S/PV.1045 Security Council

In accordance with the decision previously taken by the Council, l shaUsuccessivelyinvite the representatives of Tunisia, Liberia, Portugal, Sierra Leone andMadagascar to participate in the consideration of this question and take places at the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. Mongi SUm (Tunisia), Mr. Rudolph Grimes (Liberia), Mr. Alberto Franco Nogueira (Portugal), Mr. John Karefa-Smart (Sierra Leone), and Mr. Louis Rakotomalala (Madagascar) took places at the Security Council table. 2. Ml'. LIU Chieh (China): The CouncilisbeingcaUed upon to take appropriate action to secure compliance by portugal with the relevant resolutions of the General Assenibly and the Security Council. Never before has the Council witnessed the presence of so many distinguished foreign Ministers around the table. The voice of Africa as unanimously expressed by thirtytwo Member States cannot go unheeded in these chambers. 3. Before addressing myself to the question of measures that may be taken by the Security Council, let me state briefly my delegation's position on colonialism in general and Portuguese colonial policies in particular. 4. We of China were the first among the peoples of Asia to denounce and to fight colonialism. Our unalterable opposition to colonialism is based on our experience with foreign' exploitation in our country and our conviction that the principle of self-det~r­ mination of peoples must prevail all over the worlct. My delegation ha::; therefore consistently supported the aspiration of non-seli-governing peoples for independence and freedom. We are opposed not only to colonialism in the usual sense, but to foreign domination of every form and description, including domination under the guise of so-called "liberation". 5. It is a truism to say that nationalism is the most elemental force of our time and that the passions unleashed by this force can neither be contained nor stamped out by repressive action. Recent history abounds in examples of the futile efforts of colonial Powers to reassert their control over peoples who are determined to be free. Much of the European retreat from colonialism springs from the realization that it is in the interests of the colonial Powers themselves to come to terms with Asianand African nationalisme Failure to do so inevitably leads to protracted violence. This may delay but cannot prevent the eventual triumph of the forces of freedom. '1. The vistas of the new era of world politics have been opening up so swiftly that there are still GoVernments which have not yet been able to adjust their policies to the new conditions. It is here, l believe, that the United Nations has a vital and constructive l'ole to play. It is the duty and responsibility of the United Nations to see to it that the dissolution of empires is not accompanied, as it has so often been accompanied in the past, by armeà conflicts with all their tragic consequences. It is in this lightthat l wish to say a few words in regard to Portuguese policies in Africa. 8. In this connexion, let me sayat once that my Government has long enjoyed friendly relations with Portugal. If in the COlU'se of my remarks l should be in disagreement with the Foreign Milùster of Portugal, it is because friendship imposes the duty of candolU' and sincerity. 9. l shall not dwel! on the conditions prevailing in the Portuguese territories in Africa. Much has been said about them already in this Council. My delegation, however, does not share the view that the Portuguese record has been one of unrelieved oppression and repression. The Foreign Minister of portugal outlined at some length the various measures of reform that have been introduced in recent years in fostering racial democracy. [1042nd meeting.] l, for one, cannot find fault with the effort of creating an integrated multiracial society. l even agree with the Foreign Minister of Portugal that such a society is in accord with the highest ideaIs of mankind. At the same time, however, l am constrained to point out that such a. society cannot be created by fiat without the free consent of those who are to be integrated. In so far as we are able to ascertain, the policy of assimilation has not been a resounding success. 10. But al! this is beside the point. The question is not whether Portuguese rule has been good or bad; it is whether Portugal has done enough to accelerate the pace of political progress in such a manner as to enable the peoples under its administration to move toward self-determination. 11. For some yeârs the General Assembly and other organs of the United Nations have adopted resolutions urging the Portuguese Government to take immediate steps to enable the African peoples in the territories under its administration to determine their oWll 12. Whatever the jlll'idical validity of titis argument. the fact remains that not aIl indigenous inhabitants of the Portuguese territories regard themselves as Portuguese. We cannot. therefore. escape the conclusion that. for aIl practical purposes. these are Non-Self-Governing Territories witlùn the meaning of Chapter XI of the Charter wlùch imposes certain obligations on the Administering Authorities. The most important of these obligations is. to quote Arti.,. cIe 73. paragraph b of the Charter: "to develop selfgovernment. to take due account of the political aspirations of the peoples. and to assist them in the progressive development of their free political institutions ...". How far has Portugal fulfilled these obligations? Tlùs is the question at issue. 13. The independent Mrican States now demand that Portugal gr:ant immediate independence to the territories under its administration. In their view. Portugal's refusal to heed the voice oftheworld community as expressed in United Nations resolutions andPortugal's continued control of its territories in Mrica constitute a threat to international peace and security. 1 shaH not at this juncture go into a discussion as to whether a threat to international peace does or does not already existe 1 content myself with the simple observation that the situation is potentiaUy ex-plosive. The independent Airican States have made it unmistakably clear that they stand ready to lend every support to the people in these territories to shake off Portuguese rule. If theUnitedNationscannot exert its influence toward resolving the issue of the Portuguese territories witlùn the terms ofthe Charter. it is difficult to say what tragic fate may yet await Africa. 14. My delegation however refuses to believe that matters have come to such straits that there is no way out. The Charter enjoins the preservation of peace and provides the most extensive machinery for tlùs purpose. ft would be most unfortunate for the inhabitants of the portuguese territories.for Portugal itself. for aU Africa. and indeed for the whole world if the avenues of peace are not fully explored. 15. In tlùs connexion. it may be noted that Portugal has offered to invite two high-rankingrepresentatives of the United Nations. appointed by the President of the General Assembly. to visit the Portuguese territories to investigate on the spot the prevailing economic. social and political conditions. This offer was reiterated by the permanentrepresentative of portugal in lùs letter of reply dated 31 March 19631/ to the 16. As a Member of the United Nations, Portugal has comnùtted itself to upholding the Charter. The provisions in regard to self-determination of peoples are therefore bindùlg on Portugal. A re-affirmation by Portugal of .the principle of self-determination in its application to the African territories would, l believe, greatly lessen the tension which now wlhappily exists be'ween Portugal and the independent African States. The declared policy of Portugal in regard to the territories has been the creation of "anintegrated multiracial society". This, as l have indicated, is a laudable concept. But, as l have also indicated, even the creation of such a society requires the fr'ee consent of the inhabitants ofthe territories. Ifthey ohoose to be integrated with Portugal, it is their right to do so. Nor can they he denied the right of choice if they wish to lead an existence independent of Portugal. It is the people themselves that must determine their own destiny. It is not for the Portuguese Government, nor indeed any other government, to make the decision for them, no matter how noble the motivations or how laudahle the arguments. 17. Whatever action the Council may take shouldhold the interests of the inhabitants as the primary consideration and should follow the paths of peaceful change. It is the hope of my delegation that Portugal will no longer hesitate to accept the realities of a changed and still changing Africa. Tlùs, l believe, is in accord with the lùghest self-interestof Portugal. The country wlùch ushered in the age of discovery and enjoyed an enviable record of exploration and pionëering cannot, l am sure, allow itself to he left belùnd in the march of lùstory. 18. Ml'. SEYDOUX(France) (translatedfromFrench): The position of the Frénch delegation onthe important question put before the Security Council by tlùrty-two Africau States in their letter of 11 July [S/5347] is clear and should not give rise to any ambiguity. No Power bas more respect than France for the right to self-deternùnation. We have given proof that we were determined to apply tlùs principle in the territories for which we were responsible. 19. After setting up rêgimes with internaI autonomy wherever possible, the French Government, when the li Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 20. No one will deny that French policy has played a decisive l'ole in the development of the African continent. not through promises or proclamations but by example. It has shown that friendship and peace are compatible with rapid and radical changes. It has proved that co-operation can be entered into without interfering in any way with the complete freedom of action of the parties concerned. 21. That being so. we should be happy if the right to self-determination were applied universally in all cases where it should be freely exercised. and not only in connexion with the question now under consideration by the Security Council. A distinction should. however, be drawn between what is desirable and what the Council can legitimately decide or even recommend. 22. The Charter does not authorize the United Nations to take the place of the Power administering dependent territories in bringing about the development of those territories. That would constitute interference in affairf' within the domestic jurisdiction of the State concerned~ But this principle has a natural corollary. if Portugal decided that it should consent to exchanges of views or to establishing contacts, which it seems some delegations have thought of recommending we would be pleased for such a conciliation procedure to be adopted. We should be the first to welcome such a development. 23. We have taken note of the invitation from Ml'. Franco Nogueira to the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Liberia, Madagascar. Sierra Leone and Tunisia to visit Angola and Mozambique at a time convenient to them. l also noted that the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Liberia. speaking on behalf of his colleagues at the last meeting, did not a priori reject this offer. perhaps we may see in this the advent of a more favourable climate for the first moves towards conciliation. and to the beginning of a development whose chances it would be unwise to neglect. 24. l would add that we do notconsider that the question under debate comes under Chapter VII of the Charter. Reference has been made ta sanctions, expulsion or suspension. or a total embargo on arms. The French delegation could not support a resolution which contained provisions of that kind. In our view, it is for each State to take effective measures to ensure that arms and military equipment supplied to Portugal are not used for repressive activities contrary to the United Nations Charter. 25. l should like to say once again that in the territories for which it was responsible France has followed a policy which can be judged by its results: eighteen African States which have become independent and have been admitted to membership of the United Nations. My country, therefore, can only hope that the question undt\r consideration here will develop in the direction wilich it chose itself. It understands

Thepurpose of my intervention at this stage will be to explain the positive principles which, we believe, shouldguide uS in our approach to this question. It is in keeping with that spirit that 1 shallnot take up in any detail the allegations which one or two speakers before me have made about my country and its allies in NATO. 1 mention them now merely to state that such allegations are wholly without foundation. 27. 1 should like now to place on record the views of my delegation with regard to the appropriateness of the Security Council in engaging in a debate on this question. 1 should have done so at the outset when we adopted the agenda, but my delegation thought it only right to hear first the views of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs who have addressed us. 28. There have been references in the course of our discussion on this question to Article 2, paragraph 7 of the Charter, and 1 should therefore like to make it clear that the fact that my delegation raised no objection on this score to the adoption of our agenda must not be seen as affeoting in any way the legal position which we continue to hold with regard to Article 2 (7). This position is now weIl known and, instead of repeating it, 1 merely refer for the record to the statement which 1 made in this Council on 10 March 1961 [944th meeting] when the subject under discussion was one of the Portuguese territories in Africa. But, clearly, there areothercircumstances which at present place this issue beyond the ambit of Article 2, paragraph 7. . 29. It has been claimed in theletter [S/5347] addressed to you, Sir, by the thirty-two representatives of the African countries that the situation constitutes a definite breach of peace and security in the African continent, as weIl as a threat to international peace and security. My delegation fully accepts that there are international aspécts to this question which warrant discussion and action by the Security Councit In speaking of this, 1 have in mind not so much the serious view which. almost the whole international community takes of the conduct of Portuguese colonial policy. That alone, in the view ofmydelegation, would not justify this debate. But portugal's disregard of the aspirations of the peoples of its territories in Africa towards self-government and eventual independence has given birth to nationalist movements which now receive encouragement and help from outside these territories. Thus, in and around more than one of the Portuguese territories, there is at tms moment a situation capable of leading to international friction and the continuance of which is likely to endanger the maintenance of peace and security. '31. Again, we do not believe that there is as yet an imminent breach of the peace, and stilliess, that the preEjent situation has yet reached a stage at which an .ctual breach of the peace has occurred. We are, however, prepared to admit that, unless the international friction engendered by the present situation in the Portuguese territories can be eliminated, the world may be presented at some later date with a threat ta the peace. Thispointhasbeenclearly brought out in the speeches by the representatives of African countries who have addressed us. 32. But to claim that the situation has now reached that degree of exacerbation where the peace of the world is actually threatened seems to my delegation to be an exaggerationj and such a claim seems to confuse the existence of circumstances wlüoh may endànger the maintenance of international peace and security with a situation in which a state of open hostility J:ietween nations is imminent and in which there is, therefore, an actual threat to the peace. 1 say this with aIl l'espect to the representatives of the African eountries who hold a contrary view. 33. In considering whether any given question before the 8ecurity Council is one that should be treated under Chapter VIol' Chapter VII of the Charter, there are several matters which should be borne in mind. 34. In the first place, the United Nations is above aIl an Organization for peace. Itisnotan Organization for promoting war and fighting. The dominant theme of the introductory paragraph to the Charter and of the purposes of the United Nations as set out in Articles 1 and 2 is that the Members of the Organization should be peace-loving and, 1 may add, peace-seeking nations, and that the Organization should be, in the words of Article 1, paragraph 4 of the Charter, lia centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in"the attainment of common ends". Itis therefore incumbent on us round this table to seek peaceful solutions for the disputes which divide us or the situations which might lead to international friction. It is inconsistent with the provisions vf the Charter and, more important,with the spirit which does and should pervade our debates to talk in warlike terms or to threaten the use of force to achieve our objectives. 35. That is not to say that my delegation does not fully recognize the disappointment, which no doubt at times reaches exasperation, feIt by so many delegations here at the failure of the Portuguese Government so far to give heed to successive resolutions of the General Assembly and the 8ecurity Council. Our delegation understands and ha.s sympathy with these feelings. But it cannot nevertheless accept the l ..position which, 1 am sarry ta sa:y, has been advanced on several occasions during our present series of debates, that if the means provided by the Charter do not seem to be having the desired useful effect, 38. This, l am bound to say, seems to us an exceptionally shocking argument. It is not only clearly contrary to the provisions and the spirit of the Charter, but it also offends against one of the most important and widespread principles of natural justice, namely, that he who cornes to a court of law seeking equity should come with clean hands. 39. At the outset cf my speech l suggested that a disagreement, no matter how fundamental, with the manner in which Portugal pursues its colonial policy would not in itself be sufficient reason for action by the Security Council. Nevertheless, it is clear to all of us that the present situation has been created by a failure in these policies-and therefore itis,I think, legitimate for me to make SOrne comment upon them. 40. Let me say first that it would be wrong to condemn out of hand aU the ideals which portugal has set itself in regard to its overseas possessions. We have had an account of these from the Foreign Minister of portugal himself. Although from what l shall go on to say later it will be clear that the United Kingdom cannot share his viewpoint-particularly in one important respect-l think at the same time it is less than fair not to recognize and give credit for what is good. And if to sorne the pace toward the long avowed objective of territorial autonomyfor the OverseasProvinces, as they are called, may seem excessively slow, at least progress in this respect is being made. 41. The recently promulgatedrevisions of the Organic Law for the Overseas Provinces is a .cautious step in the right direction of providing a greater degree of auOOnomy for the indigenous inhabitants of Angola, Mozambique and other territories. Then, 000, we acknowledge the efforts which Portugal-not a large or a rich country-is making to impI:ove theecononùc and social well-being of these peoples. The International Labour Office and the World Health Organization both havè given very favourable reports of what is being done. But progress alone, however sincere and benevolent, is not enough. There must be a goal. 43. WeI if l may be allowed to say SOI have some experience in these matters. The attainm{;}nt of selfgovernment and the principle of self-determination for all peoples and territories is one that has been absolutely fundamental in British colonial policy for a very long time now. The process is not yet fully complete. But at least we are confident that the methods which we have chosen are right-a steady progress first to self-government. then to se]fdetermination. leading. if that is thewishofthe people concerned. to independence. 44. On 26 January last year in the General Assembly l suggested§j that it may be that some other method would work just as wells but that. nevertheless. on purely practical and pragmatic grounds. we thought we could r.emind Portugal of the success of these methods in the hope that it might reconsider some of the methods and policies which itis no~ employing. That hope. as we all know. has not been realized. 45. Now. eighteen months later. Ithinklmustpresent the appeal which my country makes to portugal. not in terms of our own record. but in the light of the historical development of mankind. 46. We ask Portugal-which has been great and percipient in so much orits long history=to accept now. before it is too late. that worJ:d opinion cannot acquiesce in a continuïng denial of the legitimate aspirations of the people of Angola. Mozarnbique and the other portuguese territories toward self-determination. The timing wd method of implementing self-determination in these territories is certainly the responsibility of Portugal as the Adnûnis1;.eripg Power. But self-determination itself ie, not its alone to grant or withhold. The principl~ i8 there: it exists. as l have said. as theresult of the historical processes of these past few decades; and no one, l believe.can ignore or resist it. 47. So far my remarks have been directed chiefly at Portugal. l should now like. if l may. to address myself to those who would arraign Portugal. 48. First. l would ask them what is the real objective of this debate?What is. or should bel our real concern? It seems to my delegation that there can be only one answer. namely. the well-being and the interests of the inhabitants of the territories concerned. 11 Official .Records of the General Assembly, Sixteenth Session, Plenary Meetings, l099th meeting. 50. So let us fix our minds on the main objective. Let us remember that the welfare andthe advancement of these peoples, no matter what we do, is still the responsibility of Portugal; and, let me add, a responsibility which Portugal is fully capable of discharging with all honour. Several representatives, speaking before me, have made this clear. 51. Therefore. l suggest that it would not be wise to drive. portugal into a position of isolation. Rather what we should do is to bring Portugal along with the l'est of us, in the direction in which the world is moving-not to isolate it or leave it behind. 52. This is the chief and underlying reason why my delegation cannot support the draft resolution [S/5372] which was strongly recommended to us this morning by the representative of Ghana. 53. Furthermore, we believe that the general tenor of the draft and many of the measures it proposes could only be appropriate to a situation where there is in fact a threat to the peace. As l have already explained, my delegation does not consider that the present situationin the Portuguese territories, serious as it is, is of that nature. Surely what we have to do is just the opposite. 54. One of the most urgent contributions which this Council could now make towards an amelioration of the present situation is to lend its support to any and every measure which might, for a start, remove the suspicions and misunderstandings which nowexist between Portugal on the one hand and the African countries on the other. 55. It is with this principle in mind that my delegation therefore welcomes·the closing remarks of the speech made by the Foreign Minister of Portugallast Tuesday. His personal invitation to the Ministers who have addressed us in this Council to visit sorne of these territories is a positive step. Can we not make sorne further progress in this direction? f~ ~# 56. The Foreign Minister of Portugal reminded u~ of his .Go.vernm.ent's acceptance Of. the proposallast year for the appointment of two high level representatives of the United Nations. He reminded us of th Portuguese offer of non-aggression pacts and talk betweenhis Government and the Governments of thOS~ countries whichneighbour the Portuguese territories. All these are P.ositive suggestions. l fully realizethat they have not found acceptance with aIl the parties concerned. ' 57. Nevertheless, it seems to my delegation that thE:lre are here ideas which we can build on, which we can use to take matters forward in the.right di-

The question which the Security Council has been discussing for the past week hast as we aIl know, troubled and con.cerned the United Nations for several years. This concern has been as deeply feIt by my Government. 1 believe. as by any other. The question of Portuguese territories has been considered in the United Nations during this period of time from three separate but very much related aspects. The General Assembly has examined the question in its relationship to Chapter XI of the Charter and has unequivocally declared itself. The General Assembly has examined the question in relationship to resolution 1514 (XV)-the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples-and again has u'>lequivocally declared itself. Finally. the Security Council has examined at least part of the question -the situation in Angola-in its relationship to international friction and the maintenance of international peace and security. And now once again the Security Council. at the request of thirty-two African nations. has taken up consideration of this question. and this time in the broader framework ofaIl ofthe Portuguese territories.in Africa. 59. The position of the United States and our convictions on each of these aspects of the question of Portuguese territories have been set forth both in the General Assembly and in the Security Council. However. in order to make entirely clear the starting point, or better perhaps the broad basis, from which the United States approaches our current deliberations, 1 would, with the indulgence of the Council, like to review very briefly our position with regard to each of these aspects. 60. First of aIl. the General Assembly has found that the territories under Portuguese administration are Non-Self-Governing Territories within the meaning of Chapter XI of the Charter andare therefore subject to the provisions of that chapter. We supported that view in the General Assembly and we have urged Portugal to co-operate with the United Nations and to fulfil the obligations under Chapter XI both as regards the administration of the territories themselves and also the submission of information to the Secretary-General. 61. second, we have steadfastly supported the principle of self-determination. 1 might add. what you already know. that this position long antedates the Declaration contained in the General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV). and that it was first expounded as a universal doctrine by Woodrow Wilson at the end of the First World War. At that time it was still a new idea. though persuasive enough to contribute to the creation of many independent nation States, both in Europe and in the Middle East, as successors to the Austro-Hungarian and the Ottoman Empires. The right of peoples to choose the terms oftheir political, economic and social destiny is written intoour Declaration of Independence and our Constitution, as it is written into the Charter of the United Nations. Hence. the United States delegation has continuouslysupported in the United Nations, since the initial con- 62. We also believe the United Nations. as an organ devoted to the reduction of international friction. to the maintenance of peace and security and dedicated therefore to peaceful change. must relentlessly strive for a solution to this problem through the creative paths of peace. difficult though these paths may often seem. This principle is 'fundamental not only to the Charter but also to the very concept of the United Nations itself. and is one which we shall not abandon. To this end we have supported measures in the Council and in the Assembly. We have also undertaken DilateraI efforts. some of which are not unknown to members of this Council; and we shall continue to do so as long as the source of friction presented by the situation in these territories continues to exist. 63. Up until now 1 have delayed in participating in this discussion. 1 have done so because 1 wished to examine the situation within the terms of the Charter and the functions of the 8ecurity Council. To this end 1 have studied carefully the letter and the accompanying memorandum [8/5347] submitted to the President of the 8ecurity Council by the representatives of thirty-two African nations. 1 have carefully and attentively considered the presentations ofthefour African Foreign Ministers representing the African Chiefs of State and Heads of Government who met so recently at Addis Ababa..1/ 1 have listened with equal attention and studied as carefully the statement to the Council of the Foreign Minister of Portugal. And after hearing the subsequent statements of the members of the Council. 1believe we have a clearer idea of the prob-. lems facing the Council and the alternatives presented to us as to how the Council might act to resolve what is at the moment both a stalemate and also a dispute. It is a stalemate because we have perceived no progress. It is a dispute because there is a fundamental difference of opinion. 8talemates are. of course. a dangerous condition in human affairs. They are the powde:r:-kegs of history and unless they are resolved they may explode at any time into violence with unpredictable consequences for the peace of the world. Change will come in the Portuguese colonies. The present temporary stalemate will he broken. one way or another. in the not too distant future. 64. The pace of decolonization in the last eighteen years. as we aIl know. has been phenomenal. When the Second World War ended. there were just over fifty independent nations in the world. Today. less than a generatiQn later. hardly 2 per cent of the 'world's population still live in dependent territories. More independent nations have been created in that 65. Most of this great achievementwas accomplished with very little or no bloodshed. This. 1 think. is also something of which aIl of us, liberated and liberators alike. particularly wei the Members of this great peace...keeping organization. can be proud. We have achieved freedom and we have kept the -peace. and we have many Members of this Organization, both liberated and liberators~ to thank. 66. That should also be our goal in the case of the Portuguese territories. Change will come. Selfdeterminationwill come. There can be no question a.bout that; the only question is whether it will come peacefully or whether there will be violence and bloodshed which will reflect on the prestige· of the United Nations and on the loyalty of its Members to the Charter~ and whièh will cause suffering and hardship to the peoples in whose interest we profess to act. tlie peoples of the Portuguese territories. 67. There is no conflict of principle beiore this house•.The only issue before us. complex as it may bel is to discover and agree upon the most practical way open to this Organization to help to bring about peaceful change in the interest of the people of the Portuguese territories. in the interest of the Republic of Portugal. of the independent States of Africa. and of the peace of the world. The core of the problem is the acceptance and the aI-plication of the rightof selfdetermination. as the preceding speakers have toldus. Mr. Franco Nogueira. the Foreign Minister of Portugal has contended that the criteria and procedure defined by the United Nations cannot, justifiably or realistically. be considered the only criteria for a valid and real self-determination. 1 hope that he does not fear that any of us are seekingto deprive Portugal of its proper place in Africa. 68. Many African leaders around this table andelsewherehave emphasized that once Portugalhas granted self...determination it will, in the interest of the inhabitants of its present territories as weIl aS in its own -ïnterest. have agreat role to play in the field of ec.onomic and cultural development and progresse The United States has in the past offeredto give sympathetic consideration to any request by Portugal for material assistance in fulfilling certain aspects of that responsibility. No doubt others would likewise be prepared to assist. but in any case. with or without help,Portugal's role in Africa will be ended only if it refuses tocollaborate in the great and inevitable changes which are taking place. 69. If it does collaborate. its continuing role is as... sured. and 1 for one. sitting here. on my pWll behalf »United Nations Conference on International Organization held from 25 April-26 June. 1945. 71. For our part, the United States cannot accept and must emphatically reject the concept suggested to the Council that an acceptable means of solving such a problem is to aggravate the situation until it does indeed become a threat to international peaee and security-my United Kingdom colleague referred to this a moment ago. This concept is a contradiction. of the provisions and the spirit of the Charter itself, . with which we and our Governments are pledged to conform. We are not here to create threats to peace and security, but to prevent them. We are hot here to éndanger the peace, but to guard it. We are here to strengthen and not to burn the moral and the legal foundations of a peaceful world order. 72. Unfortunately, the problem is that there is no dialogue going on, and thus little chance for the voiee 1 of reason to prevail. There is a kind of vacuum inl which emotions can only· continue to become embittered..But. it is our belief, based on the btatements , of the four Foreign Ministers who, in the first instanc.e•.seek a peaceful solution and. w.ho have appealed} for Portuguese co-operation. and on the statement of the Foreign Minister of Portugal, who suggested C011- versations with African leaders without reservations or restrictions, that the grounds exist for those channels .to be reope11ed in the interests of the people of the Portuguese territories. 73. This, the11, it seems to us, is the place to start. The' second essential is to make sure that they are talkirig about theright things, inchi.ding the means of exercising self-determination. Now, third parties cannot speak for Portugal, nor can they speak for the people of the Portuguese colonies or for the African leaders. Yet it is plain that the principals in this dispute need help in getting together, in breaking down the barriers which prevent any discussion at all~rom even beginning, and this is one place where, 1 suggest, the Security Council can play an effective l'ole. 74. The Unitéd,states is convinced that it would be useful to designate a special representative of the Securïty Council' whose task would be to facilitate a meaningful dialogue between the Government of Portugal and appropriate African leaders. Such a representative would visit the territories, would 75. It is our belief that this Council must make every possible effort to get significant consultations started, and in this connexion wenote with gratification that the Foreign Minister of Portugal has invited the African Foreign Ministers or their representatives to visit Portuguese territories. He has placed no conditions or limitations on these visits, and this seems, too, a most valuable offer made in a spirit of cooperation. Although this invitation obviously is only a partial step, we hope that it will be accepted and that it will contribute to the achievement of the objectives of which we aIl approve. We have seen an end to apparent stalemate many times in the course of history, frequently, l would remind you, when the outlook seemed darker than ever and, on occasion, just in the nick of time. l need only refer by way of example to the news that came to us only yesterday that the long, dreary, frustrating stalemate in the nuclear testing issue appears to be broken. It was broken because men declined to surrender to despair, because men worked patiently and imaginatively to break that deadlock. 76. Finally, there is even more at stake, Iwould like to suggest, than the course of events inthe Portuguese colonies in the next few years. There is, Ibelieve, an obligation on the part of the United Nations to do its utmost to see that the great story of national liberation, to which the United Nations already has contributed so much, ends on a note ofpeaceful change and not in a blood bath. There is an obligation to prove that this democratic institution, the Security Council of the United Nations, possesses the central virtue of a democratic institution, and that is the capacity to support and to stimulate peaceful change, which is the only alternative to violence and war in a world of rapid change. And l believe there is a heavy obligation on each of us to strengthenthe United Nations by a realistic appraisal of its limitations as weIl as its capacities and to work day in and day out to expand these capacities until the day cornes when the United Nations is fully equipped to keep the peace of the world and to manage and enforce peaceful change. In these respects, our actions here will echo in the history of the years to come. 77. In the draft resolution before us submitted by Ghana, Morocco and the Philippines [S/5372], there is little of substance with which my delegation disagrees. Our aims are very close to its aims, and we shaH be happy to support them if they are couched in a form and a language which we can accept and which are consistent with the Charter, which is the sovereign law of aIl of us. But the present language of the draft resolution we cannot accept and we could not vote for the draft in its present forme 80. The restriction on the sale and the supply of arms and military equipment to Portugal for use in its African territories, which appears in paragraph 6 of the draft resolution, is a policy which the United States has in fact, as we have frequently stated in the United Nations, been pursuing for sorne years. We would therefore see no reason for objecting to such a recommendation based on the fact that such sales might contribute to increasing international friction in the area in a resolution otherwise satisfactory. 81. FinaIly, we must not impose an impossible burden on the Secretary-General or on any representative he may name to deal with this problem. It cannot, under the best of circumstances, be solved overnight. Let us assign mm reasonable goals to be achieved without undue delay, but also without unrealistictimelimits which would only arouse false hopes. 82. I have already suggested that an alternative to imposing this burden directly upon the Secretary- General might be to ask him to appoint someone to serve as a special representative of the Security Council who would be able to devote himself exclusively to this case and whose mandate in the implementation of self-determination might be spelled out more extensively in a resolution. We believe that through further consultations among members of this Counci! and the four African Ministers who are visiting us, a draft can be produced which could command general acceptance and could enable the Council to adopt a resolution by a large majority. Itis far better, it seems to us, to take joint action by an impressive degree of unanimity, even though it does not go as far as many would like, than to fail to reach agreement and find ourselves unable to take any effective action at aIl on this. great issue.

Before calling upon the other two speakers on my list 85. l am sure that l am expressing the unanimous feelings of the Council when l express our condolences and deepest sympathy to the Yugoslav delegation, with a request to be good enough to pass them on to Us Government and to the people of Yugoslavia. 86. Ml'. KAREFA-SMAhT (Sierra Leone): Ml'. President, l crave your indulgence and that ofthe members of the Security Council for permission to make a short statement without prejudice to a fuller statement which l wish to make at the next meeting of the Council. 87. The representatives of the United Kingdom and of the United states of America have sought to give the impression that my colleagues from Africa and myself have exaggerated the actual situation in the Portuguese colonies in Africa, that they accept the declaration of the Foreign Minister of Portugal, that all is weIl in the Portuguese territories, that there is no breach of the peace and that there is no danger present there at the moment of a future breach of the peace. 88. The representatives of the United States and the United Kingdom have gone even farther and have accused the African countries, which we represent, of being guilty ourselves of threatening the peace and calm which already exists and of seeking ta obtain justice when in actual fact we have come here with unclean hands. On behalf of my colleagues, l wish to remove any impression that might remain in the minds of the members of the Security Council who have heard these accusations that we accept these charges because we have not refutedthem immediately and as vigorously as we cano 89. As l have indicated, l will present in sufficient detail, in my next intervention, irrefutable evidence of present and continuing acts of war which are being perpetrated in the Portuguese colonies, including wholesale bombings ofdefenceless villages withplanes which, since Portugal does not manufacture them, we can only assume are the gifts of its NATO friends. 90. The other matter on which l wish to register a correction is the reference to the visit which the Foreign Minister of Portugal had invited my c01- leagues and myself, to make. We want to make it quite clear that, although we are bound, as responsible Foreign Ministers, to transmit an invitation of this kind to our Goverl1ments, we are not interested in such a visit. We have made no complaints about welfare or other conditions in the Portuguese territories. We have made no complaints about whatever efficiency or lack of efficiency might exist in Portuguese systems of internaI government. What we have said is that we wish that the Portuguese will accept the right of our brothers and sisters in theil' present 91. Mr~ FEDORENKO (Union of Sbviet Socialist Republics) ~translated from Russian): It is the happy duty of the Soviet delegation toexpressits satisfaction at the statement made by the repil'esentativeofBrazil. Ml'. Carvalho Silos. concerning the initialfug in Moscow of the treaty on a nuclear test ban. and the statement made by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Liberia. Mr.. Grimes. on behali of the ministers of four African' countries-Liberia. Tunisia. Madagascar and Sierra Leone. The Soviet delegation fully shares the views and sentiments expressed in the statements of the distinguished representatives of Brazil and Liberia. 92. The successfU[ conclusion of the Moscow negotiations between the USSR. the Umted States of America and the United Kingdom on. the question of a nuclear· test ban is· undoubtedly an event of great significance and an important achievement in international relations. 93. We regard tbis agreement as an extremely positive beginning: and as a serious contribution. This event gives us occasion to congratulate aIl the people of goodwiU who devoted their· energies to achieving agreement on the banning of nuclear tests. Heil'e a tribute must be paid tOI the effoil.'ts. as, patient as they were energetic., made by the Govel'nments of the United, States af America and the United Kingdom and by their representatives who conducted the negotiations on tbis quez.jj'iln on tlle instructions of their Governments. 94. The lVIoscow nuclear test ban demonstrates that•. with the right amount of zeal and conscientious effort. it is possible to, reach a salutton to international problems on genera]1y acceptable terms.. "·In' addition". as was emphasizedbytheheadof the Soviet Government•. Nikita Sergeevich Khœushchev. "we hope, and we,beli.eve tnatthis hope;Î:s now shared by people throughout the warld'. that the conclusion of a nuclear test ban' treaty should: permit a geJlera:l reductioD! of internationa:li tension andi thu$ estabIish favourable· conditions. for· the solution of long-outstanding internatianali proble:ms. "lit would naturaJ!ly be wrong"'. the' Prime Minister pointed aut.. "ta' l'est onour laurels and> relax our efforts and· determination as {urtner attempts are made ta sol~ the questions on which the maintenance of peace on earth depends. We must clearly realize that the prohibitfon: of nuclear tests atill 95. The SoViet Government therefore feels that now, as a result of the agreement·on the prohibition of nuclear tests, there is a good chance of making progress in thlil solution of basic international prob1ems. Howevèr, this will require new efforts, which will lead step by step to the strengthening of peace and to the realization of mankind's age-old dream-universaI and complete disarmament. ' 96. Allow me ta express the hope that our world Organization and a11 its Members, inspiredby the success achieved at the recent Moscow negotiations, Will ptirsue their efforts for the a:chievement of the hlgh .ând noble Purposes laid down in the Charter of ourOrganize.tion.' ~'7. The PRESIDENT (translated from French): The representative of the Soviet Union has beengood enough not to insist on the consecutive interpretation of bis speèch into English and French. 1 should like to thank him on behalf of thl;l Council. 98. Ml'. STEVENSON (United States of America): 1 welcome the remarks of· Ambassadol" Fedorenko on this histQric occasion. 1 remind the members of the Council that President Kennedy will speak about the test-ban agreement tonight on radio and television. Ihope that many of you will have an opportunity to hear what he says. 99. YouwiU perhaps forgive me for reminding you, if..1 may, that 1first proposed such an agreement, to take, at least a. firststepAo end the poisoning of the atmoSphere .by nuclear .testing and the further devel()pm~ntof these lethal weap")ns. in the Presidential campaign in the United States seven years ago. You may recall too that in the First Commutee of the General Assembly §j last year 1 proposed an immediate tl'eaty to end nuclear tests in the atmosphere, in outer~pace and. under water, if an agreement to end aIl tests wa.s not then possible.' These hopes have nowbeen fulfilled, so 1 must add a. note of very personal gratification to the' official satisfaction of the United States' Government with what 'has been accomplished in Moscow by the representatives of tlle .Soviet' Union, of the 'United Kingdom and of the United States. 100...' As \vithm.y Soviet c6lleague, Ambassador Fedorenko, our hope is tha.tthis first steP will be quickly 'approved by the constitutional processes of the signa- '"tory c\')Ulltnes,. and that other .nations wm express ~P~il'~ppr()valllY.,a(iherence to' the·agreement and , t,hat.it wil1.1ead to successivestep~to restqresal:ity 'i,§.i.Ji)ittctaIRècords'of'the'Gerièrill .•AssembW,. Seventeênth Session, fiJ;st Committee,1246th'méeting~' " • . .. 102. ~ir Patrick DEAN (United Kingdom) : 1 should like to make a· brief intervention in the same spirit and about the saine subject ai;i the statements the Conncil has just heard from the representativesof the Soviet Union and the United States. lOS. After aIl these years of negotiation, 1 think it goes almost Without saying how very much my Government and the whole British people welcome the nuclear test-ban agreement which was initialed in Moscow yesterday afternoon. We have made at least a start, and as my ForeignSecretarynotedyesterday, this is a point of considerable significance. We are aIl of us, 1 think, conscious that this is the first break-through for many years in what is sometimes ' called the cold war, and as such it is indeed a very· weIcorne one. It presents us, we believe, with an opportunity to p\1rsue çliscussions on other matters. What we have done may be only a start, but it i5 a good one and must be surely welcome ta the United Nations. . , 104. FinaIly, 1 should like to thanktherepresentative of Brazil and the Foreign Minister of Liberia for the generous words of weIcorne and congratulations which they have extended to thé Govèrnments of the United States, the Soviet Union and to my Government, as indeed to aIl the other Governrnents and authoritiés concerned on the great success which has just been achieved in Moscow. 105. May 1 say, 'Mr.Presidelit~that with the agreement of my French coIleague, and without setting any precedent, 1 am willing towaive the consecutive interpretation into French'of rhy. sta:tement. T'he meeting rose àt 5.55 p.m. CYf'RUS/CHYPRE:P",N 10 'Ale.ander lheGreat ·CZECHOSLOVAKI.../TCHECOSI:OV"'QUIE: 6RTIA ·LTD.. 30 _~Sme!kàch CESKOSLOVENSKYSPISOVATEL 'N'rodril J;lda 9.Praha. DENM"'RK/O"'NEMARK:EJNAR ~URICAtAFlnQUE 'CAMEIlOON/CAMEROUN: ·l:lBRAIRIEDU PEUPLE AFRICAIN ,L.Gérant~, B.P. 1197. Yaoundé. 'DIFFUSIONINTERNATION...LECAMEROUNAISE -DU 'LIVREET 'DELA PR~ssE:'Sangmelim•• . 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