S/PV.1043 Security Council

In accordance with the decision previously taken by the Council, 1 invite the representatives of Tunisia, Liberia, Portugal, Sierra Leone and Madagascar to take places at the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Mongi Slim (Tunisia), Mr. Rudolph Grimes (Liberia), Mr. Alberto Franco Nogueira (Portugal), Mr. John Karefa-Smart (Sierra Leone), and Mr. Victor Miadana (Madagascar) took places at the Security Council table. 2. Ml'. CARVALHO SILOS (Brazil): The Brazilian delegation cannot co.1ceal the high sense of responsibility with which, in its capacity as a member of the Security Council, it will now present the views of the Brazilian Government on the request made by thirtytwo African Member States that this Council consider "the situation in the territories under Portuguese domination"• 3. The situation, in our opinion, should be examined in the light of the Charter of the United Natio':1s of the resolutions of the General Assembly andoftheobligations deriving therefrom. Theprinciples ofthe Charter are clearly set forth in Chaptèr XI. The relevant resolutions are General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial cO"J.ntries and peoples; resolution 1541 (XV)establishing the principles which should govern Member States in determining whether 01' not an obligation exists for the transmission of information, as called for by paragraph et Article 73 of the Charter; resolution 1542 (XV) which lists the Non- Self-Governing Territories under Portuguese ad..>ninistration and. lastlytresolution 1654 (XVI) dealing with the situation regarding the implementation of the Declaration on the granting ofindependence to colonial countries and peopl'es. 4. No one doubts that the Charter in its Chapter XI put an end to the so-called legitimacy of colonialism. Member States, on siglling the Charter on on joining this Organization solemnly committed themselves to abide by the principles of the Charter as weIl as by the decisions deriving therefrom and to -put into practice thos principles 'ind decisions. Among these constitutional commitments there is first and foremost the commitment to prepare tbe inhabitants of former colonies for self-government and independence. The Charter of the United Nations thus legalizes the anticolonialist evolution. and transfol'ms the revolutionary processes-which could inevitably lead to international tensions and war-into a peaceful and progressive political operation. Thanks to the wisdom of the Charter and to that shown by Member States. about one...third of mankind has achieved independence through this progressive and peaceful process. 6. With regard to the specific case of the territories under Portuguese administration, the General Assembly went beyond the definition given in resolution 1541 (XV) and adopted resolution 1542 (XV) which enumerated the Non-Self-Governing Territories administered by Portugal and which placed that country unier the obligations contained in Chapter XI of the Charter. 7. In the opinion of the Brazilian delegation, the Charter and the above-mentioned resolutions oonstitute the legal instruments in the light of which this Council should now consider the request made by the African States. 8. As a preliminary, l would like to emphasize three points. The first is that the African States are fully entitled to present their case to the Security Council. Secondly, my delegation entertains no doubts as to the competence of the Council to consider the question. The third, and this point seems fundamental to my delegation, is that for the first time the Counci! is séized o~ the situation in the Non-Self-Governing Territories under Portuguese administration as a whole, by virtue of the non-compliance by Portugal wîth· the obligations incumbent upon it, deriving from the Charter and from the resolutions l mentioned above•. 9. Not having taken "Preventive or enforcement action" against Portugal with regard to the whole of ,the territories under Portugùese administration, the Security Council, in our view, is not in a position to recommend to the General Assembly the measure envisaged in Article 5 of the Charter. Oil. the other hand, the expulsion of a .Member State which "has persistently violated the principles" of the Charter, as envisaged in Article 6, obviously representsa stage subsequent to the adoption of the measures contemplated in Article 5 dealing with the suspension of the "exel'cise of thE: rights and privileges of membership". The authors of the Charter had the wise intention of phasing out the process against any Member State· af fault by tbe application of coherent and progressive measures. The application of Article 6 in· the present situation should also not be considered. 10. l'he mounting hostility of the African States to tlle inflexible !3tand· taken by Portugal, contrary ta the provisions. of the Charter and the pertinent resolutions of the General Assembly, is effectively contributing ti> the formatiOIi of a state of tension capable of endangering the ma~ntenanceof international peace and security. It is the duty of the H. On the basis of the long history of the relations between Brazil and Portugal, the Brazilian delegation has reason to hope that the Portuguese Government will not allow the situation to worsen and that it will accede to negotiations with the United Nations, taking such steps as will lead to the fulfilment of its obligations and consequently to the preparation of its colonies for self-government and independence. Ooly in the avent that this does not happen, despite all our hopes, ooly then would we consider the application of other provisions of the Charter. 12. In ihis context 1 should like to quote from a statement made by Senator Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco in his capacity as head of the Brazilian delegation to the sixteenth sessionofthe General Assembly during the debate on the situation in Angola. He said then: "Brazil feels bound to appeal to Portugalto accept the natur~ course of history and, with its acknowledged vast experience and political wisdom, to find the inspiration which will transform Angola from a hotbed of hatred and resentment into a creative centre of ideas and sentiments. Brazil urges Portugal to head Angola's movement for freedom and its transformation into anindependent country as friendly to Portugal as Brazil."li 13. From its analysis of the Charter and of the resolutions mentioned above, the Brazilian delegatiol(l has reached the following conclusions: first, Brazil does not acnept the Portuguese interpretationwhereby the colonial territories under its administration constitute overseas provinces cf Portugal; second, consequently, Brazil cannot accept the i;heory that these territories areoutside the jurisdiction of the United Nations, there being no basis tothe claim madeby Portugal that these territories fall under Article 2, paragraph 7 of the Charter; third, Brazil is convinced that the bast possible solution for any colonial issue lies in peaceful evolution, especially if the issue is examined within the context of the maintenance of international peace and security; fourth, Brazil, as we have repeatedly stated in this Organization, believes that the ooly solution to the question of the Non-Self-Governing Territories under .Portuguese administration is the evolution of these peoples toward self-determination and independence. 14. Portugal, as weIl as Africa, is ever present in the historical roots of ou;r nationality. portuguese and Africans met on ~razilian soil and pontributed substantially to the first great experiment of modern civilizationin the tropics. The cultural heritage of PortUgal and Africa haEl. left a profound mark on our nl;itionaÎ...character. We Brazilians owe to Portugal !lofftcial .Records !If the General Assembly, Slxteenth Session, Plenary Meeting, 1O!!8th meeting. 15. To those nations seeking their independence. Brazil would say that justice and the course of history assure the victory of their cause. Brazil would say that it is not indifferent to their future and that it wishes to work in behalf of their rapid emancipation. It would say that these peoples have to protect them-which was not the case with Brazil and the other peoples of America-a political instrument which is remarkable for its eÎficiency and its flexib~lity: this Organization. the Chartl?r, its principles. its resolutions. its philosophy. The correct application of the Charter, of its principles and its resolutions. will accelerat'e the peaceful process of decolonization while their impassioned and impatient or hasty application might prolong the survival of the colonial system which we aIl desire to extirpate. 16. In the present stage of the problem. the full and unrestI'ained co-operation of Portugal is indispens-' able. and for this reason we should not jeopardize this possibility of co-operationby the adoption of drastic measures. What we wish. for is the selfdetermination of these territories by peaceful means and through the methods recommended in Article 33 of the Charter of the United Nations. lfis in this sence that Brazil will proceed not ooly in the current debates of the Security Councii, but also in the context 9f its relations with Portugal. in the spirit of the Portuguese-Braziliancommunity. to which we are proud to belong. Braziiïs particularly interested in this problem of the self-determination of the Portuguese territories in Africa and has also. as we have saidbefore, a large measure of responsibility which we do not wish to nor are able to lay aside. 17. Brazil cannot but support the independence'of Angola. Mozambique .and .other tlilrritories, provided it is also the wish of their peop'les.But it cannot. by virtue of an inescàpable historical dutY, shun the spiritual ;md' cultur.al values to which it is stroogly attached. Faithful te;> its historièal calling and to its political exper.ience. and drawing from the example sêtby the qther former colonial Pe;>wers. Portugal cannot but accept the challenge of history and place itself in the forefront of the movemèritof self~ determination. Brazil does not lose hope that Portugal will act in a radically new and highly constructive manner in the matter and places hereand now at the disposaI of this hope the services of its diplomacy~ 18. Ml'. JIMENEZ (Philippines): The Security Council is now meeting at the :request of thirty-two African Governments to consider the situation in the territories under Portuguese administration. About two years a~~C?n 9 June .19~1, to he exact-the. Council Chart~~ of the United Nations". 19. The issue of Portugal's colonial policy in the United Nations, however. goes baek much furtherthan 9 June 1961. As early as 1955. it had already been of serious concern to the General Assembly. The impressive number of General Assembly resolutions demonstrated the complexity and the underlying gravity of the situation. The scope of these resolutions is threefold: first. the obligation of Portugal to supply information at;)Ut territories under its administration. within the mif.laning of Chapter XI of the Charterresolutions 1542 (XV) and 1699 (XVI): secondly. the situation in Angola-resolutions 1603 (XV), 1742 (XVI) and 1819 (XVII): thirdly. the general issue of decolonization of territories under Portuguese administration-resolution 1807 (XVII)-and of other territories still held under colonial rule-resolutions 1810 (XVII), 1654 (XVI) and 1514 (XV). 20. General Assembly resolution 1807 (XVII) noted with deep concern that the acts and policies of the Portuguese Government with regard to its territories "have created a situation which constitutes a threat to internationalpeace andsecurity". General Assembly resolution 1819 (XVII) expressed the belief that the colonial owar in Angola and the refusal of Portugal to implement resolutions directly or indirectly concerning territories under its administration "constitute a source of international conflict and tension as weIl as a serious threat to world peace and security". 21. The latest resolution before us is the one adopted by the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementationofthe Declarationonthe granting of independence to cQlonial countries and peoples.li Acting within its terms of reference to apprise the Security Council of "an,y development in these territories which may threaten international peace and security", it has drawn the attention of the Council ta the present situation "with the view to its taking appropriate measures, including sanctions ••• to secure Portugal's compliance with the present resolution and with the previous resolutions ofthe General Assembly and of the Security Couneil". 22. The letter addressed to the Security Council by thirty-two African Governments [S/5347] declares: "The state of war prevailing in some of these territories following the persistent refusal ofPortugal to comply with the provisions of resoltition 1514 23. After this brief review of the more important documents germane to our deliberations, 1 shouldlike to add that several Committees-the Committee on Information. the Special Committee on Territories under Portuguese Administration, the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. and the Sub- Committee on the Situation in Angola-have been established especially to find ways and means ofbringing about a peaceful and just solution to the problem. The presence among us of five Cabinet Ministers. whom we have had the privilege of hearing. furtherunderscores the critical and precarious import of the issue in question. 24. Portugal. for its part. has ignored these resolutions to which 1 have referred and had furthermore refused to co-operate in the work of various COInmittees. It has justified its refusal by invoking Article 2, paragraph 7 of the Charter. It has lnsisted and still insists that the United Nations has no authority to intervene in matters which it considers "within its domestic jurisdiction" because it regards its territories as its "overseas provinces". The permanent representative of P!,>rtugal. moreover. in bis letter of 31 March 1963!1 to the Chairman of the Special Committee of Twenty-four ~ • declared that the allegation that the colonial policy of Portugal constituted a threat to international peace and security was without foundation and was made for "purely demagogic and propaganda purposes" and that ifthere were any such threat, nit could only exist in relation to territories or countries adjoining Portuguese overseas provinces". 25. It is therefore imperative at this juncture to ask whether the situation in territories under Portuguese administration have in any way improved since the adoption of the Security Counci! resolution qf June 9. 1961 on Angola and General Assembly resolutions 1807 (XVII) and 1819 (XVII). 26. The Philippine delegation notes that up to now, peace has not been restored in Angola. Indeed. the guerrilla war which broke out in full force in March 1961 continues unabated; the nationalist elements seem more determined than ever to gain their rightful independence despite military and other repressive measures by the Portuguese. According to The New York Times of 11 July 1963, nationalist groups ln Angola have now consolidated their forces and are hent on gaining political freedom for Angola. 27. In Portuguese Guinea armed conflict is at present taking place and. according to The New York Times of 18 July 1963. the Portuguese Government itself acknowledged the seriousness of the situation. The jj Document AIAC. 109/36 (rnimeographed). !li Special Committet' on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Dec:laration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 28. An active independence movement initiated by several political parties has also grown in Mozambique. The report of the Special Committee on Portuguese Territories.2f and the report ofthe Special Committee of Twenty-!our 11 attest to this facto In this connexion it is useful also ta remember that the African Heads of state, at their recent historic meeting in Addis Ababa,Y were moved to warntheworld about the potential danger lurking in these areas. 29. The continued unrelenting and increasing resistance to Portuguese rule in Africa seems to the Philippine delegation to stemfrom two fundamental causes: first, the unenlightened colonial policy of Portugal and, secondly, the desire of the people in those territories to be independent and sovereign. 30. While the record of Portugal as a colonial Power is regrettable and unfortunate, it would be unfair to paint a completely black picture of Portugal's overseas activities, for it has contributed, by its presence, som~ good in these areas. But the ,ery basis of its colonial policy has produced dire andugly results. The fact that Portuguese policy aims at the assimilation of its overseas inhabitants means that a highly unnatural and artificial process has takenplace. Itwould seem that Portugal has taken for grant~dthat Portugu,ese culture is superior to African culture and has take~ it upon itself tocivilize Africansby imposing its own culture upon them. The classification of inhabitants ipto citizens and nationals, into assimilated and non-assimilated .persons, into "civilized" and "non-civilized" individuals, according to the extent of their assimilation of Portugueseculture and their obedience to Portuguese rule, has disfigured and maimed their cultural personality. Real culture must be native grown; it can never flourish through dictation or slavish imitation. We honestly believe that Africans must be given the opportunity to develop their own culture which if allowed to grow and flower slowly but in peace, can achieve a 'level comparable to any other highly developed culture. The behi.ted reforms which Portugal institutedin September 1961, according to the report of the Committee on Territories under Portuguese· Administration, have "not brought about, asyet, 'llny significl:lIlt changes". 31. This self-imposed civilizing mission of Portugal is an example of the classic excuse ofcolonial Powers to justify their occupation and exploitation of their territories.. Behind the cultural facade hides the economic motive. Portugal is the last of the colonial Powers to cling to its territories through economic necessity. Frapce andthe United Kingdom, fortunately, ~ Offi(:ial Records of the General. AssemblYj Seventeenth Session,' Annexes. addendurn to agenda item 54. 11 Ibid., Eightéenth Session, Annexes, addendurn to agenda item 23. ]I Surnrnit Conference of Independerit Mrfcan States. held at Addis Ababa. May 22-25, 1963. 32. The other contributing factor to the extremely tense situation existinginterritories under Portuguese rule is the desire for political freedom among its inhabitants and Portugal's defiant refusaI to grant it• The principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples is one of the most fundamental principles of the Charter. Consequently, the steady movement towards decolonization has been one of the grand themes of our times. Resolution 1514 (XV) recapitulates this theme and reasserts the need for bringing colonialism to a speedy end. 33. Colonialism as a means to power has become an anachronism in our times. No colonialpolicy, however benevolent -and paternalistic, will ever satisfy the aspirations of a people ruled by it. No economic .reforms, however sweeping and generous, will be meaningful unless accompanied by political freedom, Only political relationships based on consent can bring about the full stature and dignity of a people. The Philippines is still close enough to her colonial past to fully sympathize with the yearning of peoples to be free. 34. Portugal can ill afford to shut her eyes to one of the obvious realities of our times-the emergence of former colonies into sovereign, independent States. Howcan Portugal possibly survive in Africa by going against the tide ofhistory and change? 35. What Portugal claims to be a purely domestic issue represents in our times a common concern of all nations, developing and developed. The important meeting of the Heads of States in Addis Ababa in May 1963 symbolizes the international concern for Portuguesecolonial policy. These leaders saw the dangers inherent in a situation where pockets of colonialism t:)till exist in an African continent mainly composed of free nations'. Their distinguished representatives whom we have heard before this Council have stressed the logical involvement of the rest of Africa in the struggle for independence in territories under Portuguese rule. The fact that these territories are contiguous to sovereign States necessarUy· çreates much tension which only the granting df independence will remove. The conflict between Portugal andnationalist movements in her colonies can be eolved only by. a peaceful parting of ways. 36. Considering that tension has axisen in Portuguese territories due to continued unenlightened colonial policy and due to the fervent desire oftheir inhabitants 37. But a more fundamental principle has priority in this issue-the principle of equal rights and selfdetermination of peoples. Warnings havebeen expressedelsewhere against impatience and extremism in dealing with Portugal's colonial policy. Yetwhen we review the long history of this item in the United Nations, we realize that numerous attempts have been made to enable Portugal to modify its position. Most of these approaches have been the most civilized known in diplomatie practice. But these efforts have been in vain. 38. The gravity of the situation therefore calls for positive action on the part of the CouncU. The Philippines delegation realizes the possible consequences involved in such a step, and for this reason we ask for sobriety, moderation and a spirit of conciliation from all those concerned. Our Organization should at all times remain, as Article 1 of the Charter has it, "a center for harmonizing the actions of nations". But one consideration should be our main guiding pr~nciple, ànd that is that the United Nations must live up to its duty as the defender of the fundamental rights of peoples aE; enunciated in its Charter and in the' Universal Declaration of HumanRights. Viewed in this light, the solution of the proble.m before us cannot afford to be postponed. 39. The Philippine. delegation will be readyto support rneasures which would enable the people concerned to attain their iegitim,ate aspirations an,dhelp maintain peace in Africa. Effective' measures should be taken to persuade Portugal to desistfrom continuing with its repressive colonial pOlicY. 40. In the spirit offriendship, may we say that the Philippine delegationhopes Portugal will realize before it is too late that itis in the best of its national interests that itrecognize·the right to self-determination of the inhabitants of its territories. This hope is notwithout foundation. The report of tq.e Special Committee on Territories Under Portuguése Administrationstatesthat there is stillgoodwill among the inhabitiints of the territories towardthepeople ofPortugal. This hope isfort1fied also by the fact that it was the intrepid Portuguese who played a pioneering l'ole intllefifteenth and sixteenth centurie.s inexploringthe world. It was a courageous Portuguese in the service of the Sp~nishcrown-Fernando Mag~llanes-who The meeting rose at 4.55 p.rn. CYPRUS/CHYPRE: PAN 10 Alexander the Great AFRICA/AFRIQUE CAMEROON/CAMEROUN: LIBRAIRIE DU PEUPLE AFRICAIN La Gérante. B. P. 1197. Yaoundé. DIFFUSION INTERNATIONALE CAMEROUNAISE OU LIVRE ET DE LA PRESSE. Sangrriellma. CONGO (Léopoldville): INSTITUT POLITIQUE CONGOLAIS. B. P. 2307. L~opoldville. ETHIOPIA/ÉTHIOPIE: INTERNATIONAL PRESS AGENCY, P. O. Box 120. Add,s Abaha. GHANA: UNIVERSITY BOOKSHOP Umverslty College of Ghana. Legon. Accra. KENYA: THE E.S.A. BOOKSHOP Sox 30167, Nairobi. 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