S/PV.1054 Security Council

The representative of Morocco has requested permission to make a shortcommunica- "The Ministers for Foreign Affaira of African States, meeting today at Dakar, wish to draw your attention and that of the members of the Council to the exceptional importance of the problems now being considered by the Security Council. "They assure you that the resclutions you adopt concerning these problems will euable Africa to distinguish between its friends-its true friendsand its enenùes. "We also support the Ministers for Foreign Affairs who have been appointed by the African Heads of State ta make k.nown the problems confronting Africa at the present time. Failure to solve these problems would increase the threat ta international peace and understandùlg amoug peoples. l trust that the members of the Council will take note of the importauce of this message and will understand my delegation's wish to have it includedin the record of tills debate. 4. My colleague and friend, the represeutative of Ghana, who received the same message, has doue me the honour of requesting that l convey it also on his behali. 5. Ml'. FEDORENKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): We have before us the letter signed by the representatives of tillrtytwo African States [8/5348] requesting that the Security Council should consider the explosive situation existing in the Republic of South Africa-a situation, brought about by the intolerable apartheid policies of the South African Government, which constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security. 6. In the explanatory memorandum attached to the letter, the representatives of the African States express deep concern and alarm at the fact that "the continued refusal of the Goverument of South Africa to implement any of the United Nations resolutions on the question of race conflict in the country resulting from the policies of apartheid was not merely a continuing source of international conflict and tension but was a serious threat to international peace and security". 7. The criminal policy and activities ofthe Verwoerd Government towards the South African population of African and Asian origin cannot fail to evoke feelings of legitimate protest and indignation. The overwhelmiug majority of the States Members of the United Nations have categorically conclcnmed racism in 8011 Hs for-ms and manifestations and the inhuman policy O:f aparthei.d practiced by the South African author- Ides. Apartheid, which the South African régime has raised ta the level of a governmental policy, ,can be 8. Man's conscience cannot reconcile itself with the fact that in the second half of the twentieth centurythe age of the atom and of electronics, of cutstanding achievements in the conquest of the vast expanses of outer space and of mankind's liberation from slavery and violence-we should still have on om' planet enslaved countries and peoples and such abominable manifestations of colonialism and fascism as apartheid. This is ail the more inadmissible after the unanimous adoption by the. United Nations General Assembly of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples and after the majority of African and Asian countries have shaken off the shackles of the colollial yoke and have embarked on a course of independent development. The South African authorities should not forget that persecution 'on the basis of race has been condemned by the peoples of the world, that it was recognized by the International Tribunal at NUrnberg as a crime against mankind, and that those guilty of commîtting such a crime were justly punished. 9• Racial discrimination in the Republic of South Africa does not consist of isolated manifestations of racism, which, unfortunately still occur in certain other countries. Racism in South Africa takes the form of an inhuman system of persecution and tyranny against the overwhelming majOrity of the indigenous population by an insignificant minority of whites;it is a system that has been elevated to a level of an official State philosophy. The Republic of South Africa i8 aState where the economy, politics and social relationships are based on the concept of racial antagonism. 10. All this has been clearly and cogently set forth in the statements made at previous meetings of the Security Council by representatives of the freedomloving African continent: Ml'. Karefa-Smart, the Minister for External Affairs of Sierra Leone; Ml'. Mongi Slim, the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of TlllÙsia; Ml'. Grimes, the Secretary of State of Liberia; Ml'. Rakotomalala, the representative of Madagascar; and Ml'. Quaison-Sackey, the representative of Ghana. n. Numerous facts describing the barbarous policy of apartheid pursued by the South African authorities, and unmasking those who promote and support this policy are given in the two reports!! submitted by the Special Committee on the Policies of Apartheid of the Government of South Africa, whose Chairman is Ml'. Diallo Telli. It should be noted that this Committee has done much positive work. 12. To understand fully the tragedy of the existing situation for the African population, groaning under the heel of colonialism and neo-colonialism, we need only examine certain statistics. For example, according to figures given by the JohannesburgMunicipal Clinic for non-whites, more than 80 pel' cent of the 13. As can be seen from numerous documents and data contained in the statements of representatives of African countries at Security Council meetings, South Africa today is a world of terror and violence, inhuman oppression and the harshest exploitation, of reserves, concentration camps and prisons for the indigenous inhabitants. 14. It is no secret to anyone that the South African racists openly resort to fascist methods in their system of government and of reprisaIs against the indigenouS population. In July 1962, in addition to a whole series of Draconian laws which virtually reduced the country's indigenous inhabitants to the status of slaves, the Government of South Africa enacted a new.law-the so-calledGeneralLaw Amendments Act or, as it is also called. the "Sabotage Act"-which expanded the concept of so-called subversive activities to such an extent th~t any form of protest against racial segr~gation.or any movement for improving living conditions may be classified as subversive and may, consequently, incur themost severe penalties. including capital punishment. 15. But the Sou~ili African racists went even further. On 2 May 1963, the President of the South African Republic signed into "law" a further bill under the General Law Amendments Act whereby the South African authorities are.empowered to arrest and detain, without trial and for an extended period of time. persons suspected of violating the so-called laws for the maintenance of security. Thus, mere suspicion on the part of officials of the racist South African Government is sufficient to throw citizens of that country into prison. to keep them behind bars for many months. and to strip of all rights any inhabitant of South Africa who dares to express dissatisfaction with the state of affairs in the country. Furthermore, following the pattern set by Nazi Germany, the South African Government has made this act retroactive to .1950 and has extended its applicability to South African citizens living abroad. It is interesting to note that the effect of this act extends even to those who protest against apartheid in international organizations. 16. Mr. Nel. the Minister for Bantu Administration and Developnient. speaking in May 1963 on the constitution for the Transkei, on which an act was adopted in the same month. stated that this act was the crowning achievement of the policy of apartheid. The creation of the Transkei, the first Bantustan, in the Republic of South Africa is in fact the crowning achievement of the policy of apartheid. for the Transkei is a new colony within a colonial police State. The Transkei is a reserve in which the African popu- 18. This is the stronghold of oppression anddenialof elementary human rights which the leaders of South Africa quite seriously call the vanguard of Western civilization. It is possible that this does indeed represent the highest achievements of Western civilization, but we cannot reconcHe ourselves to such a "civilization". which condemns millions of human beings to physical extermination, reduces them to an inferior status and stirs up racial enmity. Verwoerd's rêgime burns the books of such world-renowned authors as Dostoevsky, Tolstoy, Gorky, Hemingway. Faulkner and Caldwell. The racist Verwoerd Government has gone so far in its frantic hatred of everything progressive that it has even banned the publication in South Africa of the book written by the first cosmonaut, Yuri Gagarin, under the act prohibiting "indecent. obscene and offensive literature". 19. This is not the first time that the question of racism in South Africa has been discussed in the United Nations; many resolutions and decisions have been adopted not only by the United Nations and its bodies. but also by numerous other international organizations and conferences. However. not a single resolution, not a single decision calling upon the Government of South Africa to put an end to its shameful policy of apartheid has met withany positive response On the part of Verwoerd's Government. On the contrary. with every day that passes the racist South African régime. ignoring and flouting the decisions of the United Nations, continues to intensify its practices of racial discrimination. and violates more and more the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Ruman Rights. Speaking in the General Assembly on 24 September 1962Y Mr. Louw, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of South Africa, stated that no amount of criticism would make the South African Government renounce its policy of apartheid. As recently as 25 June of this year, the Prime Minister of South Africa. addressing Parliament. stated that South Africa would not depart one iota from its racial policy, regardless of the opinion of the l'est of the world. Consequently. the South African Government not only systematically flouts the decisions of the United Nations. but openly and These are thé lùstorical roots of the policy of apartheid in South Africa. 23. Apartheid is in no way a domestic creation of the South African white colonialists alone; it is also the product of the colonialist Powers and foreign monopolies in the Republic of South Africa. In facto as the American magazine Time pointed out. although the Afrikane::s govern thëCOüntry at the political level. they own only six per cent of South Africa's industry. the remaining 94 per cent being controlled by the English-speaking inhabitants of South Africa and foreigners. 24. The big international monopolies operating in South Africa are the true masters of the economy and the authors of South Africa's policies. Some years ago. the British newspaper The Times reminded Verwoerd in no uncertain terms that neither he nor lùs Government was the real power in South Africa; but Harry Oppenheimer. the chairman of the gigantic concern. the Anglo-American Corporation of South Africa, and others. "Verwoerd", said The Times authoritatively. "is governing a country wlùch, were it not for the presence of mining companies. would occupy an insigntiicant place in the world. The wealth to wlùch South .Africa owes its importance in the world is administered by Mr. Oppenheimer." This is in fact the case ifwerememberthatthe Anglo-American Corporation of South Africaowns about40 per cent of all the coal mined in South Africa, 30 per cent of the gold mines, 20 to 25 per cent of all the uranium mines. and so forth. 25. An eloquent confirmation of the policy of the foreign monopolies may be found in the frank confession of an Englishbusinessman,whom the American magazine Time quoted as saying that "if it were not for apartheid whether or not we like that policy-we should not have thought of investing in South Africa". What is this if not barefaced cynicism on the paJ.·t of the moneybags? It does not matter that the policy of apartheid brings with it misery and suffering for 27. According to official data. American capital investments in South Africa amount to about 500 million dollars; however. the figures given by representatives of American concerns show thattheyreally amount to approximately $1.000 million. There are 175 American companies operating in South Africa. including such huge concerns as the FordMotor Company. the General Motors Corporation, the International Harvester Company. the Firestone Tire and Rubber Company, and others. 28. The British National Umon of Manufacturers. in a booklet published at the end of lastyear, The United Kingdom Stake in South Africa. stated that in 1961 United Kingdom monopolists earned higher profits in South Africa than in any other country. This same booklet also indicated that the total British capital investments in South Africa amounted to the enormous figure of about tl,OOO million sterling. 29. Apart from the British company, Rio Tinto Zinc. such powerful British banks as Barclays Bank with more than 600 branches. the Standard Bank withabout 700 branches. and such companies as the Imperial Chemical Industries have established themselves in South Africa. 30. We have dwelt on the economic interests of a number of imperialist countries in South Africa because these interests have a direct influence on the conduct not only of the Verwoerd régime. but also on the position of several States Members of the United Nations and, more particularly. on certain permanent members of the Security Council when the question of apartheid in South Africa is discussed. 31. In the light of what 1 have already said. it becomes clear why the Western Powers. and in the first place the NATO countries. voted againstGeneral Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII). particularly operative paragraphs 4 and 8 of that resolution which provide for economic.political and other sanctions against South Africa. It also becomes apparent on whose support the racist South African authorities relywhen they flout the decisions of the United Nations. 32. Whenever the question of apartheid has been examined in the United Nations. the Western Powers have always attempted ta transfor.m the discussion into an endIess exchange of words; they have en- 34. However. the GOvernment of the Republic of South Africa is not too disturbedbythesejust appeals. It calculates that the Western allies. which have economic and political interests iù South Africa. will support Verwoerd's policy. Mr. Louw. the South Mrican Minister for Foreign Affairs. cynically stated in this regard that a worId boycott against his country would fail because it was clear that countries such as the United states. the United Kingdom and the Netherlands would not want to lose a "substantial source of raw materials". The New York .Times gives the following illustration of Mr. Louw's statement: "In 1961. Mr. Lauw said. 63.7 per cent of South Africa's imports ••• came from the countries that voted against Tuesday's resolution in the Assembly. These same countries. he said, absorbed 79.8 per cent of South Africa's exports. ft 35. It should be recalled that immediately after the General Assembly adopted resolution 1761 (XVII) The New York Herald Trib\Ule stated. in particular. the followifig: "Certainly the United· States. Britain and others which do the bulk of trading with South Africa have indicated they will ignore the request for severance of commèrcial ties. Diamonds. gold. uranium, farm products, sea food and manufactured goods all flow from South Mrica to the Western world." 36. It is understandable why the Western powers issue open invitations for the strengthening and arming of the Verwoerd régime, as was the case witll a recent leading article in the Yorkshire Post stating, word for word, the following: "So far as Britain is concerned. there must surely be a difference between an evil rêglme that is not a dangerous enèmy of Britain and an evil rêgime that is. This is an unpopular thing to say. but it happens ta he true • • •. However much Britain quite rightly loathes the Verwoerd rêgime, the li Summit Conference of Independent African States, held at Addis Ababa from 22 to 25 May 1963. 37. It is well known that a considerable part oUhe consignmentssent by Western NATO countries to the Republic of South Africa consists directly of arms and ammunition. The South African Air Force includes British helicopters, "Buccaneer" low-Ievel strike and reconnaissance aircraft, French "Alouette" jet helicopters and "Mirage" fighters, United States C-130-B transports and Cessna-185 "Skywagons".which, as was mentioned in the second interim report of the Special Committee on the policies of Apartheid, are "ideal for field spotting and reconnaissance as well as the swift movement of small gJ:oups of men for police actions". The South African Navy is being supplied with frigates. minesweepers and other craft.made in United Kingdom shipyards. The Western allies of the Republic of South Africa obligingly furnish it with communications equipment; armoured cars and other military supplies. 38. The Western States have recently been trying to cC?ver themselves by the argument that the weapons delivered ta the Republic of South Africa are purely defensive in nature and that a ban will be placed on the sale of any type of weapon which might be used by the Government of the Republic of South Africa to carry on its policy of apartheid. Such an approach. however. will hardly find afavourable response among the indigenous inhabitants of that Republic. to whomit makes no difference whether they are shot with weapons intended for police ûse or weapons used for so-called "defence". What is important is that the NATO countries are supplying the South African Government with weapons which are used for the repression of the African and Asian inhabitants. But. Ml'. President. we must realize clearly that what is seriously threatened by the NATO countries' arms deliveries to the South African Government is not only the security of the African continent. This is illustrated by the numerous instances. some time aga, in which South African armament was transferred to the mercenary army of the separatist Tshombê. as confirmed. in particular. in a, .Security Council document S/5053!Add.12.'y This armament is used by the Government of the Repliblic of South Africa to maintain its occupation rêgime i.n South West Africa. 39. In this connexion. itis eas'yta understandthe coocern of peace-Ioving countries. and particularlyofthe African countries. who rightly see in these extensions of racism beyond the borders of the Republic of South Africa the beginnings of large-scale aggression. 40. In its first interim report the Special Committee on apartheid expressed "deep anxiety" at "the rapid expansion of South African military and policeforces, which not only reflects the gravity of the present 42. The regular army of the RepubÜc of South Africa is supplementeci by the civil militia-which makes it possible toemploy about 40,000 men for military purposes-as well as by commando detachments, of which, according to information furnished by the Special Committee on apartheid. there axe at present more than 200. The Committee reports that by next year South Africa will be able to have 140,000 men under arms. Moreover, the Government of the Republic of South Africa is preparing all the requirements for the establishment ofan army of 250,000 men. 43. Quite clearly, Mr. President, events in the Republic of South Africa are developing along dangerous lines, threatening the peace and security of Africa. 44. To sum up, then, it may be said that the picture before us is clear: on the one hand there is South Africa.n racism, arming itselfto the teeth with the aid of the Western Powers and refusing to recognize any· demands of the world community, and onthe other hand, the vast masses of the African and Asian population of the Republic of South Africa, groaning under the yoke of racism; on the one hand, all the peace-Ioving and decent people oftheworlddemanding an immediate end to apartheid, the most shameful phenomenon of the twentieth century, and on the other hand, those who condemnthe South African GovernmentIs racist policy in words,but whoinreality bless that policy and arm the South Africanracists, regarding the Republic of South Africa as a source of incalculable profits produced with the blood and sweat of millions of Africaris. 45. In his statement in the 8ecurity Council [1052nd meeting] the United States representative, Mr. Stevenson, called, as before, for moderation and patience in approaching the solution of the problemof apartheid in the Republic of South Africa. He urged us to refrain from applying "extreme measures" against the racist South African régime. But, whether one likes it or not. the question arises how long one can wait. how long one can try to persuade the South African lL'acists, knowing in advance that such persuasion will he useless. We are now in the second decade since the United Nations first took up the question of South Africa's racist policy, and more than twenty resolutions on the subject have been adopted by various organs of the United Nations; but what change has there been in the behavio\lr of the Republic of South Africa? What has been accomplished? And have we the right to forget that, while it is being sought to cali the South African racists to reason, millions of people in the Republic of South Africa are suffering from racist oppression, apartheid, hunger and harsh repressive measures? 48. It is also weIl known that the Conference of Heads of State and Government at Addis Ababa adopted a resolution calling for the severance of ctlplomatic and consular relations with the Republic of South Africa and the declaration of an economic boycott againstit. 49. AlI of this. Mr. Chairman, imposes an obligation on the Security Council to adopt urgent and effective measures appropriate to its highposition andresponsibility. 50. In this connexion, the discontinuance of arms shipments to the South African authorities is of special importance. AlI States Members of the United Nations should immediately discontinue the sale of any type of weapon to the Republic of South Africa. It is known that many countries have alr.eady stopped furnishing that Republic with arms -and military supplies. But sorne States are continuing to supply the South African racists with arms. advancing aIl sorts of pretexts. Thus, for example, the United States Government's intention, as reported by Mr. Stevenson, to discontinue shipments of arms to the Republic of South Africa before the end of the current year scarcely meets the demands ofthe African States. What indeed prevents the United States from discontinuing at once, without delay, the shipment of arms to the South African racists? We ask: why is the United States trying to postpone by half a year the implementation of this immediately necessary meas- 52. As we have repeatedly stated in the past and as was made clear in a letter of 19 March 1963§1 addressed to the Secretary-General and to Mr. Diallo Telli. Chairman ofthe SpecialCommittee onapartheid. the Soviet Government. firmly adhering to the principles ofthe equality and self-determinationofpeoples. resolutely opposes all forms of racial oppression and supports the equality of all races and nationalitieê. Accordingly. the Soviet Government has always vigorously condemned. and today condemns with equal vigour. the barbaric policy of apartheid pursued by the South African racists. This policy is nothing but one of the worst manüestations of colonialism. 53. Permit me. Mr. president. to recall in this connexion what is stated in the message from Mr. Khrushchev, Chairman of the COWlcil of Ministers of the USSR, to the African Heads of State and Government who participated in the Addis Ababa Conference: nIt is impossible to disagree with the Conference's judgement on the criminal policy of racial discrimination. Apartheid and racial discrimination constitute a monstrous evil for the peoples of Africa and, moreover. a serious danger to other peoples especially now. when the stüling fog of racism veils the sky over more than the African continent alone. 1 may state that we have already instructed our representatives at the United Nations to supply all necessary assistance to the delegation of African Ministers for Foreign Affairs which. in accordance with the decision of the Addis Ababa Conferen,ce. is to bring before the Security COWlcil the question of the situation in the portuguese colonies alld in South Africa. n Mr• Khrushchev declarerl in his message that the African peoples can Wldoubtedly rely on the support of the Soviet people and Us Government in connexion with the current decisions of the Conference aimed at the speediestpossible liquidationofcolonialism andthe extension of practical assistance to those who are struggling for national independence. "The struggle for the complete andfinal liquidation of the flhameful colonial system and for the guaranteeing to all peoples of the right to free and independeIlt development. is one of the principal 54. That is the policy of the Soviet Unionwith regard to the questions under discussion at this meeting. Our policy does not flow from any considerations of juncture or passing circumstance; it is based on humanitarianism and the postulate of equal rights for everyone, on the fundamental attitude of our State towards colonialism and racial discrimination. In this matter there is and can be no vacillation on our part. 55. The Soviet Union considers it necessary to condemn the racist régime of the Republic of South Africa with the utmost severity for its gross violations of the elementary rights and freedoms of peoples,for its policy of apartheid and racial discrimination, and for its sabotage of the General Assenibly resolutions ealling for an end to thatcriminalpolicy. The Security Council, Ml'. President, mustalso condemnthe actions of the NATO countries, which oppose the policy of racial discrimination in words. but which in reality are sabotaging the resolution adopted by the General Assembly at its seventeenth session regarding the application of sanctions against the Republic of South Africa, and which are maintaining close political, economic and other relations with the South African régime. The Soviet Union urges strict compliance with that resolution, and the unconditional application of political and economic sanctions against the Republie of South Africa. 56. The Soviet delegation considers the following aetion to be incumbent upon the Security Council: first, resolute and unconditional condemnation of the policy of racial discrimination and apartheid pursued by the Republic of South Africa, and demand for an end to this criminal policy; secondly, the immediate application of political, economic and other sanctions against the Government of the Republic of SouthAfrica, as provided for in General Assembly resQlution 1761 (XVII), such sanctions to include: the severance of diplomatic relations with the Governmentof the Republie of South Africa, or refusaI to establish such relations; the closing of ports to aIl vesselsflying the South African flag; the boycotting of aIl South African goods, and refusaI to export goods, including allarms and ammunition, to South Africa; and the denial of landing and passage facilities to ,aIl aircraftbelonging to the South African Government and to companies registered under the laws of South Africa. \Ve further eonsider that an embargo should be placed on deliveries of oil and fuel to the Republic of South Africa. Thirdly, inview of South Africa's systematic and flagrant disregard of the Charter's fundamental prineiples and of the General Assembly's decisions- 57. We are convinced that it is high time at long last to turn from words and admonitions to the application of positive and effective measures against the racist South African rêgime. Not persuasion. but only the most determined action. of the kind mentionedearlier, can compel the Republlc of South Africa to alter its criminal and barbarie policies. 58. In conclusion. Mr. President. permit me to say that. in connexion with the announcementbythe representative of Morocco of the telegram from the Chairman of the meeting of African Ministers for Foreign Affairs at Dakar. the Soviet delegation. to which a similar telegram was addressed. would like to state its attitude concerning that document. Having taken note of the éontents of that telegram. the Soviet delegation considers it necessary to emphasize that the contents of that telegram addressed tothe members of the Security Council. wlll be taken into consideration by the Council in its decision with regard to the policies of apartheid of the Republic of South Afrïca. 59. The PRESIDENT: 1 have been informed that the representative of the Soviet Union is prepared to waive the Interpretation of his statement into French in this particular instance.without creating a precedent, in order that the Councilmayhear all the representatives on the list of speakers for today's meeting. It is, furthermore, my understanding that no other member of the Council has any objection to that procedure. 60. 1 now calI upon the representative of Ghana, who wishes to introcluce the draft resolation [S/5384] which has been submitted by the delegations of Ghana. Morocco and the Philippines. 61. Mr. QUAISON-SACKEY (Ghana): With the ex- èeption of the representatives of the United Kingdom and France and of you. Mr. President. in your capacity as representative of Norway. every member of the Security Council has spoken. It is very clear that no one here has spoken in favour of apartheid; no one has intimated here that nothing should be done in regard to the evil policies of apartheid of South Africa. 1 should like to quote the following passage from the statement made to this CouncH by Mr. Stevenson on the present issue: ."Just as my country is determined to wipe out . discrImination in our society. it will support efforts tobring about a change in South Africa. It is in the United States' interest to do this; it i:3 in the interest of South Africa; it is in theinterestof a world which has suffered enough from bigotry. prejudice and hatred." [1052nd meeting. para. 49.] 62. It is against the background of what has been said here that, on behalf of the delegations of Ghana, Morocco and the Philippines and with the permission of the Foreign Ministers of Liberia, Tunisia and Sierra Leone and the representative of Madagascar, l now present to the Security Council the following draft resolution [S/5384]. l should like to read out the text: "The SecurH:y Council, "HaV!!1$ considered the question of race conflict in Sou'~h Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa, as submitted by the thirty-two African Member states. "Recalling Security Council resolution of 1 April 1960 [S/4300], "Taldng into account that world public opinion has been reflected in General Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII) of 6 November 1962, and particularly in its paragraphs 4 and 8. "Noting with appreciation the interim reports adopted on 6 May [S/5310] and on 16 July 1963 [S/5353] by the Special Committee on the policies of apartheid of the Government of South Africa, "Noting with concern the recent arms build-up by the Government of South Africa, some ofwhicharms are being used in furtherance of that Government's racial policies, "Regretting that sorne States are indirectlyproviding encouragement in various ways to the Government of South Africa to perpetuate. by force, its policy of apartheid, "Regretting the failure of the Government of South Africa to accept the invitation of the Security Council to delegate a representative to appear before it, "Being convinced that the situation in SouthAfrica is seriously disturbing international peace and security, "1. Strongly deprecates the policies of South Africa in its perpetuation of racial discrimination as being inconsistent with the principles contained in the Charter of the United Nations and contrary to its obligations as aState Member of the United Nations; "2. CaUs upon the Government of South Africa to abandon the policies of apartheid and discrimination as called for in the Security Council resolution of 1 April 1960, and to liberate all persons imprisoned. interned or subjected to other restrictions for having opposed the policy of apartheid; "3. Calls upon aU States to boycott all South African goods and to refrain from exporting to South Africa strategic materials of direct military value; 63. The draft resolution which the representatives of Ghana. Morocco and the Philippines have seen fit to s'lbmit to the Security Council. with the permission of the Foreign Ministers who have been designated by the thirty-two African Heads of State. is the minimum which. in the opinion of the three sponsors. the Council should adopt. In our opinion. the draft resolution represents the first step to be taken by the Security Council in the hope that by 30 October we would have seen a change inthe attitude of the Government of South Africa. But if our hopes are dashed to the ground. then we would expect the Council to take further stern and effective measures to deal with the situation. 64. The preambular paragraphs are very clear. but 1 would emphasize the thirdpreambularparagraph. in which we talk about world public opinion. Nowhere on this earth does the policy of apartheid have any support. We happen to know that even in South Africa itself a large segment of the society is opposed to apartheid. In facto world opinion expects the Council to take measures which are far more stern than the present draft resolution would ask the Councilto take. It is because of this that we warn the Council to take note of the world public opinion which has already been reflected in General Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII). 65. We also want to emphasize the sixth preambular paragraph. To us. it is a little difficult to reconcHe the fact that aU States in the United Nations are condemning apartheid and yet. at the same time. some States are treating with apartheid. If something is evil. it should be exorcised. and there is no reason for temporizing. In our view. South Africa has placed itself in such a situation that it is very difficult for those of us from Africa and Asia and. 1 am sure. from other continents to accept it in the world community. We feel that there is no reason why. here and now. those groups of countries which have been treating with South Africa should not reconsider their position. There is no reason why South Africa should continue its apartheid operation and at the same time belong to the western European group. In facto this is rather unfortunate. because we thought that South Africa was in Africa. and for it tobe in association with countries which cannot be African in any case is far too much for us to comprehend. 66. Then we want to emphasize the last preambular paragraph. which refers the Council to the resolution already recaUed. resolution S/4300 of 1 April 1960. In that resolution. the Council said that the situation in South Africa then. three years ago. was such that if it continued it would endanger international peace and security. 1 am sure Mr. Stevenson had that in mind when he said: 67. I do not need to emphasize operative paragraphs 1 or 2~ 68. Operative paragraphs 3 is one of the cardinal paragraphs of the draft resolution. This paragraph should be considered against the background of what I have said earlier. that if we want to handlea situation of the kind which obtains in South Africa. then we should be resolute in our efforts. South Africa 'may be isolated mora11y. but a number of countries have dealings with it: for example.the UnitedKingdom. France. and the United States. We understand also that a number of other countries. including Czechoslovakia. have been exporting arms to South Africa. We feel that a situation of this kind should be handled boldly if South Africa is to he isolated, then we should go all out and deal with the matter in a bold way. 69. If it is possible for a boycott to be conducted against Cuba, then it should he possible to conduct a boycott against South Africa, where 12 million people are being held to ransom by a sma11 minority. If it is possible for a blockade to be invoked against Cuba, then it should be possible for sterner measures to be taken against South Africa, which has already been condemned by aU mankind for its racial policies. 70. Operative paragraph 4 deals with the question of an arms embargo. This is a very importantparagraph, and that is why we were very heartened by the announcement made here by Mr. Stevensonwith regard to the step which is being contemplated by the United States Government. Since then, we have heard that large groups in the United Kingdom, France andelsewhere are also urging their Governments to take similar action. 71. What makes us unhappy about the announcement is that there is a time-limit given between now and the end of the year when the sale of a11 military equipment to the Government of South Africa will cease. I shan quote Mr. Stevenson: "••. There are existing contracts which provide for limited quantities of strategie equipment for defence against external threats, such as air-to-air missiles and torpedoes for submarines." [Ibid.• para. 62.] - 72. May I. with a11 due deference, ask whether in fact South Africa is in the Western Alliance and therefore must be helped in self-defence against sorne external aggression? And may I ask the other side whether they have any intention of invading South Aftica? 73. We would appeal for a reconsideration of this objective, that in fact the action should be swift and 74. As to the last operative paragraph 1 wish to emphasize here that we do not intend to abolish the Special Committee. 1 think that the Committee should continue its good work. It is a committee which is supposed to keep the whole situation of apartheid under review. But here inthis paragraph we are asking the Secretary-General, in consonance with the resolution, to keep the situation under observation and to report to this Councn by 30 October 1963, which is the day before the report on the Portuguese territories is supposed to be given. Therefore. 1 am sure that there should be no heart-searching on the part of the members of.the Special Committee. ofwhomlam one. that we do· not want them to continue their work. 75. In conclusion, may 1 say that we are very happy to hear the other voices which have been heard here on this issue. 1 think that everybody has condemned apartheid and 1 am sure that those who have not spoken will condemn when they do speak. But Mrica wants not only your voices but also your votes. We think that some sacrifice is required here and now, and that is why we would ask the Councn to adopt this draft resolution. and we hope that thereby we would have put some pressure on the Government of South Mrica to change its policy. 76. The Councn is. on the world stage and Mrica marks its demeanour. 77. Sir Patrick DEAN (United Kingdom): My delegation has listened with sympathy and understanding to the speeches made by the Ministers from Tunisia. Liberia. Sierra Leone and the representative ofMadagascar. We in this delegation are deeply sensible of the strength of the feelings of the thirty-two Mrican Stâtes which have placed this complaint before the Councn. What they have had to say is proof enough. if proof were needed. that we are all faced here with a situation with grave international repercussions. 78. The policyof apartheid pursued by the Government of the Republic of South Mrica has aroused universal concern and disapproval. The persistence of the Government of South Mrica in this policy has now led to international friction. As to the substance of the matter. there is little which1can add to the indictment of this policy made so eloquently by representatives who have already spoken in this debate. 79. We in this Councn are all agreed that the policy of apartheid is evil-it is also totally impracticable- 80. 1 can say, therefore, without hesitation, that the racial policies of the Government of South Africa are entirely repugnantto myGovernment andto the feelings and traditions of our people. The African Ministers sitting here with us have told us of their mandate, given them by the Heads of African States. They have called on us to heed the voice of Africa. This they have every right to ask, and we have a duty to do aIl in our power to give them satisfaction. 81. But we have another duty too-a dutytothe Charter, and to the Members of this Organization-to see today that we act in accordance with its terms and in doing so strengthen respect for it and for its purposes. 82. 1 wish first to remind this Council of the position of the United Kingdam in respect of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter. We continue, as we always have done, to attach the greatest importance to the proper observance of Article 2, paragraph 7. It is this provision which in effect guarantees to Members of the United Nations, and particularly those who may find themselves in a minority, a reasonable immunity from interference by the majority in their interna! affairs. 83. But as regards apartheid, in 1961 the United Kingdom representative in the Special Political Committee of the General Assembly explained&l that, while the importance which we attached to the proper observance of Article 2, paragraph 7, remains undiminished, we regarded the case of apartheid in the circumstances which now exist as of such an extraordinary and exceptional nature as to warrant our regarding and treating it as sui generis. 84. Nevertheless, we are bound, if we are properly to discharge our obligations, to construe our powers with a strict eye on the Charter provisions. We must, therefore, distinguish between a situat!on which has engendered international friction and one which constitutes a threat to peace. 85. There is no evidence before us that the actions of the South African Republic, however repeUent they may be to aH of us, are actions wIlÏch threaten the territorial integrity or political independence of any member country. 1 cannot, therefore, agree \vith the Foreign Minister of Tunisia, that the Council should take action to accord with the last paragraph of resolution 1761 (XVII) of the General Assembly. This caUs on the Security Council to take appropriate 86. Members· of this Council are well aware thatthere are special obligationswhich myGovernment must take into account in considering their position in the matter now before us. First, the United Kingdom, by virtue .of its position and its special relationships, has responsibilities all dver the world.The geographi.cal position of South Africa cannot be ignored in thïs respect. Secondly, as members of the Council know well, the United Kingdom is responsible for the administration and well-being of the three Territories df Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland. I need say no more than this. Thirdly. we have, as is also well known. a considerable trade with. and a considerable investment in. South Africa. This is of great importance to the external economic position of the United Kingdom. and. therefore. has implications for world trade gènerally. 87. To these -three considerations twill add afourth: long historical éonnexion, ties of kin and ties forged in times()f danger. compel us to a deep concern for the futù.re of South Africa. its people and its prosperity. 88. Appalled as we are by the developments in South Afriça and by the policies of its Government. we cannot, even tdday, approach the matters before us indifferent to the legacy of past relationshipsand the hopes that we have 1l,adandcannotyetrid ourselves of, that South Africa can still be pèrsuaded to turn to a path which cati lead to a good. future for aIl her pedples, instead of to the national disaster on which it now seems set. 89. The offence committed by the South African Government is not that of aggressionor of endangering international peace and security. in any sense ofthose terms anticipated by the drafters of the Charter in 1945. It is. as I say. a grave offence against human dignity. 90. As we have been reminded in the course of this debate. the South African Government has failed to heed a whole series of resolutions pas13ed by various organs of this Organization. This Council cannot but symPlitthizewith the indignation and impatience of the African nations at this indifference. But I am bound toSlity that for us to move to action under Chapter VII of the Charter would be to exceed our powers under the. Charter. 91. Some way forward must be found. In the first place, we bèlieve that the Security Council. with an itsmoraL authority. should, in clear terms. express its rèpugnanceof the policies of racial discrimination lits practised in South Africa. Webelieve. too. that 92. Finally. l will saythis: we believe that the situation in South Africa cannot continue. One government should not ignore the voice of the rest of the international community. which tells them clearly that apartheid is wrong and Can lead only to disaster and misery. We know that there are many in South Africa itself. of every race. who are strongly opposed to apartheid and all it staIldS for. We believe that they are looking to this council for help and support. 93. We must also believe that the Government of South Africa. even at this late houri cannot be indifferent to a clear caU from the Council to find a new path to justice. freedom and prosperity for aIl its people. and to recover good standing in the world as a whole. 94. Just before l began to speak this afternoon. the representative of Ghana introduced a draft resolution [S/5384] which is co-sponsored by the delegations of Morocco and the Phiiippines. l shall. of course. wish to consider this draft further. and shall seek the instructions of my Government upon it. 95. Lastly. with your approval. Mr. President. and with the consent of my French colleague. and on the understanding that no precedent whatever is set. l would be happy to waive the consecutive Interpretation of my speech into French. 96. The PRESIDENT: The French consecutive interpretation having been waived. l now calI upon the representative of France. who is the last speaker on today's list.

In my statement on the question of the Portuguese territories [1045th meeting]. l explained the reasons which lèd the French delegation to abstain on the draft resolution before the Council; Ishall not revert to that question except to point out that. from a juridical point of view. the consideration of the problem of apartheid places my delegation in a similar position. sinee the measures proposed in the draft resolution which we have just received would also constitute direct interference in matters falling within the national jurisdiction of a State. France regards this as a position of principle and believes it has shown the universal and permanent importance it attaches to it. 98. Which of those countries that are today calling for intervention by the Organization in the policies of South Africa can state that they would allow such intervention in regard to other Powers and. especially. with respect to themselves if. for some reason. they should find themselves exposed to it? However. our position. which is based both on the Charter and on the 99. It is because it is aware of this evolution and welcomes it, that my Government voiced no reservation concerning the agenda of the present session of the Security Council. On the contrary, it approves the holding of these debates because itfeels thatthey have the great merit of bringing moral pressure to bear on the Powers concerned, pressure emphasizedby the fact that they take place in the highest forum of the United Nations. 100. The position of France onthe question of apartheid is in no way based on a refusaI to take a stand. Indeed, how could sucll be the case. There are very few traditions that are as deeply rooted in and intimately linked with the history of my country as is the concept of the equality of the races. From that time long ago when a slave could become free by merely stepping on French soil to the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, which, in 1789, for the firsttime in the historyof the world, included this principle in the fundamental law of a State, and down to the most recent developments in our history, racialdisctimination has had no place wherever French law and customs prevailed. Racial discrimination has not even had to be prohibited because the natural attitude of the French is such that there isnoneed for any legislative measures to ensure respect for this principle. 101. How could anyone imagine, therefore, that France would be tempted to view in any way indulgently the attempts which are made to justify, on grounds of circumstances, a doctrine which is contrary to concepts the whole value of which resides precisely in ~heir absolute nature? Racial segregation raised to the level of dogma can arouse no reaction other than condemnation. This is the position which the French delegation has taken on several occasions, in particular when it voted in favour of General Assembly resolution 1663 (XVI) on 28 November 1961. By that vote, we demonstrated that we deplored the fact that the Government of the Republic of South Africa had flouted world public opinion by refusing to revise its racial policies or to observe its obligations under the Charter, that we deprecated it.s determined aggravation of racial issues by ever incl'easing discriminatory measures, and lastly that we feIt 'grave concern and deep anxiety at the continuance of those policies. 102. As the previous speakers have pointed o~t, the situation has not improved in the past two years. On' the contrary, both legislation and practice have steadily widened the gap between the differentpopulations of South Africa, thus promising a highly uncertain future for a country which, not so long ago, 103. Today, unfortunately, the situation is quite düferent. By a sort of fatal chain reaction, all the advances made by modern society at the cost of so much effort are being successively compromised or cancelled: first of all, the rights and fundamental freedoms of the human person, then the rights of the individual vis-~-vis the State, which are becoming inoperative as a result of such measures as arrest without warrant, ex post facto criminallegislation and reversaI of the burden of proof. Furthermore, most of the public freedoms have been limited or even abolished, particularly the freedom 010st recently acquired by the population-which has not yet been fully recognized everywhere-the right of association. Finally. democracy itself ceases to function when part of the population no longer enjoys the right to elect representatives or even be elected. 104. My colleague, Ml'. Quaison-Sackey, the representative of Ghana, has no reason tofearthat we shall criticize him for being-to use his phrase-carried away by his emotions. French public opinion is also deeply stirred by the situation in South Africabecause the desire of the French people for truth and justice knows no frontiers. As for the French Government. it is not unaware of the incidents which have been described and does not conceal its attitude towards apartheid. In its View. this doctrine is to be condemned on an counts. 105. That is why, although my Government considers that the Security Council is not competent toforce the Pretoria Government to change its policies by the application of sanctions or other measures which. in our view. would be contrary to the Charter in this instance, it has nevertheless given consideration to possible means of reducing the present tension. 1 am authorized to inform the Counoil that the French authorities will take all steps that they consider necessary to prevent the sale to the South African Government of arms which might be usedfor purposes of repression. 106. 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