S/PV.1073 Security Council

This is thefi.rst meeting of the 8ecurity COlLl'lcil since the tragie deathof President Kennedy. 1 know that my colleagues wouldwish me, as President of the Couneil-and speaking, liI may,on this occasion, on behalf ofall of us-to address these few words to therepresentative of the United States. 2. du 2. The tributes to the memory of.President Kennedy yesterday afternoon in the Generlll AsseIIlblyJishowed Ji See QfficialRecordsQf the General Assembly. Eighteentll SessiQn. sessiQn. Plena.ryMeetings~ 1264thllleeting'. 3. To Ambassador Plimpton personally and, through htm, to the Government and people of the United States, and especially the members .Qf President Kennedy'sfamily, 1 should like to offer our profound condolences.

Mr. - President, 1 should Uke to thank you and, through you, the security Counoil for the Counci!'s sympathyon the death of President Kennedy. 5. On behalf of Governor Stevenson, who is in Washington today attending, as a member of the Cabinet, theJoint sessionofCongress to be addressedby PresidebcJohnson, 1 wantto say that weare warmlygratefuI and that we deeply. appreoiate the Counoil's oonside~ation ana thePresident'sowneloquent andmoving e;,q>ression of it. Th~ you Mr. President. Expression of thanks tothe retiring President 6~The PRESIDENT: 1 should like now, as President, to express our gratitude tothe representative of the Soviet Union who wasPresident.of theSecurity Council dUring the month of October. If 1 am not mistaken, it was the first occasion on whioh Ambassador Fedorenko had occupied thisChair. During his term of office he had the privilege, which is a rare ona for it presentsitself every three years, of oonductingour meetings whioh dealt with the eleotion of judges to the International Court of Justice. In the discharge ofthis, as of aU his other responsibilities as President, the representative ofthe Soviet Union. showedthosequalities .of.]udgement and mastery of procedures which wehaveallcome toexpect of mm. 1 am sure that the Council wo\lld wish me tooffer mmour sincei'e thanks. 7•. Mr.MORQZOV (Union ofSoviet Sociaiist Republics) .. (transla.ted••from .. Rus~ian): On .. behalf of Mr. Fl:ld()renko, Alllbassador @dPerDlanentRepresentat~ye of the USSR tothe {.JnitedNationsandrepresenta- . tive •• of the USSR .ÎIlthe. Security .. Counci!, who is at present in. Washingt()n, 1.S110uld·lilte to thank you. Mr. President. foryour kind words. Adoption of the agenda Thé agenda !va.sadopted. L~ttércJatE!dllJuly 196aaddressedto the President of the Sec:urity Councilby the representativesof Aigeria, Bur~ndi,CalTleroon,Centra!African Republic:/Chad,Congo(Brazzavil'e),Congo (Leopoldville), DahomeYiEthiclpia, Gabon, Ghana,· Guinea,lvory CQClst, •. L ibeda, Libya,Mada~oscar,.MaliiMaurital'lic:J,Morocc:o,Niger,Nigeria, Rwanda, Seneggl, Sier.a Leone,Soméi1ia,Sv~an,Tanganyika, Togo, (g) Report by the Secretary-General in pursuance of the resolution adopted by the Security Council at its 1056th meeting on 7 August 1963 (5/5438 and Add.1-5); (,e) Letter dated 23 Oc'.:.-)er 1963from the representatives of Algeria, Cli;iltrai African Republ ic, Ceylon, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldville), Dahomey, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, IndiG, Indonesia, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Madagascar, Malaysia, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Tanganyika, Togo, Tunisi!!, Uganda, United Arab Republic and Upper Volta addressed to the President of the Security Council (5/5444 and Add,l)

The President has received requests from the Governments of India, Liberia, Madagascar and Tunisiato takepart in the Council's discussion of the question whichis includedinour agenda. These requests are contained in docûmènts S/5459, 8/5462, S/5463 and 8/5465.,Y 8. des de prendre question jour, S/5459, 9.J'ai.êgalement Ministre qui la 9. 1 have this morning also receiveda request from the Foreign Minister of Sierra Leone tb take part in the discussion. 1 propose to read this to the Council. It states: "On the instructions of my Government, 1 havethe honour to request that 1 be invited by the Security Coun<}il to participate in the discussion on behalf of Sierra. Leone,under rule 37 of the provisionalrules of procedure of the Security Council, on the question of race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Governmentofthe Republic of South Africa, brought to the attention of the Security Council in document S/5444 of 24 October 1963. Il 10. If there is no objection 1 propose, in accordance with the usual practice of the Council, to invite the representatlves of India, Liberia, Madagascar, Tunisia and Sierra Leone to take places ~t the Council table and to participate, without theright to vote. in the discussion of the question. 10. formément sentants la table à At the invitation of the President, Mrs. V. L. Pandit (India), Mr. R. Grimes (Liberia), Mr. L. Ralcotomalala, (Madagascar), Mr. Mongi 5lim (Tunisia) and Mr. J. Karefa-Smart (Sierra Leone) tookplaces atthe Security Council table. . (Inde), (Madagascar), Smart Conseil. n.Le 11. The.PRESIDENT: At the conclusionofthe Seeurity Council's previous consideration of the question of race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Government of theRepublie of South Africa, the Council adopted a resolution at itsl056th meeting on7 AugustEwhich, among other du.précêdentdébatporta~t Afrique du lè 1963, li année, ~ljbid., 5/5386. 12. This meeting has been arranged in response to the request madeby the thirty-two African and Asian States in a letter addressed ta the President of the Secul'Uy Council on 23 October, document S/5444 and Add.!. 13. l must express my l'egret to the members of the Cowlcil that owingto the tragic eventsofthe past four days so many changes have had to, be made in the arrangements for tbis meeting. l am grateful for the Wlderstanding shown to me by my colleagues. 14. The first speakel' inscribed on my list is the representative of Liberia. Since no member of the Cowlcil has asked to speak at this stage. l now give the floc:r tothe Foreign Minister of Liberr,... 15. ,Ml'. GRIMES (Liberia): l thank.the SeGurityCouncil for permitting me. in response to my request. to appear again before it on the matter of apartheid in South Africa. l6.This meeting starts just after the tragic assas- .sination of the United States President John Fitzgerald Kennedy,' a great statesman who was dedicated to the cause of peace and freedom and to the principles of racial equality, justice and human dignity. principles which are enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and wbich sha11form the basis of the discussion in tbis matter. Before beginning my statement, l and'my co11eagues wisb to paya tribute te him and request the united States representative to convey to President Kennedy's widow and family. as well as to the Govermnent and people of the United States, our sincerêcondolences onthegrievous losswbich not only they but the whole world have sustained.May bis successorand, those of us who have been left bebind emulate his greatexample. and may Godgive us courage. strength. wisdom and understanding so that we m!iysupport and carry on the ideas, ideals and principiès for wbich he stood socourageously and died so tragically. 17.. We have before us the report of the Secretary- Generalcontained in document S/5438 of 11 October 1963.Tbis report is the result of the resolution of 7 'August 1963,in wbich the Security Council, after determining that "the situation in South Africa is seriously disturbing internationalpeace andsecurity", called upon the Republic of South Africa "to abandon the policies of apartheid and discrimination as ca11ed for Îll the previous Security Council resolution of lA,p#l 1960, and to liberate 8011 persons imprisoned, Îllterned 0":'subjected ta, other restrictions for having opposed 1he policy of apartheid"; also ca11ed upon "8011 States to ceaseforthwith the sale andsbipmentof arms, amIIlunitiOn Of a11 types andmilitary vehic1es toSouth Âfrica";andrequested the Secretary--General"tokeep the situation in South Afl'icaunderobservation and to report to the SecuritY Council". 18. Ithink it is necessary for me to make some com-- ments on the reply madeby the Foreign Minister or South Africa to the Secretary-General, whieh forms a part. of tbisJ:'epart.The first argument advancedby tlle Foreign Minister is that the Security Council resolution iSeontrary to theprinciple contained in 20. We must not forgetthat t\ ; United Nations Conference on International Organization at San Francisco was aware. that .fundamental human rights, human di:gnity and freedom had been seriouslytrampledupon and imperilled by nazi and fascist policies. In trying tocreatea pianwhiéh would refleciinan's desire fpr peace, they endowed the Charter with the purposê of... ensuring resolute respect for the dignity of the human person irrespective of race, creed,sex or religion, and also with: the purpose of protectinghumau. rights as being essential for the maintenance of international peace and security. réunie~ les l'homme compromis de paix donné de' de protection saires internationales. 21. ment· 21. The drafters of the Charter seemed absolutEliy convinced not only that the deliberate violation of fundamental human rights was unjust and would cause internàl strife,' but also .that it 'Vould'endanger' inter- ' national peace and security. Humàn rights we:re to he protected, lest rebellion againsttyranny and oppression result. and the creationof stable conditions which are necessaryfor peaceful andfriendly relations among nations were tobe ensured. droits~fondamentaux injuste qu'elle. nationales. car la nécessaire amicales 22. South Africa, as a signatoryof the Charter and a Membèr of·' the United Nations, has' pledged, under Article 56, "to take joint and separate action.in cooperation with theOrganization for the achievement of the purposes set forth in Article 55". ThatArticle, as the Council is aware, among other things requires us to promote "universal respect for, and observance of,. human rights and fundamental freedoms for aIl without distinction as torace, sex, language. or religion". 22•.. de ~'est , les ment sa,t!Ol1 nOlIS et fondamentales de· 23. cord l' men 23.. International jurists and authors aregeneraHy agreed that there is an element of legal dutYin the undertaking given in Article 56; but Ibelieve that a briefreview of this ques~'Jn is essential. 24. l'al' nationale si qui. COmPétence proposition Unis COmpétent soin tion ou en opposé 24. During the San Francisco Conference. it was suggested by way of anamendmeIlt tha.t the International Court of. Justice. at. the request of. a party, should .decide '. whether or not .• a situation or dispute arose out of matters that under international law fell within thedOltlesticjürisdiction of the State.Thi.s suggestion was rejected.TheUIlitedStates represèn... tative took the view that the competent organ 9f the United Nations, including the Court,whenappropriate, should have the lluthority.to •decidein each disputed cas.e whether or not the subjectmatter falls essentiaHy. withindomestic jurisdiction.The late United States Secretaryof State. John FOst~r Dulles,.was the Uniteçl states representative who argued strongly inopposing theamendment.Y' .' ;YSee United Nations çonf~rençe on International Org!lnization. 1/1142. M nationale. 26. ln the repQrt of the United Nations Commission on the RacialSituation in the Union of South Africa,ll thiswhole matter .is examined both from the point of vi.ew Qf the opinion of the majority of international jurists and from the pointofviewofthe Unltéd Nations decisions on the question. 27•. Professor HerschLauterpacht hasurged that any interpretation of Article 2 (7)which withholds human .rights fromthe United Nationsfield of action would render nugatory therelevànt provisions of the Charter concerning human rights and fundamental freedoms; .and he has observed thatmatters essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of a State do not comprise questions whichcould become the subject of international obligations by custoIILor treaty, QI'. which have become of international concern by virtue of. constitutingan actual or a potential threat tQ international peace and security. Human rights are no longer a reserved question. 28. Professor René Cassin, a member of the Commission on Human Rights and a one-time French representative to the General Assembly, hasexpressed similar views;and Professor René Brunet, anotherdistinguished French professor, has said: "•.. The purpose'of promoting respect for, and observance of,human rights .and fundamental freedoms for an must, unless it is quite meaningless, imply that respect for the observance of human rights' and fundamental fl'eedoms is an international question' and has ceased to be a matter ofcJ.omestic jurisdiction". And headdedthat: "Allmatte+scQnnected with the protection,of humanrights have been removed by the Charter from thereservedclass of national questions and placed under the direct guarantee of the United Nations". 29. 1 need notadd anything ~ore to what 1 have al- :readysaid, except 10 state the conclusion that there isnodoubt in our minds about the competence of the United Nations to deal with the matter of apartheid in South Africa. No violation of Article 2 (7) of the Charter thereby occurs. 30.. Tlle next·. point made in the letter of the South African.Foreign Minister on whichI should like 10 §j See offictaJ. .Records of the General Assembly, Eighth. Session. Pleœry MeetiDgs~435thmeeting. 21 Ibid., 469thmeeting. Seealso Ge~eralAssemblyresolution721 (VIII). 11 Ibicl., Eighth Session, Suppkment No. 16. document A/2505 and Adcl.l. 32. Thestatement of the Foreign Minister beliesthe true motive and intention of the· SouthAfricanGovern"" ment as stated by its own leaders. 33. 1 need notrefer in deta.il. to the arms build-up as 1 did last summer. The purpose of militarizing South Africa has been and is to enSUJ'e the supremacy of the whites in South Afr-ica.. It was Defence Mmister F. O. Erasmus who said inÇape Town on 5 October 1959: "You must not think that we are arming against an external enemy. We are not~ We are ap:nmg m.order to shoot down the t.1ack masses". On 2March 1961 the Mmister of Defence wàs al~oquoted m the Cape Times as havmg said: "thatin thesa:mewaYll.s.worldPc;>wers were continually preparingfo;rwar, soSouthAfricaintellded ta be ready for interne.l trouble"; and in April faire 1.~62 he was further quotedas follows: "The mamtenance of 'p!:lace and order internally is the mam reqUiretnent of any operation agamst aggression", What more .proof could anyone wantof South Afriça's real intentions? It is only because. South Afric~ has found world opinion to be against apa:r"'the::..1 that its leaders have shifted theiremphasis from the mternal enemy to the external enemy Whillh they now claim ia Africa and communism. 34. In the; statement 1 made before the Security Council on 1 August 1963 [1051st meeting], 1 listed the many acts passêd by the· South Afriéau·Government which have had the effect ofdepriving mdigenous Africans m the country of rights which Whites enjoy. These .acts are intended ,to increase the repression of the African,s in. the hope'of maintaming White su... premacy. These acts block all channell:!by which these people can appeal foi redress ofUi.eir legitimate grievances, orcan effect peacefulchange and enSUl'e protection of t'heir .national·and inherent rights. le nombreuses tones ont afin ferment les bilité de 35, It is a fraud for the South African Government te extol the so-calleÛ bantustans it is trymgto develop. The effectiveeonstitl1tional powers .of.the bantustans have remained' under the diiectionand veto of the Minister of Bantu Admiilistration· and the CQmmis- .sioner of the Terr~tory. Let us be quite realistic in l'ecognizing that the settingup of docile and tractable chiefs in·police. state territor.ies is merely intended as a ruse to begllile us, and show that true aelf.:·government is not what this present Sou.thAfricanGovernment wants .for the Africans m that territory. This whole bantustan poUcy must be seenfor whatitis-a façade, lorsqu'il. essaie conférés tives ba,ntoue réa.listes chefs policier nous n'a réelle 37. Although the indictment was quashedby the Judge. the accused bave·not been released. Instead they have been rearrested and incarcerated without btil and kept in solitary confinement; and. as it i~ evidently Rnown to the Security Coullcil. this trial has been resumed even though a resolution [1881 (:KVIII)] adopted by 106 vo~es in the General Assembly at this session called on South Africa to abandon this trial and release these political prisoners. 38. The appalling conditionsUI!-der which these prisoners must live were recently described in the 31 October issue of the. Manchester Guardian Weeklyreprinting a letter smuggled out of the prison, a portion of which reads: "Political prisoners are now given the wo:rst conditions permitted in South Africangaols. For example, Nelson Mandela is graded category D, the worst for privileges and rights, although the police state that he is a 'very weIl disciplined prisoner'. "He spends 23hours a day alone in a cell, 12 ft. by 7. ft. He bas at most two half-hour·exercise periods a day. alone. He is prohibited from talkïngto any other prisoller. Heis allowedno reading matter whatsoever,e"ceptsuch textbooks as are prescribedfor the course of study which he had been permitted ta embark .on. by correspondence, at bis own expense. "He isallowed one aO-minu.te visU from bis wife -every··.six· months and ma:y write and re.ceive one letter everysix months. "Iiesleeps •()Il the concrete .floor on a mata! about 3/8 Jn. thick of compressed feIt or wovenreed mattirig.lIe has a backles$ stoolandsmaUtable. a Con" cession·as he ls sWdying. Thosenot studYîngsit on theflooi'". 39.• ·III thé 26 Octôber 1963 issue of The New York Times. Mi'. RObert. Conley•. after stating hOw the G~neral Law Amendment. Acthas ended the rightsof political suspects tohabeas corpus, adds: •... ~The act.· bas alsoinvadedfor ·.the first time·iri South AÏrica'$ hj.stOl'Y thesanctity qfthe lawyer's ~chamber and the. x-eligious confessional. . "Ânylawy~r• clergyman •or jo~ntllistcanhe detâined.if a poliçeafficer 'believes' that he. has obt1,liJ:led .(.lqtl!idential. infOI'rnationaboutpoliti9!l1.· off~l1êe$."- . - 40••.•..#1· these çil'ct1mstancesprove bey-onddoubt how .Af:l'îCansÎIl<South AÏricallave beendeprivedpfelernentalfreedoms and fundamentaIconstitutionaI rights in theattertlpttomaintain white supremacy. 1 am· 1'e- . ;nlin~el:l ofWilliamPitt's statement that. "nece$sityis tlie/ple~forevel'YinfriIigementofhurnanfreedom. Tt isthearggmentof tyrantS". 42. Mr. President and members ofthe SecurityCouncil. 1 must strongly emphasize the necessity for you to take necessary measures which will prevent this from happening. This is your olear dutY• The African Heads cI State and Government have entrusted us with the responsibility of making these facts clear to you; and we appeal to you not to delay much longer. 43. Some Governmerits have, in the past anà with sincerity, urged that no strong action be taken, believing that the people of South Africa. moved by its religious precepts and civilized upbringings will, in time, itself initiate changes in the right direction. These Governments, it seems. entertained this feeling because they were moved by the realization of what violence would entail. 44. cours comprenaient sait du a de et venir Africains· férerez dehors. répercussions. 45. actuel sous le Conseil du granit". mots mondiale dirigeants au des qu'un Municb 44. The actions of the AfricanStates over the Years. 1 believe. have indicated our appreciation and sympathy of this view. But the whole worldnow knows. Mr. President and members of the .Security Council, that the Government of South Africa. far from easîr.g the situation hast instead. continued to create and intensifyconditions whereby the mentalityofthe majority of the people is gearedto hatred and Intolerance and thus changes cannot be influenced internally. In the meantime, the patience of the Africans is waning.I feel certain that youwouldprefer outside-inducedconstructive change to internally-induced violence with its repercussions. 45; It is unrealistic to think that the present South African Government will change its present policies only by persuasion. as some representatives of Governmentsrepresented in the Council seem to believe. The $outh AfricanPrime Minister ls reported to have said once that his policy is "like granite".1 tg.'ge you not to delude yourselves into thinking that he does not mean this. The SecondWorld War resulted largely bècàuse pre-war leaders failed to take Adolf Hitler at his word, -and many important years were lostby statesmen who genuinely believed that Hitler coi.lld be persuaded. Thus Munich· did not prevent the Second World War. 46~L tion. 46. .Apartheid provides a fertile groUIid for germination of the seed of hate.and this must be changed. It is not enought for you· to express sympathy fol' the situation or to make muffled utterances of YOur repugnanceof apartheid' whilereaping the economic benefits of continued capital investnient. Firm and resolution.action must be taken. You cannbt hide behind yourowndesires not to carry out sanctions by saying its .imposition would he ineffectlve. A co-ordinated agreement amOng the countriesto apply sanctionscan bemada effective. Norshouldyouarguethat sanctions wouldhurtthe people we want to hèlpwhen those very people have asked for sanctions. The situation isthat. having createdconditions where change cannotbe changer~ vos situation que vOùS tissements.·Il ne des inefficaces vue. Il·· sanctions 47. Governments of some members of the Seeurity Counci! must not let profits and employment be the primary criterion of their policy toward SouthAfrica. Moreover, the distinction between arms sold for internal use and arms for external defence is sometimes nebulous. Arms sold for so-called "external defence" have been used for local repression. 48. The long-range interest of all countries dictates that the situation in SouthAfricamustbeimproved and a non-racial society developed. Those who advocate the cause of freedom and equality, justice,respectfor human dignity and fundamental rights and peace must realize that disaster lies ahead unless somethingconstructiveis'done; for in the endthe cause of peace, the cause of human dignity and fundamental rights.the cause of justice. of freedom and equality. must surely prevai!. 49.Mr. President and members of theSecurity Council, 1 hopeyouwillpermitmetoreserve the right, li 1 deem it necessary, to speak again during the con':' siderationof this matter. 50. The PRESIDE;NT: 1 callupon the Foreign Minister of.Tunisia. 51~ Mr. Mongf SLIM (Tunisia) (translated from French): 1 thank YOQ. Ml'. President, andthe members of the Counci! forallowing me ta take part in this debateon the situation in South Africa resulting from the South African Government's policies of apartheid. 52. We should have been so veryglad not to .h~l.Ve to come again before the Security COuncil after the last debate on the sitùation.in South Africa resulting from the policies.of apartheid of the South African Government which was held here from 31 July t.o 7 August. 53~ AUhe close ofthatdebate.allofus....the members of the Counciland the Ministers for Foreign Affairs sent to the Counci! by the Summit Conference of Independent African States. held at Addis Aballa in .Ma~r 1963....hoped that the South African Government wouldunderstandthe significance and the real scope of the seriou.s warning ·sounded inthatdebate and erobodied in .the resolution which the Counci! adopted on 7 August 1963. We wouldhave thoughtthat the South African Government. finally abandoning its policy oi racil}.l discrimination, would have 1legun to a9t more Ill. co@ormity.with the principlesof the Charter@d with its obligations·as a Merober State andwould have cpmplied withall the resolutionsof the General Assembly and·the 8ecurity Coun,ci!. 55. That feeling was expressed even more clearly by the French representative. who said: "Finally. my delegation would like to appeal to the Pretoria Government to undertake to promote the effective respect for human rights and fundameIltal freedoms without distinction of race. as required under the Charter. so as to create conditions likely to ensure peaceful and friendly relations among nations." [1054th meeting. para. 106]. 56. The United States representative concluded his statement with these words: "We profoundly hope that the Government of South Africa will take to heart this solemn warning from the highest body of the United ~ations and will promptly take steps to abandon the indefensible and dangerous racial polie] which it is now pursuing." [1056th meeting. para. 30]. r7. As you see. 1 have confined myself to quoting statements made by the representatives of countries members of the Council that even Mr. Verwoerdhimself cbuld hardly suspect of harbouring any animosity towards his Government. 58. Unfortunately. despite these appeals and the many others which have been made so elaquently from the rostrum of the General Assembly during the present session. the South African Government is more and more stubbornlypursuingits absurdpolicyofapartheid and racial discrimination. 57. contenté représentants M. mosité 58. de éloquemment durant africain pblitique raciale. 59. Thus it continues to disregard the Security Council's resolution of 7 August 1963. Although in that resolution the Council cailed upon the Government of South Africa. "to liberate ail persons imprisoned. interned or subjected to other restrictions for having opposed, the policy of apartheid". official sources. quoting that Government's Minister for Justice, state that under the new laws recently enacted more than 500 persans have been arrested and held in detention under the new system which has been in force for, six months ,andwhich consists in holding suspects incomplete confinement for a periad of ninety days. which maybe extended on the sole authority of the police. Moreover" according to the same sources no informa'::' tian is available onthefate of190 persons among those detained. . 59. du alors au les ~ politique le muniquent promulguées et vigueur à. pendant la indication. sources. détenus. 60. l' l'inquiétude adopter. qui, "de 60. De~plydistressed by suchasituation. th~General ASsembly.by a unanimous vote which ,reflected the profound anxiety ofinternationalopinion. adoptedresolution 1881 (XVIII) on 11 October 1963whichrequested the GovernZIlent of South Africa"toabandon the.arbitrary trial now in progress and forthwith to grantun,:" 61. Once again, this further recommendation by the General Ass~mbly has remained a deadletter,despite the humanitarian appeals to the SouthAfricanGovernment by which it was accompariied. The Frenchrepresentative, for example, joining his voicetothoseof all the Members present in favour of the resolution. addressed "a fervent appeal to the PretoriaGovernment to realize withwhat opprobriumirreversible decisions would be met and toheedatlastthe voice of clemency, which is also the voice of reason".y 62. The fate of those opposed to the poUcy of apartheid, a number of whom belong to the white minority itself, is still uncertain and will remain so as long as the Government of South Africa continues to flout its obligations as a Member State, èspecially those deriving from Articles 55 and 56 of the Charter. 63. The response of the South African Governmentto the sincere appeal of the Western great POW6rs, made from this rostrum by the representatives of France, the United Kingdom and the United States, and to the sense of revulsion feIt by the conscience of mankind, which was vigorously affirmed by the General Assembly, was silence, contempt and an intensificationof the persecution of our African brothers. For this purpose, the enUre machinery of repression has been carefully considered and set in motion: discretionary di13criminatory legislation, the brutal separationofthe races, me amassingof armamentsandthe strengthening of the forces of the police an the army. 64. Thus. the situation in South Africa continues to deteriorate. The unanimity with whichtheGeneralAssembly adopted resolution 1881 (XVIII) is but further proof that the Members ofour Organization are acutely aware of this deterioration and its increasinglyexplosive consequences. 65. 1 shall not discuss the immorality of the poUcy of apartheid practised by the South African Government, which is contra..ry to the princJ.ples of the Charter, or the dangers it entails for international, peace and security. These have been amply demonstrated in the Security Council'smostrecent debate andexpUcitly lllentioned in its resolution of 7 August 1963. What is important for us now is to see whether, since the last debate, the Pretoria Government has shownanyintention whatever of modifying its policies andof acceding to the appeals which have been addressed to itand to theexpUcit request made to itby the Security Council. ·66. The answer is to be found in tliereport submitted bythe Secretary-General on 11 October 1963 in compliance with plU'agraph40f resolution of 7August 1963. In respèmse to his requestfor informationonwhat steps the South African Government proposedto take inorder to give effect to the provisions of that resolution, the. Secretary...General received the samenegativeansw'er on .•19. September and on 11 October 1963 (see S/5438, 67. tation le séance, au mandat Conseil C'est d'un une 68. vernement sa notre son pays. informations tique ment. rapport€l a récente Transkei, lois policières d'élections le réaliser, theid des cette sur ces de en gouvernement, rendus donné de campagne résultat Le d'aucun plutôt nous, intérêts 69. 11 ment lution solennellement complet taires ments const'{'uent probleme dans tique, entendu . croire paix vielldrait échéant, 69. This explains why, in its letter of 11Octobe1' 1963 to the Secretary-General. the Pretoria Government protested at lengthagainst theSecurity Council1'eso111- tion of 7Augustwhich solemnly calleduponall states to place a complete embargo on arms, ammunition and military vehicles destined for South Africa. The arguments advanced by that Government on the subject are obviously an attempt to evade the problem Which is of such intenseconcern to countries in a.ll continents. African and Asian, European. and American. 1 shaH naturally pass over the in~inuations purporting to whow that, if there ls any real threat to international peace and security, that threatcome.sfrom the African States. 1 could,ifnecessary.replytothatwhenever the South African Government comes to '-lpholdthese argu,.. ments here witha little more seriousness and with greater respect for the Council. 71. Unfortunately there is no prospect of any such change and even the idea of it does not seem to have occurred to the partisans of the doctrine of racial superiority who are at present in power in South Africa. Theil' real concern. in the letter of 11 October 1963 addressed to the Secretary-General, is to try and deny the Council's right to place an embargo on the armaments destined for theircountry. andto claim above aH that the resolution of 7 August 1.963 cannot be binding on anY Member State. Such a claim seems to us to be contradictory to the very wording of that resolution. for the last paragraph of the preàJTt.ble records the Council's conviction that "the situation in Sauth Africa isseriously disturbing international peace and securityll. In our opinion it would be difficult todeny that. although it is not mentionedin the Charter. a disturbance of the peace is one step further than a, threat to the peace and falls logioally between athreat and a breach of the peace. The measures decided up0J:lby the Security Councilin theresolution of 7, Aygust are unquestionably binding on Member States in accordance with Article 25 of the Charter. It was. mgreover, in that, spiritthat the majority of Member Statesresponded to the Secretary-General'srequest for infotIllation with regard to the arms embargo pre... scribed by the Council. . 72. Jtseems. however. that the embargo is not yet ascompleteasitought to be. It is desirable. and indeed a matter ofurgency. that it shouldhe made more effective and that thecountries whichexport arms and warmatèrialshouldplay their part in giving full effect to the Council's resolution. lUs essentiaJ that aIl Coup.tries shouldattach the grea,test iIllportance to tAt) decisions of the ..Security .Council. the principal organof.t~eUnited Nation.s. which is responsible for the maintenance of international peace and security. 73. The absurd position taken by the South African Government. its persistence in pursuing the policy of apartheid and imposing it by force and coercive measures on a population of 15 million Africans who are kept in a state of legalized slavery. its manifest wish not only to go on stockpiling armaments which are a peril to the security of the region but also to manufacture arms of aU types. even remote-controllednu..: clear deviees-aU this intensifies and aggravates the permanent disturbance which the situation in South Africa represents for internationalpeace and security. Far from bringing South Africa to abetterunderstanding of its obligations under the Charter and making it realize the significance of the solemn warning pronounced by the Council during its last debate, the caU for an arms embargo does not seem to have had the desired effect. This measure has therefore beeninadequate. It is accordingly essential that the Council. mindful of its responsibilities. should consider other effective measures of coercion which would be likely to induce South Africa to abandon its dangerous and perniciou6 policy ofracial discrimination. An embargo on strategie materials would be the logical and.natural corollary of the arms embargo decided upon by the Council on 7 August 1963. On 13 November 1963 the General Assembly, by a very large majority, adopted a resolution [1899 (XVIIJ)] along those lines. 73. sud-aÎricain. d'apartheid force' maintenus manifeste des de d'armes, tout que la porter gations la par d'embargo l'effet Il responsabilités, coercitives du crimination matières et sur 1963. adopté [1899 74. par au Etats convaincre politique la tiples faites 74. Many resolutions have been adopted at different sessions of the General Assembly during which. the representatives of aIl Member States have tried,each in their ownway. to convince the SouthAfrican Government. that its policy is contrary to the principl~s of the Charter and to its obligations as a Member State. Any number of recommendations have been made to it on eaCh occasion. 75. The Security Council was forced to take a serious view of the situation created by that policy. In its resolution of 1 April 1960. 2J it notedthat that situation had "led to international friction" .and "if continuedmight endanger international peaceand ~ecurity",andft adopted recommendations. which the·South African Government has completely disregarded. 75. sérieusement Dans que nations" la recommandations complèteme,nt 76. - de 7 marqUant en sécurité 76.. In view ofthe increasingly serious deterioration of the situation. the Security Council.on 7Atlgust1963, adopted its second andmostrecentresolution,inwhich this time itexpressed its convictionthat "the situation in South Africa is seriously disturbing internationai peaceand security". 77. et 77. Thus the appeal to reason. to moral and humani'" tarian principles and to the rights inherent in the .!1.1 Supplément d'avril. 79. This is the statement which 1 considered it my dutY ta make in the CouncH at this stage,in accordance with the instructions which the Ministers for Foreign Affairs of Liberia, Madagascar and Sierra Leone,and 1 myself, were given at the Summit Conference of Independent African States at Addis Ababa.WiththePresident's permission, 1 reserve the right to speak again whenever 1 consider that necessary in the interest of the debate. 80. Yesterday, at a solemn meeting, the General Assembly paid a resounding tribute to President Kennedy, a great citizen. of the world, who was tragically snatched away from his loved ones and from an those who knew him or who had followed his tireless efforts on behalf of peace,human dignity and justice. You yourself, Ml'. President, on behalfoftheCouncil, paid a well-deserved tribute ta this great American at the opening of this debate. May 1 conclude my statement by quoting a passage from the address which he made to the General Assembly on 20 September 1963, approximately six weeks after the Council had adopted its resolution of 7 August: . "We are unalterably opposed to apartheid and aU forms ofhuman oppression. We do not advocate the rights of black Africans in order ta drive out white .Afr~cans. Oui' concern is the right of aIl men to equal protection underthe law--and since human rights are indivisible,this bady cannat stand aside when those rightsare abused andneglectedby any Member State. "New efforts are needed if this Assembly's Declaration of Ruman Rights, now fifteen ye-!U's ald, is ta have full meaning." 10/ 81•. The PRESIDENT: 1 thank the Foreign MiIlisterof Tunisia for his statement. 1 have nomorespeakers on my. list llIld· no .repl'esentatives have. put their names downta speak thisafterno()n. 82. 1 ca!! anthe representative of the United States. 83. Ml'. PLIMPTON (United States of America): w?uldmerely .like.ta thank very warrnly.the Foreign Ministersaf Liberia and Tunisiafor their sympathetic remarksconcerning the death of President Keon.edy. They are much appreciated. 85. 86. chaines et pour je sêances vendredi Conseil mesure 87. UnlessI hear any objection 1 propose to arrange . accordingly. It was so deoided. 87. ainsi. The meeting rose at 12.5 p.m•. 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