S/PV.1055 Security Council

In accordance with decisions pr~viously taken by the Council. l hereby invite the r'3presenatives of Tunisia. Liberia. 8ierraLeone and Madagascar tocome forward and take their seats at the Council table. At the invitation of the President. Mr. Mongi Slim (Tunisia). Mr. Rudolph Grimes (Liberia),Mr. John Karefa-Smart (Sierra Leone) and Mr. Louis Rakotomala (Madagasoar) took plaoes at theSeourityCounoil table.

Since allmembers of the Council have now expressed their general views on the 4. Nearly aU the Member States of the United Nations have expressed their convictionthatthe racial policies of the Government of South Africa are contrary to the Purposes and Principles of the Charter. The resolutions of tue General Assembly and the Security Council reflect the universal feeling that the policies of apartheid and the repressive measures designedto enforce those policies have become increasingly dangerous. Nevel'theless, that Government has pressed iorward withfurther measures of racialdiscriInination and more intensive repressionto enforce suchpolicies. Infact, the possibilities of legalandpeacefulmeans of protest and redress have been progressively closed. Suffice it to mention that the General Law Amendment Acts of 1962 and 1963 create severalnewoffences and establish stringent provisions to deal with these. According to the two interim reports ofthe Special Committée on the Policies of Apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa,!I the Minister of Justice of South Africa may now hold prisoners of specified categories beyondthe term oftheir sentences as pronounced by the Courts. Furthermore, police officers may, in certain circumstances, arrest suspected persons without a warrant and detain them up to ninety days. The moyements of such persons may be severely restricted, and in the field of communications, postal articles and telegrams may be detained. 5. Tt is the Norwegian view that tbis legislative trend Is deplorable and indeed indefensible. This repressive legislation jls in itself a clèar and unmistakable proof that the po;}icy of .apartheid is inhuman by its very nature since itrequires suchinhumanmeasures to ensure its implementation. We Norweglans still have fresh in our memory simila:- efforts to repress human rights and elementary freedoms which were to be the dawn of a dark millenium of Nazi rule and supremacy, which happilydid not come about thanks to the persistence of the United Nations in the Second World War. 6.. The Norwegian delegation has listenedto the grave but temperate presentations of the African Foreign 7. They have related to us the preoccupation of the Conference of African Reads of State andGovernments which recently took place in Addis Ababa. The Norwegian delegation fully shares this anxiety andunderstands the preoccupation of the"African States, which rightly feel th9t they are the parties directly and primarily concerned with the tragic situation whiGh still remains in thair continent. 8. But the African States and the African peoples are not alone in t'!.:is respect. In the part of the world as far away from Africa as Scandinavia, public opinion has indeed been aroused by the latest developments in South Africa. The Norwegian people have in many forms shown their apprehensions and anxiety. Numerous Norwegianorganizations of various'political leanings have voted resolutions and appeals against the policy of apartheid, often spontaneously submitted andapproved as an expression of thestrong feelings of the individual citizen. The National Association of Youth Organizations has launched a volu.''1tary consumer açtion aimed at curtailing the purchase of South African goods. This.action, carried outbyNorwegians regardless of.their political affiliations, is an expression both of the abhorrence which my countrymen, and in particular the youth, feel for the apartheidpolicy in South Africa, and and also is a response to the motivated fear"that this policy may havefateful consequences for thepeople of SouthAfrica andfor the future of the whole continent of Africa. 9. The Norwegian Government, both the Parliament and the" Cabinet, has given full expression to this abhorrence anct this fear' of my countrymen. They are shocked by thtl merciless ways of discrimination and the otherforms,of suppression under which the large African majority inSou.th Africa suffers. The'Govern,.. ment·deems it revolting tbat the SouthAfrican,aùthoritiés cqntinuously'sharpen the apartheid laws.and thl#r execution in spite ofJh.e urgent appealt;from the UnitM Nations th,at they abandon this f1olicy. The newadditioi{ of the so-cal1ed anti-sabotage. laws gives l'eason.ta fear that the a:ùthorities in South Africaare so determ~ned to contihue their pol~cy ofraciàldiscrimination and segregation that they will not h~sitateto e~ploy, pure pol1ce:-state methods. . - 10. An irresistible drive towards self-determ.ination, and self-e?cpres$~on. has transformed Africa during the years after the Second World Wa:l'froma continent, of :No~-SeIf-Governing Terrî,tol'ÏeS to 'lcontiIlEmt ofin:" denehdent' African States. Itfs the conviction of the Nprwegian Gover~ent that 'th!$ drive' will push forward in South Africa as well. This strong andpositive Wind of change Will nof siJ,bside .until all African p~opres have a;chieved .1ndep!3ndeIJ,ce. The. African majority in South Africa demands this equality and. an eCj,'uitable share of governmental powers. By means of Physical, repression:ft might be possible,tocontajn . ~..' 11. The Norwegian delegation has listenedwith attention and respect to the statements made by tp.e representatives of Brazil, the United States and Venezuela in this debate. This serious and well-motivated condemnation of the racial policy of the Government of South Africa deserves particular consideration, coming as it does from States whose populations are of mixed racial origine In one of these it is a principal goal of national policy to solve what remains of racial problems. In the two others equaliry, regardless of race, gives proof of the success oi a wise and farsighted policy. To us in Norway, it may almost be beyond comprehension to realize the human tragedies that may result from the complexities of racial problems. But we have also heard in this Council the comparison .which has been draWn by the African Foreign Ministers between conditions and trends in South Africa and the policy of nazisme This analogy cannotbut. make a deep impression on Norwegians, who underwent five years 01 suppresSion by Hitler's totalitarian forces. 12. Perhaps the mc>st disquieting aspect of the situation in South Africa is the accelerated military buildup. The scope cf the military measures taken and the statements of r'~sponsible South African leaders seem to·indicate that the mili.tary build-up Nflects a deter.mination on thepartof the Government to go through with the policy of apartheid by means of the unlimited use of military power_ 13. The South Africau Defence Minister, Mr. Fouchê, announced in the House of Assembly on 11 February that he intended to increase the strength of the perma~ nent army by 50 per cent. This increase in the striking pQwer of the South African military for.ces has an impressive budgetary corollary. Accordingtothèfirst iIiterim report ofthe Special Committee, the defence expenditures of the' Republic of SouthAfrica rose from 44 million rand to 157 million rand between the fiscal years>of 1960-1961 and 1963-1964. At the same time expendituresfor the maintenance of the police andexpèndituresfor other military items increased similarly. . 14. Inthe view of my delegation these are threateniIig perspectives which fully demonstrate and justify the necessityof the present consideration of this matter by theSecurity Council. We feeUhat it is incumbent upon the United Nations tomakeever-yeffort to prevent afurther military build-up, and thereby contribute to averting an .increase of the suppressive powers of the Government of South Africa. 15. DU:ting the debate on the question of apartheidin 17. It will be knownbymembers ofthe Security Council that it has tracl.itionally been the Norwegian policy within the United Nations to question· the Wisdom of condemnations issued ,by the Organization to inember ~ates. In the questionbefore us, however, all the appeals and recommendationsfrop:l the United Nations, f~om .Member States and froID individuals. bave been to no avai!. We feel in 'Norway.as I have already expressed. that the development in South Africa has proceeded in a dangerous direètion and at 'an accelerated pace. "We are. therefore. of the ,opinion,thatthe point has been reached when it ,has .becomeessential for the Security Council to co:ndemn the,raclaI policies of South Africa in clear terms. and tocallupon the Government. of South Africa 1:0 discontinue this poHcy before catastrophe strikes.· and particularlyto abolish the inhuman enforcement measures. which have been conceived to sustain the policyof apartheid. 18. In my capacity ~f PRESIDENTI nowcallilpon the Foreign Mj.nister of Sierra Leone. ' 19. Ml'. KAREFA-SMART(Sierra Leone): Onmyown behalf. and on behalf als6 of my colleaguesfrom Tunisia. Liberia and Madagascar, I wish to express o~:r gratitude to therèpresentatives ofGhana.Morocco. and the Philippines. whohavetabled the presentdraft resolution [S/5384]. which ls the result of the cases which my colleagues and I have putbefore the Security Co~ci1 concerning the dang~rouslyeXplosive situation in South Africa. ,. 20. llistened with. 'appreèiatio!f to all the speeches which have beenmàde, and rraven6ted thatin no single instancehasany support beeIiexpressedfor the racial policles of the South Afrï,can Government. This unani- 'il Official .Records ofthé:'General'Assembly~ SeventeenthSèsslon, Specl~alCOmmlttee,327th to 342nd ~eetings. 22. We have pleaded that the time has long passed, after twenty-seven resolutions have remained unheeded, for mere words expt'essing regret. We are quite satisf~_ed that the Council proposes, too, to use tlle language of operative paragraph l, ·Strongly deprecates the policies of South Africa", in tbis matter. ln any language, to me, ·Strongly deprecates" is an expression of condemnation. 23. 1 am not prepared to saythat 1can share the hope which is expressedin paragraph 2-that, bycalling upon the Government of South Africa, it may be persuaded to abandon its present policies. But this paragraph, if adopted, does offer an opportunity for revision, for change of heart, and for al! the things that the Council bopes-in spite of past experience-the Government of South Africa might do. 24. 1 want to quote from a dispatch which has come during the last day or two from SouthAfrica, in which :Ml'. Eric Lauw, Minister of Foreign Affairs, has declared that "South Afrioa is not afraid of the effects of comcommercial and other boycotts, in any case, those count:ries which export, with profits, te;> South-Africa, or have great investments_in the country, are not prepared to make any sacrifice for the sole purpose of pleasing the African States or the socialist or leftist elements in their respective countries." These are the viewsof the South African Government on operative paragraph 3 of this draft resolution. 25. 1 will make no further comment than to remind membersof the Security Council of the appeal made by the thirty....two Heads of African states, which we have brought to you. Yovhave heardour Heads of State, and you have heard the reply from the Minister of Fo:reign Affairs of the South African ;Republic [1050th meeting, para. 6]. Your votes this morningon paragraph 3 will proclaim very loudly to the whole world whetheryou regard the safeguarding ofyour profits and investments-as the Foreign Ministér of South 28. It will be a matter of real gratificationto me, after all the very serious words utteredby everydelegation represented around this table, about the nature of South Africa's policies-so loathsome to the speakers themselves and to their Governments-if you will set the seal to these words and turn them into real action by accepting '<;he draft resolution which is before you. 29. Mr. Mongi SLIM (Tunisia) (translated from French): During my first statement [1050th meeting], at the opening of the present debate on 31 July 1963, 1 noted with deep regret the South African Governmentls refusaI of the invitation extended to it bythe President of the Security Council on 23 July [1041st meeting] in pursuance of rule 37 of the provisional rules of procedure. At that time, r reserved the right to speak again after studying the letter of reply dated 31 July fromthe Permanent Representative of the Republic of South Africa to the President of theCouncil. [S/53811. .. 30. Ibelieve this is the first time in the annals of the Counci! that such an invitation has been refused bya State Memberofthe United Nations. 1 would l'ecall that the decision to issue the invitation was taken by the President of the Security Counoi! after he had consulted the Counci! on aformaI proposaIwhich was made at the meeting heldon 22 July [1040th meeting] by a member ofthe Council and to which there was no objection. 31. The participation of a representative of the South African Government in the present debate could have been useful~ The presence and co"'operation of such a representative might havefacititated the consideration of a problem which hasbeen of deep concern not only tl) the African States but to all the States Members of the United Nations since 1948-that is, since well before the great majority of the African nations had recovered their sovereignty. The Counci!would then have known how fa.r South Africa was ready to co-operate with the United Nations. The rejectionbythàtoountry's Government of the Counci!'s formaI invitation i8 in itself a sérions matter. It confirms what Ml'.stevenson, the distinguished representative of the United States, said here in his statement on 2 August 1963 [1052nd 33. It is senseless to try to cure a virulent disease by creating and promoting the most favourable conditions in which the virus can developfaster and more vigorously. This method Can only have the effect of allowing rac.ial discrimination to crystallize and to take a more concrete and very much more·dangerous forme 34. 1 hardly think it necessary to point out once again that no democratic consultation has even been attempted in South Africa· to allow the indigenous nonwhite population. which makes up four-fifths of the total population, to express its views freely and to say whether it is in favour of this geographical partitioning based on racial discrimination. All the evidence points to the contrary. There is even reason to believe that a large part ofthe white population of South Africa is quite out of sympathywith the SouthAfrican GovernmentIs views on this matter. 35. Nor do 1 wish to stress again .the fact that this apartheid policy, as defined and carried out by .the South African Government, means essentially that more than12 million Bantu, orfour..,fifths.ofthe whole population, are to be confined in a veritable reserve whose area represents only13peI' cent of the country's territory. while 87 per cent, rep:resenting the really valuable and rich part of South· Africa, is to be reserved to 4million Whites-i.e. one-fifth of the population. . 3f:i. These aspects ofthe qllestion havebeensufficiently analysed during the present debate and in aIl the earlier debates, both in the Security Council and in the General Assembly. They justify the assertion that thepolicy of apartheid is avil, as Sir Patric:kDean,. therepresentative of the United Kingdom, said here only yesterday•.What 1 particularly wish to stress is tha,t this method, judged by the South African Government alone to be most sensible, is sowing the seeds of very serious cOnflictsbetweentwo groups of citizens of a sin~lecountry which is thl.ls being partitioned on a raciallydiscri~natorybasis,. in pursuit of the arbi:", trary decision of the smaller of these twogroups, a 37. Here unquestionably are the seeds of tragic conflicts whose consequence~ and extent cannot be measured. In a world where human solidarity and the interdependence of nations great and small are con- +jnually increasing, the policy of apartheid in South Africa constitutes a time-bomb the explosion ofwhich may have disastrous consequences not only in Africa but in other continents. 38. To prevent such an explosion either South Africa must be convinced of the need for a radical change of policy. it must no longer be furnished with the means for fabricating its infernal machine. The first course has already been attempted by an Member States, officially andunofficially, through diplomatic channels, as weIl as collectively through the General Assembly and the Security Council. The members of the Council have noted during the present debate th?t this course has unfortunately produced no results. The only remaining course is the second one: a decison by the Security Council on preventive measures to safeguard international peace and security, which are suriously threatened by South Africa's apartheid poIicy and the intensive armament programme backing it up. This is the only road now open to us. 39. The present debate has shown the gravity of the situation which we brought to the Council's attention on behalf of thirty-two African States. Allmembers of the Council have voiced the deep anxieties of their Governments on this matter. They have aIl affirmed their condemnation of the evil policy of racial discrimination and apartheid in South Aftica. It is now for the Securîty Council, the body responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security, to decide, within the framework of the Charter, on the effective preventive measures which the situation requires. 40. A draft resolution has been submittedby the delegations'ofGhana, Morocco and the Philippines [S/5384]. The measures which it proposes, while somewhat timid, furnish a positive and realistic way of dealing with the existing situation. We feel it important to stress that the measure for an embargo on arms and ammunition will gain from being understood in the widest sense and applied in the most stringent manner, since otherwise they may remain ineffective. 41. l should like to recall in this connexion that the United Nations action in the Congo (Leopoldville) was seriously obstructed for sorne Ume by certain arma'" rnents and transport andbattle planes which were made availa.ble to Tshombê andhis friends, and which did great harm' not only to the Congo and its stability but "The General Assembly, ". .. calls upon aIl States to refrainfrom the direct and indirect provisions of arms or other materials of war and military personnel and other assistance for military purposes ..." 43. l recognize, of course, that the present situation is different. We nevertheless consider it desirable that the preventive measure relating to arms and ammunition, as set out in the draft resolution submitted to the Council shouldbe byourfriends from Ghana, Morocco and the Philippines shouldbe seen in the same light. l said that the draft resolution constituted a significant but modest step forward. The members of the Council are perfectly aware of the general movement of revulsion generated inworld opinion and in national and international organizations by the persistence of t.'le Republic of South AÎrica in pursuing its policies of apartheid and racial segregation, in defiance of the obligations incumbent on aState Member of the United Nations under the Charter andthe principles enshrined in it. 44. In view of this situation, we would have liked the draft resolution to contain a recommendation to the General Assembly for the suspension of the Republic of South Africa from the exercise of its rights and privileges as a Member of the United Nations. Such a recommendation seems to us justified in the present circumstances. However, being anxious to receivethe widest possible supportfrom the members of the Council, the sponsors of the draft resolution did not feel able to propose this recommendation at the present stage. We are capable of drawing the line between the necessary and the possible. l venture to hope that reason and an understanding of the obligations of a Member State and of the basic principles concerning the inalienable rights which belong to every man, whatever his race or colour, will finally prevail and will restore peace and harmony in South Africa, as well as friendship and co-operation based on dignity and justice. 45. We feel that we have carried outourmandate before the Security Council with all the seriousness which the tragic and explosive situation in South Africa demands. The well-being and security ofmankind,peace and harmony in the world, are such important goals that they lay upon us all the same moral responsibility and the same dutY to defend and maintain peace with untroubled patience but with steadfast determination. 46. Through us, the African States have had recourse to the highest instance, namely, the Security Council. l am confident that the Council will be mindful of its responsibilities and will perform its duty.

l now calI upon the Secretary of State of Liberia. .49. Having aIl agreed with this, and with thefact that the racism being practised in South Africa does not fall within the prohibition of Article 2, paragraph 7, we are now faced with the problem of what should be done. If 1 too may make an assumption in the field of naturallaw, 1 would say that foreverywrong there is, or should he, a remedy. Some members of the Council have been very careful to stat-a that the present situation, resulting from the rigid application of apartheid supported by military might, is causing international friction or has lead to a situation the continuance of which is likely to endanger international peace .and security. They have reached this conclusion in spite of their own determination that the situation in South Africa existing in 1960 as a situation likely to endanger international peace and security, has worsened. It appears that they have based this determination on the argument that there is no threat to the peace unless hostilities have in fact startedor areimminent-whatever that means. Indeed, 1 find it difficult to accept sucl:l a cynical interpretation of the Charter. Certainly, li this was what the authors of the Charter intended, sorne Articles could conveniently have been omitted. 50. We are now faced with a situation which, as Ml'. Stevenson, the representative of the United States, described it, is "..•a dead.lock between the overwhelming majority of mankind and the Republic of South Africa". 1 think it is even more than that. It is not much different from the situation t.hat existed in the world in 1938, with Nazi Germany. 'rhen too, there were people who were willing to temporize and who saw no threat to the peace, even as there are some now who wish to temporize and who see no threat to the peace. Ihope and pray, Ml'. President and members of the Council. that you will not one day find yourselves in the position of the absent-minded professor who, after havingbeenfetchedfrom the river and saved from drowning, declared. "1 just remembered-1can swim". 51. 1 do not propose to examine this casefurther except to express my unqualified support for the draft resolution which has been introduced in the Council. The delegations of Ghana, Morocco and the Philippines have ofiered a draft resolution which is indeed a rnoderate one in regard ta a country which continues to act in defiance of world public opinion, and we ask you to give it your unanimous support so that the Republic of South Africa will be left in no doubt about the feelings and intention of the Security Council to use its influence and authority to reverse the deplorable trend in that country before it is too late. Account has been taken of the unwillingness of.sorne members to adopt 52. MI'. President and members ofthe SecurityCouncil. you owe a dutytomanldndtoensure that situations the continuance of which lead to international friction or are }ütely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security. or which are indeed a threat to the peace. are adjusted. It is a great responsibility. and 1believe that for the time beingthis draft resolution offers you a satisfactory method for the adjustment of this dangerous situation. 53. Finally. you have another duty. equally as important. if 1 may be permitted to remind you about this. It le the duty to uphold the principles·of the United Nations Charter so that they may remainalive. Let us be careful about sacrificing these principles on the altar of expediency.

There are no othernames ont'fie list of speakers. No members of the Council have expressed a desire to make further statements. nor have any of the Member States which are participating in the debate of the Security Council on this item. If 1 hear no requests to intel'vene at this time. 1 shall declare the dêbate closed. It was so decided.

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