S/PV.1041 Security Council

In accordance with the decision taken by the Council at the last meeting, 1 invite the representatives of Tunisia, Libe:r;ia, Portugal, Sierra Leone and Madagascar to take places at theCouncil table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Mongi Slim (Tunisia), Mr. Rudolph Grimes (Liberia), Mr. Alberto Franco Nogueira (Portugal), Mr. John Karefa-Smart (Sierra Leone), and Mr. Victor Miadana (Madagascar) toak places at the Council table. 2. Ml'. MIADANA (Madagascar) (translated from French): Owingto unforeseen circumstances and compelling obligations. and to his great regret, Ml'. Albert Sylla, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, is unable to fulfil the mission entrusted to him by the African Heads of State meeting at Addis Ababa,li namely to represent them before the Council together with the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Tunisia, Liberia and Sierra Leone. President Philibert Tsiranana of the Malagasy Republic has decided, in view of the exceptional gravity of the questions which the Council is discussing, todelegateanother member of the Cabinet, the Minister of Finance, in Ml'. Sylla's place. That is why 1 have the honour to appear before the Council to set forth the views of the Malagasy Republic with regard to the two items on the Council's agenda, namely the threat to peace represented by the situation prevailing in the African territories occupied by Portugal and the so-called policy of apartheid pursuedby. South Africa. Permit me, in addressing this august assembly for thefirst time, to thank·the President and the Council for agreeing to"hear the representative of the Malagasy Republic. 3. 1 should 'l~e, Ml'. President, ta recall briefly the ties which bine! lJlY country toyours. In the difficult years, the Malagasy peopletried ta soften the harshness .of .exHe for your beloved sovereign. His Majesty Mohammed V, hisson, who is now King Hassan II, and all bis family; by surroundingthem with deference a~d affectioI:l. 1:.. TJ1~ eloquent statements made yesterday by .my tW9 di!'ltil:1guisheçl9011eagu~f.l. the Mhè~stersfor Foreign Affairs. of Liber~a al}d Tunisia. have made my task eàsiér:"Csha,llnQtr~viewthe 'points which they so luqiéni.· expounded, .norshàll ~'go ~nto...thè. history of thÈlntImèrous lind'flagrant violations of the COlmcil's dècîs19ns'; byPortugal and thê Govétnment.of 'South Af:l'icli. >, '. ., 5: B~sing itself on the letter andspiritofthl;l Charter of ·t~eÙ~it'e~;.NatiQll~ .. thé ,r#.~alagas~~public,~ncom- -:.!7sumr~Jit· 'èoriieréiice of'indepencîènt ,Miicansta~es hel,d' at AcÎdis Ababa, Ethiopia, May 22-25, 1963. " 6. As far as the African territories occupied by Portugal are concerned, l need hardly say that the Malagasy Republic. which is one of the signatories to the letter addressed to the Security Council on 11 July 1963 [S/5347], endorses without reservation the arguments of fact and of law set forth in that letter by the representatives of thirty-two independent States of Africa. 7. As my Government has had occasion to state in its numerous interventions in the United Nations General Assembly and in various committees. there can be no justification for the maintenance of Portuguese domination over African peoples who inthepast few years have unequivocally and with great cour~ge manifested their desire for freedom and independence. Portugal has occupied these territories for several centuries, but it has not succeeded in winning the hearts of their peoples. Its activities there, whether in the social. cultural ,or material sense, have been notoriously inadequate except in so far as they have benefited the Portuguese living there and an infinitesimal minority of Africans authorized to enjoy the rights of citizens. It is utopian to think that further occupation of these territories by Portugal would he likely to accelerate the improvement of the conditions in which the Africans there are living. 8. During the debates in the Committee of Twenty- Four, y Madagascar has already repeatedly andclearly stated its opinion. Our representatives have pointed to the melancholy balance-sheet of Portugal's activities, which, particularly in the matter of education, have been a totalfailure, as is shown by the abnormally high percentage of illiteracy, and have concluded that the legislation relating to the so-called abrogation of the colonial régime has not actually enhanced in any way tbe real political rights of non-citizens. Portugal's refusal to authorize a visitingmissioncomposed of persons appointed by the United Nations suffices in itself to prove that the realities are totally different from the idyllic pictures which the occupying Power is holding up before the eyes of wo:r.ld opinion. 9. In any case there are the facts·, There are the courageous uprisings by peoples who wish to live in freedom and there are the bloody repressions which have followed. The thick screen which Portugal is trying to .interpose between the United Nations and those peoples cannot stifle their cries of suffering and anguish. 10. Against the policy pursued by South Africa. known as apartheid, the conscience of the world has repeatedly spoken out. It is concerned at the misery J.J Special Comminee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independl~nce to Colonial Countrîes and Peoples. 11. 1 have spoken of these two problems at the same time, even though it is the problem of the Portuguese territories which is under discussion at the moment, because they have certain features in common. First of all, both cases constitute an undeniable threat to peace, as the General Assembly and the Security Council have unequivocally recognized. Millions of human beings are aspiring to the exercise of their fundamental rights and are ready to assert their claim to them, by force if necessary. The brutal repressions which we have witnessed in the past will be unleashed again at the first manifestation of this desire for freedom, and such manifestations may even be deliberately provoked, if need be, to provide a justification for new bloodshed. 12. Furthermore, the African peoples affirmed at Addis Ababa their infleJÇible intention to do everything in their power to liberate their African brothers who are still under foreign rule. In keeping with this intention they place their trustfirst ofall in the United Nations, and in the Security Council, which is its highest organ. Will the Council drive them ta doubt and despair? Will it oblige them to seek other ways, other methods? 13. As the two eloquent speakers who preceded me said yesterday, Portugal and South Africa have deliberately ignored the decisions ofthe United Nations and have very clearly mailifested their intention not to comply with them. Worse still, this is no longer a question of mere divergences of doctrine or different approaches to the problems involved. It is a question of a systematic refusal to bow to the decisions of the universal conscience, a deliberate disregard of its injunctions, a total disagreement on the fundamental principles of the Charter. 14. Why, then, do these States remain Membersofan Organization whoseprinciples onmatters ofparamount importance, they openly repudiate? ls not such a situation likely to undermine the authority of the United Nations and cause its Members to lose the confidence they have placed in it? How will the Organization be able in other caSeS to inspire confidence in its ability tohead off an incipient conflict or respond to an unforeseen crisis when for three years it has remained passive and impotent while two Member States, confident of their impunity, have deliberately opposedit? 15. There are still other arguments which strengthen the conviction of mllQY Member States thatpromptand effective action is necessary not only to safeguard the prestige and theactivities of the United Nations but also in the interests of Portugal and South Africa themselves. 17. Portugal should look around it at the African States which, liherated as the result of friendly negotiations with their former colonizers, have sought to maintain cultural and material ties with them, ties which are the stronger for being based no longer on force and on arms but on friendship. Can it hope, and for how long, to keep in subjection by meanS of guns and bayonets the millions of Africans who are thirsting for freedom? Has it not before it therecent example of a great Western nation, far more powerful than itself, which, after seven years of struggle, granted the Algerian people complete independence and has just completed a freely acceptedseries ofco-operation agreements? 18. The same arguments apply to South Africa. The wise thing for it to do would be to take a realistic look at the world around it and not try to go against the course of history. Let it think not only of the present but above all of the future of its G-lùldren and grandchildren. Destined to live in the midst of an indigenous population which greatly outnumbers it and which it cannot reasonably hope to keep enslaved for ever, it should in its own interest seek their affection and trust. Perhaps it is not yet too late for it to try. But it must, without losing any time, have the wisdom toreconsider the· present policy of apartheid and ta realize the latent d~gers which that policy entails for a future which may not he far off. If it does not accept this, if it persists in its anachronisticconcept of relations between Whites and Africans, and if it thus deliberately nurtures the germs of mistrust and hatred, it· is in danger of making all coexistence and co-operation impossible. 19. However that may be, the decisions taken jointly at Addis Ababa by the African States leave no room for misunderstanding. ThoseStates are resolved to seek by every means the libe.ration of the whole of Africa and it behoves Portugal and South Africa to realize that they are now faced not ooly by the unarmed .peopïes on whom they have imposed their yoke but by all the free States of Africa, united in a spirit of solidarity and a single. desire to aid their oppressed brothers. -, 20. In conclusion, 1 turn to the members ofthe Council. The time to make a choice has come-a choice which may seem difficult. On the one side there are thirty-two African States which will, 1 am sure, he supported by a very large majority of the 111 nations eomprising the United Nations. They have put before the COUDcil the flagrant violations of United Nations decisions of which Portugal and South Africa are guilty. They have demonstrated the încompatibility of the publicly professed principles of those two

The second speaker on the list is the Ministerfor Foreign Affairs of Sierra Leone, to whom l give the floor.

In requesting that l be invited to participate in the discussions of the situation in the territories in Africa under Portuguese domination, and of the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa, l was carrying out instructions given to me and to my colleagues, whom you have already heard, by the Heads of 31 African States and Governments who met at the now historie Conference in Addis Ababa in May of the present year. 24. My distinguished colleagues, Their Excellencies the Secreta;ry of State of Liberia, the ForeignMinister oÎ Tunisia and the Minister of Finance ofMadagascar, have not only given the fullest possible account of the history of the interest of the General Assemblyand of the Security - Council in this matter, but have also most ably stated the case of the African States Members of the United Nations against the Republic of Portugal. It would therefore serve no useful purpose for me co occupy the 'valuable time allotted to this discussion by unnecessary repetition, however much l am tempted by the intensity of our feelings on this matter to restate and to re-emphasize the details of our accusations against the Portuguese Government. 25. I must, however, invite the attention of the memberi;! of the Seèurity Council to the fact that the distinguished Heads of African States have decided to press for immediate and positive action against Portugal because the facts which have been so ably presented make it absolutely clear that peace and security on the African continent are seriously endangered by the present situation in the Portuguese colonies, and because the Charter ofthe UnitedNations places the responsibility for taking such adequate, preventive, positive and controlltng measures on the Security Council. 26. It must be emphasized that it is already more than two years since on 9 June 1961 the Security Council itself, by a resolution,Y reaffirmed its conviction that an actual and potential threat to peace and security existed in Angola. Since thenthe situation has, if anything, become worse and the Government of Portugal has continued to turn a deaf ear to the requests of the Security Council and of the General Assembly to co-operate with the United Nations in order to remove this threat to peace and security. 27. It must also be remembered that as late as 14 December 1962 the General Assembly pl:!-ssed a resolution 1807 (XVI!), in which it noted "with deep "@) The Immediate recognition of the right of the peoples of the Territories under its administration to self-determination and independence; Il (Q) The Immediate cessation ·of aU acts of repression and the withdrawal' of aU military and other forces at present employed for that purpose; "(Q) The promulgation of an unconditionalpolitical amnesty and the establishment of conditions tha'~ will allow the free functioning of political parties; "(g) Négotiations, on the basis of the recognition of the rightto self-determination. withthe authorized representatives of the political parties wjthin and outside the Territories with a view to the tl'ansfer of power to political institutions freely elected and representative of the peoples, in accordance with resolution 1514 (XV); "<ID The granting of independence immediately thereafter to aIl the Territories under its administration in accordance with the aspirations of the peoples". 28. Not a single one of these steps has been taken. The authority of the General AssemQly and the authority of the Security Council havethusbeenopenly and continually disregarded and flouted. 29. Your attention is not· being called to a new and unexamined situation. The full facts have been studied and reviewed by a Special Committee set up by the General Assembly. The General Assembly has determined the existence of a threat to peace and security, confirming a previous determination of this same threat already made by the Security Council. Recommendations designed to ease or to remove this threat to peace have been contemptuously disregarded. Can there be any doubt that the only course of action left open to the Security Council is to take such appropriate and positive measures as are provided by the Charter? 30. The argument has been advanced that since this is not the first instance in which recommendations and resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council have not been complied with, and since this is not the f~rst time that the provisions of the Charter have been violated, the African states Members of the United Nations are being undulyhasty and reckless in asking the Security Council to take action in this case against the Government of Portugal. In our humble opinion, it is those who advance or are ready to pay any serious attention to such an argument who should be accused of wanting to destroy the United Nations. The demand of the African states that -positive measures be taken to control such dis- :t'~spect of the Charter of the United Nations is a sign 32 This is no time for further attempts at pious arguing and hoping or for mere words', in the face of the fate of such previous resolutions. We on the African continent are convinced that the onlylanguage which an obstinate bully understands is the language of force. Our plea is that the Security Council must ask the Government of Portugal to decide, within a reasonably short time. to renounce once and for aIl its theary of the extension of Portugal into Africa, and to recognize the Inalienable rights ofthe people of Angola, Mozambique and Portuguese Guinea b selfdetermination. 33. In short, our mandate is to ask the Security Council to set an acceptable time limit within which the Government of Portugal must give an assurance to the Security Council that, in keeping with the Portuguese Government's obligations as a Member of the United Nations, it will undertake to implement aIl the measures outlined in General Assembly resolution 1807 (XVII). 34. If· this assurance is not forthcoming, we shall thenhave no alternative but to ask the Security Council to call upon aIl Members of the United Nations to impose economic and diplomatic sanctions against Portugal. and. ifnecessary. to considerfurther action under appropriate provisions of the Charter. 35. Mr. President and members of the Security Council, we are confident that the Security Couricil will not hesitate to do its duty under the Cha:..'ter. with no other concern than the concern for human dignity and the freedom of aIl peoples, and the èoncern that the Charter of the United Nations should be respected and upheld. 36. Mr. FEDORENKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): A letter {Si 5347] and a memorandum have been submitted to the SecurityCouncil by the representatives of thirty-two African States, who have requested, on the instructions of their Governments, that a meeting of the Security Council· be convened to c,onsider the highly dangeroiIs situationin the territories under Portuguese domination. 37. As is rightly emphasized in the memorandum. the I;?tate of war prevailingin some ofthese territories follo~ng·thepersistentrefusalof Portugal to comply with' the provisIons of resolution 1514 (XV) of the General. Assembly, and particularly with those containéd .ln the Security Council resolution dated 9.June 1961, .,constitutes., a definite breach of peace and 39. Such an appeal is no ordinary request. It is a legitimate demand made by the peoples of Africa to the Security Council as the main United Nations body responsible for maintaining peace and security. The feeling of legitimate alarm and concern. and the feeling of hope and confidence in the justice of the cause which they are defending. emerge from every sentence of the letter and memorandum submitted by the representatives of the African countries. These feelings of alarm and concern. and of hope and confidence. are undoubtedly shared by all peace-Icving and freedom-loving countries and by aIl people of goodwill. 40. The Soviet delegation is gratified to note the participation in the Security Counci.l's work of the Ministers of four African States who are here as a result of the decision of the Addis Ababa Conference of Heads of African States and Governments. We listened with great interest to the circumstantial statements made atyesterday's meetingofthe Security Council by the Secretary of State of Liberia. Mr•. Grimes. and the Secretary of StateforForeignAffair,s of the Republic of Tunisia. Mr. Mongi Slim. and to today's statements by the ,Minister of' Finance of Madagascar. Mr. Miadana. and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Sierra Leone. Mr. Karefa-Smart. The facts and considerations put forward in their speeches shed new light on the extremely disquieting situation in the colonial territories of the Portuguese empire and oblige the Security Council to adopt immediate measures. 41. As is weIl known. the Soviet Union. together with the other socialist countries. has always supported and continues to support the just struggle of the colonial peoples for their national freedom. independence and sovereign right to determine their destiny according to their own wishes and judgement. without any foreign Interference. The Soviet Unionfully shares the feelings and aspirations expressed in the resolution adopted by the Heads of AfricanStates at Addis Ababa. which called for the final liquidation of the colonial system on the African continent. And. as was stressed in th~ cable of greetings from the He,ad of the Soviet Government. Mr. Khrushchev. to. the Conference at Addis Ababa. the African States. "in the st:r:uggle for the final liquidation of colonialism in aIl its forms ••• ~~et Dot only with, sympathy bùt also with fl:'iendly support from the Soviet people ar.à its Government"• 42. One of the basicfeatures of our time is the struggle against the shameÎul system of colonialism and· neo-colonialism. against the old order.against . the oppression ofsome peoples'by others. and for a new world in conditions offreedom. dignity andequality for allpeoples. The greatestevent. marking anew stage in.the history of thestruggle with colonialism. was. ,the adoptionby the General Assembly of the 43. The Head of the Soviet Government, Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, has emphasized more than once that the problem of comp~etely liquidating the colonial system is to a considerable extent a problem of maintaining and strengthening peace and international security. The main victory overcolonialism has already been won. andnowthepeoples of the world are cleaning up its remnants so as to wipe forever from the face of the earth this shameful phenomenon in the life of mankind. 44. In this connexion. the substantial help given by the United Nations to peoples fighting for freedom from the colonial yoke deserves mention. It is weU known that various United Nations bodies have been constantly occupied with implementingthe Declaration ever since its adoption. However. the experience of the last two-and-a-half years shows that the colonial Powers are trying in every possible way to avoid implementing the Declaration, and to maintain and keep going the rotten colonial system-in this process stopping at nothing, resorting to terror and violence, intimidation and blackmail, and pushing the world to the brink of a military catastrophe. 45. In these circumstances particularly great importance attaches to the l'ole and significance of the Security Council-the chief, the highest body of the Unite.d Nations. entrusted by ourOrganization's Charter with wide powers for the maintenance ofpeace and security. And it is entirely legitimate for aU the African states to have turned to the Security Council with an appeal to help the enslavedpeoplesfree themselves from the colonial yoke of the Portuguese régime. The Security Council is faced with the task of carrying out its duty, of discharging the obligations laid upon it by the Charter of the United Nations. 46. The whole lengthy course of the discussion of the nPortuguese colonies" question in United Nations organs-in the Security COUDcil, at two sessions of the General Assembly, in the Committee of Twenty- Four and other United Nations bodies; the decision of the Addis Ababa Conference; the appeal of the thirty-two African States-aU this confirms that the menace to peace in the Portuguese colonies. and the crisis which has arisen in these colonies as a result of the actions of the colonizers, threaten to end in an international armed conflict. The conflict between Portugal and the peoples of its colonies is not a regional occurrence threatening peace and international security in some separate region, although even that should compel the Security COUDcil to act in accordance with the tasks prescribed by the United Nations Charter. This bloody conflict is of a broader characterj it affects the whole of Africa. because, as has been shown many times by the leaders of the independent African States and emphasized anew at the Addis Ababa Conference, peace and quiet will not reign in that continent while even an inch of African 48. The Heads of African States are therefore fully justified in stating unequivocally that the allies of Portugal should choose between two alternativeseither friendship with the African countries, in which case they must desist forthwith from supplying any arms to Portugal, or friendship with the Salazar dictatorship, the enemy of the African peoples. The question has been put as much on grounds of principle as on grounds of justice. The Western eountries should give a direct and unambiguous answer to this. 49. Incontrovertible evidence exists to show that the war and the massive measures of repression in Angola, Mozambique and other colonial territories in Africa have been carried out by the Portuguese authorities with the assistance of their allies in NATO -which emerges as a weapon of aggression against the African States, and not against the African States alone. Mr. Mario Andrade, one of the leaders of the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola, speaking before the Special Committee on Territories under Portuguese Administration. stated inter alia: "Portugal would have not the slightest inclination"- and, may l add, not the slightest opportunity-"to continue armed action against the Angolan people were it nct for the military aidfurnished by a number of Western countries." 50. The following facts are examples which testify to the operations of the Portuguese authorities against the African population carried out with the support of their NATO allies. The representative of the National Liberation Front of Angola, Mr. Carlos Gonçalves. who addressed the COJ;nmittee of Twentyfour on 12 March this year as a petitioner. said that as a result of constant bombing by the Portuguese Air Force more than 50.000 Angolans had been killed. He also cited a case in which out of 3,000 inhabitants of one village trying to flee to the Congo only fifty survived. while the rest died as a result·of Portuguese air attack on the way to the Congo border. Of the hundreds of villages around the town of Sao Salvador. only four now existed. AlI the remaining ones were burnt by the Portuguese, who killed everyone trying to escape from the surrounded villages• 51. The list of the wild acts of violence wrought by the Portuguese on the defenceless inhabitants of the African colonies could be continued indefinitely. The indigenous population of the PortugueRe colonies is in a state of clespair. In intensifying their struggle 52. It is no secretthat the Westel'n Powers are Portugal/s accomplices and associates in the extermination of Africans in the Portuguese colonies. The report of the Committee of Twenty-four to the Security Council quotes ~he statement by the petitioner Mr. Gonçalves to the effect that: "Some of the Portuguese air force experts j3.nd military men had been trained in the United Sta.tes, and a great many of the Portuguese aircraft were of United States and West German origine Financial grants have been made to Portugal~ in the name of economic development plans, by France, the United States and West Germany."il It is a kIIOwn fact that the United States alone has provided Portugal with military assistance amounting to $286 million, as is shown by information given in Voice of Africa No. 9 of 1962. ltis common knowledge that the Portuguese colonial forces are equipped with British "Hum.ber" armoured cars, West Germàn military trucks, and incendiarybombs, manufactured in the United States, which are used to burn down African villages. Portugal has recently received iI).cre~sed assistance from West Germany, which has supplied it with large quantities ofautomaticweapons, grenades, aircraft, light weapons and radio equipment. By the autumn of 1961, West German factories had produced sixteen military aircraft for Portugal, and by February 1962 a further sixteen; all of these were delivered to Luanda, where they were assembled and armed with United States missiles. 53. Portugal's allies in NATO not only arm and finance the colonizers, but also instruct them in modern methods of combating the African national liberation movement. Max Clos, correspondent of the French newspaper Le Figaro, who recently returned from Angola, h!ls reported that to each Portuguese battalion is attaèhed an officer who has undergone a training course in French colonial forces, and that these officers all apply in practice the experience gained by France in the colonial wars in Indo-China and Algeria. 54. AlI these measures, however are proving inadequate to crush the African peoples' will to free themselves from colonial slavery. 55. Portugal also receives help from its Western allies in the form of "cannon-fodder". Therehave recently been reports that ~panish fascist soldiers are being usedin Africa to crush the national liberation movement in the colonies. The petitioners who spoke in the Fourth Committee at the seventeenth session of the General Assembly presented eloquent 56. As a result of Spanish help, Portugal has been able to sendto Africa almost all its military effectives. Speaking about this at a press conference held on 22 January 1963, one ofthe representatives ofthe Angolan national liberation rnovement, Marcus Kasanga, said: "If the Portuguese Government decided to denude the metropolitan territory of soldiers, it was thanks simply to the help receivedfrom Franco, who agreed to make temporarily j,."ailable to Salazar 20,000 Spanish soldiers 'for the maintenance of law and order' in Portugal itself." 57. Portugal's allies in NATO, by supplying it with arms for thepurpose ofcrushingthe nationalliberation movement in the colonies, are in effect themselves taking part in the bloody armed repression of the African peoples, and the indigenous inhabitants of these colonies have to combat an entire coalition of Powers which is trying to crush their will to freedom and independence. 58. The support given' by the Western Powers to Portugal is explained not'only bythe fact that Portugal is a member of NATO, but also by the close links existing between the Portuguese colonizers and the powerful foreign monopolies which are mercilessly plundering the people of the Portuguese colonies. The Portuguese régime in the colonies has long been a mere tool of the foreign imperialist monopolies. The Salazar régime leases to international monopolies vast areas in its colonial territories, to whichforelgn capital greedily rushes in order to secure hugeprofits from the merciless exploitationoftheAfricanp~oples. 59. In. an article appearing in the French organ France-Observateur on 28 February 1963, some examples are given of the part played by foreign monopolies in the e~loitationof Portuguese colonies. Petroleum extraction in Angola, for instance, is inthe hands of the Belgian company Petrofina and a United Statesbank, the Chase National Bank, while the Companhia Angolana de Agricultura-an agricultural trust which dominates thecoffee market-is controlled by the Belgian bank Rallet. The annual rate of profit received by aU these compan:i.es, according to the French.organ, varies between 20 and 45 per cent. The Benguela railway in Angola, linking the interior ofthe country with ports on the AtlantiC: Ocean, isowned almost entirely by a British company, Tanganyika Concessions, and the majority shareholding is in the hands of Rothschild and Oppenheimer. It should be added that the West German concern Krupp has signed a contract with the Portuguese Government to the amount of 1,300 million escudos for the purpose of exploiting iron ore in southern Angola. Krupp also controls the entire coal industry in Angola. 60. UnitedStatesmonopolies have very considerable interests in.Mozambique. The Gulf Oil Corporation, 61. The international monopolies shamelessly pIunder t}le wealth of so-called Portuguese Guinea. The Salazar régime has granted petroleum prospection and exploitation concessions to th~ American company Exploration Guinea, Incorporated, which is subsidizèd by the Standard Oil Company, and the prospecting and extraction of aluminium and Iron have been handed over to West German and Dutch monopolies. 62. The colonizers and monopolists have not relinquished the~r predatory interests, and continue to exPloit and oppress otherpeoples. Moreover, colonialism now frequently assumes new forms and manifestations, and new masks, as neo-colo:J.ialism. Neocolonialism is represented by military alliances and blocs and economiccoalitions ofimperialistcountries, suchas NATü andthe Common Market. The colonizers and neo-colonizers have united in military-economic alliances for the joint defence of their interests, for the struggle against the nationalliberationmovement. ' 63. Economic pressure is being ever-increasingly used as a means of thwarting national liberation movements. One alliance employed for this purpose is the Common Market, which is designed to break down the united front of the national liberatiori movement in·Africa and throughout the world. ThepolicY'pursued by the Common Market ccuntries, the allies ofPortugal in military blocs, is doing enormous harm to' a number of newiy independent African countries. It creates further marketing difficulties for many countries of Africa which are major producers and exporters of raw materials and tropical products. 64. The Common Market is giving rise to deep economic division among the newsovereign States of Africa. The very fact that a number of African countries have become associated with the Common Markethas placed other African countries on an unequal footing with respect to the West European market. 65. The Common Maritet is designed tf) evict the count:r;i.es of Africa from their pos~tionof neutrality. That is theobjectofits str!l.tegists, who areendeavouring, through. "association", to retain control of the master levers of economic and political power over theirformer· colonies. That 1s why. many indepem'ient Africancountries hav!;l adopted:l negative attitude towards the Common Market and are strongly criticizingits pplicy. P,residel1t Kwame Nkrumah has on 67. That is why. when discussing at this Council meeting the question of acts by Portugal aimed at aggravating the situation and liable to provoke an international military conflict, we must not forget its allies in the various military blocs. and its economic connexions with the monopolies of other imperialist countries. For it is precisely this which accounts ·for the Portuguese colonizers' stubborn refusal to implement the decisions of the General Assembly and the Security Council, and théir cynicaldisregardforthose decisions. Such highly provocative behàviour towards the United Nations on the part of the Salazar régime i8 to be explained first and foremost by the fact that it i8 acting under cover of the punitive shield of NATO. 68. But does this not radically undermine the foundation of our international Organization, its main principles, its Charter? Why, we may ask, do we hear·no voices calling for observation of the Charter from among the Western countries which sometimes like ta portray themselves as defenders of the resolutions and Charter of the UnitedNations? Why do they remain silent now, when the decisions and the Charter of the Organization really are being flouted. when thepolitical authority of the world Organization is suffering Irreparable damage? 69. AlI this leads logically to the inescapable conclusion that it is only thanks to the patronage and help of its NATO allies, and the interest offpreign monoJ?- olies in. exploiting the Portuguese colonies. that ithe Salazar régime finds it possible to wage destructive war in its colonies and to pursue its slave-master polictes. There is no doubt that without such support the Lisbon leaders would long since have suffered a crushing defeat and been forced to renounce their shameful colonial policy. 70. In its resolutions the United Nations has repeatedly addressed pressing appeals to aIl States immediately to cease granting Portugal any assistance which might permit continuance of!ts repression in the colonies, and for this purpose to take aU ne·eessary steps to stop the sale and delivery of arms and military equipment tb the GoverllIllent of Portugal. But these resolutions remain unfulfilled. Confident of the support of their NATO allies and the powerful foreign monopolies. the Pôrtuguese coloniiers are countering aU the decisiOns of the United Nationswîth the!r 6wn brand of sabotage and repressing the national liberation movement in their !lolonies 1)1ore savagely than ever. inflicting bloody repression on an ever- 72. The Security Council cannot remain inactive in this matter; it must caH the Portuguese colonizers to account. and adopt effective measures to compel Portugal to bow to the Organization's decisions. 73. In the decisions of the General Assembly regarding the Portuguese colonies and Angola adopted by an overwhelming majority of Members in the course of the past two years. it has been stressed that " ... the policy and acts of thePortuguese Government with regard to the Territories undèr its administration have created a situation which constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security" and in resolution 1819 (XVII) that " ••• the colonial war being carried on by the GC""vernment of·Portugal in Angola. the violation by that Government of the Security Council resolution of 9 June 1961. its refusaI to implement the provisions ofthe Declarationon the granting of independence tocolonial cOuntries and peoples ...• and its refusal to implement [other] res~lutions 1542 (XV) ••• 1603 (XV) ••• 1654 (XVI) ••• and1742 (XVI) •••• constitute a source of international conflict and tension as well as a serious threat to world peace and security". 74. Thus. Portugal's refusaI over a period of two years to recognize decisions of the General Assembly noting that the situation in the Portuguese colonies constitutes'a threat to internationalpeace and security makes it necessary for the Security Council to consider the application ofArticle 39 of the United Nations Charter. which provides that: "The Security Council shaH determine the exietence of any threat to the peace. breach of the peace. or act of aggression and shaH make recom,menda.- tions. or decide whai measures shaH be taken in accordanée with Articles 41 and 42. to maintain or restore international peace and security." 75. ~he Secui'ity .,Counoil must also carry out the request .of the GeÎ,1eral Assembly. expressed in its resolutions 1807 (XVII) and 1e19 (XVII). and of the Committée of Twenty-fourthat. failing Implementation bY Portugal of the Organization's decisions concerning the Portuguese colonies. it adopt appropriate measures. including sanctions. to inducePortugal to supmit to these decisions. 76. There'caanot be theslightest doubt,that sooner pr·later thepeoples of aH the Portuguese colonies. \vith the assistance of theirbrothers in the indepen- 77. As you know, the Heads of the African States, having noted thàt the Government of Portugal was carrying on an "out-and-out war of genocide in Africa" and threatening the peace of the Africancontinent, iilvited all African countries to break off diplomatie and consular relations with Portugal and to apply an effective boycott of Portugal's foreign trade, by: (~ banning imports; ® closing African ports and airports to Portuguese vessels andaircraft, and (Q) forbidding Portuguese aircraft to fly over the territory of any African State. If the Security Council wishes to face up to its responsibilities and justify the confidence of the peoples, it must require every state in the world to applyto Portugal all the sanctions proposed bl' the Addis Ababa Conference of Heads of African States, in order to compel the Portuguese colonizers to abandon their criminal policy in Africa and take immediate steps to implement the resolutions of the United Nations. 78. The Heads of African States also addressed an appeal to the Western Powers, Portugal's allies, to cease proViding Portugal with direct or indirect support or assistance of any kind without which Portugal would have long since foundit impossible to pursue its reckless policy in Africa. The Security Council, by virtue of its special role, must resolutely pondemn NATO countries which cqntinue to grant Portugal military, political and economic assistance ,'in the suppression of the national liberation struggle of the African peoples of Angola, Mozambique, Portuguese Guinea and other territories. 79. As the President of Gh~a, Mr. Kwame Nkrumah, rightly noted in his letter of 22July 1963to the President of the Security COUDcil [S/53.66]: "The Security Council is meeting at a crucial Ume to consider the question of the Portuguese colonies and the apartheid policies of the Government of South Africa. Humanity is awaiting anxiously the outcome of your deliberations, which should lead to. the complete end of Portuguese repression and the total liquidation of the PortugUese empire in Africa." Mr. Nkrumah stated further: "Nothing short of the immediaté independence of African territories under Portug'uese domination willsatisfy us." 80. In this connexion, it must be emphasized that the fact that the Secul'ity Council is considering the 81. Many volces can be heard, in the Western coootries amongothers, proclaimingthe needto enhancethe role of the UnitedNations. toincreaseitseffectiveness in .the solution of peace-keeping problems, and to raise the prestige of the Security Cooocil. We now have a practical opportunity to demonstrate, indeeds. our adherence to this idea. It is clear that the Security Cooocil must be an effective organ; but it is also clear that our present discussion of the question constitutes a kind of test which will show who is genuinely concerned for the effectiveness of the Organization. and of the Security Cooocil as the principal organ of our world Organization for the maintenance of peace and security, and who, on the other hand, merely makes a show of such concern. 82. The Soviet delegation considers it necessary to emphasize the following. The Security Cooocil. the General Assembly, the Committee of Twenty-four and other United Nations organs have adopted decisions reflecting the demands and aspirations of the peoples of the African coootries oppressed by the Portuguese colonizers. and confirming the right of these peoples to self-detèrmination and independence. In these decisions. the Portuguese Government is invited to cease colonial warfare, to abandon its bloody repression of the indigenous population, to release polttical prisoners and to take immediate practical steps towards transferring power to the indigenous inhabitants. -83~ As is known, decisions concerning the granting ofindependence to aIl Portuguese colonies by the end of 1963 have been adopted at various African conferences held in1962and1963,suchasthe PAFMECSA Conference'~ and the Afro-Asian Conference at Moshi (Tanganyika) Éi • The Addis Ababa SummitConference of Independent African States, in its turn, took as its point of departure the need for the immediate granting of independence to the peoples of the Portuguese colonies, as is required by the Declaration on the granting ofindependence to colonial coootries and peoples 84. Because of its basic poUcy of support for the just struggle of the colonial peoples, and also having regard to the demands of the African peoples, the Soviet delegation considers that the colonial régime in the Portuguese colonies should be liquidated by the end of 1963 and that there should be set up in these territories representative organs of the indigenous population to which aIl powers should be transferred in accordance with the Declaration on the granting of independence to ~olonial coootries and peoples. 85. The Soviet delegation fully supports the demand o~ the African, coootries that the Security Cooocil adopt a decision concerning the ooreservedapplication of political and economic sanctions to the Government of Portugal by aIl States Members of the Organization, in accordance with the United Nations Charter• .§j Pan,.Mrican Fteedom Movement for East. Central and South Mrica. ~ ThirdConference on the Unity of Mro-Asian Nations~ 89. The Council will recall that at the last meeting. the representative of Ghana raised a point of order. The Chair stated at the time that it would hold consultations on this question and report on them to the Council. 90. Having now consulted the members ofthe Council. 1 think that 1· can express the general view by saying that the Council considers it desirable to address an invitation to the Government of the Republic of South Africa. 1 should like to read out the text of the cablegram to that effect which 1 intend to address to His Excellency Mr. Eric H. Louw. Minister 'Jf Foreign Affairs of the Republic of South Africa: "1 have the honour to inform you that at its 1040th meeting on 22 July the Security Council placed on its agenda the letter dated 11 July 1963 addressed te the President of the Council by thirtytwo African States (S/5348). At its 1041st meeting on 23 July the Council decided. in accordance with rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure. to invite the Republic of South Africa to participate. without vote. in its discussion of this item. Accordingly. on behalf of the Security Council. 1 hereby invite you kindly to designate a representative for this purpose. The Council is expected to begin its discussion of this question early next week. "Accept. Sir. the assurances of my highest consideration. ... "(Signed) Ahmed Taibi Benhima, President of the Security Council." If no member of the Council has any'observations to make with regard to this text. the invitation will be sent today by cablegratn to the Government of the Republic of South Africa. It was sa decided. The meeting rose at 5.45 p.m. AFRICA/AFRIQUE CYPRUS/CHYPRE: P.AN 10 Alexander the Great CZECHOSLOVAKIA/TCHÉCOSLOVAQUIE: ~RTlA LTD.. 30 v~ Sme~kàch, CESKOSLOVENSKYSPISOVATEL CAMERODN/CAMEROUN: LIBRAIRIE OU PEUPLE AFRICAIN la Gérante. 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