S/PV.1050 Security Council

Since this is the first time that Mr. Carlos Alfredo Bernardes, the new representative of Brazil, is participating in our work, 1 should like to welcome him here on behalf of the members of the Council and in my own name. 2. Mr. Bernardes has occupied many diplomatic posts, including or.a with the Permanent Mission of Brazil to the United Nations. Hehas also served in the International Atomic Energy Agencyas Chairman of the Board of Governors. 1 am sure that, thanks to his long experience and his personal abilities, the new representative of Brazil will make a positive contribution to the work of the Council. 1 wish him all success in his new work.

1 would like toexpress to you, Mr. President, my thanks for your words of welcome. 1 am especially touched py your reference to my country andyour very kind remarks about myself. It is indeed a great honour and a privilege to represent my Government here, and 1 take this opportunity to greet the members of the Security Counci! and to assure them of my firm determination to work in close and cordial co-operation with them aU. In the performance of my duties 1 will be grateful for your guidance,an,d 1 1J.asten to request the indulgenceof m,)' coUeagues around this tabl~. Letter dated 11 July 1963 addressed tothe President of the 5ecurity Counci1 by the representatives of Algeria, Buru~di,Cameroon,Central Africcm Republie, Chad, Congo (Brazzavi Ile), Congo (Leopoldvi Ile), Dahomey, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Tanganyika, Togo, Tunisia, Ugarida, United Arab Republic and Upper Volta (5/5348)

Members of the Council will recall that at our 1040th meeting, held on 22 July, 1 drew attention to the requests made by Tunisia, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Madagascar respectively to participate in the discussion of this agenda item. These requests have been cireulated as documents S/5352, S/5354, S/5357 and S/5359. If there is no objection, 1 shall invite the representatives of those countries to take places at the CouncU: table.

Members of the Council will also recall that at the 1041st meeting of the Council it was dec'ded to invite the Republic of South Africa to take pa!'\; in the discussion of this agenda item. A telegramwa,'. santto the Minister for Foreign Affairs of South ,l,i'rica requesting him to appoint a representative for that purpose. The Government of the Republic of South Africathis afternoon sent a reply to, the President of the Security Council. 1 shaH ask Mr. VeHodi, Director in the Department of Political and Security Council Affairs to read it out.

Mr. President, the letter dated31 July 1963 addressed to you py Ambassador Botha, Permanent Representative of South Africa to the United Nations, readsas follows: nI have the honour to refer to Your Excellency's telegram of 23 July addressed to the South African Minister of Foreign Affairs who has requested me to convey to you his reply as follows: "'The Government of the Republic of South Africa appreciates the courtesy of your invitation, extended under rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure, to participate without vote in the Council's discussion of the item included inthe Council's agenda at the request of thirty-two African States (S/5348). . "'The South African Government has, however, decided not to participate in the discussion by the Council of matters relating to South African policy "'Furthermore, in response to charges, both in the General Assembly and elsewhere, that the Bantu people of South Africa are the subject ofneglect and even of oppression, fulldetails have been given of the various services made available by the State to the Bantu people. Thus l informed the' General AsseIilbly two years ago, giving full supporting figures, that more is being done per capita for the Bantu population in the way of housing, social welfare, medical services, education, etc., than probably in any of the other independent AfricanStates. "'South Africa has at all times given proof of its readiness to co-operate, on a basis of equality and goodwlll, with the African States, and overtheyears has given extensive technical aid and advice in a wide range of matters. So, for instance, during 1960-61, no less than twenty-seven n:ûllion doses of vaccines for combating human and animal diseases, were supplied to diffel'ent African States. "'South Africa's policy of friendliness and cooperation has continued in spite of unfriendly actions on the part of the African States, such as refusing visas to enable South Africa's delegates to attend purely technical conferences convened by organizations of which South Africa is a member. ünly a month ago two South African delegates were ready to depart for a Cartographic Conference at Nairobi when the new Kenya Government declared the~ to be prohibited immigrants. "'And now the African States have seen fit to carry their hostility to the Security Council. They have tried to justify their hostility and their interference in South Africa's domestic affairs by relying on the totally unfounded allegation that South Africa is a threat to international peace and security• "'The' fact is that these States, or some among them, have threatened peace and order in southern Africa and have initiated preparations for the use of force against South Africa. Ample evidence of their intentions is to be found in the relevant paragraphs of resolutions adopted by the African States at their recent conference in Addis Ababa and in the statements of certain African leaders which at the time were fully reported in the world's press. It should also be noted that the present meeting of the Se(~uI'ity Council was requested pursuant to resoluat the Addis Ababa Conference. "'It is common knowledge that sums have already been contributed by several States to finance the military ~d other activities envisaged and that in more than< one African Statè Bantu are being trained in sabotage and guerrilla war tactics for use in South Africa. "'It is because of this active incitement from abroad and systematic encouragement and subsidization of the small groups of subversive Bantu supported by Communist elements an!i fellow ,;ravellers in South Africa that the South African Governm~nt was recently obliged to take increased legislative powers for the maintenance of order and stabilitY. just as in a number of other countries during the past twelve months exceptionalmeasures have been necessary inorderto deal with attempts to overthrow duly constituted authority. "'It is against the background sketched in the preceding paragraphs that the South African Government has decided that no useful purpose would be served by re-stating its case at the Security Council in order to defend itself against what the Council must no doubt find to be an ill-judged and unjust attack on an orderly peace-loving founder Member of the United Nations which has never in the histary of its membership of the Organization sought in any way to interfere in the affairs of another Member State.' "It would be appreciated if Your Excellency would be good enough to arrange for my Minister's reply to be read to the Council, as was done in the case of the original invitation. and to be circulated as a Council document."11

The letter which has just been read to the Council will be circulated at the beghllIing of tomorrow morning's meeting as an official document of the Security Council. 8. We shall now begin our consideration of this item. It might perhaps be useful to remind members of the Council of the letter dated 17 July 1963 [S/5353] sent to the l'resident of the Security CouDcil by the Chairman of the Special Committee on the PoUcies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa. This letter transmitted the second interim 9. The representative of Sierra Leone has expressed the wish to make a statement to the Counci! on this item. I give him the floor.

TheHeads of African States and Gove:mment who met in Addis Ababa from 22 May to 25 May 1963, were very much concerned over the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa, and therefore, in accordance\vith the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations they gave instructions to their Permanent Representatives to the United Nations request that the Security Counci! be convened urgently to consider the explosive situation which exists on the African continent as long as South Africa adheres to the policy of apartheid. 11. My colleagues, the Foreign Ministers of Liberia, Madagascar and Tunisia, and l, were then entrusted with the mission of participating, on behalf of aIl African member States of the Organisation of African Unity, in the discussion by the Security Counci! of this very important and vexing question. 12. The resolution of the Addis Ababa Conference on apartheid, which was unanimously adopted. and of which the relevant extracts form part of Security Counci! document S/5348 supports the findings and recommendations of the E~ecial Committee on the Policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republie of South Africa. 13. More than three years ago, on 1 Apri!1960, the Security Counci! adopted a resolution.1l which recognized "that the situation in the Union of South Africa is one that has led to international friction and if continued might endanger international peace and security". Already in 1960, the Security Counci! drew attention to the fact that the Government of the Union of South Africa had continued to disregard the resolutions of the General Assembly which called upon it to revise its policies and bring them into conformity with its obligations and responsibilities under the Charter of the United Nations. Now, more than three years later, the number of resolutions of the General Assembly which the Government of the Union of South Africa has contemptuously disregarded has grown to a lengthy list of twenty-seven. 14. The most recent General Assembly resolution on this subject, resolution 1761 (XVIT), adopted on 6 November 1962, not only reaffirmed that the continuance of the policies of apartheid seriously endangered international peace and security, but also 15. The Government of South Africa has continued its poUcies of apartheid. and its only reaction to the General Assembly resolutions and to world public opinion has been to step up its stock of national armaments. to permit its white citizens to acquire personal firearms. and to enact the most inhuman laws against the liberty and the dignity of those of its citizens of whatsCJever background who refuse to accept the new reign of terror. The only reason which has been given by the Government of South Africa for its total disregard of the resolutions of both the General Assembly and the Security Council against its policies of apartheid is to say that the United Nations is not authorized under the Charter to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State. 16. In trying to bide behind the Charter,however, the Government of the Union of South Africa has failed to recognize two important facts: first, national barriel's cannot legitimately shrink universal human rights to the size of matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction ofany State. Libertyandfreedom belong to the whole human race. Secondly. the Government of South Africa. by supportingthis odious product of racism beyolld its borders into South West Africa, which, as far as the African States and the United Nations are concerned, i8 not part of the RepubUc of South Africa. has given ample indication of the ultimate objective-an objective that is completely unacceptable to the African states: namely. the partition of the African continent into "black" and "white" states. 17. The Security Council has, however. never permitted the defenders of colonial interests to take refuge in the "domestic jurisdiction" provisions of the Charter. When peace and security have been threatened. the Security Council hast time and again, acted promptly. without paying any attention to hypocritical allegations of interference in domestic matters. 18. 1 do not believe that there is any need to document the fact that the Government of South Africa has, during the past two years. spent a great deal of money in accumulating weapons of all kinds which, since it is not an active participant e,'lgaged in the cold war, must be intended for the physical destruction of the African population. As if an arsenal of arms and ammunitiOll were not enough. the Government of South Africa has enacted one repressive measure aftel' another. so that now there is a veritable storehouse of so-called laws aIl aiming at the complete destruction of liberty, both in South Africa and in South West Africa. 1 refer to annex IV, appendix 3, of the interïm report of the Special Committee on the Policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa. 19. In this a:rms build-up, and in this multiplicity of laws against freedom, lie the greatest threat to peace and security on the African continent. The 20. It is part of our mission to urge the Security Council not to wait until today's counterpart in South Africa of yesterday's Nuremberg laws of the Hitler régime in Germany leads to the logical sequel of extermination camps nicely camouflaged as bantustan areas. 21. In appendix l of the second interim report of the Special Committee on the policies of apartheid of the, Government of the Republic of South Aftica the recent developments in South Africa are'fully described. The Rand Daily Mail of Johannesburg wrote, on the day on which the General Law Amendment Bill was passed, that the Bill "puts South Africa virtually in a state of war". Appendix il of the same document gives full details of the expansion of military and police forces in South Africa, and reveals-I hope, to the discomfiture of sorne Member nations-the SOUl'ces of the arms and ammunition which South Africa has acquired in preparation for an attempt to decimate the large African majority of the population. 22. l shall now make a few brief comments on the situation as it affects South West Africa, although sorne aspects of the question might be considered sub judice. The members of the Security Council will find a full account of what the United Nations knows about this territory in the report on South West Africa~ of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 23. The Government of South Africa is the administering Power in South West Africa only pursuant to a mandate of the League of Nations-the international community of which our present Organization, the United Nations, is the heir. The ideals which gave birth to the Pact of the League of Nations. and which led to the mandate, were propounded by two great men: President Woodrow Wilson of the United States and Field Marshal Jan Christian Smuts. The latter, l am afraid. would not recognize in present-day South Africa the country of which he was so proud. 24. The people of South West Africa, however, like their brothers in other parts of previously colonial Africa. do not now wish to be occupied and oppressed by the foreign totalitarian Government ofSouth Africa. The United Nations. therefore, if it is true to its Charter. must not any longer tolerate the presence in South West Africa of the Government of South Africa, or the extension to this territory of the doctrine and policies of apartheid by the Government of South Africa, which has abused the sacred trust it accepted when it received the mandate ,from the League of Nations. 25. The refusaI of the Government of South Africa to accept the United Nations presence in South West 26. My coIleagues and l would urge the Security Council not to hesitate to take the measures which are appropriate under the Charter to bring an end to this unlawful occupation by a dishonest and malevolent agent of the international community, an occupation which is maintained by the tyranny of an armed white minority and by oppressive racist legislation. Surely there can be no disagreement among the members of the Security Councilover the existence in this explosive situation of a serious dangerto peace on the African continent. 27. The Government of the Republic of South Africa must be held accountable to the Security Council for these two situations: first, the unwanted, unlawful and tyrannical occupation of South "'lest Africa by a Government which has repudiated the obligations imposed by the mandate of the League of Nations; and secondly, the principal subject of our present submission, the serious transgression of the limits of human decency which the policy and practice of the undiluted racism, otherwise known as apartheid, constitutes, and which has led to the systematic attempts by means of spurious legislation to destroy aIl the human rights of the oppressed majority both in the Republic of South Africa and in South West Africa. 28. The representative of the UnitedStates, Ambassador Adlai Stevenson, as quoted in the second interim report of the Special CommUtee, has already giventhe assurance that the United States Government recognizes the extreme seriousness of the situation in the Republic of South Africa and that its anxiety and concern about the situation is increasing day by day. 29. Such pressures have been built up both within South Africa and throughout the continent by the continued use by the South African Government of the whole apartheid machinery backed up by armed force that the Security Council can no longer refuse to agree that this will lead, sooner rather than later, to an unparalleled explosion. Can you, Mr. President and distinguished members of the Security Council, afford to deal with this explosive situation by simply recommending "appropriate procedures or methods of adjustment"? . . 30. Hour after hour the clock is ticking away in the time-bomb which the intransigence of the Government of South Africa has. set for the explosion. Only by forthright and courageous action bytheSecurityCouncil can the fuse, made by apartheid, be removed and destroyed and peace and security on the African continent he restored, maintained and preser~'ed.Such positive action has already been requested by the General Assembly in paragraph 8 of resolution 1761 (XVII) of 6 November 1962. 31. My colleagues and l havé been sent by the Heads of the African States of the Organization of African Unity to a<id our plea to those of the General Assemblyand the Special Committee that the members of 32. Mr. Harold Wilson, the leader of the Labour Party of the United Kingdom, is reported to have declared at about the same time that the Heads of the African States were in Addis Ababa expressing their concern over this matter, that the choice in this situation was a choice between a racial bloodbath, towards which the poUcyof the South AfricanGovernment was driving, or racial peace. 33. Destiny has assigned to you, distinguishedmembers of the Security Council, the power to ensure that the right choice is made by adopting a resolution which includes the taking of adequate, strong and positive measures by the Security Council and by all Member States of the United Nations. 34. Mr. Mongi SLIM (Tunisia) (translated from French): Before taking up the explosive situation in South Africa-the subject of our debate-I ahould like once again to thank the President and the members of the Council for permitting me to take part in the discussion of this case put before the Council in document S/5348. 35. 1 appear before you today, together with my colleagues from Sierra Leone, Liberia and Madagascar, at the instructions of all the African Heads of State and Governmeilt to communicate to you their deep concern and great anxiety over the truly explosive situation prevailing in South Africa. It is my grave responsibility to put before you, on the one hand, the concern feU by the whole of Africa at practices which are intolerable to morality and law alikf? and, on the other, its peaceful determination to spare no effort to facilitate the liberation of twelve million Africans from slavery and shame apd the restoration of their rights, which are denied them. 36. The feelings of the African States are due to the grave consequences'which a determined and systematic poUcy of racial discrimination has already produced and which it may yet produce. with serious implications for world peace. Firstof aU, before going into the substance of the matter, let me express my very deep regret at the default just made by the South African Government in reply to the invitation formally addressed to it by the Security Council on. 23 July 1963 to take part, in accordance with rule 37 of the provisional rules of procedure, in the present discussion. For the moment 1 shall confine myself to noting once again this failure on the part of the South African Government and to reserving the right to speak on this subject, ·with the permission of the President, in order to express .more fully our views on the contents of the letter sent to the Council today. 37. For a long time the Government of the Republic of South Africa has been in the habit of taking refuge behind the principle of national competence whenever the United Nations. tries to promote respect for the rights and fundamentai freedoms of the indigenous population of the Republic of South Africa. 39. 1 should like to draw the attention of the members c,f the Council to the study on the racial situation in the Union of South Africa by the United Nations Commission commonly known as the "Santa Cruz Commission", and particularly to the following passage: "The General Assembly, or any other competent organ, Is authorizedto discuss human rights, address recommendations of a specific nature to the State directly concerned. and to undertake or initiate a study of the problem. IlY The report also points out that any interpretation which would have the effect by virtue of Article 2, paragraph 7 of preventing the United Nations from taking action in the field of human rights would make the Charter provisions relating to human rights and fundamental freedoms totally ineffective. 40. Thus. the conclusions of the Santa Cruz Commission categorically rule out any idea of a limited competence of the United Nations in respect to the problem now before the Council. 41. No reasonable interpretation of the provisions of the Charter could require the organ which is responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security to refrain from intervening until an explosion actually occurs. The Security Council unquestionably has the duty to prevent such an explosion. The peoples of Africa and of the world would not understand any different interpretation of Article 2. paragraph 7, for they have no recourse other than the Security Council if they seek to recover their fundamental rights by peaceful means. 42. It is, of course. recognizedthat every countryhas the right to regulate its domestic affalrs; nevertheless. it is also recognized that the United Nàtionshas the right and the duty to concern itself with national policies when they have repercussions on the world community. This is particularly true in a case involving international obligations laid down in the Charter. The present situation falls within the scope not only of Articles 55 and 56 but also of Articles 34 and 35 and subsequent Articles, and there will be no peace so long as this whole arsenal of racial laws in South Africa continues to exist. 43. The reference to Article 2 paragraph 7 is aIl the more futile as the General Assemblyhas discussed racial segregation in South Africa at many sessions. The twenty-seven resolutions adopted by a very large majority can scarecely lend any weight to such an argument. 44. 1 need hardly recall that in 1946, in connexion with the Spanish question, the Security Council disy Ibid., Eighth Session, Supplement No. 16. para. 136. 45. My friend andcolleague. the Ministerfor External Affairs of Sierra Leone, has just put before you. exhaustively and in detail. the tragic implications of racial segregation in South Africa. The pernicious and universally repudiated doctrines of racial superiority and apartheid are applied in South Africa in a cruel and odious manner. Human being are treated as things, deprived of freedom and the enjoyment of any of the rights and privileges which we are accustomed to regarding as the essential and basic principles of any society, aIl because of an unpardonable crime, it seems, that of having a physiological characteristic which they cannot change. namely a black skin. 46. The complete suppression of what we aIl recognize as our fundamental rights as human beings is what constitutes the tragedy of the Africanpopulation; it is a tragedy fraught with consequences for both Africa and the rest of the world because it not only engenders hate. rancour and conflict in Mrica but aIso threatens violently to upset any balance in the relations existing in multiracial societies throughout the world. 47. Without wishing to go into detail regarding the history of European settlement in South - Africa. 1 should like simply to remind the Council that elements from the four corners of Europe imposed themselves by force. at the expense of the indigenous element. They established themselves in that country and with the blessing of the colonial Powers of the time they. formed self-governing States. imposing on twelve million Africans the law of the white minority, based on racial supremacy and conducive to the systematic destruction of the African population. 48. It is the dutY of the United Nations to do justice to the twelve million Africans of South Africa, who aIl hope that our Organization will see that the fundamental rights inherent in mankind are respected. 49. South Africa is today the only country in the world where fundamental questions of civic rights, fundamental questions of justice. are determined not only in practice but even in law, by the colour of one's skin. At the mercy of the multiple and varied demands of law and of injustice, pursued at every step by the exactions of agents of a sort of South African Gestapo, the black-skinned inhabitants are daily subjugated, humiliated and oppressed. haunted by the constant spectre of arrest and suppression. AlI the paths of progress and development are closed to them. 50. If we examine closely the racist doctrine of Mr. Verwoerd, we cannot help thinkingofthetragedywhich marked our century more than twentyyears ago, which brought us into the Second World War, namely, the Nazi adventure. We cannot fail to note that both are 51. The danger constituted by South Africa's racist policies is growing daily, for the doctrine of racial supremacy, is gaining ground. We already see the Government of South Africa imposing its doctrine and the political system based upon it in thé territory ôf South West Africa under its domination. Moreover, in Southern Rhodesia we are witnessing the establishment ofa political régime, in every way identical with that of South Africa, whose architects are fervent disciples, and admirers, of MI'. Verwoerd. AU these white minorities, led by Sir Roy Welensky, cherish the dream of effecting an unhold alliance with MI'. Verwoerd, at the expenseofthe Africans andultimately of establishing a white empire of the South. 52. The General Assembly has declared again and again that it is in the interests of mankind that the Republic of South Africa should put an immediate end to discrimination and persecution. Every year, 'the General Assembly condemns the policy of· racial segregation practised in the RepubIic of South Africa and appeals to the Government of that Republic to revise its policies in the light of the principles of the Charter. The immense majority of the Members orthe United Nations have long and repeatedly warned the Republic of South Africa that an explosionis Inevitable. AlI these declarations have unfortunately remained without effect and the Republic of South Africa, so far from abandoning or correcting its racist policies, persists in applying them ever more rigorously, in total disregard for the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and all the fundamental freedoms. 53. In its resolution, adopted on 1 April 1960, the Security Council recognized that the Sharpeville massacre "has been brought about by the racial policies of the Government of the Union of South Africa and the continued disregard by that Government of the resolutions of the General Assembly calling upon it to revise its policies and bring them 54. Mr. President. l venture to ask the foUowing question: is there any reason to believe that the present leaders of the Republic of South Africa are weighing or iutend to weigh the gravity of the international consequences of their segfegationistpolicies? If that were SOt we should surely be able to detect sorne sign that these policies were being mitigated. But this, l fear. is not the case. 55. The fact is that. in spite ofaU these recommendations. the Government of the Republic of South Africa. has set its face against any solution in conformity with right and justice and is stubbornly persisting in its policies of racial discrimination, which it has set up as a principle of State. It has persevered in its rigorous repression against the African population. and here l shaH quote extracts from the second interim report of the Special Committee on the Policies of apartheid, unanimously adopted on 16 July 1963: "The International Commission of Jurists, in a statement on 15 May 1963, stated that 'South Africa is now more than ever a police state' and that 'the measures now 'introduced by the South African Government caH for strong condemnation by aH the civilized world, as did those that preceded them'. " "The measures in the present Act that will cause grave concern to aIl who love liberty, fair play and and justice are (1) its retroactive provisions. (2) the power ta declare any organization, however lawful, to be the same as Ç!.n existing unlawful organization by mere proclamation if it bears a name similar to the unlawful organization. (3) the drastic powers of arrest without warrant given to the police. (4) the shifting of the onus of proof to the accused person, (5) the drastic severity of the sentences. even to the infliction of the death penalty for 'sabotage', (6) the right to keep a person in prison indefinitely without trial, and (7) removal of the right of habeas corpus and the ousting of the jurisdiction of the Courts. A police state could hardly go further." li 56. The weekly periodical, IÉJ!' Star, of 25 May 1963, stated the following about the act known as the Bantu Laws Amendment Act, recently adopted by Parliament: "The Bill only adds to the 'colour bar' in jobs under previous laws which continue to be enforced. ZJ Ibid•• Eighteenth Session. Annexes, addendwn to agenda item 30, annex IV, appendix l, para. 7 and footnote 10. "On 24 May, Pageview, a non-white location in Johannesburg, inhabited by almost 5,000 persons of Indian and Pakistani origin, as well as sorne Malays, 'Coloureds' and Chinese, was proclaimed a White group area. The non-whites are obliged to vacate their residential premises within three months, andbusiness premises within twelve months, and move to a location twenty miles awar." ~ 57.. The unfair practices of the pass system 'are becoming daily more oppressive. The number and variety of the passes, and the obligations they impose in fact force the Negroes to stay at home. No African can go 'out and be sure of. returning safe and sound at night. The number of arrests and arbitrary detentions resulting from violation of the pass system has steadily increased, reaching an extraordinary figure in 1963. . 58. The New York Times of 26 July 1963, commenting on these arrests, stated: "According to figures recently made available, these convictions totalled 384,479 [in the past year] ..• The 1962 figure of 384,497 for convictions shows an increase of almost 10,000 over 1961, when 375,417 persons were convicted." These figures speak for themselves. Do you think it conceivable in a human society composedof12 million people that nearly 400,000 of them, that is to say, one in thirty, should be permanently and arbitrarily detained? 59. Furthermore, the Government of South Africa is continually strengthening its military potential. The budget estimates for 1963-1964 (under the chapter devoted to Arrny matêriel, services and eq1.!ipment) rose from 2,620,000 rands in 1960-1961 to 11~945,OOO rands in 1962-1963, that is to say an increase of 450 per cent over the preceding budget. The strength of the standing army rose from 8,832 in 1960 to 12,700 in 1962-1963, not to mention the increase in the strengthofthe militia andcommandos. The Government of the Republic of South Africa is steadily expanding production of modern weapons in the country: estimated expenditure of munitions manufacture increased about forty fold between 1960-1961 and 1962- 1963. 60. 1 do not wish to weary the Council with a series of descriptions of racist incidents and laws, which appear in the report of the Special Committee on the Policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa, to the impartiality and thoroughness of whose work 1 should like here to pay a welldeserved tribute. 63. The African States cannot afford to be unaware of the dangerous doctrines and practices at present followed by the Government of the Republic of South Africa. The racist policy of white supremacy which is being pursued in one part of Africa at the expense of the Africans cannot fail to lead to regrettable and unfortunate friction if the Council does not take measures to put an end to it. 64. 1 should now like to remind the Council that it was as a result of the refusai ofthe Government of the Republic of South Africa to apply the Security Council resolution of 1 April 1960, and taking into account the serious incidents which had occurred in South Africa, that the General Assembly adopted resolution 1761 (XVII), of 6 November 1962 in which it "Deplores the failure of the Government of the Republic of South Africa to comply with the repeated requests and demands of the General Assembly and of the Security Council and its flouting of world public opinion by refusing to abandon its racial policies". The same resolution "Requests the Security Council to take appropriate measures, including sanctions, to secure South Africa's compliance with the resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council on this sub.iect and, if necessary, to consider action under Article 6 of the Charter". 65. The Government of the Republic of South Africa has never paid the slightest attention to the recommendations of United Nations organs. It has not even pretended to be interested in them. Not only has it treated them with an indifference which is, to say the least, discourteous to our Organization, but it has l'un counter to them by pursuing a policy and taking actions which are clearly contral'y to the provisions of the recommendations. This persistent refusaI to acknowledge and apply the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council can only be interpreted as an unequivocal renunciation of the status of a Member State. 66. The exceptional gravity of developmements in the situation in South Africa as a result of this apartheid policy inspires me to make some comments which 1 should like to submit for the Council's consideration. ls it not in fact strange to find that this policy, which has been made into a fundamental State doctrine in the Republic of South Africa, did not begin to take shape until after the Second World War, that is to say after that scourge which, in the words of the Preamble to the Charter, "has brought untold sorrow to mankind". The principal cause of the Second World Vial' was the emergence in Europe of a doctrine of racial supremacy "We the peoples of the United Nations "Determined "To save succeeding generations from the scourge of war. which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind. and "To reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights. in the dignity and worth of the humanperson. in the equ\tl rights qf men and women and of nations large and small • • ••". , 67. 1 should aIso like to recall the following words, pronounced at a plenary meeting of the San Francisco Conference by one of the leading draftsmen of the Charter: "The new Charter should not be a mere legalistic document for the prevention of war. 1 would suggest that tlle Charter should contain. at its very outset and in its preamble. a declaration of human rights and of the common faith which has sustained the Allied peoples in their bitter and prolonged struggle for the vindication of. those rights and that faith. "Let us. inthis new Charter of humanity, give expression to this faith in. us. and thus proclaim to the worId and to posterity that this was not a mere brute struggle of force between the nations, but that for us. behind the mortal struggle. was the moral struggle. was the vision of the ideal. the faith in justice and tile resolve to vindicate the fundamental r~ghts of man, and on that basis to found a better. freerworld for the future. "Thepeacewe are striving for, and are takîng such pains to safeguard, is a peaceof justice and honour .and fair-dealing between man and man. as between nation and nation. Nû other peace would be worthy • ••. .of the • • . responsibilities we are prep~recl ta. takeunder this Charter."2/ This statement tâkes on all the more significance in t48.t it expressed the. thought of the founder of the Union·of South.Africa. hinlself. 1 ml}an Field Marshal Smuts. It '. might .even be thought that Field Marshal ~IIlutsw'as pla.cin.g such stress on this fundamental 2J United Nàtions Conference on Int~nationa1 Organization. p. 13. 68. Basing its theory of government and its rêgime on the notion of racial 'supremacy, South Africa has been systematically pursuing, SÙlC.~ 1946, its policy of apartheid and of persecution of the Africans, who naturally constitute the majority of the inhah.i.tants of that country. It is in the process of building up a well-equipped armed force, thanks to large··scale purchases of armaments in several friendly countries which are mentioned, with all the necessary references, in the second interim report of the Special Committee on the Policies of apartheid of the Governmént of the Republic of South Africa. Finally, it has built up its own armaments industry. 69. All these factors-an l.mrelenting racial policy and the building up of armaments-are in themselves a source of serious concern withregardto the general security of Africa. That is not all, however. Following the Nazi example, South Africa, in addition to its challenge to the world's conscience, has already annexed the territory of South West Africa entrusted to it under a League of Nati9ns mandate, and has thereby carried out a kind of "Anschluss" on South African lines. Thus the logical outcome of doctrines based on racial supremacy is inevitably, as soon as aState acquires the means. expansioninallits forms. 70. Furthermore, it may not be out of place to note the rapprochement which is now taking place between the Governinent of the Republic of South Africa and the Governments of neighbouring colonial territories with a strong European minority, such as Southern Rhodesia. 71. Lastly, 1 should like to point out that the African States which have recently recovered their independence are much more concerned with their countries' economic development problems and L'le well-beihgof their nationals than with increasing their military forces. . 72. An these factors, which IasktheSecurityCouncil to ponder deeply, lead to one conclusion only. 73. Nazism is still alive in SouthAfrica. The systematic policy of apartheid of the Republic of South Africa, based on racial supremacy and aggravated by an accelerated arms build-up, has been a very serious danger to peace in Africa and to the security of the neighbouring countries for some time already, a danger which the Security Council cannot avoid considering. 74. In anyevent, such an attitude is· absolutely inexcusable nowadays, when some Governments-particularly. that of the United States-are undertaking a vigorous and valiant battle against the vestiges of racism and racial segregation which still e.xist in their countries. 75. Last May, at Oslo, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Scandinavian countries expressed their serious concern at the situation in South Africa resulting from the application of the policy of apart- 77• The situation has beeu$reatly aggravated by the Republic of South Africa's arms build-up-carriedout with the assistance of certain cou..'ltries-and by the increasingly provocative attitude of the South African Government. These are the reasons which led t..~e African Heads of State and Governments at the Addis Ababa Conference to instruct me and my colleagues to make an objective presentation of the situation to the Security Council as the organ responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security. 7S. The South African Government. which is now evading the obligations it has accepted under the Charter. particularly under Articles 4 and 25. cannot disregard our. decisions indefinitely. The time has come for the Security Council to take positive. firm and immediate action to dîspel any doubts as to the determination of the United Nations to ensure that the aims of the Charter are achieved without delay in the Republic of South Africa. 79. The Security Council can take no other position on resolution 1761 (XVII)-as 1 see it-than to support it fully and take up the South African Government's present challenge to the whole international community. SO. However strongly worded. mere condemnations are not enough. In our view, the situation calls for a historic decision. in harmony with the aims of our Organization. with General Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII)-particularly Us last paragraph-and also with what is expected of it by the conscience of Africa and of the world. SI. This is the only way in which the Council can eliminate a source of friction and remedy a situation which has already seriously deteriorated andwhichthe Santa Cruz report-still so apposite-describes in the following way: ".•• As the apartheidpolicy develops. the situation it has made is constantly being aggravated and daily becomes less open to settlement by conciliation. persuasion, information or education. daily more explosive and m.ore menacing to internaI peace and to the foreign relations of the Union of South Africa. Soon any solution will be precluded and the only way out will be through violence. with aIl its inevitable and incalculable dangers." !fY 82. This is a. grave moment. The South African Government has met the provisions of the many resolutions adopted by the General Assembly and by the COlillCil with provocative indifference. It has also refused to accept its obligations as a Member State as set out in the Charter. 83. The African States are deeply concerned. both by the South African Government's obstinate persistence in its policy of racial segfegation. and by the strengthening of its military potential; the former is an affront tù t!:::.e dignity of the Africans and the latter a threat to international peace and security. 84. The victims of the incident at Sharpeville. the African States. and the conscience of the worId are awaiting the Council's decision. It must not disappoint them.

The representative of the United Kingdom has asked to speak in exercise of his right of reply.

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