heard, these same methods are now spreading beyond Darfur. In Kordofan, violence is accelerating rapidly, with drone warfare adding a new and terrifying dimension that is remote, indiscriminate and devastating. This war has turned children into targets. In South Kordofan, a horrific attack on a kindergarten, killing children, fully exposed the moral collapse of this conflict. Months ago, the United Nations Children’s Fund warned that children are being subjected to horrific sexual violence. Our position is clear. There is no circumstance, no justification and no explanation that can excuse violence against children. We condemn it in the strongest terms. On 13 December, this same disregard for life extended to those mandated to protect it when a drone attack on a United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei logistics base in Kadugli killed six Bangladeshi peacekeepers. A day later, according to the World Health Organization, a hospital in Dilling was attacked, killing nine health workers in one of the many deadly assaults on healthcare that are stripping civilians of life-saving services across the Sudan. Slovenia condemns all these attacks in the strongest possible terms and expresses its deepest condolences to the families of the fallen peacekeepers. We demand that those responsible be identified and held accountable. We equally condemn the use of siege, starvation and terror as methods of warfare. Secondly, responsibility must be addressed. All civilian deaths, regardless of location, affiliation, or perpetrator, are equally unacceptable and demand the same clarity of condemnation and commitment to justice. A number of reports has made it clear that both parties bear responsibility for harm to civilians. The crimes committed by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) stand apart for their scope, intensity and brutality. The RSF is waging a campaign of violence against civilians that is systematic, deliberate and sustained. These are not isolated incidents or failures of discipline. They are operational choices. Slovenia condemns these acts unequivocally and stresses that such conduct demands clear accountability for RSF atrocities. Reporting by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the independent international fact-finding mission for the Sudan has also documented serious violations by the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF), including indiscriminate air strikes and attacks affecting populated areas. Slovenia condemns these attacks and calls on the SAF to cease such conduct and to comply fully with international humanitarian law. Thirdly, this war is being enabled from the outside. The Sudan continues to receive weapons, including drones, and logistical and financial support that enable hostilities, despite overwhelming evidence that this support is directly used to target civilians. Slovenia calls on all external actors to halt the transfer of arms and military materiel and to cease any support that fuels this war, in full compliance with United Nations arms embargo obligations. We need to be clear: there can be no illusion of neutrality. Those who provide military or logistical assistance share responsibility and accountability. In a war defined by massive atrocities, there is no neutral supply chain. In conclusion, Slovenia supports all genuine mediation efforts, including those led by the Quad for the Sudan, the Quintet, the United Nations, the African Union and regional actors. The Sudan road map to peace must be matched by genuine commitment. As other colleagues have said, there is no military solution to this war. Slovenia calls directly on both warring parties to step up and engage seriously in mediation efforts, rather than undermine or fragment these efforts. The responsibility now lies with the parties to demonstrate, through actions rather than words, that they are prepared to end this war. I now resume my functions as President of the Council. I now give the floor to His Excellency Mr. Kamil El-Tayeb Idris, Transitional Prime Minister of the Republic of the Sudan. Mr. Idris: The Sudan stands today at the defining moment in its history, a moment at which the silence of guns can either be delayed by hesitation or secured by courage. Our nation, as the Council has rightly established this morning, has paid an unbearable price in human lives and in the tearing apart of its social fabric. Cities have been reduced to ruins, families are in exile and hope itself has been placed under siege. The Government of the Sudan peace initiative is born not from illusion but from necessity; not from victory but from responsibility. It is a deliberate choice to replace chaos with order, violence with law and despair with hope, grounded in international principles and the complementarities and synergies with the Americans, Saudis and Egyptians, informed by painful experience. This initiative offers a realistic, enforceable and inclusive framework to protect civilians, end atrocities, restore State authority and State responsibility and open the door to national reconciliation. Today, the Sudan does not ask for simple sympathy. I must make this point very clear. We are not here to ask for simple sympathy from the Council. It asks for partnership in securing peace, justice and dignity for our people. Our initiative is home-made. Let me underline that — home-made — not imposed upon us. It is not about winning a war; it is about ending a cycle of violence that has failed the Sudan for decades. (spoke in Arabic) The Sudan is facing an existential crisis as a result of the ferocious war waged by the rebel militia, formerly known as the Rapid Support Forces, in flagrant violation of all international laws and norms, which has led to an unprecedented humanitarian disaster and regional and international instability. Therefore, in line with the road map submitted to the Council and in conjunction with the Saudi-American-Egyptian peace initiative, we hereby present the Sudanese Government’s initiative for peace, which reflects the Sudanese transitional civilian Government of Hope’s vision for ending this armed aggression by the militia and its supporters, protecting civilians, stopping the bloodshed, ending the suffering of our people, safeguarding the unity and territorial integrity of our country and maintaining international peace and security. The fundamental steps for peace are as follows. First, a comprehensive ceasefire that is jointly monitored by the United Nations, the African Union and the League of Arab States will be announced, accompanied simultaneously by the withdrawal of the rebel militia from all the areas it occupies, in accordance with the Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to Protect the Civilians of Sudan signed on 11 May 2023. Secondly, rebel militia combatants will be put together in designated camps. Rebel militia fighters will withdraw and be held together in designated and agreed upon camps under the joint oversight of the United Nations, African Union and Arab League. The combatants of the rebel militia will also be registered and screened, and their biometric data collected. Thirdly, regarding the issue of displaced persons, refugees and humanitarian assistance, the return of displaced persons to their areas of origin, the voluntary return of refugees and the unhindered flow of humanitarian aid to those in need in all war- affected areas will be facilitated and secured. Fourthly, the rebel militia will be disarmed through the implementation of a comprehensive disarmament process, under internationally agreed monitoring, with guarantees that weapons will not be recycled. The Sudanese transitional civilian Government of Hope will adopt a number of confidence-building measures in line with resolution 2736 (2024), which affirms national ownership for peacebuilding, according to the Sudanese Government’s peace initiative. These measures will cover the political, economic, security and social areas, as follows. First, regarding political measures, measures will be taken regarding legal prosecution in matters pertaining to public law. These will include policies to address the accountability of those militia members, be they military or civilian, who were not involved in war crimes, genocide or human rights violations or any other crimes under international law. This will entail delivering transitional justice to hold the perpetrators of those crimes accountable. Such measures will also include ensuring that no Sudanese citizen is denied the opportunity to obtain identity documents and review reports filed against them, and reconciling with all those who wish to return to the country, in order to set the stage for inter-Sudanese dialogue. Secondly, when it comes to security measures, individuals who meet the criteria set by the State must be integrated into the regular forces of the Government of the Sudan. A disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programme, known as DDR, will be implemented for those eligible, with the aim of their return to civilian life. Reintegration will be supported through international and regional programmes for the rehabilitation of former combatants and their integration into society. Thirdly, regarding economic measures and reparations, development projects in Darfur, Kordofan and other affected states will be supported through the allocation of additional government and international resources, as well as reconstruction projects. Productive projects using microfinance funds will be undertaken with the aim of improving standards of living in war-affected areas. Employment opportunities and civilian training programmes for former combatants will be provided, their integration into the labour market will be facilitated, and militia members not convicted of crimes will be involved in the implementation of such projects. Fourthly, regarding social measures, militia members who are not convicted of crimes and those civil society entities supporting them will be involved in community peace initiatives. Opportunities to contribute to national reconciliation and reparations programmes, thereby restoring local communities’ trust in them, will be provided. Militia members who are not convicted will be involved in educational and health projects through support to schools and hospitals in conflict-affected areas, making them part of the community solution. As regards community reconciliation, international and local peace conferences will be convened to restore peace in the community and promote reconciliation and national healing, in cooperation with the United Nations, international and regional organizations, donors and fraternal, friendly countries to address the effects of war, repair the social fabric and foster a healthy, resilient community environment. As for the political process, the inter-Sudanese dialogue shall be held during the transitional period, through which political actors shall agree on how the State is to be administered and how the country is to be governed. This will be followed by free and fair elections under international supervision, thereby fulfilling the requirements for a comprehensive democracy. (spoke in English) History will not remember how complex this conflict was; it will remember whether the world acted when action was possible. The Government of the Sudan’s peace initiative offers a clear test of our collective resolve: a ceasefire that can be monitored, disarmament that can be enforced, justice that is not selective and reconciliation that is not superficial. The initiative affirms a simple and enduring truth: there is no peace without accountability, no stability without a single national authority, and no future without healing. The Sudan seeks neither impunity nor endless war; it seeks a just peace, anchored in law and safeguarded by the international community. Council members are the international community. This collective assembly of the Security Council is the full representation of the international community. This initiative can mark the moment when the Sudan stepped back from the edge and the international community — the Council — stood on the right side of history. Let the Council be remembered not as a witness to collapse, but as a partner in recovery. I am here today therefore to seek Council members’ undivided attention and full support.

I now give the floor to the representative of Türkiye.

I thank Assistant Secretary-General Khiari and Director Wosornu for their briefings and Mr. Hudson for the naked truth. I also would like to welcome His Excellency Mr. Kamil Idris, Prime Minister of the Sudan. Unfortunately, the conflict in the Sudan has turned into a humanitarian catastrophe. The Sudan is experiencing the largest displacement crisis in the world, and the number of displaced persons is continuing to grow. Türkiye defines the Sudan’s unity, territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence as some of the basic tenets of our principled approach to the region and Africa as a whole. We are deeply saddened by the recent developments in El Fasher and Kordofan. We strongly condemn the atrocities committed by the Rapid Support Forces against civilians and call for urgent access to the relevant regions for humanitarian assistance. We also condemn the attack on the logistics base of the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei in Kadugli, the capital of South Kordofan. I wish to express Türkiye’s condolences to the families of the fallen peacekeepers and to the people and the Government of Bangladesh and wish a swift recovery to the injured. It is only through legitimacy and dialogue that a sustainable solution to the conflict can be found. We support regional and international initiatives aimed at ending the conflict; easing the human suffering and preserving the Sudan’s unity, stability and security. The efforts of the international community should be aimed at an inclusive peace process that will enable a permanent ceasefire, followed by a comprehensive political process focused on accountability. In order to contribute to the normalization of the country, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency reopened its office in Port Sudan. Also, Ziraat Katılım Bank has re-launched its operations in the country. Turkish Airlines started offering flights from Istanbul to Port Sudan in September. The continued presence of the Turkish Embassy in Port Sudan at the ambassadorial level is a clear testament to our determination to stand with the Sudan. In these difficult times, we do not remain indifferent to the ongoing humanitarian situation in the country. The Turkish hospital in Nyala, the capital city of South Darfur, continues to provide health services to the Sudanese people, despite all the setbacks and hardship. In addition to our previous humanitarian aid, four Turkish aid ships, two of them prepared by Turkish non-governmental organizations, have delivered approximately 10,000 tons of aid to Port Sudan since the summer of 2024. The Turkish Ministry of Health sent 64 tons of medical supplies to help the Sudan fight cholera in July. In cooperation with the Turkish Disaster and Emergency Management Authority and the International Organization for Migration, arrangements for the shipment of 30,000 tents were completed. The first shipments already arrived. The rest of the tents will be delivered soon. Amid the growing number of global crises and challenges, the Sudan must not be allowed to fade from the international community’s focus. That is why I very much appreciate the initiatives of His Excellency the Prime Minister. The establishment of a reliable ceasefire and sustainable and safe delivery of humanitarian aid remain urgently needed. The people of the Sudan must be freed from the grip of violence and death. Türkiye once again underscores its firm support for the people of the Sudan and appeals to the international community to enhance and enforce efforts to end the conflict.

Allow me to begin by warmly welcoming the Prime Minister of the Sudan, Mr. Kamil Idris, among us today. This meeting is being held at a critical moment in the history of the brotherly Sudan, as the Prime Minister mentioned a few minutes ago. Egypt’s dear neighbour is experiencing a profound crisis that is having dangerous negative repercussions on regional and international security and stability. This is especially true for the Sudan’s neighbours, as they are the most affected by the crisis and bear the brunt of its consequences. Over the past two years, Egypt has engaged in all international efforts to restore stability in the Sudan. We recognize the multiple dangers posed by the conflict, especially given the Sudan’s strategic location at the heart of Africa, where it shares borders with seven countries, and its long coastline along the Red Sea. The repercussions of the spread of chaos and insecurity could therefore increase threats to the security and safety of navigation in the Red Sea, undermine stability in the Horn of Africa, spread terrorism and organized crime and increase the waves of illegal immigration and arms and human trafficking. All these are factors that could turn the Sudan, God forbid, into a crisis that threatens international peace and security far beyond its regional sphere. In this context, Egypt continues its efforts and endeavours to stop the war in the Sudan, in cooperation and coordination with all international and regional actors. Egypt is participating in the international quartet mechanism to end the suffering of the brotherly Sudanese people and resolve the Sudanese crisis by working to reach a comprehensive humanitarian truce as soon as possible. This would lead to a sustainable ceasefire, including establishing safe havens and humanitarian corridors to provide protection for Sudanese civilians, in full coordination with Sudanese State institutions. This is in parallel with efforts to launch a comprehensive political process led by our Sudanese brothers. Egypt has been keen to host a meeting of Sudanese political and civilian forces under the umbrella of the Cairo Dialogue conference in July 2024, as part of Egypt’s contribution to supporting the efforts of our brothers to overcome existing differences and reach common ground and a shared vision that paves the way for a better future for the Sudan. Egypt also spares no effort in providing all forms of support to the mechanisms and processes aimed at ending the conflict in the Sudan, particularly within the framework of the African Union, the Sudan’s neighbouring countries and other forums, based on our belief in the importance of concerted and coordinated international and regional efforts in this direction. In this regard, Egypt commends the efforts of the Secretary-General and his Personal Envoy for the Sudan, Mr. Ramtane Lamamra, in working to bring the different parties closer together to restore peace and achieve stability in the Sudan. The Egyptian delegation appreciates the importance of continuing constructive cooperation and strengthening trust between the Sudanese Government and the United Nations and its agencies in various areas of work and in dealing with the crisis, especially in the humanitarian field. Egypt also condemns the brutal attack on United Nations peacekeepers in Kadugli and calls on the Council to take decisive measures to protect peacekeepers and hold those involved in this attack accountable. Egypt stresses the need to stop the illegal flow of weapons, mercenaries and foreign fighters into the Sudan. This would strengthen efforts to end the conflict, stop the bloodshed and reduce waves of displacement and asylum. Egypt calls on the international community to take the necessary measures to stop the flagrant violations of the principles of international humanitarian law and the crimes being committed against innocent civilians in the Darfur and Kordofan regions, especially following the fall of El Fasher. In this regard, the Egyptian delegation emphasizes its unwavering position regarding the brotherly Sudan. We warn against violating the red lines that directly affect the requirements of Egyptian national security, which is directly linked to Sudanese national security. These lines were mentioned in the press statement issued by the presidency of the Arab Republic of Egypt on 18 December, foremost among which is preserving the unity of the Sudan, protecting its territorial integrity, respecting its sovereignty and categorically rejecting any attempts to divide it, undermine its unity or tamper with its capabilities. We also affirm Egypt’s full support for Sudanese national institutions and categorically reject the establishment or recognition of any parallel entities, as this would undermine the Sudan’s unity and territorial integrity. Egypt also continues to provide all possible support to the brotherly Sudan in overcoming its current ordeal. Immediately after the outbreak of the crisis in the Sudan, Egypt took the initiative to welcome hundreds of thousands of Sudanese brothers and sisters to their second country, Egypt. The Egyptian Government continues to provide urgent relief aid, including food, supplies and medical equipment, for our brothers and sisters affected by the conflict within Sudanese territory. In addition, Egypt is supporting several development projects to provide them with basic services, particularly in the areas of energy and infrastructure development. As we speak today, an Egyptian medical convoy comprising a group of Egypt’s best doctors in various specialties is in the Sudan to provide treatment and perform necessary surgeries for our brothers and sisters, in parallel with the arrival of tons of medicines and medical supplies to support Sudanese hospitals and medical teams. The current situation in the Sudan should not be a source of competition or a battleground. Rather, it is imperative that we all cooperate and coordinate sincerely and transparently in order to get the country out of this predicament and reach a humanitarian truce as soon as possible allowing for the delivery of the necessary aid and relief to the millions of displaced Sudanese people. This should be followed by negotiations to reach a permanent ceasefire, and then the political process can be resumed, allowing for the successful conclusion of the transitional period in the Sudan. In conclusion, I reiterate Egypt’s full solidarity with the brotherly Sudan in its efforts to overcome the current crisis. Egypt will continue to support the Sudanese people with all its might so as to enable them to restore their legitimate right to a dignified life in a safe country that fulfils the aspirations of its people, protects their capabilities and propels them towards progress, development and prosperity. In this regard, I call on the Council to record and study the important messages and vital points contained in the statement of His Excellency the Prime Minister of the Sudan. We hope that they will be considered a fundamental starting point in the Council’s future plan aimed at ending the war and alleviating the suffering of our Sudanese brothers and sisters.

I now give the floor to the representative of the United Arab Emirates.

I thank Assistant Secretary-General Mr. Khaled Khiari and Director of Operations and Advocacy Ms. Edem Wosornu for their briefings on the catastrophic situation in the Sudan. And, while I agree with what Mr. Hudson said about the importance of the Sudan transitioning to a civilian-led Government and one that is free from the control of extremist forces, I express regret that he also used the opportunity to repeat false and unfounded allegations against the United Arab Emirates, which we categorically reject. As we speak, fighting continues unabated across the country. Despite repeated calls from the Quad and others to secure a humanitarian truce that would enable a surge of life-saving assistance into and across the Sudan, the warring parties choose to continue their military operations and violate international law. Just this month, the conflict crossed yet another red line, with a direct attack against the United Nations. The United Arab Emirates unequivocally condemns the heinous drone attack against the logistics base of the United Nations Interim Security Force for Abyei in Kadugli, which resulted in the tragic deaths of United Nations peacekeepers and represents a serious escalation. Those responsible must be held accountable. This attack does not stand in isolation but reflects a broader and well-documented pattern of violations by the warring parties, which includes the atrocities committed against civilians in El Fasher, Kordofan and El Gezira, among others; the declaration as personae non gratae and expulsion of United Nations officials, from the most recent Special Representative of the Secretary-General to senior World Food Programme officials; the obstruction and politicization of humanitarian access; the use of starvation as a weapon of war; and threats and intimidation directed at mediators who are facilitating the humanitarian truce. These actions directly undermine mediation efforts and the United Nations ability to protect civilians and deliver life-saving aid. Amid the fog of war, one fact is beyond dispute: both sides have committed war crimes. This is not conjecture. The atrocities by the Rapid Support Forces and its allies are well-known, and the evidence of crimes by the Sudanese Armed Forces and their allied Islamist groups is mounting, including recent reports of systematic, ethnically motivated atrocities. The international community must not stand by as this ongoing civil war creates dangerous space for extremist and terrorist networks to regroup, recruit and finance themselves, generating spillover risks for the Sudan’s neighbours and the wider region. As the Quad’s joint statement of 12 September underscores, the Sudan’s future cannot be dictated by violent extremist groups, including those part of, or linked to, the Muslim Brotherhood, whose destabilizing influence has fuelled violence and instability across the region. The Council should be clear that any path forward must deny these extremist groups space, resources and legitimacy and must be anchored in a genuine civilian-led transition independent of either of the warring parties. It is, however, telling that violence is still being used to silence calls for civilian governance, as we saw during the recent commemorations of the December revolution. Only an independent civilian-led Government can address the root causes of this conflict and prevent the Sudan from remaining trapped in cycles of military rule, instability and repression. Today, there is a clear and immediate opportunity to act in the interest of the Sudanese people by implementing the humanitarian truce for which the United States and the Quad have been calling. The lessons of history and present realities make it clear that unilateral efforts by either of the warring parties are not sustainable and will only prolong the war. The immediate priority is for a humanitarian truce that enables safe, rapid and unhindered delivery of aid across the Sudan and that leads directly to a permanent ceasefire and a pathway towards civilian rule independent of the warring parties. The Quad process, led by the United States, remains the most viable framework to achieve this. The international community must unite its efforts to press both warring parties to accept the truce on the table. If they refuse, the Council must be prepared to act. It must use all tools at its disposal, including imposing a comprehensive arms embargo across all of the Sudan to stop the flow of weapons fuelling this war. The United Arab Emirates commitment to the Sudanese people is long-standing and unwavering. We will continue to work with regional and international partners to secure an immediate ceasefire and support a credible pathway towards lasting peace.