S/PV.1053 Security Council

In accordance with the decision takeIi at the-1050thmèeting of thé Security Council, 1 shan i~vite the representatives of Tunisia, Libe;ria, Sierra L~one and Madagascar ta take their seats at the Council table; . . . At the invit~tion of the President. Mr. Mongi Slim (Trinisia)._ iVIr. Rudolph Grimes (Liberia); _Mr. John .Karefa-SmaTt (Sierra Leone) andMr. RémiAndriamaharo (Madagascar) tookplaces at the SecurityCouncil ~able. -'. . . . - - . ,2•. J.V1r: JlMENEZ (Philippines): The ite~which we are now considering, the policies of arpartheid of the Republic of Africa, is one which has hada long and stor~yhist()ryin'the United Nations. Since the first 3. The most recent of these resolutions. resolution 1761 (XVll). which is of particular relevance to our discussions here. "r€;affirms that the continuance of those policies seriously endangers internationalpeace and security". The SecurityCouncilresolutionadopted on 1 April 1960. after the killings of Sharpeville. recognized that the situation in the Union of South Africa is one that has led to international friction and if continued might endanger international peace and security. The second interim repOrt of the Special Committee on the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republiè of South Africa•.!/ a report which is specifically and urgently addressed to the Security Council. states that "the threat to international peace and security has continuedto increase". The thirty-two African Member States who requested the convocation of the Council stated in their letter [S/5348] that the "explosive situation existing in the Republic of South Africa" constitutes "a serious threat to international peace and security". The Foreign Ministers of Sierra Leone. Tunisia. Liberia and therepresentative of Madagascar have warnedof a very dangerous situation. 4. The unremitting concern of the General Assembly about apartheid as weU as the Security Councilresolutions were protests against SouthAfrica's continued violation of one of the most importantprinciples of the Charter-"the respect for human rights andfor fundamental freedoms for aUwithout distinction as to ra.ce". South Africa. however. has chosen to ignore· United Nations resolutions; her highestofficials have ridiculed their validity and questioned their authority. Thereply of the South~rican Minister of Foreign Affairs to the Presidentofthe Security COUIlcil [S/5381] reiterated the well-known SouthAfrlcanposition.when he said: . ' ."And now the African States have seen fit to carry their hostility to the Security Council. They have tried to justify their hostility and their interference in. South Africa's domestic affairs by relying on the totally unfounde<i allegation that South Africais a threat to international peace and.security." 5. The Special Committee on aparthei<i. which was . established by resolution 1761 (XVII). and of which the Philippines has the privilege of being a member. recognized that its work was no longer to be concerned with gathering more facts about apartheid. but rather with finding effective ways and means which it cou:ld 1/ Document 8/5353. For the text ofthereportsee Official R,ecords of the General Assembly, Eighteenth Session, addendwn to agendâ item 30, annex IV. 6. The Special Committee'stwotnterimreports.Yare documents which providethe Council with objective facts and an accurate picture of the situation in South Africa. In view of the previous record of this item at the United Nations and of the continuing gravity of·the racial situation in South Africa. the Philippine delegatian thinks it is weIl within the competence of the Security Council to consider the üem of the policies of apartheid of the Republic of South Africa. 7. In approaching the problem of the racia~ situation in South Africa. one is struck by its complexityand difficuIty. Here we have different ethnie groups-the Whites composed of the Afrikaans and the Englishspeaking group. the Bantus. the Asians and the Coloureds. 8. These different peoples were brought together by forces of history and were compelled to livewith each other by sheer necessity•The intensefightfor survival among these ethi1Ïc groups has characterized the history of South Africa from its very beginnings•. The trek of the Boers for better lands. their fightwith the Bantus. the introduction of Indian and Indo-Pakistani indentured labour. the Boer War-all these have created a situation where fierce loyalty to one's own group ensuredsurvival. It was the white population. with their politicalpower. their resolute determination to hold on to theirprivilege:e. their advanced technological knowledge. which controlled the country. When the National Party came into power under MI'. D. F. Malan in 1948. the supremacy of the Afrikaner ovel' the English-speaking group. as well as over the other ethnic groups. was assured. In order to consolidate further its position. the Nationalist Party instituted tt3 policy of apartheid. The injustice of this policy is clearly seen when we realize that in South Africa's population there are 3 millionwhites. 10 million blacks. 1.5 niillion coloureds and about half a millionlndians. Pakistanis and other Asians. 9. A variation of the white man's burden began to be perpetuated. The proponents of this racial policy justified its practice in the name of civilization and religion. _ They sincerely feIt that by deliberately separating the non-white groups in South Africa and by consistently denying them their social.political and legal rights. the whites could ensure the continuity of. their civilization. whose values they highly prized.To quote the words of Prime Minister Verwoerd of April 1963: "We must convince the world that we stand for the preservation of Christendom and civilization. and that we may yet be responsible for saving them. 1l These sentiments were echoed by the South 10. These are the words of men who fanatically adhere to the doctrine of racial superioritywhich, in the words of Ashley Montagu, the socialscientist, is man's most dangerous myth. The dreadful tragedy of Nazi Germal1,y proved the fallacy of this conception; the emergence of many non-white nations in our times is also beginning to destroy this myth. 11. 1 would like to make an important clarification at this juncture. It has often been said by the South African Government, and in other circles as well, that when African-Asian gNups unite in their fight against South Africa's policy of white supremacy, they are doing so to aVp.:lg'05 themselves on the white man. Still more, it is claimed that non-whites, violent and extreDÙst in'theil' tendencies, seek through hatred the subjugation of the whites. Quite often the issue of the cold war is draggedin. UnfQrtunately, these considerations have contributed to confuse the issue. 12. The reason for the concerted effort of African" Asians to fight racial prejudice is that after centuries of repression and domination, they are nowfully aware of their rights and their privileges as human beings. They demand that these rights, which they feel must be shared by all, must be respected and recognized. The growingconsciousness of Africa's capacityand talent to shape its own destiny was symbolized at the Addis Ababa Conference.Y ln the same spirit, the three Heads of State of Malaya, Indonesia and the Philippines met recently in Manila to find ways and means by which they cellid :realize more fully Asian co-operation and harmony. 13. But in their growth towards maturityand in their search for effective participation in the modernworld, these developing African-Asian nations arenotmerely going back totheir old traditions and pre-industrial cultures. They are actively borrowing the scientific discipline and the technological skills of Westernculture, skills which they are now seeking to re-adapt and even modify to fit their own national frameworks. Indeed, the· bright sequel to the dark chapter of coloniallsm is the emergence of patterns of co-operation betwèen former colonial Powers and colonies, of new partnerships between white, black, yellow andbrown. Their efforts are dedicated towards the shaping of a changing world through mutual respect and national integrity. 14. The time is at hand when white peoples will have to understand and appreciate the personalities ofAsîa and Africa. The Government of SouthAfrica,however, YSummit Conference of Independent African StateF. held at Addis Ababa from 22 to 25 May 1963. 15. Legislative measures like the Group Area Acts, the Bantu Laws Amendment Act, as well as the creation of Bantustans. are utilized to control the movement of Africans, Asians and coloured people, with the end to ensure the stability of the economic organization of South Africa. Legal and peaceful means of protestand redress for opponents and victims of apartheid are prohibited. Leaders andfollowers of the Pan Africanist Congress and the African NationalCongress are eithe:r under house arrest or in prison. These measures have also been responsible for dragging resistance niovements underground. Among these, the "Poqo" and the "Spear of the Nation" have given cause for fright and alarm to the Government of South Africa. 16. So severe were the measures of the General Law Amendment Act that the International Commission of Jurists on 15 May 1963 was moved to declare that "South Africa is now more than ever a police state" and that "the measures now introduced by the South African Government caH for strong condemnation by aH the civilized world". In a statement dated 30 July 1963,~ the same Commission concluded that "the application of the principle of apartheidwhichhas come under scrutiny is moraHy reprehensible and violates the rule of law". It again raised its voice in protest against the elimination ofestablished legalprocedures from South African public life. The Leader of the Opposition, Sir de Villiers Graaff, speaking of the Bantu Laws Amendment Bill, said that it was "further evidence that the Government regarded the Bantuonly as labour units with no right to permanency in the country '. 17. But the latest development which causedparticularly deep concern among the members of the Special Committee on the. Policies of apartheid ofthe Government of South Africa has been the extensive arms build-up in SouthAfrica. The SpecialCommittee's first interim report states that the estimate for defence and police expenses for 1963-1964 is 157 million rand. The Minister of Finance, in justifying tlÎe size of the defence budget, said that "the present time could ~I Document A/AC.115/L.17. 18. The Philippine delegation is under no illusion that the practice of racial discrimination is limited to the whites againstthe blacks. Past events have shown that racial hatred can.rear its ugly head under other colour combinations. Indeed. the 1953 report of the United Nations Commission on the Racial Situation in the Union of South Africa.§J reports offriction between the Bantus. the Indians and the Coloureds. The Special Committee rightly points out in its secondinterimreport that Il•••it does not view the choice as between white domination and black domination. but as between racial discrimination and the acceptance of the principles of the TJnited Nations Charter". 19. In this connexion. the draft declarationon the elimination: of all forms ofracial discrimination. adopted by the Ec.onomic and Social CouncilÉl tobe submitted to .the General Assembly at the eighteenth Session. is particularly pertinent. Racial discrimination. in the view of the Philippine delegation. Can universally manifest itself. My delegation. therefore. is particularly. heartened by the opposition to apartheid among conscientious and sensitive white people-the churchment of England. the intellectuals of France and. very significantly. the Scandinavian Foreign ML'llsters who. in their meeting in May 1963. condemned the racial policies of South Africa. It would be pertinent to add here that the efforts of the United States Government to solve the racial problemsof our host country are praiseworthy. 20. In consideration of the views which 1 have stated above. the Philippine delegation is of the opinion that the racial policies ofSouthAfl'ica have createda situation which seriously endangers peace and security in Africa. 21. The Philippine delegation. ever since the first General Assembly session. has taken an unequivocal position on the racial policy of apartheid. It has supported all the resolutions adopted by the General Assembly pertinent to this item. In order to implement resolution 1761 (XVII). the Philippine Governmenthas initiated economic sanctions against the Republic of South Africa. including the prohibition of all imports from. and exports of strategic materials to. South 22. In the Security Council the Philippine delegation will be ready to support strong measures against South Africa, including a total arms embargo. The pressures generated by an embargo might assume agreater reality for the Government of South Africa than other pressures, to which in any case the régime of Ml'. Verwoerd seems. to have lost the capacity to react. In supporting such proposaIs, the Philippines does not propose to infringe onthe nationalsovereignty of SouthAfrica. Rather, inits concernwiththedevelopments in that part of the worId which are seriously affecting the peace of the African contin~nt, my delegation seeks firm, effective and civilized measures to help South Africa regain its sanity of purpose and its sense of realism before inevitable disaster comes. 23. l would like at this point to quote the wise words of thatclear-eyed spirit who hasemerged from South Africa,Alan Paton, who wl'ites: "Is the end bound to be terrible and violent? That is the widespread fear. l know the intensity of the Nationalist will-to-survival, sa that l dare not predictany immediate change. Butperhapsexternaland internaI pressures will become so great and compelling that South Africa will he forced torelax its intransigence. possibly the will-to-survival, Confronted by a new world where survival has quite another meaning and mus,t be gained by quite another road, will adapt itself. Il,li . It isin this light that the Council should view the measures it will take on this issue. They shouldnot be interpreted as measures whereby vengeance is sought or· whereby the· nationalsovereigntyof South Africa ls violated, as viewed ili Article 2, paragraph7. of the Charter. Rather they should be seenas ameans of peaceful coercion.to ensure effectiveness ofSecurity'Council decisions, as measures taken after attempts at negotiations have failed. 24. The Philippine delegatiori hopes that othermembers of the Council will takea positive stand onthis item and will grasp the. grave and dark implications of the apartheid issue. The SecurityGouncil; as one of the most importantorgans ofthe UnitedNations, has therefore aclear and inescapable dutYto actpositively and promptly to·prevent widespread.c.onflict, .violence and hatred and to pave the way for. multiracial harmony. 25. Ml'. SIDI BABA (Morocco) (translated from French): The problem which the Security Gouncilbegan to consider on 31 July last is not a new one for . . . . . 2J South Mricà Today, London, Lunerworth Press, 1953, Pi31. 26. Sorne thirty such resolutions have been adopted; the South African Government's onlyreactionhasbeen to treat them with contempt and to embark upon new methods of segregation, includinglaws andregulations designed to \Vorsen still further the living conditions of the 13 million inhabitants who make up 80 per cent of the total population of the Republic of South Mrica. 27. While the various organs of the United Nations have persevered with their efforts to find, with the Government of that country, appropriate measurec to enable the indigenous inhabitants to enjoy their rights, the peoples of Africa and Asia, deeply grieved by the sufferings of their brethren. have throughout their own lorig march towards emancipation given this serious pi'oblem the highest priori~r among their legitimate preoccupations. 28. Thus. the various conferences. African-Asian or inter-African, which have been held in the capitals of the non-aligned countries. and the meetings of Heads of state and of Govemments, have been occasions for the strong denunciation of this odious system, not only as such, but also because itcarrieswithinit the seeds of an extremely dangerous crisis, both inside andoutside South Africa, thereby creating a threat to international peace and security. 29. The only response by the Pretoria Government to this stand, which truly expresses the deep feelings of many peoples representing all the spiritualfamilies of mankind, has been deliberately to strike hostile and increasingly provocative attitudes in relation to anentire people subjected to an atmosphere of organized terror and, what is more, havingnomeanswhatsoever of protecting themselves or of making their anguished appeals heard in the name of justice and right. 30. The world will remember for ever the innocent victims of Sharpeville, in 1960. That massacre, as the Security Council will recall, was staged by the Government of South Africa on the pretext that the Mrican population was holding a demonstration-which could not have been other than a peaceful one. The criminal act of genocide of which the leaders of that country were guilty served at least to alert world opinion ta the gravity of a situation which is intolerable in the second half of the twentiethcentury and the root causes of which are a policy of racial hatred and egoism in the worst sense of the word. 32. In operative paragraph 4 of that resolution. the Government of the Union of South Africa was called upon: li ••• to initiate measures aimed at bringing about racial harmony based on equality in order to ensure that the present situation does not continue or recur and to abandon its policies of apartheid and racial discriminationft• Lastly, in the final paragraph of the resolution, the secretary-General was requested, in consultation with the Government of the Union of South Africa. ft ..• to make such arrangements as would adequately help in upholding the purposes andprinciples of the Charter and to report ta the Security Council whenever necessary and appropriateft• 33. In spite of the adoption of that resolution. the Government of South Africa continued to maintafu its intransigent position. It was not willing to make any g~sture-even a symbolic one-that might have contributed to reducing tensions. thus proving by its inexcusable obstainacy that it was responsible for what the enUre world already termed an extremely dangerous stalemate. 34. At this point, l must say in passing to the fanatical advocates of the policy of apartheid thatthey might have been better advised to weigh the consequences of their behaviour and to give more serious thought to the question, so that they might have seen clearly that racial coexistence iras not a specliically South African phenomenon and might have agreed ta follow in this ,matter the example of the United States. a great country whose leaders have assumed a commitment to eradicate this problem gradually and by appropriate measures. 35. In his interim report.2l.undertheresolutionwhich l have just mentioned, submitted on 19 April 1960, the Secretary-General informed the Council that the consent of the Government of South Africa to hold discussions with him would not require prior recognition from that Government of the United Nations authority. In other words. the leaders of South Africa were putting in a plea in bar withrespect ta a tragedy which was of the most acute concern.to the United Nations. including the Security Council. Their misapplication of the provisions of the Charter served th<:}m as an alleged argument with which to defend attitude so false and witenable as theirs. 36. We know too how futile have been the efforts f the United Nations since that time to induce the Sout African Government ta renounce its false theories of 38. By refusing to participate in this debate. towhich it was invitedby the Security Council. the South African Government has deliberately chosen to avoid being present at the examination of a record which lies heavily on the conscience of the leaders at Pretoria. Although we deeply regret such a negative attitude. we must admit nevertheless that it was not at all unexpected. We are justified. however, in considering that South Africa's refusaI was not based solely on the principle of non-interference in the affairs of a Member State. which it generally invokes with relish whenever it declines to discuss in the United Nations its policy of'apartheid and racial discrimination. In any event. to defend before an international body of this standing a cause which is so opento condemnation is, in the viewofmydelegation, anexercise beyond the ability of the party concerned, especially in circumstances such as these. 39. The system of apartheid imposed on the overwhelming majority of the inhabitants of South Africa is also being imposed on the whole of iUrica and the whole of mankind. Its northward expansionism has already been seen in the arbitrary annexation ofSouth West Africa. in defiance of international law and of the principle of self-determination. which applied to all African countries formerly under League of Nations mandate. This Territory, which enjoys international status and over which the United Nations has the right and the dutY to exercise its trusteeship. has become by fait accompli an integral part of a system of racial discrimination which is also spreading to the neighbouring United Kingdom and portuguese colonies. Thus, a white minority from every corner of Europe pursues with impunity a policy which can now only be termed insane. 40. The permanent unrest which n causes in human relations, the tension which it creates between the African 'States on the one hand and the Government of the Republic of South Africa on the other. are unquestionably apt to give rise to serious international complications. In the eyes of the Africanpeoples, those responsible for this policy cause their own exclusion from the internationalcommunity bytheir inadmissible attacks on fundamental human rights andon the dignity and Worth of the human person. By stubbornly continuing in this line of conduct. they are creating the objective conditions which account for their country's isolation and placing it in its present unenviable position on the fringè of the international organizations. 41. It is not difficult to grasp the real and very pernicious intentions underlying such words as those used by the Government of the Republic of South Africa in Us letter to the Security Council [S/5381], when it 42. A further insight into the tragic truthofthe situation canbe gained simply from a study of the laws in force in that country. In this connexion, the Special Committee on the Folicies of Apartheidofthe Government of the Republic of South·Africa has provided us with particularly useful and pertinent information in Hs second interïm report. My delegationwishes to take this opportunity to congratulate the Chairman and the members of the Special Committee,on thenoteworthy manner in which they performed the task entrusted to them. 43. The physical and mental repression carried out with the help of the great resources placed at the service of the police State which South Africa has become can never be justified from the standpointof the non-white population, who cannot be expected for long to tolerate their present state of humilitation and servitude. In a world where the universal principles of freedom .and justice now know no frontiers, the Africans, theminorities of Asianorigin, and the persons of mixed race have aIl awakened fully to the fact that their sacred rights are inalienable. A situation therefore exists whichis developinginevitably towards fatal confrontations. The supporters of Ml'. Verwoerd's racist doctrine, using some minor incidents asapretext, are fully capable of embarking, some day, upon a wide-spread massacre of the population. This possibility is one whichcannot now be discounted, especially if we consider a reportfrom Pretoriaissuedon 17 July 1963 by the Agence France-Presse, which stated that "the number of fire-arms p';}rmits issuedat Johannesburg to the white population, the only group authorized to possess fire-arms, now exceeds 100,000, or one weapon for every four persons". 44. The remarks 1 have just made reflect the feelings of anxiety of very many delegations in the United Nations. 45. At Addis Ababa, the African States took full cognizance of this serious danger, which represents a real threat to internationalpeace, particularly in Africa. They proclaiméd their will to oppose the South Af;i'ican Government's intolerable policy of apartheid and decided to commission four eminent African ministers to state the views of the entire continent to the Security Counci!. 46. My delegation believes that the state1pents made here last weekby the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Tunisia, the Minister for ExternalAffairs ofSierra Leone, the Secretary of State of Liberia andthe representative of Madagasca.r, bore the mark of great wis- 48. We are obliged to note.however. thattheRepublic of South Africa seems to have no intentionof fulfilling its obligations as a Member State. 49. Instead of promoting racialequality andharmony, after the example of countries which faced in the past or still face essentially similar situations, the South African Government, though claimingto be modern a...'1d civilized, chooses to actinthe exactly opposite manner. Describing the situation in that country. a person of note recently stated the followingweighty thought: "Ifa. second Hitler were to appear on the political scene, it would be in the Republic of South Africa that the civilized world would have to dealwithhim." However, the South African segregationists did not wait for this apparition in order to apply the worst methods of nazisme 50. 1 cannot let this occasion go by without stressing the growing and justifiedconcernof the African peoples at the exceptional expansion of the military andpolice forces in the Republic of South Africa. The placing of the entire white populationonawarfooting has aroused a feeling of profound anxietyinallAfricans. We cannot but regret in this connexion that huge orders for standard military equipment have been placed with a number of countries by the SouthAfricanGovernment. . 51. The African States have made it known through their official spokesmenthat they are deeply concerned at the unusual scale onwhichthe SouthAfrican Government is procuring military equipment, includinglarge quantities of individul!1 arms of all types and other converii:ional weapons which could not be used in that part of the world except to magnify the terror of the repressive apparatus that is used against the African population. We have heard the African ministers designated by the Addis Ababa Conference refer. with documentary support, to this new aspectof the conduct of those responsible for apartheid, and this too has become a major cause for concerne 52. The responsibility of certain Western Powers for thi~ new state of affairs is far from negligible. regardless of any reasons, economic or other. which these Powers may invoke when they agree. by shipments of arms. to bolster in a dangerous manner the military potential of a segregationistState oftheworse kind. Mydelegation holds that. by acting inthis manner. these Powers are encouraging the perpetuation of a situationthat is intolerable from the standpoint of the very principles of justice and right which they claim t 1 t 53. In support of the 13 million non-Whites who are terrorized and deprived of aIl freedom of expression and movement, a number of ,States in Africa, Asia, Europe and the Americas have already decidedto sever aIl relations with the Pretoria Government. others will certainly follow their example. The ignominious system of apartheid is thus incurring the reprobation of peoples and States, no longer in one continent, but much more widely, and this imparts to the general surge of feeling a sense of solidarity which is at once human, political and moral. 54. My country believes that the organs of the United Nations, including the Security Council, must appreciate the gravity of this human tragedy and must not let their thinking be obscured by juridical or other considerations. It is generally agreed that the world today faces a grave situation brOl.46ht about by the irrational attitude of a white minority which is ruled by both a greed for lucre and a desperate will to impose its racial supremacy. 55. If the States which, during the SecondWorldWar, made so many common sacrifices in order to ensure the rule of lwa and justice and respect for human dignity and values were not to shoulder their present responsibilities in the name of these same principles, we should be entitled 'to ask ourselves what then remained for the Africans of SouthAfricato do. There is a powder-keg at the feet of Africa, and so long as it has not yet exploded the Security Council must not surrender to inertia. A decision must be takenwithout delay, so that appropriately strong measures may be adopted to force radical changes upon the supporters of apartheid and compel them to recognize the danger which their defiance of Africa and of mankind represents for international peace and security. The United 1 f Nation~ may thus win the day before the tragedy assumes new proportions• 56. MI'. LIU Chieh (China): It is a matter of deep regret that the Government of the Republic of South Africa has declined to participate in the deliberations of the Council, and that it should have done so by invoking Article 2, paragraph 7 of the Charter. 57. My delegation has consistently maintained throughout the years thatthe promotion ofhuman rights and fundamental freedoms is a paramount I!'-.:-pose of the United Nations, no less importantthan the h!aintenance of international peace and security. In our view, the two are intimatelyrelated. There can be no genuine peace and security if human rights and the fundamental freedoms are not respected. It was probably with this in mind that Field Marshal Smuts, one of the lllost distinguished sons of South Africa, laid special 58. The attitude of the Chinese people towards the question of race· finds expression in the teaching of Confucius that allmen are brothers. For centuries. various ethnie groups in my country have lived in harmony and in mutual respect. 1 hope that 1 shal1 not appear tobe unduly self-righteous when 1 say that racial discrimination in any form is aliento the culture and tradition of my country. 59. Weare aware. of course. that racial discrimination in one formoranother is a common phenomenon and is found in many societies in various epochs of history• But what has made racial discrimination in South Africa particularly objectionable is that. unlike other societiés where efforts are directed to rooting out such a phenomenon, South Africa has made it an instrument of national and official poUcy. The South African authorities seem to labour under the il1ustion that it is their divine mission to keep aU non-white inhabitants perpetually in a status of inferiority. And. what is more surprising, they seemto have convinced themselvesof the righteousness of such a course. If different racialgroups were properly separated. they argue. eacli would develop its own institutions and peace and harmony woùld ensue. They seem dismayed when the wo:r:ld does not agree with them. 60. The case against the poUcy of apartheid is precisely that,it does not promote harmony and peace. On the contrary. it constitutes a constant source of conflict and violence. The Sharpeville incident in 196Q should have made this perfectly clear. So long as South Africa persists in enforcing the apartheid progr-amme. greater tragediesmay yet takeplace. _ 61. The South African authorities frankly admit that the root of the apartheid policy is fear-the fear of the ruling white minority of being engulfed by the black majority.If Imay quote a well-known author, himself another distinguishedsonof SOlithAfrica. the Afrikaner nationalist is' na tragic figure. He is the African who is afraid of Africa. He is the Africanwho never identified himself with Africa. If Africa rejects him it will be because he rejected Africa•. This is doubly tragic because he actually called himself the'Afrikaner'. the 'man of Africa'." 62. It is aIl too clear that South Africa is movillg in a collision course with Africannationalism. Astime passes by, the chances for a compromise solutionare dwindûng. While the leadership of the AfricanNational Gongress has in the past several decades pursued a course of non.JViolent, passive resistance. other , 14 63. It is not yet too late, it seems to my delegation, for, the Oovernment of South Africa to face up to the realities of the situation and reverse apolicywhich is so glaringly out of step with the progress of mankind towards larger freedoms, and so clearly contrary to its own highest self-interest. My delegation is not.of course, unaware that the discriminatory practices so wide-spread and so deeply rooted in SouthAfricacannot be changedovernight. Changes whichinvolve social. economic. political. and even psychological readjustments require time and boldness of action. Butchange there must be. It is the hope of my delegation that the Umted Nations, in spite of the many frustrating experiences, will bring all its influence to bear. The situation is so obviously fraught with danger-signals that the sooner the change is made the better it will be for SouthAfrica. as wellasfor the l'est of the world. 64. Ml'. ALVARADO (Venezuela) (translated from Spanish): The matter we are considering at the re.quest of thirty-·two African,States is one with which all are familiar. Year after year. since the earliest days of the Organization, the General Assembly has been dealing with this problem-for it must be remembered that the treatment of persons of Indian and Pakistan origin in South Africa was one of the first items to command the attention of the General Assembly and, as is well knOwn.' that is nothing more nor'less than a distressing by-product of the basic problem known as apartlleid. Agam, year after year. the General Assem"t)ly has adopted resolutions in attempts to solve the problem, and yet not only has no trace of a solution been seen bu.t. which is even worse. the problem has become increasingly serious' and intense. It is therefore not surprïsing that, in frustration, the thoughtsespecially of those who feel thernselves closestto the problem-should turn to the possibility of applyingthe more extreme,measures provided for in the Charter of the Unîted Nations. 65. The history of the subject is sufficiently well known to require no detailed comment. The archives of our Organization' are amply stockedwithbackground material, lately supplemented by the results of the excellent work performed bythe Special Committee established by the General AssemJ:>ly in its resolution 1761 (XVII) to study the policy of apartheid. 66. On thisoccasion. therefore.I shallconfine myself to mentioning sorne of the points onwhich my delegation has l>ased its position with respect to this problem. 67. In Venezuela. legally, racial discrimination is prohibited by the very Constitution of the Republic; 68. Venezuela has never shared the view that our Organization is debarred from taking up the problem of apartheid by the provisions of Article 2, paragraph 7 of the Charter. We have pointed out that in Article 1. paragraph 3 and Articles 13, 55 and 62, the Charter insistently proclaims respect for human rights, so tl)at an absolute and rigid interpretation of Article 2. paragraph 7. of the Charter,resulting in the defence of a situation which flagrantly violates that respect for human rights proclaimed in the otherprovisions mentioned. would be iUogical. 69. In this connexion. may 1 beallowedtorepeat what our representative. Ambassador Carlos Sosa Rodriguez. once said at a plenary meeting ofthe Assembly: "Nor càn we accept an abusive interpretation of Article 2, paragraph 7 of the Charter whichwould lead us to concede that any Statecouldwithimpunity take refuge in its provisions in order to unleash violence and the violation of human rights as a form of government." 70. In support of this point. we would recall the quotation given to us by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Tunisia from the study carried out by the Santa Cruz-Commission. so caUed because one of its members was Mr. Hernân Santa Cruz. a distinguished Chilean. 71. Moreover. we consider that the Security Council is specifically competent to consider the question of the South African Government's policy of apartheid. Without .going into any other considerations. we believe that operative paragraph 1 of the resolution of 1 April 1960. in which the Council recognized that the situation in South Africa had led to international friction and if continued might endanger international peace and security. in itselfprovides a sufficientbasis for ,determining the Council's specific competence to deal with this question. 72. Venezuela's position on the problem of apartheid has been and is clear and definite. On occasion. we have been amongst those requesting its inclusionas an item onthe agendaof the Assembly. and more frequent- . ly we have co-sponsored the draft resolutions that were adopted atsuchtimes.Duringthelastthree years we have expressed reservations regarding the sanctions contemplated in certain draft resolutions submitted to the General Assembly. butIfeelit appropriate to stress on this occasion that. as we made clear in our statements at the time. those reservations in no way implied any change inom' positionor any indifference towal'ds the problem.and that theywere bas,}d solely on legal considerations; for in fact we entertained and continue to entertain doubts regarding the 73. However. since the matter is now before this Council and since it is obvious that the doubts just mentioned do not apply to this organ. Venezuela is devoting itself ta the taskofparticipatingin the search for the most appropriate measures. inkeepingwith the relevant Chapters of the Charter. for destroying the spectre of apartheid. We hope that the prudence and sagacity employed in the choice of these masures will result in unanimous supportforwhatever resolutionwe may adopt. in keeping with the unanimous repudiation that the policy of apartheid deserves.

There are no other names on the list of speakers for this meeting. 1 have consulted with the members of the Security Councilwho have not yet participated in the debate.andIunderstandthat two members are prepared ta speak tomorrow aiternoon. l have also been advised that it is likely that a cirait resolution will be introducedduringtomorrow'smeeting. 75. If it meets with the desires of members of the Council and the convenience of the visiting Foreign Ministers. 1 propose that a meeting should be scheduled for tomorrow at 3 p,m• It was so deoided. The meeting rose at 5.40 p.m. AFRICA/AFRIQUE CYPRUS/CHYPRE: PAN 10 Alexander the Great Street. CZECHOSLOVAKIA/TCHÉCOSLOVAQUIE: 6RTIA LYD.. 30 v~ Sme~k'ch. CESKOSLOVENSKY SPISDVATEL N'rodn\ rrlda 9, Pra~'a. 1. DENMARK/DANEMARK: N.rreRade 6. K~benhavn. FINLAND/FINLANDE: AKATEEMINEN 2 Keskuskatu, Helsinki. FRANCE: ÉDITIONS A. PÉDONE 13. rue Soufflot. Paris (V"). GERMANY (FEDERAL REPUBLjC AllEMAGNE (RtPUBLlQUE R. EISENSCHMIDT Schwanthaler Str. 59, Frankfurt/Main. ElWERT UND MEURER . Hauptstrasse 101. Berlin·SchoneberR. ALEXANDER HORN Spiegelgasse 9. Wiesbaden. W. E. SAARBACH Gertrudenstrasse 30, Kain GREECE/GRicE: L1BRÀIRIE 28. rue du Stade. Athènes. HUNGARY/HONGRIE: KULTURA P. O. Box 149. Budapest 62. ICElAND/ISLANDE: B6KAVERZLUN EYMUNDSSONAR H. F. Austurstraeti 18, ReYkjavik. IRElAND/IRLANDE: STATIONERY OFFICE, Dublin. ITALY/ITAlIE: lIBRERIA COMMISSIONARIA Via Gino Capponi 26, Firenze. & Via Paolo Mercurj 19/B. LUXEMBOURG: LIBRAIRIE J. TRAUSCHSCHUMMER Place du Théâtre, Luxembourg. NETHERLANDS/PAYS·BAS: N. V. MARTINUS ;>IIJHOFF Lange Voorhout 9, ·s·Gravenhage. NORWAY/NORVlGE: JOHAN Karl Johansgate, 41. Oslo. POLAND/POLOGNE: PAN. Warszawa. PORTUGAL: LIVRARIA RODRIGUES 186 Rua Aurea. Lisboa. ROMANIA/ROUMANIE: CARTIMEX Str. Aristide Briand 14·18, P. O. Box 134·135, Bucure~li. SPAIN/ESPAGNE: LIBRERIA BOSCH Il RondaUniversidad. Barcelone. lIBRERIA MUNDI·PRENSA Caslell6 37. Madrid. SWEDEN/SulDE: C. E. FRITZE'S KUNGl. HOVBOKHANDEL Fredsgatan 2. Stockholm. SWITZERLAND/SUISSE: LIBRAIRIE PAYOT, S. A.. HANS RAUNHARDT, Kirchsasse TURKEY/TURQUIE: LIBRAIRIE 469 IsUklal Caddesi, Beyoglu, UNION OF SOVIET SOCIAlIST UNION DES RtPUBlIQUES SOVltTIQUES: MEZHDUNARODNAYA KNYIGA. Smolenskaya Ploshchad, UNITED KINGDDM/ROYAUME.UNI: H. M. STATIONERY OFFICE P. O. Box 569, London, S.E. (and HMSO branche's in Belfast. Bristol. Cardiff, EdlOburgh. YUGOSLAVIA/YOUGQllLAVIE: CANKARJEVA ZALO~BA C~MEROON/CAMEROUN: LIBRAIRIE OU PEUPLE AFRICAIN la Gérante. B. P. 1197. Yaoundë. DIFFUSION INTERNATIONALE CAMEROUNAISE OU LIVRE ET DE LA PRESSE, Sansmelima. CONGO (Léopold.iIIe): INSTITUT POLITIQUE CONGOLAIS. B. P. 2307. Llopoldv,lIe. ETHIOPIA/ÉTHIOPIE: INTERNATIONAL PRESS AGENCY. P. O. Box 120, Addis Ababa. GHANA: UNIVERSiTY BOOKSHOP University College of Ghana. legon. Accra. KENYA: THE E.S.A. BOOKSHOP Box 30167. Nairobi. MOROCCO/MAROC: CENTRE DE DIFFUSION DOCUMENTAIRE DU B.E.P.I. S. rue Michaux·Beliaire. Rabat. SOUTH AFRICA/AFRIQUE DU SUD: VAN SCHAIK'S BOOK STORE (PTY.l, LTD. Church Street. Box 724. Pretoria. SOUTHERN llHODESIA/RHODÉsIE DU SUD: THE BOOK CENTRE. Firsl Slreel, Salisbury. UNITED ARAB REPUBlIC/RÉPUBLJQUE ARABE'UNIE: LIBRAIRIE "LA RENAISSANCE D'ÉGYPTE" 9 Sh. Adly Pasha. Cairo. ASIA/ASIE BURMA/BIRMANIE: CURATOR. GOVT. BOOK DEPOT, Ransoon. CAMBODIA/CAMBDDGE: ENTREPRISE KHMÈRE DE LIBRAIRIE Imprimerie & Papeterie, S. à R. l.. Phnom-Penh. CEYlON/CEYLÀN: LAKE HOUSE BOOKSHOP Assoc. Newspapers of Ceylan. P. O. 80)1.244. Colombo. ~ CHINA/CHINE: THE WORLD BOOK COMPANY, LTD. 99 Chung King Road;lst SectrOn. Taipeh, Taiwan. THE COMMERCIAL PRESS, LTp. 211 Hanan Raad, Shanghai. HONG KONG/HONG-KONG: THE SWINDON BOOK COMPANY 25 Nathan Road. Kowloon. INDIA/INDE: ORIENT LON.GMANS Bombay, Calcutta, Hyderabad; Madras & New ~~lhi. OXFORD BOOK & STATIONERY COMPANY Calcutta & New Delhi. P. '.lARADACHARY & COMPANY. Madras. INDONESIA/INDONÉSIE: PEMBANGUNAN. LïO. Gunung Sahari 84. Djakarta. JAPAN/JAPON: MARUZEN COMPANY. LTD. 6 Tori·Nichome, Nihonbashi, Tokyo. KOREA (REP. OF)/CORÉE (RÉP. Df." EUL·YOO PUBLISHING CO.. LTD. 5. 2·KA, Ct)ongno._S'eo~1. PAKISTAN: THE PAKISTAN CO·OPERATIVE BOOK SOCIETY Oacca. East Pakistan. PUBLISHERS UNITED. LYD" L.hore. THOMAS & THOMAS, Karachi. PHILIPPINES: ALEMAR'S.BOOK STORE, 769 Rizal Avenue. Manila. POPULAR BOOKStORE. 1573 Dorotea Jose, Manila. SINGAPORE/SINGAPOUR: THE CITY BOOK STORE. LTD.. Collyer Quay. THAILAND/THAïLANDE: PRAMUAN MIT. LTD. 55 Chakrawat Raad, Wa! Tuk. Bangkok. NIBONDH & CO.. LTD. New Road,SikakPhya Sri, Bangkok. SUKSAPAN PANIT Mansion 9; Rajadamn,ern Avenue. Bangkok. ~~~~t~a6s~~v~~~iEéE Jugoslovenska Knjiga. Terazije PROSVJETA 5, Trg Bratstva i Jedinstva, PROSVETA PUBlISHING Import·Export Division. P. Terazije 1611, 8eograd. ~:~~:r~:'U~:"E:ÉT~~~É;ûf~)iHU 185, rue Tu·do, B. P. 283, Saison. EUROPE ~USTRIA/AUTRICHE: GEROLD & COMPANY. Graben 31. Wien. 1. B. WULLERSTORFF Markus Situkusstrasse 10. Salzburg. GEORG FROMM E & CO.. Spensersasse 39. Wien, V. BELGIUM/BELGIQUE: AGENCE ET MESSAGERIES DE LA PRESSE, S. A. 14·22, rue du Persil. Bruxelles. BULGARIA/BULGARIE: RAZNOïzNOS 1. Tzar Assen, Sofia. . LATIN AMERICAI AMÉRIQUE LATINE ARGENTINAJARGENTINE: SUDAMERICANA. S. A.. Alsin. BOllVIA/BOllVIE: LIBRERIA Casilla 972, La Paz. Orders a(ld inquiries from countrles where salesagencies have not yet been established ; Sales Section, United Nations, Palais Les cOf!lmandes et démandes de renseignements émanant de pays où il n'existe ONU, New York (t.·U.), ou à la Section des ventes, Priee: $U.s. 0.35 (or equivalent in Litho in U.N.