S/PV.1040 Security Council

Before turning to the provisionalagenda,1shouldlike to introduce to the members of the Security Council Ml'. Vladimir Suslov, who has recently beenappointed Under-Secretary for Political and Security Council L<\.ffairs. 1 also wish to welcome him to the Council; 1 am confident that Ml'. Suslov's personal qualities and his wide experience, which includesapproximately six years of service at United Nations Headquarters, ensure that he will make a most useful contribution to the work of the Security Council. 5. Mr. Suslov now holds the post that was fbrmerly occupied by Ml'. Kiselev and Ml'. Loutfi. Theil'· untimely deaths deprived the Organization of two senior officers whose ability and personal qualities earned them the esteem and respect not only of the members of the Council, but also of theentire United Nations. 1 now give the floor to Mr. Suslov.

1 should like to thank you, Ml'. President, for your kind words ofwelcome. In my workwiththe Security Council 1 shall be guided by the provisions of the Charter ând the rules of procedure of the Security Council; that is to say, 1 shall continue in the traditions so ably upheld by my predecessors. - Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. Letter dated 11 July 1963 addressed to the President of the Security Council by therepresentatives of Algeria, Burundi, Camero,on,Central African Repub- 1ic, Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldville), Dahomey, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Lib~ria, Libya, Madagascar, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somal ia, Sudan, Tanganyika, Togo, Tunisia, Uganda, United ArabRepubl ic and Upper Volta (S/5347)

Anumber of communications have been receivedfromSiates Members of the United Nationswhicharenotmembers of the 8ecurity Council,askingto be allowedto participate inthe discussionofthe items on our agenda. These requests have been sent in by Tunisia, Liberia, Portugal, Sierra Leone and Madagascar. They have bèen circulated in the order in which they were received, and are numbered as follows: S/5351, S/5354, S/5355, S/5357 and S/5359. If there is no objection, 1 shall, with the agreement of the members of the Council, invite the representatives of the countries ~ have just mentioned to take seats at the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Mongi Slim (Tunisia)" Mr. Rudolph Grimes (Liberia), Mr. Alberto Franco Nogueira (Portugal), Mr. John Karefa-Smart (Sierra Leone) and Mr. Victor Miadana (Madagascar) took places at the Council table. S. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): 1 believe that 1 am expressing the feeling of aIl the members of the Security Council inwelcomingto the Council table the eminent Ministersfor ForeignAffairs and the Ministers of Finance who are here present: Mr. Mongi Slim, Secretary of State for :F'oreign Affms of Tunisia, who is weIl known to us aIl as the former Permanent Representative of Tunisia -and the formel' President of the beneral Assembly; Mr. Grimes, Secretary of Sta~~ of Liberia; Mr. Franco No~eira, Ministef for Foreign Affairs of portugal; Mr. Karefa- Smart, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sierra Leone; and Mr. Miadana, Minister of Finances of Madagascar. 1 am sure that their presence will help to eIlhance the importance and significance of the current deliberations of the Security Council. 9. 1 callupoiJ. the representative of Ghana on a point of arder.

Mydelegationis very pleased to !ind a number of.membersoutside the Council" coming ,ta participate in the deliberationsof the Council, in particular the Foreign Minister of Portugal. May 1 draw the atteJ"ltion of the Security Council to Article 32 of the Charter under 'which: "Any Member of the,united'Nations which is not a member of the Security Council or any state which is not a Member of the United Nations, if it is à party to a dispute under consideration by the Security Council, shall be invited to participate,withoutvote, in th~ discussion relating to the dispute•.." 11. It is in thelightofthisArticlethat Iwould ask the Security CouncU,to address an invitation to the representative of South Africa to appear before the Council 14. The rppresentatives of Liberia and Tunisia have indicated that they·woùld like to make statements to the Council concerning thisitem of the agenda. l now call upon the representative of Liberia.

l shouldlike tothankyou, first of aIr. for your :response to my request that l be invited to participate.in the discussion of the pressing questionsbrought to the attentionofthe SecurityCouncil in doc\l"3lents S/5347anâ, 8/5348 of 11 July 1963. Theew- ,~.of .grief, alarm and anxiety genuiIiely felt by the peoplesof Africa resulting from the situati()n prevailing in the territories under. Portuguese do~a­ tion and in the RepublicofSouthAfricais evident from the tmanimous action, ofthe thirty-two African Member States of the United Nations in requestingthismeeting of the Security Councj.lto con~ider these problems. The solicitude felt by the internationalcommtUlityPrompts me tobelieve that many more countries in other continents, some of whose l'epresentatives are around,this table Q even if they have notbeen signatories to the documents before -the Council, have equally strong sentiments about these matters. 16. We have come to the United Nations Security Council as representatives. of aIl theindependent States of Africa under indigenous rule, bearing the instructions of aIl heads of States artd Governments who metat Addis Ababa, inMay 1963•.YWehave come with no malice orhatred in oUl" hearts; only with love and friendship for aH peoples and Governments who believe in and respect the dignity and equalityof man. We ha've come in the interest of securingthe freedom, the independenceand the respect of our African brothers who are also members of God'sfamily and who yearn for freedom and dignity, the ideaIs and aspirations which, tOclay, all of us who are here enjoy. 17. Our missionis topresent the Security COUll;cil-with the true facts ·of the situation of apartheid in the Rey Official .Records of the General Assembly, Eighteenth session. Annexes. acldendum to agenda item ~3, cbap. Il, para. 105. .Y Summit Conference of Independent Mrican States, held in Addis Ababa, 22-25 May 1963. 18. There is some misapprehensionthatthe insistence on the part of the African States inbringing the issues of Portuguese territories and the policy of apartheid of Smith Africa again before the United Nations Security Council and pleading for firm action against these clountries w1ùch are violating principles of the Charter is tantamount to action taken with a view to undermining this international organization or to inflicting injury upon' it. We are completely surprised by this strange twist of logic. . 19. In the first instance, it is recognized by aU that the African States have always supported the United Nations Charter and are unswervingly committed ta this Organization and its continued existence. Some of the African States owe their very existence to the noble efforts of the United Nations. Whateverfreedom and international security Africa may enjoy today is in large measure due to the United Nations. 20. The Charter ofthe Organisation ofAfrican Unity;u reaffirmed the adherence of the Africau States to thè Charter ofthe United Nations, andrêcognizedthatthïs international. organization provides a solid.foundation fol' peacefuland positive co-operation,amongStates. In one of the resolutions passed at that Conference, aU the Africali Heads of states and Governinents pledged their continued support for the United Nations. Furthermore, the fact thatwe have .come here for an examination of our complaintrather than initiate aotion outside the United Nations. confirms our respect and support for this body andour clear recognition that the United Nations is the practical embodiment of the peaceful aspiration to haJ.'monize contending and conflicting interests without resort to war. 21. Not all countriescanclaimthatthispresentaction of ours has characterized their methods of resolVing . conflicts with ether Member States. The AfricanSt<l.tes consider it strange and curious indeedthatwhenthirtytwo States seek in an orderly fashion to obtain justice and right, human di'1lity andself-cieterinination, indepencence and freeCiom, our efforts are considered as an attempt to wreck the United Nations. On the contrary, we firmly believé that our efforts to ensure respect for and compliance with resolutions and decisions of this Organization will strengthen the United Nations, not weaken it. 22. Since its admission to the United Nations in 1955. Portugal has tried to hide behind paragraph 7 of Article 2 of the United Nations Charter, whichforbids Member States to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdicti(i)n of aState. Ili constantly citing this Article, which has no relevancy to the Portuguese territories, the Governmentofpor- :v Adopted ai25 May 1963 at Addis Ababa by the Summit Conference of Independent African States. 23. Under Article 1. paragraph 2. of the Charter. one of thepurposes of the United Nations ts thedevelopment of friendly relations amongthenations andpeople of the worId. basedonrespectfor the principle of equal rights and self-determinationofpeoples. Itis worthy of note that this provision ofthe Charter. wlùchattached first importance to the principle of equality and seifdetermination of all peoples, became a lùstoric part of the Chart~r by an amendment wlùch was offered by the sponsoring Powers of the United Nations Conference on InternationalOrganizationheldin San Francisco in 1945.at the time of theformulation of the Charter. Thus there was common recognition among these sponsoring Powers, four ofwhom are permanentmembers of the Security-Council. that the international community had a ·lùgh stake in the future and destiny of colonial peoples. Tnis prïnciple goes to the very heart of tlùsOrganization. 24. Article _7a of the Charterestablished in clear terms -the principle of international accountabiIity to theUhited -Nations of those Members of the United Nations which have dependent territories.Oneqfthe convictions on wlùch the United Nations has been founded in that the interests of the inhr,bitants of the Non~self-Governing Territories wlùch certain Member States âdminister are paramoimt. As members of tlùs international body. thèse Members States with territorles accepted as a "sacred trust the obligation to promote the utmost ... ~ the weU-beingoftheinhabitaIits"and acceptedfurther the spec~ic.commitments listed in Article 73. Chapters XII and XIJI of the Charter fQrther expi'essly proVidefor both accountability and supervision. 25. Theclaim that part of the African continent is ah integralpart of Europe is unreal and we do not accept any such fiction. . 26. .In submitting the viewsof aUthe AfriçanGovernments to this distinguished bodyandtne world.. we should.like to review the efforts of the United N~tions and its :r;nany attempt$. to induce .complia.Ilce l;>ythe Çiovernment of Portugal. We$haJ.l discuss further the two z:eports-wlùc~ the Sub-Committee on the Situation in Angola.Y establishedby_General Assembly resQI'.ltion 1603 (XV). reaffirmed by the resolutionadopted by the Security Council on 9 June 19512f and. contfuued by General Assembly resolutlon 1742 (XVI). has submitted; and-we-shall make sorne specific observations on the question ofthe so-called "Overseas Provinces". the name which the Portuguese Government has desig- 28. On 14 December 1960, the General Assembly adopted resolution 1514 (XVI) entitled "Declarationon the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and peoplf!s". Operatj.ve paragraph 5 of the Declaration called' upon those countries which still possessed colonies to take immediate steps to transfer allpower to the inhabitants of the territories without any condi;' tions or reservations, so as to enable them to enjoy the blessings oÎ independence and freedom. 29. On 1.0 December 1960, at its fifteenth session,the General Assembly, in resolution 1541 (XV)'approved a statement of twelve principles which was designed to guide Member states in determining whether or notan obligation exists'to transmit to the General Assembly the information called for in Article 73 eof the Charter. In resolution 1542 (XV) , by a vote of 68 to 6, with 17 abstentions.. the General Assembly decided that ther.a was an obligation on the part of the Ciovernment of Portugal to transmit information in respect of its territories. In fact, these Portuguese territories were listed in that resolution. Further, the Government of PortUgal was lJrged to provide the United Nations with information concerning these territories, and it was stated that that obligation "should be dischargedwithout further delay". 30. The Government of Portugal absolutely refusedta comply with these cumulative resolutions of the Assembly and the Security Council. It appears that, as far as the Portuguese Government is concerned, these reso.- lutions have no meaningandhave therefore beentreated contemptuously by this Member of the UnitedNations. 31. In Decemberof1960andtheearlypartof 1961, the Government of Liberia received authoritative reports about the serious disturbances in Angola and the brutalitieswhich the Portuguese authorities had committed in their efforts to queU whatthey called "dis.., turbances". This brutal suppression was apparently due to the fact that the Africans in the territory of Angola had requested better workin~ andhealthconditions, educational facilities and participation in the political affairs of their qwn country. In early March 1961, reports again reachedtheGovernmentofLiberia that the ganeral political and social climatein that territory was worsening and that the Africans were being massacred. The reportrevealedthatthe Government of Portugal hadincrea.sed military patrols and build-ups, that additional air baseswere being built and that Africans were being tortured andjailed.Even foreign news reporters andcorrespondents were being expelled for reporting these developments. 33. On 10 March 1961, the Security Council finally commenced consideration of this problem. The Council also had before it when it met a joint letter11from thirty-four Afro-Asian delegations which supportedthe initiative of the Government of Liberiaand agreedthat this situation held grave potentialities for international friction which endangeredthe maintenanceofinternational peace and security. 34. On 14 March, a draft resolutionlV was submitted to the Security Council by Ceylon, the UnitedArab Republic and Liberia. In essence, the draft resolution of 14 March requested the Security Council to take note "of the recent distrubances and conflicts in Angolaresulting in loss of life of the inhabitants the continuance of which is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security", and called upon the Government of Portugal "to consider urgently the introduction of measures and reforms in Angola" in pursuance of General Assembly resolutiori 1514 (XV) of 14 December 1960. Before the debate was finally closed, the Liberian representative declared: "We are concerned here with no transient problem which the mere passage of time will palliate. You may seek to avoidthe issue today, but the problem will come to haunt you tomorrowand for a series oftomorrows, in an even more acute and aggravatedform, untilyou are driven to take your stand on one side or the other." [946th meeting, para. 161.] This statement is as true today as it was in 1961. On 16 March, however, the Security Council rejected the resolution. 35. On 20 March, forty Afro-Asian members requested that the item entitled "The Situationin Angola" he included in the agenda of the General Assembly, which had resumed on 7 March 1961. On 20 April the General Assemblyadopted resolution 1603 (XV), the oper~tive paragraphs of whichagain called upon the Government of Portugal to consider the introduction of measures and reforms in Angola inorder to implement General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), and established a sub-committee to examine the situation and report to the Assembly as soon as possible. j/ Ibid•• Supplement for January. February and March.1961, document 5/4738. li Ibid•• dOC\lIlÎent S/4762. :Y ~ument S/4769; see 945th meeting of the Security Council. para. 107. 37. During the Assembly's sixteenth session the Sub- Committee submitted to the President of the Security Council a report on the situationin Angola!Yin accordance with General Assembly resolution 1603 (XV) and the Security Council resolution of 9 June 1961. 38. After the Republic of Portugal was admitted to the United Nations in December 1955. itstatedthat its territories did not faU under the categoryindicatedby Article 73 of the Charter. It notedthat. under its Constitution. aH its territorie's were integral parts of portugal. The Government of Portugal observed that that state of affairs, in fact as in law. existed when it was admitted to the United Nations. Therefore. the Portuguese G:>vernment concluded. aU the Gen~ral Assembly resolutions involving Portugal vis-à-vis its territories had no application. 39. The Sub':'Committee was, from the outset, faced with a blanket refusaI on the part of .the Portuguese Government to permit it. to niake an on-the-spot inquiry. The Governmentof Portugal refusedto recognize the competence of tbis Committee. The Government did extend to the Chairman of the Sub-Committee 'an invitation to visit Lisbon in a npersonal capacityn. 40. In paragraphs 57 and 76 ofthereport,when speaking of its efforts to obtainthe co-operationof the Government of portugal. the Sub-Committee notect that. despite the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. the Government of Portugalcontinued its policy of sùppressing the conflict by force and that the Government of Portugal dèclined to provide facilities for the Committee to visit Angola to inquire into the nature and extent of the· conflict. It revealed that until the end of July 1961 foreign journalists and correspondentswere not permitted inta Ang<;>la. We see a total and deliberate disregard for and contemptof the United Nations resolutions. 41. When on 15 February 1961 the attention of the Security Cbuncil was ?alled to reports of brutality 1QJ Ibid., document S/4835. !!IOfficial RecordS' of the General Assembly, Sixteenth Session, Supplement No. 16. 42. The Sub-Committee explained in its report that, in the course of itsinquiries,ithadreceived extensive information that the measures employed by the Portuguese authorities went beyond the requirements for the maintenance or re-establishment oflawandorder; and that there were violent repressions by the armed Portuguese civilians. The League of Red Cross Societies in the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville) reported that it had issued relief cards in1961 covering some 131,000 refugees. Entire villages had fledin panic because of revengeful measures undertaken by the Government of portugal. 43. Simila.I;ly, during the 135thmeetingoftheGeneral Committee of the General Assembly on 21 September 1961, the representative of Portugal criticizedthe report and termed the methods and conclusions of the Sub--Oommittee as prejudicial. The PermanentRepresentative of portugal went on to say that this attitude had c~araèterized the approach and decisions on the Angolan question in the General Assembly. He even challenged and questioned the integrity of the Sub- Committee. 44. Resolution 1603 (XV) was worded so as not to impose anyembarrassments on that Government, in the hope and belief there would emerge a fresh and reasonable a:.titude from Portugal. Our actions were motivated by the sole desire to solve a difficult problem. We did not wis.h to humiliate or castigate any country. The African States have had no desire to deny to the PortugJlese peopie their esteemed place in history. The African Sta~es therefore failed to uIldersta.nd why the Government of Portugal would challenge the integrity of the Sub-Committee which, in reality, was carrying out a mandate of both the General Assembly and Security Council. 45. It was the feeling of the Sub-Committee that the conflict flowed from two basic causes: first, the accumulation of grievances of the Africanpopulation with no channel of redress; and·second, the impact generated by the achievement oÎ independence by some of the African territories near Angola. we ~lUSt reme:rnber that all along, contact of Africans living in Angola with the outside world was restricted. 46. The Sub-Committee rev~aledthattheproclaimed policy of assimilation, so loudly vaunted by Portugal, had been found t0 be merely an ideal, unaccompanied by an energetic effort to prepare the indigenous înhabitants for the status of citizens. Only a small number of Mricalls were able to acquire citizenship and the position even of those had deteriorated "mainly because ofthe settlement of a large number of PortJlguese immigrants in the territory". The majority of the Africans had no opportunity to participate in the poli.. tical, social, cultural or economic life of their country. They were thus strangers intheir own land. They were denied human rights: there was, in the opinion of the 47. The report revealed further that there was an inadequate economic and social development of the Africans, inadequate education. and inadequate medical facilities. Finally, the Sub-Committee reported that any demand for self-determination, self-government Ol' even independence was regarded as subversive. Those involved were given the most repressive treatment. 48. These were the findings of 'the Sub-Committee which was set up by the Security Council and the General Assembly. The incident of Luanda, theevents of 15 March 1961, tb..9 crisis of the Malange District, were all consequences of their sub-human conditions. These Africans, J;13lievinginthe United Nations as their saviour, hoped that, in theïr continuedprotests andrevolts, the attention and conscience of the world would be aroused. . 49. When the sixteenth General Assemblycommenced, Members were incensed over the continued deliberate disregard by the Government of portugalof General Assembly resolutions 1514 (XV), 1542 (XV) and 1603 (XV). Without referring "the situation in Angola" to any Committee, the General Assembly passed resolution 1742 (XVI). This solution decided upon the continuance of the Sub-Committee andrecommended to the Security Council, in the light of its resolution of 9 June 1961, to keep the matter under constant review.These new efforts, 1 am sorry to say, appear to have, had no effect either upon the conscience of the Government of portugal or upon its attitude in this international body. Throughout 1962 hostilities and repressions were intensified in Africa and disrespect and a nonchalant approach characterized its attitude at the United Nations. 50. The second report of the Sub-Committee on the Situation in Angola,.!Y which was submitted to the seventeenth session of the. General Assembly on 14 November 1962 and covered the per~od 13 November 1961 to 8 November 1962, is in fact a continuation of the previous report. We are informed of the renewed efforts of the Sub-Committee to obtainthe co-operation of the Government of Portugal in pursuance of General Assembly objectives in respect of Angola. Inresponse to those efforts, the Foreign Minister of portugal, in his commtmication of 21 June 1962,W questioned the urgency of theSub-Committee's efforts and alleged that the sitùation in Angolawas one of "cottlplete peace, of order and normalcy". In a communication from the Permanant Representative of portugal, dated 4 August 1962, 14/ the latter alleged to the Sub-Cornmittee that "no military operations are beingundertaken" andthat W Ibid.. Seventeenth Session, Annexes, addendwn to agenda item 29, doèwnent A/5286. W .!l?!E!" para. 60• .!il !J2i9" para. 63. 52. An important fact already well known to allAfrican States' i8 disclosed by the Sub-Committee inpara,.. graph lOS of its report. Itsays that there is no, indication that the Government of portugal will be able to restore peace and order in Angolaby military means and the repressive measures which it has so far employed. "The war in Angola cannotbe isolatedfrom Us political aspects and its intElrnational implications." The political solutionmustbe responsive to the aspir~­ tions of th~ people of Angola. 53. The Government of Portugal has asserted that a substantial number of Angolan refugees lu!.vereturned to Angola. But the Sub-Committee asserts that this,is contrary ta the evidence assembled. This assertion was bas,ed on testimonies of refugees livinginthe Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville); on statements provided bj the League of Red Cross Societies. which had renderedassistance to hundreds C\fthousandsofAfricans; and on the fact that hundreds of thousands of Angolans still reside in the Congo and have refused to return to Angola. On the·basis of aIl this evidence which the reports enumerate. the assertion of the Government of Portugal is contrary to facto 54. On 4 August 1962 the portuguese Government in its note disclaimed any connexionbetweenits policy and the reluctance of the sUffering people to berepatriated; but the Sub-Committee was of the opinion that: "••• it is the Portuguese Government's failure to recognize the deepdesire ofthe refugees for a change of attitude on its part. and to accept a new relationship with the Angolan people based on the principle of self-determination and independence. which constitutes the main obstacle to voluntary repatria- 'tion".'.§' 55. Turning to the question of political prisoners and reforms. the Sub-Committee ,notedthat it could not "ignore the evidence which indicated that a large number of Angolans have been arrested and are detained for offences wllich cannotbe regar~edas other than political". The evidence. it said. seemed to indicate also that executions were carried out without formaI charges. This is a sharp contradiction of the note of the portuguese Government of 4 August 1962. when it illlbid., para. 146. 57. For some time now we have listened to the pious contentions regarding Portugal's "civilizing mission" in its so-called "üverseas Provinces" in Africa. Are Africans in their own homes to be denied the right and privilege of using their own land, of doing the things they wish, or of having' the government they desire to choose? Regardless of the legal fiction and the juggling of words, it will not be possible for Europeans, or for that matter non-Africans, toestablish European States in Africa; nor will it be possible for Africans to establish an African State in Eu... ~,?e. Co-operation between aIl of us is desirable andnecessary, but domination by alien ,minorities in Africa cannot be expected 1;0 continue unchallenged. 58. Let us examine the contention of portugal that these African territories are "üverseas Provinces", in the light of Portugal's entrance in Africa and the changes in its various laws and prcinouncements in respect of these colonies. We are prepared to give Portugal full recognition and praise for its historical exploration of the continentof Africa. Suchrecognition, however, can neither obscure nor confuse the facts of colonial repression and of the unreasonable impel'ial urge by the present portuguese Government to use quickly legalized ruses and fictions, as li they had existed over the centuries, as a justliication for its continued presence in Africa. Theconstitutional amendment of legislation or edicts cannot change facts of history, of geography, of anthropology and of common sense. Neither can we continue to permit Portugal to subordinate realities to nostalgicvisions of past glories. 59. The history of Portuguese operations and activities in Africa from just before 1500 to the middle of the nineteenth century is one of the exercises of marginal areas of control, of coastal explorations, of promotion of the slave trade, and of the settling of bQ1mdary disputes withthe other colonial countries. So marginal was Portugal's influence and so little did it think of its possessions that in the Portuguese Constitution of 1822 no provision for the colonies was included. . 60. A chronology starts in 1850 of small wars and unsuccessful expeditions in certain sections of the interior and of a commerce in slavery, most of it 62. Even after that conference, the Government of Portual was not successful incontrollingandretaining what it regarded as itscolonies. In 1897,theBritish Government offered to 'guarantee .the security of its possessions in return for a promise thatthe now extinct Transvaal Republic would not begiven an exit to thesea at Lourenço Marques. As the, Boer War intensified, it was thought thât victory would be ensured-by sucha treaty, and so a treatywas màde in 1899. In thistreaty, allearliertreaties involving Portugal and Great Britain were reaffirmed, andthere was anexplicitpromise that the portuguesecolonies would be defended. In return the Governmentof Portugal agreednot to let arms throughLourenço Marques. 63. It was not Wltilthe late 1920sthat,Wlder pressure of serious economic difficulties, the Portuguese Government's actual interestbegan to materialize, in 1930, after the Government of Premier Salazar had been instaHed, the idea of cultural assimilation and theèxploitation of African labour was intensified. In respect of the former, it was given legislative support by the passage of various colonialdecrees. In the case of the latter" the 1876· legislation was implemented. The indiscriminate use of African labour for Portuguese profit was made the overriding aspect of life in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea. Some good legislation anddecrees were written, but they did not benefit the Africans. 64. The Colonial Act, published in 1930, was adirect resuIt of the colonial efforts of this period which began,. first, as an attempt by Ml'. Salazar, who had previouslyserved as Ministerof the Colonies, to revive the political and imperial consciousness of the Portuguesepeople and, secondly, to assist the Portuguese Government to recover frç>.m its economic chaos. To give legislative sanction to this Act,anew colonial myth wascreated. It sought to invoke aH the emotions "Empire means authority-there is no authority where power is divided and diluted.It is the duty of the new State to re-establishthe force ofpower. With it will be recovered all the power concepts of the pasto One of the power conc,epts was the unity of territories and of the Grail, as thoughtherewere no seas or rivers separating the constituent elements of the national whole. " 65. In 1935 and 1945 the Colonial Act was modified. Additional changes were further incorporated in 1951 and the Portuguese Government made, or tried to make, the Colonial Act an integral part of theConstitution of Portugal. In 1951 the Government assigned the official designation of "Overseas Provinces" to its colonies. 66. Article 134 of the revised Constitution states that the overseas territories ,of portugal are given the generic denomination of "provinces" and shaH have a political and administrative organization suited to ·the conditions of their social environment. Article 135 states that the overseas provinces as an integral part of the portuguese State, are linked to each other and to metropolitan Portugal. Article 136 specifies that the solidariiy between the overseas provinces anô specifically metropolitan portugal includeS the obligation to make an adequate contribution' to the preservation of the integrity and defence of the nation ar a whole. 67. By these constitutional revisions and the juggling of words, the colonial empire was expected to take on a completely new shape and to lose its former character• The tide ofhistory was now expected to be held back. 68. These hasty revisions of the Portuguese Constitution, specifically undertaken in 1951 by the Salazar Government to mak;e the Portuguese coloniesintegral provinces of Portugal, were,inouropinion,nothingbut a ruse întended to lay the groundwork preparatory to Portuguese entry into the United Nations. As the Portuguese Government realized that it wouldbe vulnerable to attacks in the matter of colonialism, this strategy was devised as a solution to what it must have considered an important difficulty, and also to bolster Portugal's position on the territories in lndia. The Portuguese.Government implied by this bl'azen action that, in view of its co-operation with the western alliance, these constitutional changes would have to be accepted by the members of that alliance and the resultant legal conclusions flowingfromthese changes fully supportedby them. As evidence of this, the remark of' the late United States Secretary of state, John Foster Dulles, in 1953, that the PortugueseState of Goa was aPortuguese Province is .recalled with interest, 69. This was how world opinion was to bemisled and Portugal'8 obligation under the Charter evaded and avoided. But it is essential to note that, whatever changes clay have been made'in the Colonial Act of 70. We ·now wish to showbrieflytheeconomic position which these territories occupy inthe economy ofPortugal. It will thus be clear that the major reasons for whatever prosperity Portugal may enjoy andwhatever progress it has made mustbe attributedto its colonies. the mhabitants ofwhichhave, inreturn.receivedbrutal and iiùlumane treatment. . 71. Angola. with its land area consisting of about 482.000 square miles. has a population of about 4.300,000 Africans and mulattos, and about 200,000 Caucasians. This is roughly half the population of· Portugal. The European population increased from aboùt 79.000 in 1950 to about 200.000 in 1960. Agriculture constitutes the basis of the economy and represents abol!t 79 per ce:ntoftne value of its tota~ exports. The agriculturaJ prnduçts of Angola. in the order of prodùctivity•. arecoffee. sisal. sugar. palm oil and cotton. In 1960 abcut $44.000.000 was received, from the sale of it~ coffee, about $13.000.000from the sale of its sisal, about$4,500,000fromthe sale of its sugar, and .about $6~000.000 from diamonds. Whilst Portugal accoUll;ts for about 25 per cent of Angola's total exports. the United States. the United Kingdom. West Germany. Belgium and France. in that order. are recipient cOWltries also. Inthe areaofimports. :portugal acCOWltS for about 49 pero cent and Angola has been an important source of foreign exchange for Portugal. The Companhia de Diamantes de Angola is capitalized primarilyby British and Belgian interests. 72. Efforts have been made recently to evolve a plan of economic development for Angola. However, the Sub-Committee's report confirms the factthat these plans have so far soughtto buildup the complementary relationship with the economy of Portugal and thatthe allocation of investments gives prioritytothe development ofbasicfacHities, the increase·of exports. and the settlement of the European population. 73. The geographic area of Mozambique is roughly 298,000 square miles. When addedto Angola, these two territqries are about equal in size to that of Western Europe, or twenty times that of Portugal. There are about 6,000.000 people living in. Mozambique. about 70,000 of whom are Europeans. Again. as in Angola. the principal economic operations are in the agricultural field. These are cotton, sugar, tea, copra, cashew nuts, sisal, bananas, tobacco, oil seeds, maize, manioc and rice. Its exports total over $70.million, of which about 50 per cent is to Portugal. 75. We are aware of long-standingagreements between the Governments of Portugal and South Africa and the minority Governmentof the almost extinct Federation of Rhodesia whereby over 100,000 so-callednon-assimilated Africans are recruited andsentto these territories. In return for this, South Africa and the other Stàtes agreed to permit and to provide thatportions of their shipments for export would be carried through the port of Lourenço Marques. So heartless have been the recruitment policies that in the Galvao investigation report of 1951, he said, inter alia: "The condition of these workers is worse than that of slaves, for the masters can replace them easily by request to the state and take no trouble to kèep them alive." 76. In looking at the educational facilities provided by Portugal in the Portuguese territories, despite its "civilizing mission" in Africa for over 500 years, we note that illiteracy is estimatedto be about 99 per cent in these territories. Education has been Virtually entrusted to the Catholic missions and the missionaries have been instructed' "to see that in the teaching of special subjects, such as history, legitimate Portuguese and patriotic sentiments are taken into consideration". 77. Before the Union of South Africa, declared itself a republic, its Governor-General, speakingto a Portuguese gathering of diplomatie and high governm13ût officials, said: "The bonds of friendship in Africa are more than economic, though a great j,lart is based on financial self-interest. Portugal's desire to remain in Africa is shared equally by the Belgians and the white Rhodesians and South Africa•••• By a happy accident we are neighbours. 1 believe that we should be gratefuI to history for' this accident." 78. We hope that the Governor-General hashad second thoughts about so revealing an utterance. By the historical reality of geography, anthropologyandculture, other African States are now neighbours, and theyare absolutely and unequivocally opposed bothto the racial policies and to other policies of these two countries. Furthermore, aIl the African Governments are unwilling that such a hideous status quo should be maintained. They are convinced that these two States are not immune to conflicts, the purpose of which would be to secure and establish independence, freedom and human dignity for our African brothers. Some of the independent African States have common borders with the territories of Angola, Mozambique and other Portuguese territories. On either side are to be found the saine tribes. These African States, it must be clearly 80. The Portuguese Government is now faced with a historic choice: to continue to rely onthe use of force, with the inevitable miseries, economic losses andexpanded military action that this wouldcertainly entai!; or to respond to world opinion, to the request of the United Nations to take immediate measures to reassure the population, to ensure the return of the refugees, and to build a new relationship with the peoples of the territories, a relationship basedon self-determination and independence. Much time has beenlost in a critical situation, with heavy casualties and bitterness. The independent African States are notpreparedto wait much longer. 81. What is needed by the Portuguese Government, we might here suggest, is a readiness to understand the new forces in the wor.ld, the courage to accept change and, finally, the wisdom to formulate and implement constructive measures towards the attainn:,\?11t of human dignity in total independence and freeèf.)"j.1. We trust the Government of Portugal is prepared so to assure this body. 82. Let it be understood very clearly that the independent African States are irrevocably committed to the charter of the Organization of African Unity• The preamble of that charter affirms the inalienable right of all people to control their own destiny, and proclaims that freedom, equality, justice and dignity are essential objectives for tlie achievementofthe legitimate aspirations of the African peoples. AlI the African States which were represented at Addis Ababa, where this historic charter was forged, are today committed to the complete emancipation of Africa. That instrument therefore reflects the total will of all Africa. Let no one mistake this. 83. Slavery and freedom cannot co-existe No nation, no people whether in Europe or Africa, in Asia or America, can exist at the expense of other nations or peoples, at the expense of domination or racialism. The urge to attain justice and human dignity and to develop higher standards oflivinginpeace and freedom is something which cannot be thwarted. As 1said to the General Assembly on September 26, 1962: "One can understand the reluctance of the non- African communities to give up the specialprivileges which tlley now enjoy. One cannot understand their failure to realize that, in their own interest, this re- 84. The United Nations has evolved out of the great yearning for independence, freedom and peace, on the one hand, and out of a deep sense of human justice on the other hand. Our desire is not tO pay back or to seek revenge. We are seeking justice for a cause in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter, to which we are aIl dedicated. We hope to attain these objectives p~acefully. 85. We are here at the instance of the African Heads of State and Government to request you to take action to ensure greater respect for and compliance with the resolutions on the Portuguese territories already passed by the United Nations, even ifitmeans the imposition of sanctions against Portugal. The situation is dangerous and threatens international peace. Recent reports lend support tothis assessmentofthe situation prevailing in the Portuguese territories in Africa, and it has been revealed that five shiploads of Portuguese troops have recently been dispatched to Africainconnexion with the situation which has developed inPortuguese Guinea. 86. The United Nations, we firmly believe, is our most secure and noble hope for the achievementofthis task. We do not want the United Nations to falter or to fail to ensure that the principles so beautifully enshrined in the Charter and the ideals so clearly inscribed in the Universal Decelaration on Human Rights are applied to all men regardless of their colour or creed. The choice before you is clear. We caU upon you to take that bold action which will ensure justice, self-determination, respect for fundamental rights, human dignity and peace. 87. The responsibility of the United Nations, and hence the Security Council, is to maintaininternational peace and security. This means, we believe, that you are also called upon to discern threats tO peace and prevent breaches of the peace. Once a breach of the peace ooeurs, peacecannot then be maintainedbyyou: it can ooly be restored by you. You should not await an explosion, with all its consequences, beforeyou act. It is therefore necessary for the Security Counci! ta take effective meas.ures for the prevention and removal of this threat to Ille peace.

Icall upon the representative of Tunisia. 90. Mr. Mongi SLIM (Tunisia) (translated from French): First of aU, Mr. President, 1 should like to thank you for your kind words in welcoming us to this Council. 1 should also like to thank you and the members of the Council for permitting me to ta.,1{e part, in accordance with article 37 of the provisional rules of procedure, in the present debate onthe situation in the territories under Portuguese domination. 91. There is no need to .emphasize the interestwhich Tunisia takes in this question. Allow me simply to recalI, in this connexion, what 1 had the honour to say in this very Council, on 30 January 1959, on behalf of Tunisia, which was sitting for the first time as an African Stat~ in the Security Council: llTunisia as an African State cannot remain indifferent to the 'profound aspirations, basedon theprinciples of the Charter, which inspire the peoples of that continent and other parts of theworldand which most unfortunately have given rise to serious upheavals and convulsions. "My country, which is convinced of the justice of those aspirations, has done andwill continue to do its utmost to ensure their realization in peace and friendship, which is the only basis for healthy and fruitful international co-operation. We are convinced that a peaceful Africa inwhich all thepeoples govern their own destinies will be a determining factor in the consolidation of world peace and friendship betweenthe nations." [845thmeeting, paras. 5 and 6.] 92. Thus, 1 should like to state solemnly that when 1 take the floor in this Council 1 shaU be speaking not only on behalf of my own country, which takes a g;reat interest in the subjc1Jt of our debate, but above aU on behalf of the thirty-two African States whichhave given my eminent colleagues and myself the honour and the great privilege of selecting us to put the African point of view in this Council. 93. One of the main concerns of the African Heads of State and Government who met at Addis Ababa from 22 ta 25 May last was the heart-rendingsituation which exists in the territories under Portuguese domination. With the object of restoring international peace and security we shall strive, in the excellent conditions prevailing here, to discharge this heavy responsibility with all the seriousness required by the situation, in order to seek, with you, a realistic and just solution of the problem. 94. The situation in the territories under Portuguese domination has always been a main concern of this Organization, particularly since the admission of Portugal to the United Nations. By the very fact of joining, Portugal undertook, in accordance with Article 4 of the Charter, ta accept the obligations laid 95. This untenable theory, based on an absurdfiction, which takes no account of the developmentofthe world and the profound changes which have taken place in Africa, and which has been advanced, moreover, only since 1951, has nevertheless been the subject ofmany important debates in the Fourth Committee of the General Assembly throughout the past tenyears. Each time it has been refuted and rejected by an overwhelming majority in the votingon the various relevant resolutions, particularly resolution 1542 (XV) of 15 December 1960. 96. Despite the violent reaction of the Portuguesedominated African peoples against the policy of assimilation and colonial exploitation. despite their resistance to pitiless repression. and in spite ofthe fact that the Security Council calI on Portugal in its resolution of 9 June 1961. as .the. result of the bloody happenings which had taken placê in Angola, to comply with the relevant General Assembly resolution 1603 (XV) this colonial Power has always maintained its absurd argument and has totally refusedto co-operate with the Fourth Committee or the various other committees set up by the General Assembly. 97. Whether it be by diplomatic contacts or by General Assembly and Security Council resolutions, no effort has been spared to persuade the Portuguese Government to give up its intransigent attitude"lndto bring it to a sounder conception of its international responsibilities. A number of friendly delegations have vainly tried to persuade it that theposition whichit stu-bbornly insists on holding is absolutely untenable. They have certainly not failed to point out the dangers incurred by aState Member of the United Nations which obstinately continues to ignore both itsobligations under the Charter and the principles laid down therein. 98. By its resolution 1699 (XVI) of19 December 1961, the General Assembly set up a Special Committee to investigate the situation in the Portuguese colonial territcl'ies. This Committee asked the Portuguese Government, in vain, to co-operate with it in order to facilitate the achievement of independence by its territories, in accordance with the principle of selfdeterminationand the provisions of resolution 1514 (XV) on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. 99. Last year, at its seventeenthsession, the General Assembly adopted two important resolutions-resolution 1809 (XVII) of 14 December 1962, and resolution 1819 (XVII) of 18 December 1962-io which it noted that the pblicies of Portugal and the armed repression which it was carrying out in its territories constituted a serious threat to international peace and security. The General Assembly called upon Portugal to put an end to this bloody repression and appealedto all States tocease immediately to give anyformofassistance to Portugalwhich would enable it to carry on its policy 100. Since the last session of the General Assembly, no change has been detected in Portugal's attitude to the colonial territories whichit administers. The same paternalistic colonial policy, based on the myth that these territories belong to metropolitan Portugal, has been pursued with regard to African peoples whose ambition is to recover all their dignity, rights and sovereignty. The Portuguese Government has unceasingly opposed these deep andlegitimate ambitions with force and repression. 101. The use ofarmedforce by Portugalhas inevitably provoked the legitimate reaction of the African nationalists, which in Angola since 1960 and more recently in so-called Portuguese Guinea, has assumeda more and more bloody form, and continues to grow more violent as repression is intensified. We are now faced with a vicious circle of repression followed by nationalist reaction which the Portuguese attempt to stifle by armed operations on an even greater scale. The exaspèration of the patriots thus spreads to all sections of the population, whichorganizes mass communal resistance, forms an underground movement, and enlists inguerrillabandsfor direct actionthroughout the territories. This situationis inevitablyfollowed by the usual melancholy storyofsuffering, destruction and loss of life, with the consequent unleashing of passions, suspicion, hatred and elimination ofall hope of co-operation and friendship between the indigenous inhabitants and the colonists. The abyss thus created also dispels any possibilityof good relations between Portugal and the African States. That is the tragedy which is at present being played out before us. 102. 1 do not think that it is useful or even necessary to describe to the Councn the situation in the Portuguese colonial territories as revealed by many indisputable testimonies. The Councn is fully acquainted with the situation in Angola, having had occasion to deal with it in its debate in June 1961. Moreov:er, recent information from official sources in Lisbon must certainly have drawn the attention of the members of the Cauncil to the existence of serious unrest in socalled Portuguese Guinea. 103. The Special Cammittee on the Situation with regard to. the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colanial Countries and Peoples has just submitted '0;0 the Security Councn a complete report on the situation in the territories under Portuguese domination. It has done this in an objective and. serious manner to which 1 am happy to be able to pay a well-deserved tribute here. 104. My friend and colleague, Ml'. Grimes, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of Liberia, has summed up the situation in his admirable statement o.nd has emphasized the danger which it represents for us in Africa and, hence, for the whole world. Since 1 am 106. These iJutmoded and anachronistic ideas are dangerous. They are aIl the more dangerous because attempts are being made to impose colonialism. as a fait accompli to whichthey have no choice but to resign themselves, on the peoples of these territories. who are no longer willing to accept this. since they have fortunately evolved with history and are fully aware of their dignity as human beings and their inalienable right to decide their destiny freely for themselves. They have seen for themselves the radical developments which have tak'~n place in the world. and particularly the changes for the better which had been carried out in their immediate vicinity. AIl their African brothers who were under the colonial administration of Belgium, France, the United Kingdom !llld Spain have gradually, and in many cases with the assistance and co-operation of those great countries, recovered their dignityand their independence. 107. It is obvious thatthe contrast between the evolution which has taken place inthe world and, in the case before us. that whichhas takenplace amongthe peoples colonized by Portugal, on the one hand, and the rigid conceptions of the Portuguese Government. on the other hand, can lead only to a violent and bloody conflict between the two sides. The only reason why these peoples have been kept in this inferior situation of oppressed and colonized peoples is that destinyplaced them under Portuguese domination.· There can be no denying that the persistence of the Portugueseconcept of backward savagas is itself an incitement to revoit. 108. The undeniable truth is that the steadfast refusal of the Portuguese Government to recognize the right of peoples to self-deter:rp.ination, and its obstinate refusal to allow this right to be extended to the territories under its administration, are the direct causes of the bloody conflict which has been unleashed within these colonies and which has subsequently overflowed their frontiers and threatened neighbouringcountries. 109. It cannot be seriously maintained that this confIict has been stirred up from outside. It is obvious that no nationalist movement can successfully carry on its struggle for liberation unless it is sustained by the confidence of the people and unless it draws its strength from their deepest aspirations. Any subversive movement created from outside can only be transitory and doomed to'failure. 110. What is certain is that the Afric&.n peoples have reacted violently against the rêgime of exploitation to which they are subjected and have offered armed re" 112. That conviction, expressed in such moderate terms by the Security Council on 9June 1961, was unfortunately to be proved only too true, sincethe situation, far from improving, has, on the contrary, spread 00 so-called Portuguese Guinea. 113. The Security Council met again in April 1963 [1027th 00 1033rd meetings] to consider the complaint brought by Senegal against Portugal regarding raids on a Senegalese village by Portuguese military aircraft operating from sO-talled Portuguese Guinea. Thus, what the Security Council considered on 9 June 1961 to be an "actual and potential cause of international friction" hàd proved indeed to be a cause of friction, resulting in the conflict which has arisen between Senegal and Portugal, as brought before the Security Council in April 1963. 114. What the Security Council considered in 1961 00' be "likely 00 endanger the maintenance of international peace andsecurity" has unfortunately culminated in 1963 in'the bombardment of a Senegalese village, which was brought to the notice ofthe Security Council in April 1963. Can anyone claim, in such circumstances, thatinternationalpeace andsecurityhave been maintained? 115. The likelihood of endangeringthe maintenanceof international peace and security noted by the Security Council in its resolutionof9June1961 has thus, in our opinion, become a serious threat 00 peace. This threat is not due solely to the Portuguese Government's persistent refusal to comply with all the recommendations of. the General Assembly and the resolution of the Security Council, but also, and above aIl, to the fact that that Government is unceasingly building up itsmilitary potential in its colonial territories, particularly Angola and Portuguese Guinea. 116. Indeed, as a result ofthe recentupheavals in socalled Portuguese Guinea, the news from Lisbon is that further reinforcements of 2,000 men have been embarked for that country. According to the information given in the reports submitted to the Security Council bythe Special Committeeon decolonization, the Portugueee armed forces in Angola amount to 40,000 Illen, in addition.to the armedcivilianmilitiaknown as 118. 1 have just described to you the situation which so deeply concerned the Heads of African States and Governments who met at Addis Ababa in May 1963. During their conference they decided to adopt a very important resolution, theprovisions ofwhich regarding the situation in the Portuguese colonies have been brought to the notice of the Security Council in the explanatory memorandum attachedto the requestofthe thirty-two African countries [S/5347] whichisthe subject of the present debate. 119. We have long hoped that the Portuguese Government would change its policy and its conception of its responsibilities towards the African peoples in its charge. Unfortunately, our hopes have been disappointed, and we canonly note that Portugal continues to ignore the resolutions and recommendations of the General Assembly. It continues to ignore resolution 1514 (XV) which marked a decisive turning-point inthe history of humanity and an important date in international life. It refuses to recognize its obligations under the Charter and to conform with resolution 1542 (XV) which states that the African territories under Portuguese domination are Non-Self-Governing Territories. It has refused to co-operate with the Special Committee set up by resolution 1699 (XVI) to examine the situation in the territories under Portuguese domination. It has also refused to co-operate with the Sub- Committee set up by resolution 1603 (XV) to examine the situation in Angola, or to comply with the provisions of that resolution, in spite ofthe invitation made to it in the Security Council resolution of9 June 1961, of which 1 shall quote some paragraphs: "Reaffirms General Assembly resolution 1603 (XV) of 20 April 1961 and calls upon Portugal to act in accordance with the terms of that resolution; "... "Calls upon the Portuguese Authorities to desist forthwith from repressive measures and further to extend every facility to the Sub-Committee" [on the situation in Angola] "to enable it to perform its task expeditiously". 123. The African countries cannot disregard this threat, and that is whytheir Reads ofState and Government have taken a certain number of steps, of which the Security Council has already been iriformed in the explanatory memorandum attached to .our request. Since they are anxious to respect the principles and obligations of the Charter, they have refrained from adopting measures more far-reaching than thoseprovided by it if a Member State fails to implementthe specific decisions of the Security Council. 124. It cannot be denied that the measures adopted by the Security Council on 9June 1961 callingupon Portugal, firstly, to act in accordance withGeneral Assembiy resolution 16C3 (XV), second1y, to desistforthwith from repressive measures, and thirdly, .to extend every facility to the Su~Committeeonthe Situationin Angola, are undoubteàly provisional measures, and failure to comply with them constitutespremeditateddereliction on the part of a Member States•.Furthermore, the special committee on decolonization has taken note of this flagrant dereliction on the part of the Portuguese GoV'~rnment and has thus strengthened our conviction of the urgentneed to convene the Security Council so that it can take whatever appropriate measures it considers necessary. 125. 1 shouldnowlike, before Iconclude my statement, to recaU that the Security Co'mcil has been made aware of the exceptional seriousness of the situation by the following: (~) General Assembly resolution1807 (XVII) of 14 December 1962, which in its last operative paragraph "reguests the Security Council ••• to take aU appropriate measures to secure the compliance of Portugal with its obligations as a Memher State"; ® General Assembly resolution 1819 (XVII) of18 De- 126. 1 should like to recall at this point that the Portuguese Government seems to have forgotten the provisions of Article 25 of the Charter, according to which "the Members of the UnitedNations agreeto accept ••• the decisions of the Security Council in accordance with the present Charter". It is importanttonote here that the General Assembly itself has been obliged to ask the Security Council to take appropriate measures to make Portugal comply with Article 25 andcarry out the decisions of the Security Council. It seems to me that this is an extremely serious matter, which to my knowleged is without precedent in the annals of the United Nations. 127. It is the task of the Security Council to take appropriate decisions to ensure the maintenance of international peace and security, which are seriously threatened by the deterioration of the situation in the Portuguese colonies. We urge it to carry out all its responsibilities under the Charter. 128. This is the general statement which 1 thought 1 should make to the Security Council at the beginning of this debate. 1 reserve the right to ask for the floor again when 1 consider it necessary because, like all small and medium-sized countries-andperhaps more in Africa than elsewhere-we need peace and security. But we can only conceive of this peace and security in a world governed by respect for human dignity, fundamental human rights and the right ofthepeoples freely to decide their own destiny, above all protected against all armed threats aimed at imposing a colonial hegemony. We have placed our faith in the United Nations and in its organs, of which your august Counci! is the highest. 1 am sure that ourpeople's trust is not misplaced.

The Counci! has just heard the statements by the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Liberia and Tunisia. In view of the importance of those statements, 1 am sure that members of the Council will wanttime to study and reflect upon them. That being so, and if no delegation wishes to take the floor this afternoon, 1 suggest that we should meet tomorrow afternoon at 3 p.m. It was so decided. AFRICA/AFEi ~UE CYPRUS/CHYPRE: PAN 10 Alexander the Great Street. CZECHOSLOVAKIA/TCHÉCOSLOVAQUIE: ~RTIA LTD.. 30 v~ Sme~kâch, CESKOSLOVENSKY SPISOVATEL Nârodnl rrida 9. Praha. 1. DENMARK/DANEMARK: NQrregade 6. Kebenhavn. FINLAND/FINLANDE: AKATEEMINEN 2 Keskuskatu, Helsinki. FRANCE: ÉDITIONS A. PÉDONE 13. rue Soufflot. Paris (VI"). CAMEROON/CAMEROUN: LIBRAIRIE DU PEUPLE AFRICAIN La Gérante. B. P. 1197, Yaoundê. DIFFUSION INTERNATIONALE CAMEROUNAISE DU LIVRE ET DE LA PRESSE, Sangmelima. CONGO (L~opoldville): INSTITUT POLITIQUE CONGOLAIS, B. P. 2307, L~opoldVllle. 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