S/PV.1127 Security Council

The first item is the adoption of the agenda which is oontained in document S/Agenda/ll27. The members of the Council Will have noticed that the wording of the provisional agenda does not follow previous practice. It appeared to me that the letter dated 27 April 1964 (S/5674)1/ addressed to the President of the Security année, U See Officia1 Records of the Security Council, Nineteenth Year. Supplement for April, May and June 1964. 2. 1 hope that my suggestion Will be approved by the members of the Council. If these is no objection, 1 shall take it that the agenda is adopted. The agenda was adopted. The question of race conflict in South Africa resulting from the policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa: letter dated 11 July 1963 addressed to the President of the Security Counci I by the representatives of thirty-two Member States (S/5348): (QI Letter dated 27 Apri I 1964 addressed to the President of the Security Counci I by the representatives of Afghanistan, Algeria, Burma, Burundi, Cambodia, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Cey- Ion, Chad, Congo (Brazzaville), Congo (Leopoldvil le), Cyprus, Dahomey, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Guinea, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Ivory Coast, Jamaica, Japan, Jordan, Kenya, Kuwait, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Madagascar,Malaysia,MaIi,Mauritania, Mongolia, Morocco, Nepal, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, Philippines, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalis, Sudan, Syria, Tanganyika, Thailand, Togo, Tunisia, Turkey,Uganda, United Arab Republic, Upper Volta, Yemen and Zanzibar (S/5674); (b) Report by the Secretary-General in pursuance of the resolution adopted by the Security Council ut its 1078th meeting on 4 December 1963 (S/5658 and Corr.1 and Add.l-2); (c) Reports of the Special Committee on the Policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa (S/5621 and S/5717)

The Permanent Representatives of the Malagasy Republic, Indonesia, India, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Pakistan and Tunisia have requested permission to participate wtthout the right to vote in the discussionof the ques- 2/ Ibid., Eighteenth Year, Suppkment for July, August and September 1963, documents Si5347 and S/5348. A t the invitation of the President, Mr. L. Rakotomalala (Madagascar), Mr. L. N. Palar (Indonesia), Mrs. Lakshmi N. Menon (India), Mr. C, B. Rogers- Wright (Sierra Leone), Mr. J. R. Grimes (Liberia), Mr. V. A, Hamdani (Pakistan) and Mr. Taïeb Slim (Tunisia) took places at the Council table. jour.

The Council Will now turn to the item on its agenda. The first speaker on my list is the representative of Liberia, to whom 1 give the floor. trés sincerement de votre accession a la présidence du Conseil de securite et nous vous souhaitons beaucoup de succés dans l’accomplissement de vos lourdes fonctions. 5, Mr. GRIMES (Liberia): Mr. President, we extend to you our sincere congratulations on your assumption of the Presidency of the Security Council, and we wish for you abundant success in the discharge of your onerous duties. 6, For the tbird time in less than a year, my colleagues and 1, at our request in pursuance of a mandate we received from our Heads of State and of the Governments who met at Addis Ababa in May 1963, have been invited to participate in the discussion of the important matter of apartheid with which this Council is seized. 1 thank you for permitting me to appear again. trop souvent, c’est seulement 2 cause de l’inquibtude n’empire encore rapidement, et désireux d’y porter rembde si possible. Comme nous l’avons dit, la situation constitue, pour la paix et la seourite internationales et, de l’aveu même du Conseil, elle “trouble gravement” la paix et la sécurite. 7. If it appears that we have been here too often, it is only because of the anxiety of our Heads of State and of our Governments to prevent a further rapid deterioration of an already very dangerous situation, and if possible find a remedy for it. As we have said, the situation represents a clear threat to international peace and security, and this Council has declaredthat it is i’seriously disturbing” that peace and security. 8. We are greatly concerned also by the persistent, methodical and remorseless erosion of the liberties of the Africans in South Africa, and our love of justioe, our quest for the freedom of the individual and our desire to safeguard human dignity with the aim of mitigating the grave and mounting perils to which the polioies of the South African Governments have given rise, impel us to present this matter to you again for action, and 1 hope effective action, in the cause of peace. 8. Nous nous inquietons beaucoup egalement de la persistance méthodique et impitoyable avec laquelle on restreint du Sud, et notre amour de la justice, notre souci de la liberte individuelle et notre desir de sauvegarder la dignite de l’homme afin d’attenuer les dangers graves et croissants que fait courir la politique des gouvernements de l’Afrique vous soumettre pour que vous adoptiez des mesures, et, je l’esphre, des mesures efficaces pour la cause de la paix. 9. At the meeting of tbe Security Council on 4 Deoember 1963 [ 1078th meeting], a resolution [ S/5471] 41 was unanimously adopted appealing to a11 States to comply witb the resolution of 7 August [S/5386]5/ urgently requesting the South African Government to cesse the imposition of discriminatory and repressive measures; condemning the non-compliance of South Africa with appeals made by the General Assembly and the Security Council; calling upon South 9. A la reunion du 4 decembre 1963 [10788me seance], le Conseil de securite a adopte a l’unanimite une resolution [S/5471!!f] qui engageait tqus les Etats & se conformer aux dispositions de la résolution du 7 aout [S/538&], de l’Afrique mesures discriminatoires le avoir donne suite aux appels lances par l’dssemblee 3/ Ibid., Nineteenth Year, Supplement for April, May and June 1964. dkembre 4/Ibid., Eighteenth Year, Supplement for October, November and December 1963. y Ibid., Supplement for July, August and Septemher 1963. 10. We now have before us a report dated 20 April by me Secretary-General [S/5658 and Corr.landAdd. 1-21~ in pursuanoe of that resolution, and that report contains as an annex the report subrnitted by the C+roup of Experts whose chairman was Mrs. Alva Myrdal. We have also before us the Report of the Special Committee on the Poli&es of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa contained in document S/5621, submitted 25 March, and document S/570’7 of 25 May 1964.U 11. Not only the people of Africa but also the peoples of the whole world are constantly alarmed and have become restless over events in South Africa. Their attention is therefore drawn to the deliberations of the Security Council on this serious matter. What action you Will take at this meeting should be meaningful for the peace of Africa and the world. 12. Today the fate of eleven men now on tria1 hangs in the balance because of their opposition to the racial policies of South Africa-racial polioies which this Council by a11 of its resolutions has deprecated as being contrary to the Principles and Purposes of the Charter. 13. On a number of occasions thepeoples ofthe world have appealed to the conscience of the Government and the white people of South Africa, The response has been negative. If some slight pangs of conscience have occasionally been discernible, theyhave been insignificant oompared with the monstrous dimensions of the crime against a11 humanity which is being cornmitted before our eyes. 14, During the Security Council debate in November 1963 on the policy of apartheid of the Government of South Africa carried out in spite of the Counoil resolution of 7 August, South Africa has increased its repressive campa@ and brought to tria1 about twelve Africans accused of sabotage. 1 mentioned then [ 1073rd meeting] that although the indictment of these men was quashed by the judge, the accused were not released but were re-arrested and kept in solitary confinement. 1 tried to describe the appalling conditions under whichthese prisoners existed in the gaols of South Afrioa, citing reports published in the Manchester Guardian weekly of 31 October 1963 and The New York Times of 26 Ootober 1963, The General Assembly’s resolution [ 1881 (XVIII)], adopted by 106 votes, calling on South Africa to abandon the tria1 and release the accused, .h/ Ibid., Nineteenth Year, Supplement for April, May and June 1964. y Also issued as documents A/5692 and A/5707 respectively (sec Officia1 Records of the General Assembly, Nineteenth Session, Annexes). 15. It is of great interest that at the resumption of the Rivonia trial, Mr. Nelson Mandela explained: “1 have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which a11 persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities.” He went on to observe that whatever action he and his people tookwas forced upon them by the attitude of the SouthAfrican Government, He added that there was “no way opened to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the prinoiple of white supremacy. Al1 lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle were closed by leglslation”. du proces libre et jouissent dbcisions .?i prendre Gouvernement ensuite aucun moyen de reussir cipe promulguees d’exprimer rien nement fier le fanatisme Ce raidissement mesure, mique en Afrique vertigineuse certains sante moral tique l’accumulation Nul ne s’attend au crible rite parait principes rer leur réflechir ci&& apporter suivre un profit le profit élevees de celui qui le récolte. 16. 1 thank the Security Council for its response to our appeals on the last two occasions althoughwe have felt that your response has not gone far enough. Members of the Security Council, up to the present we have not seen any indication on the part of the South African Government of a willingness to change its course for the better. Instead, bigotry and obstinacy have become more evident. This hardening of attitude may be largely the result of the quickening economic activity in South Africa which has coincided with the Sharp decline in the country’s prestige abroad, and which has encouraged the plausible but basically immoral argument that although we abhor the policy of a government, we see nothing wrong in pouringin that country substantial investments. No one expeots every Overseas investor to scrutinize and reconcile with his deepest principles the policies of the Government to whose future prosperity he may be making what to him seems a negligible contribution. But at least one may cherish the hope that business leaders who proclaim their abhorrence of apartheid Will pause now and then to ponder the direct nature of the support which the companies they own ox help to control may be giving to those determined to perpetuate that policy. The purpose of investment is profit and there is nothing wrong in that, but profits reaped at too high a cost in human suffering surely should not rest well on one’s conscience. 17. la gratitude de l’Organisation Paul VI, philosophe 17. Let me here record the thanks and appreciation of all Africans to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, to His Holiness Pope Paul VI, to many Heads of Government, philosopher Martin Buber and Mr. Harm Hazaz and a11 others who have appealed to the 18. 1 am sorry to say that, SO far, there has àeen no evidence that would encourage us to believe thatthese appeals are being heeded or that they Will be. As a matter of fa&, the reply of the South African Government of 15 May 1964 to the appeal of the Secretary- General does nOt give oOmfOXt but accelerates our fears chat the worst may happen to these men. 19. Mr. President and members of the Security Council, the very method of the trials confounds us. It is certainly, in the words of the International Commission of Jurists, “nOt worthy of a civilieed jurisprudence”. 20. In the first instance, the sabotage bill, under whioh these men are being trie& is a hollow mockery. Let us put aside the plain faot that the penalties it imposes are harsh to the point of barbarity. Let us foret, if you wish, that in the passage of this bill the Government, again in the words of the International Commission of Jurista, reduced “the liberty of the oitizens to a degree not surpassed h-7 the most extreme dictatorships of the Left or the gight”. There have been mistaken, misguided and unnecessarily brutal laws in the past, and I fear there will be again, especially where it is reasoned by the advocates of the legislation that sovereignty and national survival are involved. Rut what stamps the sabotage bill with the brand of unprecedented infamy is that it is-1 quote the International Commission of Jurists once more- “a determined and ruthless attempt to enforce tbe doctrine of apartheid”. It proteots, not the State or the citizens, but a minority bent on preserving its own tyranny and the privileges that go with it. If one supports apartheid, he has no reason to fearthe sabotage bill, for a11 the drastic powers whichitconfers. If one breathes a word of criticism of apartheid, he may find himself enmeshed in the bill’s provision as ina net of steel; and the only means of extraoting oneself from that net may be through the grisly climaxof a journey to the soaffold, where the hangman’s noose awaitsyou, 21. We must not forget that the persons,now accusec of responsibility for 192 acts of sabotage carried ouf or planned, will, if the Government of South Africa has its way, receive the death penalty under legal definitions which give sabotage SO broad an interpretation that it may include virtually anything that the Government deoides one should net do. 22. Let me emphasize again that we are here con fronted not with the first, nor do 1 suppose with th’ last, uhjust law to reach the statute books of countriet claiming to be oitilized; but surely thés is the on12 time in recent history that a Government has gone tc suoh savage judicial extremes to keep in permanen bondage a large group of its own nationals whose onlJ 24. This is not the first time the South African Government has employed tactics of this kind to justify apartheid, and to provide some seeming basis oflogic to defend practices which are manifestly indefensible under what should be, especially in this Ccuncil, the overriding logic of simple human rights and the ageold precepts of morality by which mankind has always striven to be guided. 25. We have witnessed just recently the tsagic spectacle of the setting up of the first “bantustan” in the Transkei, where devious constitutional sleights of hand brought into power an administration pledged to the destruction of the rights which most of the voters had supported in the “general” election, and where arrogant white men still live in segregatedease in a capital of a supposedly autonomous state. There even the Bantu Prime Minister finds the doors of the best hotels and restaurants closed against him. 26. Al1 this is a desperate attempt tc win some measure of world approval, small though it might be, as the conspiracy to ensure apartheid’s passage into the oompany of accepted and partly forgiven aberrations of history, which have inoluded the slave trade and colonialism prooeeds. 27. 1 return to a detailed survey of the peculiar and distressing features of the sabotage tria1 not, as 1 say, beoause 1 wish to establish a deftly balanced legal case, but because what one might cal1 the methodology of apartheid demands some attention, 28. Thus , we have it on record that several witnesses gave evidence for the prosecution after being psomised that release from jail would be the reward for their co-operation. In some cases the right of the accused to confront those who were their accusers was dispensed with, and some of the most damaging testimonyfor the Skate was given by people who were shown to have had to endure, when under arrest, physical and mental ordeals which must have impaired their Will to resist hostile interrogation. blants qui des interrogatoires 29. It is my prayer that both the sabotage law, and the manner in whîch the police are directed to apply its almost savage provisions Will be humanized; but 1 wish to stress once again that, even under laws muah less casually phrased and much more generously administered, the gross evil of apartheid would et la loi sur la r6pression dont la police, doit appliquer gerie; même avec des lois rédigées 30. Note that the Chief Justice of South Africa acquitted a number of those persons who were accused, although many were subsequently rearrested, on the grounds that insuffioient evidence had been brought against them. This itself beclouds these proceedings. It is a further indication that if the justice of holding fast to apartheid were given a fair tria1 even in the land of its birth, it might soonbecome a dead ideology. 31. Lately there has beenincreasedpressure brought on South Africa for the revision of its ninety-day detention clause, A considerable part of this pressure has been exerted by certain interna1 forces within South Africa itself. Nineteen South African religious leaders-Christians, Jews and Moslems-have urged the Government to desist from further exeoution of this clause, In addition, South AfricanCatholic bishops have issued a statement condemning the Government’s Bantu Law Amendment Bill restrictingthe movements of Africans as a “negation of social morality and Christian thinking”. They further expressed concern that law and order should be maintained, and justice and a spirit of oharity permeate a11 relationships. 32. Moved by the inhumane conditions under which detainees are held in solitary confinement, sixty medical experts, some of whom have worked with the detainees, sent an appeal to the SouthAfricanGovernment urging it to reappraise its ninety-day detention clause. In their statement of appeal, they noted that from psychiatrie studies on the behaviour of political prisoners who have been subjected to prolongedperiods of solitary confinement, intense distress and impairment of certain mental functions are brought about as a result of such solitary expesience. 33. One of the doctors present at the 7 February 1964 trials reported, for instance, that studies revealed that “persans kept in isolation were highly susceptible to suggestions, were apt to change their views, and tried to please the persons they came into contact with”. This doctor had reached this conclusion when treating one former detainee and after having interviewed four others, 34. At the same tria1 on 10 February 1964, a professor of psychology and head of the Department of Psychology at the University of Cape Town said that he observed that evidence obtained from people under these conditions would be tantamount to evidence obtained under duress. He said further that the intellec- 35. It has further been, reported that on 21 January 1964, five “ninety-dayl detainees were committed to mental institutions and two more had been placed uncler observation and tare at a mental hospital on the advice of two doctors. 36. Although Prime Minister Verwoerd has discredited the evidence of these medical experts, their reports should be given a11 necessary attention. It Will be recalled that political prisoners who were detained in the concentration camps of Nazi Germany and who were subjected to similar inhumane treatments suffered from similar mental conditions, It should also be noted that these mental conditions occur after a prolonged period of physical torture. Evidence obtained under such conditions could hardly be considered in the opinion of an informed body as that of a sane person. 37. The Special Committee has therefore recommended to the Security Council that the Council demand that the South African Government should: Il(-) Refrain from the execution of persons sentenced to death under arbitrary Iaws providing the death sentence for offences arising from opposition to the Government’s racial policies; “(3 End immediately trials now proceeding under these arbitrary laws, and grant an amnesty to a11 political prisoners whose only crime is their opposition to the Government’s racial policies; Il(c) Desist immediately from taking further discriminatory measures; and “(b, Refrain from a11 other actions likely to aggravate the present situation.” [S/5717, para. 2.1 38. The Special Committee has further recommended that the Security Council should espeoially request a11 States whioh maintain close relations with the South African Government to do a11 in their power , separately and collectively, to urge the South African Government tti compiy with its demands. 39. What is needed now is action by the Security Council. 40. My colleagues and 1 would hope that you Will accord favourable consideration to these recommendatiens. For my own part 1 would add that not only does the conduct of the South African Government in its drafting and passage of certain laws, and its use of them without regard to the most elementary principles Of civilized jurisprudence, oonstitute an offence against the dignity of man which should be abhorrent to us ail. but that offence is rendered the more heinous by the despicable character of the cause which those who Commit this offenoe, and persist in oontinuing it, are pledged to serve. Here we have a case not only of an eVi1 law, but an evil law placed wantonly in the hands of eVilly disposed men, as an instrument of oalculated oppression. 41. A significant feature of this repression by the South African Government is that under Proclamation 42. Even more repressive is the General LawAmendment A& of 1963, which in Section 4 provides for the indefinite detainment of persans on completion of their prison sentences and Section 17 of the same law wMch provides for the arrest and detention of persons without warrant and without trial for conseoutive periods of ninety days at a time. 43, Under these laws, the South African Government lias been able to arrest law-abiding citizens on mere suspicion or conjecture. It has been able to hold those arrested in solitary confinement fox consecutive ninety-day periods. It has been able to torture them bath physically and mentally. The mere thought that a person cari be arrested on mere suspicion and held indefinitely in such inhumane conditions, without triai, is, to say the least, most offensive to the sensibilities of man. 44. The nations of the world have expressed their condemnation of such inhumane treatment of anyone, even when the person SO affected is a proved enemy. 45. In South Afrioa the inevitable result of prolonged detention and solitary confinement may be that the prisoner either dies from physical torture, as in the case of Ms. Ngudle, or his mind becomes deranged, as in the case of several hundred Africans now living in mental institutions in South Africa. 46. Even when they are eventually bsought to tria1 the tria1 procedure violates some of the most fundamental concepts of a fair triai. The aooused are not permitted counsel of their choice and even the oounsels seleoted operate in fear, for they are subjectto arrest if, in the opinion of the State, the counsel has, through consultations with his client, obtained information which the State regards as useful. 4’7. The witnesses presented by the State on its behalf present another interesting phenomenon in the tria1 process in South Afrioa. 48. The role of a witness as we have corne to know it iS to testify towhat he has seen, heard, or otherwise knows about a partioular thing. But the persons produced by the, South African Government te testify on itS behalf have been persans who themselves hadbeen arrested and detained in solitary confinement and subjected to daily torture in an attempt to get them to say in court what the prosecution desired, 1 consider that a person who has been exposed to physical and mental torture for suoh a long period of time can scarcely be regarded as a competent witness. 49. What is more, no adequate opportunity is given the accused to cross-examine the witness thoroughly because on some occasions the witnesses are hooded. SeVeral artioles of theUniversa1 Declaration of Human Rights are thus being flagrantly violated. 51. Racial laws in South Africa may for ever shut the doors to those against whom they are directed. Unless one is white he cari never hope for justice. Injustice is hard to hear quietly. Injustice unevenly shared becomes insufferable. ficile 1’ injustice portable. 52, Beoause some persons have been sentenced to death under these arbitrary laws and the tria1 of Mr. Mandela, Mr. Sisulu and others has just ended and sentences may be pronounced against them shortly, my oolleagues and 1, on behalf of a11 Africa, urge the Security Council, as a humanitarian act, to take appropriate action without delay to save the lives of Africans whose only crime is opposition to apartheid, condamnées & mort en application de lois arbitraires, c’est parce que le procès de M. Mandela, de M. Sisulu et d’autres accus& vient de se terminer et qu’ils seront peut-être coll8gues et moi-même, parlant au nom de l’Afrique tout entiére, nous conjurons le Conseil de s&urit4 de prendre immédiatement, dans un acte humanitaire, les mesures qui pourront sauver la vie d’Africains dont le seul crime est leur opposition a l’apartheid. 53. Le Sec&taire graphe 6 de la r6solution du Conseil de S&urit8 en date du 4 décembre 1963 [S/5471], a annonce la designation de quatre personnalités de réputation internationale. l’Afrique moyens de visiter s’acquitter des responsabilités qui sont les siennes aux termes de la résolution que vous, Monsieur le PrBsident et Messieurs les membres du Conseil, avez adoptee. 53. The Secretary-General, pursuant to paragraph 6 of the Security Counoil resolution of 4 December 1963 [S/5471], announced the appointment of four internationally renowned personalities. He asked the Govepnment of South Africa to provide facilities for I;he group of experts to visit South Africa in the discharge of its responsibilities under the resolution which you, Mr. President and members of the Counoil, had approved. 54. The Government of Sou@ Africa, as in every instance in the past, advised the Secretary-General of its refusa1 to receive the group. Theserepresentatives were, in the opinion of the Government of South Africa, “net independent and impartial observers”. This is indeed an unfair accusation by South Africa. 54. Le Gouvernement sud-africain, toujours fait dans le passé, a informé le Secrétaire g&&ral qu’il refusait de recevoir le Grouped’experts sur son territoire. du Sud a estime que ces représentants n’étaient pas des “observateurs indépendants et impartiaux”. C’est 151 de sa part une accusation injuste. 55. Further, the South African Government, in a letter to the President of the Security Council dated 22 May 1964, charges that the report of the experts “oonsists to a large extent of a number of inaccuracies, distortions and erroneous conclusions on false premises which do little credit to the reputation of the authors” [S/5723].8( 55. En outre, le Gouvernement sud-africain, une lettre adressée le 22 mai 1964 au President du Conseil de S&urit&, rédigé un rapport d’inexactitudes, erronées, fondees sur de fausses premisses, qui font peu honneur à la reputation de ses auteurs”. [S/5723&1. 56. The Group of Experts has revealed that, because of the refusa1 of the Government of South Africa to grant it permission to visit South Africa, it limited its activities to interviews with leaders of African organisations in New York and London. It reposts that there are three developments whioh have caused a further deterioration in the situation in South Afrioa. The first is the passage, on l.8 February 1964, of the 56. Le Groupe d’experts a indique que, le Gouvernement d’Afrique du Sud lui ayant refusé la permis- Sion de visiter activités & des entretiens avec des dirigeants d’organisations africaines Groupe d’experts trois faits nouveaux ont encore aggravé la en Afrique Q Sec Officia1 Records of the Security Council, Nineteenth Year, SuPplement for April, May and June 1964. année, 57. The Croup of Experts is of the considered opinion that as “a primary principle of first importance”, “The future of South Africa should be settled by the people of South Africa-a11 the people of South Africa-in free discussion. There cari be no settlement and no peaoe while the great majority of the people are denied the fundamental freedom to participate in decisions on the future of their country. We are convinoed that a continuation of the present position inclucling a denial of just representation must lead to violent conflict and tragedy for a11 the people of South Africa. We wish, therefore, to emphasize the first and basic principle that a11 the people of South Africa should be brought into consultation and should thus be enabled to decide the future of their country at the national level. It [ S/5658, para, 8.1 58. In order to bring this about, the repost continues, efforts should be directed to the establishment of a national convention fully representative of the entire population of South Afriea, in the hope of establishing a new course for the future of that country; world opinion and the growing insistence on positive action should now be directed to the achievement of this purpose. 59. In reviewing the principal faotors in the present situation in South Africa, the Group of Experts listed two main factors. The first is the mounting international condemnation of the racial policy of the South African Government and the growing determination of the African States to take positive action against South Africa’s racial discrimination. The second is the military preparation of the South African Government (in The New York Times, in its issue of 4 Jnne, reported the increased construction of military airfields) together with repressive action and legislation which could leave many South Africans with the conviction that they have no means of resistance other than violence, 66. The experts cited numerous appeals of the United Nations to the South African Government culminating in resolution 1761 (XVII) adopted by the General Assembly on 6 November 1962 by a vote of 6’7 in faveur, 16 against and 23 abstentions, condemning South Africa’s racial policies. lt was the first time a resolution had been adopted against South Afrioa by the General Assembly with more than a two-thirds majority vote. ôl. Since then the Security Council and the overwhelming majority of the Member States have adopted fusther resolutions against the detention and tria1 political leaders and the sale of armaments and ammunition to South Africa, and have expressed con- 62. The report reminds us that the Council of Ministers of the Organization of African Unity had corne to the most painful conclusion, that, in as much as the Government of South Africa had disregarded a11 peaceful efforts to secure the abandonment of its apartheid policy, total sanctions represented the only reassuring means of resolving the situation peacefully. Accordingly, the Council of Ministers hadcalled upon the trading partners of South Ahica to “desist from the encouragement they are giving to apartheid through their investments and their trade relations with the Pretoria Government” [S/5658, para. 941. 62. des ministres avait dQ, 3 son grand vernement les efforts don de la politique ordres espoir tuation. adressé l’Afrique l’encouragement l’apartheid relations Pretoria” 63. de devises depuis atteint sements impressionnant les 25 p. 100. De meme, l’Afrique par rapport 63. However, the report reveals that foreign reserves in South Africa have more than tripled since 1961 and SO has its gold reserves amounting toE248 million. British investment has risen to a grandtotalof f.L,OOO million while American investment has risen by 25 per cent, South Africa’s exports also rose in 1963 by nearly 50 per cent above the 1962 figures. 64, These experts have warned that, with this increased economic vigour of the South African Government, the dangers of violent confliot have been aocelerated. It cited as an example the recent announcement by the South African Government’s Minister of l?inance, Dr. Donges, on 16 March 1964, that South Africa’s defence budget was raised to a record of £X55 million-E26 million more than in the current year. He told the South African Parliament that “the 25 per cent increase in defence expenditure is to discourage foreign aggression” [ibid., para. 271, 64. tation de la vigueur africain citent ministre qui, la défense jamais lions indique au Parlement de 25 p. 100 du budget de la defense 3 d&courager 6 5. This economic development, the report indicates, has caused the Government of South Afrioa to pursue with more resoluteness, blindness and madness, its policy on apartheid and, “to supplement its massive powers of suppression by increased financial allocations for repressive action”’ [ibid., para. 211, 65. a poussé sa d’aveuglement pouvoirs de crédits [ibid., par. 211. 66. de renforcement du rapport une convention lors l’avis s’étendrait et que, des question entrafné 66. Against the background of this military increment, crisis and threatening conflict, the report has indicated the need for a national convention. You Will recall that at my last appearance, 1 had indicated that should such a crisis corne, itwould most likely involve a11 Africa, but because ideologies are already commifted on the matter of apartheid, it would surely involve the rest of the world. 67. We see in this report a detailed account of oonditions which you, as members of the Security Council, have known a11 along and some of which we have mentioned here in the two previous sesies of meetings on this matter. 67. taille du Conseil nous-mêmes deux précédentes cette question. 68. parce avez l’homme. 68. We welcome the experts’ report because it is the product of another effort you have made along the lines of showing respect for human dignity. 70. Nevertheless, despite ou support for these recommendations, the attitude of South Africa in rejecting the report of the experts leaves no room for doubt that the implementation of that recommendation is beyond the realm of reality. TO add insult to injury the South African Prime Minister has re-expressed bis Government’s determination to keep South Africa as a white State. 71. Under the circumstances, 1 think we are leftwith no alternative but to urge the Security Council to apply economic sanctions as the only peaceful recourse left open to resolve the issue and remove that threat to international peace and security. 72. 1 turn then to the question of sanctions. 73. On 6 November 1962, General Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII), calling for sanctions, was passed by more than two thirds of the Member States. 74. The Heads of State and Government of the Organization of Afrioan Unity asked for sanctions at the Addis Ababa Summit Conference and appealed to a11 Member States of the United Nations, particularly those States which trade with South Africa, to implement the General Assembly resolution of 6 November 1962. 75. Opposition to sanctions has developed in some countries on the basis of arguments that sanctions would be illegal, that sanctions would be impractical, or that sanctions would hurt those whom they were intended to benefit. 76. But, Mr. President and members of the Seourity Council, eoonomic sanctions against South Africa are legal because apartheid as practised in South Africa has in fact become a threat to international peace and security. 77. That a tbreat to the peace does indeed exist was clearly implied by the Security Council resolutions of 7 August and 4 Decemùer 1963, and the only reasonable conclusion to be drawn from the fact that the actual words “threat to the peacen did not appear in the resolutions was that certain permanent members of the Council resisted the use of the words. On this particular point, the experts declared: *The Securïty Council in December 1963, expre&sed its strong conviction that Yhe situation in 78. No one should dismiss the strong probability of imminent violence if the situation remains as it is now, The annual military expenditure and build-up of the armed forces of the Government of South Africa are far in excess of the defensive requirements of that Government. The report of the Secretary-General’s Group of Experts indicates the possibility of violence and notes that the recent declarations and actions of the South African Government rule out any possibility of negotiation. 79. Purther, there are adequate provisions of the United Nations Charter which permit the imposition of sanctions, 1 have already mentioned the existence of the threat to peace and there has clearly been a persistent violation by South Africa of the principles contained in the Charter. 80. As to the impracticability of sanctions, that has recently been adequately answered at the International Conference on Economie Sanctions against South Africa held in London, At that Conference it was shown that, whilst there would be economic losses accruing to the individual oountries which are involved in trade with South Africa, the losses resulting from a campaign of total economic sanctions would be very small compared with those inevitably accruing if South Africa were to explode into full scale racial war. The Conference noted that such sanctions would require the full and active participation of certain members of the Security Council and other trading States, SO as to prevent evasion by South Africa of the effects of sanctions by diverting its trade. 81. It was the opinion of that Conference that the economy of South Africa is clearly vulnerable to economic sanctions, l?or example, 30 per cent of the ohemicals consumed in South Africa, is imported; SO is 43 per cent of the engineering and transport equipment; and 52 per cent of the petroleum and ooal products , 82. The Conference further showed that the dependence of total trade on the South African economy is extremely small and indicated clearly that the rest of the world would not suffer notioeably from disruption of its trade with South Africa. 83. In the opinion of the expert economists attending the International Conferenoe world trade andpayments would not suffer any serious effects fromthe cessation Of the sale of South African gold, and, whilst South African gold production accounts for more than 70 per cent of newly mined gold outside of the Soviet area, it represents a very small annual addition to the total international reserves. They drew the conclusion that, since economic sanctions would be tem- Porary, the stopping of South African gold sales should do little damage to the international liquidity system. We recognize that States with much investment would suffer some loss, but the experts at the International 84. They concluded that, for the principal industrial countries having trade relations with South Africa, no vital national issues are at stake and that these countries cannot convincingly pleadeoonomic disaster as a reason against supporting sanctions. 85. Some of the business groups in these four COUHtries which do business in Southhfrioa have expressed the fear that if sanctions are not enforoed simultaneously by ail, some of these businesses might lose without the objective of sanctions being achieved. We are in full agreement with this view. The African States hope that business groups in a11 countries clearly understand that the continuance of trade with South Africa may in the future bring them losses far greater than their present gains. Many of these business groups have interests in countries which have already decided to adopt, and have adopted, economic sanctions against South Africa itself. 86. Our respective African Governments have full confidence in the reports of the Secretary-General’s Group of Experts, the Special Committee on the Policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa, and the International Conference on economic sanctions against South Africa. Our respective Governments strongly emphasize that the pro- Tramme of sanctions should only be maintained until apartheid has been ended, and we believe that this :ould be well within a reasonable period. For our Jbjective is only to produce a sufficient breakdown of the operation of the South African economy to create a situation in which apartheid would be brought to an end. 87. It has been said with apparent seriousness that the effect of economic sanctions would be to hurt more those that sanctions are calculated to benefit. But the Africans are used to privation and are prepared for more. It is they who have repeatedly asked for sanctions. They have expressed the belief that arelatively short, if Sharp, sacrifice is preferable to anindefinite period of suffering. As one observer has noted, if the possibility of injury or death were an irresistible argument against xesistance to wrong and cruelty, surely the flag of the Third Reich would be flying in Paris and London, in Rome and Washington, D.C., and perhaps everywhere else. Therefore, let us not again bring up in any of our debates whether sanctions Will hurt the non-whites of South Africa. Of course they Will. But this is a truth falsely stressed by just those people whose interest in South Africa never seems to extend beyond opposing a11 enforcement of change, 88. Let me quote Chief Luthuli again on this point, 1 had the occasion to do SO last year in my statement before the Council on 1 August 1963 [1051st meeting]. In his passionate plea to British workers, he said: 89. In conclusion, Mr, President and members of the Security Council, these matters rest squarely in your hands. Let me remind you that the AfricanStates seek no special advantage, nor desire any undue advantage taken of the South African Government as it has for too long done to our African brothers. We do not desire a resolution of a wish and not of a Will. The Security Counoil, above a11 else, cari provide the world with an instrument by which humanity cari defeat the despotism of the racist Government of Premier Verwoerd and support it with free andself-respecting men. In Africa you,.will be measurednot by your words but by your deeds. 90. Secretary-General U Thant recently expressed a profound utterance in Algeria: “Let no one in Africa or anywhere else harbour for a moment any illusion that anypracticeof racial discrimination has any future anywhere on this Continent or oan long survive here. Discrimination against an African anywhere on this Continent is an insult to every African in whatever country. Indeed it is an insult to men of goodwilleverywhere. Those who would cultivate racial discrimination must bear this in mind: they are cultivating trouble and they cari only reap disaster.” 91. Finally, there must be no liberty in wrong-doing The accident of birth should not determine whether a group of people should be entitled to fundamental human rights. The liberty of eaoh person is essential to human dignity and human happiness. 92. Even though the decision required of you in these circumstances may cause pain or loss, we urge you to do what you ought to do because it is the only right thing to do. 93. May 1 close with a statement of Daniel Webster: “If the true spark of religious and civil liberty be kindled, it Will burn. Human agency carmot extinguish it. Like the earth’s centralfire, it may be smothered for a time; the ocean may overwhelm it; mountains may press it down; but its inherent andunconquerable fOrCe Will heave both the ocean and the land, and at some time or another, in some place or another, Lhe volcano Will break out and flame to heaven.” 94. Please permit me, Mr. President, to reserve the right to intervene again should I deem it essential to do SO. 95, Mr. ROGERS-WRIGHT (Sierra Leone): 1 should like to begin, Sir, by oongratulating you on your elevation to the post of President of this great body. My delegation is confident that you Will discharge your 96. Permit me also, Mr. President and members of the Security Council, to express to you my gratitude and the appreciation of my Government for your inviting me and my delegation, at our request, to participate in the discussions of the burning question of apartheid now before the Security Council. 97. Since 1952 the racial policies of the Government of the Republic of South Africa have been before the General Assembly and the Security Council, and a number of resolutions have been adopted condemning the policy of apartheid and its odious manifestations and calling upon the Government of the Republic of South Africa to comply with the spirit of the Charter of the United Nations andthe letter of the many resolutions which have been adopted in oondemnation of tbis general policy of racial discrimination. 98. 1 do not intend to repeat here a11 the very cogent arguments whioh have been advanced in support of the contention that the praotice of the policies of apartheid in Africa during the middle of the twentieth Century, without question constitutes a serious threat to international peace and security, 99. These resolutions have also called upon the Governmcnt of South Africa to release a11 persons who have been imprisoned, interned or subjected to other restrictions on account of their being opposed to the Government’s policy of apartheid. AS late as December 1963, this matter came up before this Council and the Council adopted a resolution [5/5471] on 4 December 1963, operative paragraph 2 of which urgently requests the Government of the Republic of South Africa to ceaseforthwithits continuedimposition of discriminatory and repressive measures which are contrary to the Prinoiples andpurposes of the Charter and which are in violation of its obligations as a Member of the United Nations and of the provisions of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In operative paragraph 3 it condemned the non-compliance by the Government of the Republio of South Africa with the appeals contained in the resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. In operative paragraph 4 the Security Council called upon the Government of the Republic of South Africa to liberate a11 persons imgrisoned, interned or subjected to other restrictions for having opposed the policy of apartheid. 100. Despite this resolution, and in flagrant contempt of its provisions, the Government of the Republic of South Afrtca has brought charges against thenationalist leaders of the struggling masses of South Africa, charges based on arbftrary laws which flout the principles and tenets of the United Nations Charter and which have been declared by this body as unjust. 101. In March of this year three of these nationalist leaders were sentenced to death as a result of triais based on charged framed under those iniquitous laws, These men are now awaiting the execution of these 102. It is therefore clear to my delegation that the situation in South Africa has not only defied solution but has considerably worsened, and that, as a oonsequence, international peace and security are seriously endangered. 103, Urgent, deliberate and mandatory action by this Council is needed if the execution of the African nationalists already condemned is to be prevented. In this connexion the Security Council adopted a resolutien [S/5386] on 7 August 1963, in which it was stated that the Security Council was “oonvinced that the situation in South Africa is seriously disturbing international peace and security”, thus the Security Council should now decide what measures could be adopted in accordance with Articles 41 and 42 of the Charter of the United Nations. The same kind of action is required if the trials of the nationalists-Mandela and the others-are to be stopped. In the view of my delegation these trials constitute a complete mookery of the principles and tenets adumbrated by this Council and the General Assembly. We therefore propose to request this august body to demand that the Government of the Republio of South Africaforthwith reprieve the three nationalist leaders already sentenced to death and forthwith put an end to the farcical trials of Mandela and the other nationalist leaders now in progress. 104. It is the humble view of my delegation that this body has the power to make these demands under Article 41 of the Charter of the United Nations, and, under the same Article, it is our considered view that in case the Government of the Republic of South Africa should continue its intransigence, this Council ha6 again the power to impose economic sanctions against the Government of the Republic of South Africa, because we believe that a continuation of the situation there will result in the breach of international peace and security. 105. Condemnations have been made by this distinguished body. No heed has been taken by the administration in South Africa. Instead the Government of South Africa has continued to flout the authority and powers of the United Nations in this way and has continued in cold contempt to participate as a Member State and sit at and take part in the debates of the General Assembly of the United Nations, It is clear, therefore, that the time has corne when the situation must be faced that pleas and condemnations have failed to bring to heel the Government of the Republic of South Africa. Something far more effective and realistic should be done. It is therefore the view of my delegation that the Security Council should now consider it inevitable that economic sanctions be imposed against the Government of the Republic of South Africa. 106. That the situation in South Africa today Ts explosive, is without question. It is useful to remind members of the Council that this is an assessment of the situation which is not confined to Africans. Even in the reputable The New York Times a release from wtyou want to survive-then be prepared to kill. ’ That is the maxim of one of South Africa’s StraWeSt schools. It teaches a dozen variations of howto kill. “The Combat Survival School, as it iS called, advertises regularly in the English-language press. For a fee of $16.80, students receive 10 lessons. “A rambling single-story villa, a few miles from downtown Johannesburg, houses the students and instructors. Neighbours are getting used to the eoho of revolver shots and ear-splitting battle cries. “The head of the school is a man well versed in the art of survival. Australian-born Davo Davidson, 60 years old, is a former fighter against the Mau Mau. He contends he killed many terrorists during the Kenya uprising. “‘Everyone would be able to prote& himself and bis family, whether the threat cornes from whites or blacks,’ he says. flcIf you possess a pistol, knife, stick or even umbrella, learn to use it to its best advantage. If you are caught with nothing, learn to use your hands, which cari kil1 as efficiently as a pistol.’ Wudents at the school include housewives, clerks, typists and Government employes. “Each student (white) must sign a form asserting that he or she is ‘a member of the European community; not a member of any anti-South African or pro-Communist grouP.1 “The current first course totals 25 students, More are being enrolled. “Mr. Davidson% students are trained to expert the unexpected from the moment schooling begins, A walk to the toilet, bathroom, changing room or lOUnge is a test of alertness and quiok firing. Man- Size targets may appear as students prepare to wash their hands. The man well trained in surviTa will have fired three shots in seconds, “Lead bullets are replaced by wax imitations the roar and kick of the pistol are real and the W~X bUlletS penetrate the thick cardboard targetscolored black-to allow students to study their marksmanship. “Even when school is over for the day, complete relaxation is discouraged. Students enjoying a quiet smoke in the lounge are often confrontedby the guntoting, door-kicking instructor. “‘Slow, too slow,’ he snarls. ‘Two of you died two seconds ago!’ “Many of South Africa’s ordinary schools have introduced anti-sabotage training, unarmed combat WIt is officially estimated that about half of South Afeica’s thxee million whites possess firearms. “Faoed with a gxowing Afxican nationalist movement neax its borders, and the possible infiltration of elements seeking to overthrow this countryls government, many South African whites are becoming incxeasingly security-minded. w 107. It is in full awaxeness of this situation that we have corne hexe today, reinforced and authorized by the decisions of our Heads of States at Addis Ababa in May 1963, to speak not onlyfor our various delegations but for the peoples of thirty-four independent States in Africa. We have been charged to alext you to the explosive situation that has developed in our Continent and to bring to the notice of this world tribunal the possible grave consequences to intexnational peace and security. 1 reserve the right of my delegation to intervene further in this debate. 108, Mr. SIDI BABA (Moxocco) (translated from French): The debate on the pxoblem of apartheid which the Secuxity Council is taking up again today reflects more clearly than ever before the disquiet affecting the whole of Africa. It cornes at the vexy moment when the lives of a gxeat many Afxican nationalist leaders in South Afxica are at the mercy of a kind of justice which is both blind and arbitrary, and inspiredby that dastaxdly racial polioy whose destructiveness, degradation and inhumanity need no fuxther demonstration. 109. But what makes the situation more tragic still is the fact that the white masters of that unfortunate country, flouting the conscience of the world once again, and repudiating the obligations imposed on t-hem by the United Nations Charter and by international moxality, usurp the right-in this second half of the twentieth Century-to subject several millions of human beings to a treatment as unjust as it is intolexable. 110, Since the Summit Conference of Heads of Independent Afxican States was held nearly a yeax ago, this is the thixd time that the tragic problem of apartheid is being discussed in the Security Council. The Councilfs appeals-like those of the General Assembly, incidentally-have, as always, been systematioally rejected by the Pretoria Govexnment with its customaxy insolence. 111. The same treatment has now also been meted out to the report which the Secretaxy-General has just submitted [S/5658, annex] to us and which he had had pxepaxed by a group of experts set up under the resolution of 4 December 1963 [S/5471]. By denouncing the report in suoh violent terms, even before the Security Council had had an oppoxtunity of discussing it, the South African Government has once againgiven proof of its intolexance towards the United Nations and its unsympathetic attitude towards any kind of CO-opexation aimed at finding a pondered, reasonable and peaceful solution-although the whole world is impatiently awaiting such a solution-for the settlement of a problem which is growing daily more 112. In my delegation’s view, the intransigence and the fanaticism of the racist leaders in South Africa cari only be understood as the expression of a policy of utter madness and consequently doomed, in the final outcome, to complete failure, These leaders, let it be said, have already committed moral suicide, If they do not pull themselves together, their criminal policy Will inevitably lead them to destroy themselves and with them everything they had hoped to ke able to preserve by forcibly imposing the domination of a minority over a population five times as numerous. 113. Those who do not see the future of the South Afrioan races in that light are dangerously underestimating the strength of the emancipation movements in South Africa and the importance of the strong support they are receiving a11 the world over, and more especially in Africa and Asia, And under the pressure of these mounting forces which arethirsting for freedom and equality, the inevitable collapse of that ancient and odious citadel of racism which still holds its shameless sway in Africa cari be predicted in the relatively near future. 114. During the last few months, the problem of apartheid has formed the subject of searching and objective studies on the part of both the Secretariat and the Special Committee, as well as outside the United Nations, at an important meeting which was held in London from 14 to 1’7 April la&, under the name of the International Conference on Economie Sanctions against South Afrioa. These studies were mdertaken by a variety of methods, and were carried out by men of different nationality and outlook-most of them, incidentally, nationals of the countries now referred to as South Africa’s trade partners. At the London Conference, for instance, the presence of a number of white South Africans was widely noted and aroused considerable interest, not to mention the fact that many Western countries, beginning with the United States, the United Kingdom and France, were sepresented by a large number of experts and eminent persons. 115. It has been possible to draw a number of conclusions from these studies, a11 of which-whether undertaken by the Special Committee or by the Group of Experts, or by the London Conference-represented a praiseworthy endeavour which the Seourity Counci.1 cari absolutely no longer afford to disregard; otherwise it Will very soon find itself bypassedby the events now taking place on the international plane in connexion with the measures that need to be taken against the Pretoria Government. 116. My delegation considers that, in the circumstances, these conclusions should be studied with particular attention by the Security Counoil. The matter is one whioh affects international peace and security, as well as the future of the United Nations Charter and the future implementation of the prin- 118. It must therefore be clearly understood that a11 Africans without any exception are now convincedthat the existence of these economic ties is one of the essential factors that make it possible for the polioy of apartheid to persist in South Africa. No argument will convince us of the contrary. a.nd we are accordingly led to observe that there cari be no bargaining with a highwayman or a slave ‘trader in the name of unrestricted international trade. It is exactly in that light that we view the problem, and the economic relations now obtaining between South Africa and its principal trade partners. The African-Asian world cannot do otherwise than take these partners for what they are, that is to say as being responsible and at the same time at one with the ringleaders of apartheid in regard to the perpetuation of a situation which shocks the conscience and arouses the indignation of a11 mankind. 119. From now on, therefore, in considering the problem of apartheid in this forum, the representatives of Africa must no longer be expected to disregard the heavy responsibility of those who are helping to make the Pretoria r6gime invulnerable by contributing their investments and technology. 120. These partners-which are after a11 great nations, bath prosperous and civilized, exeroising worldwide responsibilities-should give serious thought to the verdict which Will inevitablybepronounoedagainst them and their moral behaviour if they persist, for the sake of fat profits, in sacrifioing the values attaching to respect for the human person andforhuman rights, partioularly when the injury done directly affects more than 12 million non-whites in South Africa and must Moreover be regarded as being inflicted at the same time on hundreds of millions of their coloured brethren in Afrioa and Asia. 121. We are aware that in the United Nations, the Governments of these countries-1 am referring to South Africa’s partners-have already strongly condemned, both in the Security Counoil andin the General Assembly, the policy of racial discrimination and apartheid practised in that oountry. It therefore remains for them now, as their bounden duty, to join in the endeavours of the vast majority of the Members of this Organization to compel the white minority in South Africa to abandon its hateful racial praotices, $22. In the light of the aforegoing, my delegation would like to express the hope that the Security Council Will bear in mind the seriousness of the situation and Will no longer hesitate to consides resorting to a number 123, As 1 already pointed out at the beginning of this statement, the conclusions and recommendations contained in the report of the Group of Experts set up under the resolution of 4 December 1963 appear to me to constitute an appropriate basis for action to which the Security Council should give serious consideration. 124. In condemning that report by anticipation, South African Government is merely providing additional proof of its bad faith and intransigence. This being SO, and in view of the ill-considered action of that Government, the Security Council oan only conclude that there 3s no further reason to expect the slightest results from any further approach to the South African authorities. The behaviour of the latter, however, must not prevent the Council from approving this report and from otherwise shouldering its responsibilities for the preservation of international peace and security. In these circumstances, it is essential that considerationbe givenfirst andforemost and without further delay to implementing tbe economic sanctions that have been recommended. This is the very least that public opinion throughout world expects from the Council, for since last year the situation has only gone from bad to worse, while at the same tîme the idea of economic sanctions gaIneci ground ancl has emesged as the most urgent and indeed the only possible measure. We know competent economic experts have already been at pains to carry out very exhaustive studies in anticipation of such action. Thanks to these studies, Council is now in possession of data whichwill enable it to forecast with accuracy precisely what are the most effective and at the same time the least costly economic sanctions to apply. 1%. Let us take this opportunity of expressing gratitude to a11 the States which have already taken initiatives and introduced practical measures break off a11 trade relations with the South African authorities. We very sincerely trust that this international movement Will soon expand and become universal, and if it does, that it will be sufficiently effective to eradicate once and for a11 this great etil which South Afrioan colonialism 5s systematically espousing through its present racial policy. 126. The struggle that mankind must undertake order ta put an end to the odious system of apartheid South Africa must not be limited merely to negative action. My delegation acknowledges this fact and consequently considers that there is a different and positive field in which the United Nations must spare no effort to alleviate the suffering of the downtrodden population of South Africa. 127. First of ail, everything must be done to cal1 a hait to these farcical triais in which death sentences and terms of imprisonment are dispensed with the wanton light-heartedness that the South African courts have accustomed the worlcl to expect from them, Steps must also be taken to prevent the executions which are due to follow the death sentences already pronounced-if the executions would not be better described as political assassinations, since the condemned 128. Y’hey would not face tria1 at a11 in any rational sooiety Their struggle is the struggle of a11 men ‘for freed0m; their tria1 is the tria1 of a11 men who want to be free , *, What happens to them is not their business alone; it is net even merely the business of a11 South Africans. It is the business of everyone everywhere who believes in the right of hurnan beings to fight for the right to govern themselves.” %’ This is the gist of the declaration signed by 143 international personalàties protesting against the Rivonia triai. 129, The Secuxity Council too must express its indignation and concern in the face of this tragic situation, It must realize that in these circumstances the challenge levelled at the princjples of justice and law is at the same time a challenge to international peace and security. The threat hanging over the lives of the South African nationalist leaders who are now in prison or under sentence of death is also a threat to peace and security in that oountry and on the African continent as a whole, for whether one likes it or not, these leaders represent theirpeople and their peoples’ deepest aspirations, just as did the other great African leaders who led thsir peoples to freedom and independence, despite the persecutions of every kind which the colonizing Power made them suffer for many long years. “5 1$0. We consider that the Security Council should endorse the African group’s appeal to the United Nations and decide to bring a11 the weight of its authority and influence to bear upon the racist Government in Pretoria before the latter commits irreparable damage. The Council has already adopted thatposition in previous resolutions, but it seems to mydelegation that tbis time more urgent and solemn steps are called for. In other words, it is imperative that this body, responsible for the maintenance of peace and international security, should make it quite clear to the South African Government, in the face of its irresponsible and criminal policy, that it no longer has the right to do as it pleases in South Africa. 131. Another aspect of the positive action at the international level which the Security Council should take is the establishment of an education and training programme for the non-white population of South Africa. This would in some waymakeupfor the criminal, wilful, and premeditated negligence of the South African authorities in the field of education and training, and would give the non-white youth and working class the opportunity to attain the intellectual and professional level necessary to lead the people of this land out of the primitive and tribal state in which the white racists would like to keep them indefinitely. de l’éducation et de la formation, et ceoi en donnant professionnel peuple de ce pays de l’état primitif et tribal dans lequel les racistes blancs veulent le maintenir indéfiniment. 132. Cette action, qui est une œuvre de longue haleine, devant toucher principalement tous les réfugiés, ouvre a l’assistance internationale, Nations Unies, un domaine d’intervention que seul le caractère spécifique de la situation en Afrique du Sud doit, du reste, justifier. 132. This action, affecting first and foremost, a11 refugees, is a long-term undertakingwhichwould open up to United Nations international assistance a new field of intervention only justified by the specific character of the situation in South Africa. a See document A/AC.llS/L.60. 134. Faced with the intransigence of the South African Government, the Seourity Council must increase its pressure. Above all, it should consider the fa& that those responsible for the present system in South Africa, even though they realize that they are definitely excluded from the international community, show no sign of letting up in the blind pursuit of their demented policy, hoping no doubt that in the final analysis they Will have the last word in their clash with the United Nations. Thus they are counting on our apathy and expecially on the paralysis of the Security Council. How often have we not heard the ill-timed statements of the South African Poreign Minister violently attacking this Organization and predicting the failure of its mission in the world? 135. My delegation is therefore convinced that the members of the Security Council are alive to the importance and the gravity of this terrible racial conflict. We hope from the bottom of our hearts that the Council will, not hesitate for an instant to corne to the aid of the oppressed people of South Afrioa, even if certain aspects of its aid imply interference in the socalled domestic affairs of the South African Republic. 136. Since we are dealing here with a tragedy of human, moral, and political dimensions setting the entire Afrioan continent against a minority of 3 million Whites who wish to keep in slavery and exploit a nonwhite population several times more numerous than themselves, the independent States of Africa, and with them the immense Asian continent, supported by a good proportion of the countries of Europe andthe two Americas, firmly maintain that the problem cari quite clearly not be considered as within the exclusive jurisdiction of an independent and sovereign State. In other words, the principle of non-interference does not apply in case of South Africa, given the universal character of the values which bave been treated with contempt and the rights which have been violated. 137. We therefore consider that the fate of the nonwhites in tha+ country should be takenup by this Organisation, and it is within that framework that the education and traintng programme which 1 have just mentioned and which has been recommended in the Secretary-General’s report should be prepared. 138. If the systsmatic refusa1 of the South African authorities to accept any kind of co-operation withthe United Nations reduoes the chances for a peaceful solution in accordance with the Council’s wlshes, the latter should not assume that this manifest ill Will slams che door for good to Vesolving the present situation in South Africa through full, peaceful and 139. My delegation believes that the most effective way to force the Government of South Africa to cooperate towards a settlement of the present situation in the spirit of that resolution would be to apply economic sanctions immediately and at the same time prooeed with the implementation of the international education and training programme which the United Nations should promote for the benefit of the South African non-whites. The necessary steps Will also nave to be taken to obtain the liberation of a11 persans held in custody while awaiting tria1 or convicted for their opposition to the policy of apartheid. 140. Al1 the measures just mentioned as needing to be taken are of course within the realm of the kind of peaceful and orderly transformation policy which the Council wishes to see prevail in South Africa and which numerous nationalist figures in that country still look to as a last hope. 141. We Africans believe that the countries which still make commercial interests their foremost con- Cern in their relations with South Africa should reflect on the horrible tragedy that country is heading for, because of a handful of people blinded by racial hatred. Let them also reflect, on the profound disquiet which this apartheid problem causes in a11 the non-committed nations and on the deep wound it inflicts on the selfrespect of every African, not to mention the indignation felt by every man, whether of the East or of the West, who loves justice and peace. 142. In view of these facts, my delegation would find it very hard to appreciate any reasons which certain great Western Powers might give for still hesitating somewhat to take measures as imperative as economic sanctions, even though these have been put forward explicitly and consistently. 143. We know that to suit the needs of his cause Mr. Verwoerd indulges in attacks on the emancipation movements in South Africa, acousing the nationalist organizations and parties as well as everyone who supports them in Africa and throughout the world. IIe maintains that his purpose is the survival of the white nation which has allegedly brought prosperity to the whole of the South African nation, arguing at the same time that South Af rioa could become a springboardfor oommunism, whereas a white State would remain a reliable ally of the West; and he also says that he does not see why South Africa should sacrifice its future as a white nation in order to please world public opinion. In view of what the man is and the absurdity which he stands for, I cannot imagine,from an African point of view, a statement more complimentary to oommunism nor one more oompromisingfor the West. 144. Let Mr. Verwoerdbe warned, however, that these sallies in which he indulges from time to time do not 145. “In giving freedom to the slave, .we assure freedom to the free-honourable alfke in what we give, and what we preserve.VJPresident Abraham Lincoln uttered these words in a message to Congress in December 1862. If the racist rulers of South Africa could reason with as much humanism andlucidity, they could certainly have taken inspirationfrom these noble words, spoken more than a hundred years ago, and rid themselves once and for a11 of that myth of the white nation to which they would cling, to the detriment of freedom, justice and law in that land, 146. At the beginning of this statement, 1 discussed the exceptional importance of the economic ties between South Africa and certain great Western Powers. 1 also noted the material power and moral authority which the apartheid system has derivedfrom this situation in the interests of its own survival, and perhaps even its growth. This is extremely grave, 1 might even say tragic, and the tragedy is the measure of the responsibility of those who contribute in this way to maintaining the present situation, 147. We must bring home to these Powers once again the anguish we feel, the anguish of a11 Africa, at a time when millions of persons are ruled with arod of iron, znd are arbitrarily deprived of their right to work, to sducation, to freedom of movement. They are iikewise lep-rived of the normal exercise of the fundamental liberties inherent in the right of self-expression and of association-and this in a country which has belonged to them from time immemorial. Added to this situation, which does little oredit to those who created it, there is the exploitation of these millions of Africans and the widespread pillage of the natural resouroes of their land. In other words, what is happening today in South Africa is the worst crime conceivable in a civilized world. 148. “We do not want your pity; we do not want your compassion: do not give us false hopes. We ask you to take action SO that the leaders of South Afrioa Will put an end to the humiliation and persecution of our people.” This is the gist of the moving and profoundly anguished appeal which the famous black South African singer addressed last March to the Special Committee on the Policies of apartheid in the Republic of South Africa. 149. My delegation believes that at this decisive stage in the stntggle for the elimination of apartheid, this appeal must be heard by every member of the Security Council without exception SO that everything can be set in motion to force the racist authorities at Pretoria to change their policy. 150. In the letter of 22 May from the Permanent Representative of South Africa addressed to the Presia The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, New Brunswick (New Jersey), Rucgers University Press, édit., vol. V, p. 537. 151. As a former member of this Group of Experts, I should like here and now to express in the most emphatic terms my profound indignation, 1 must confess, however, that from the beginning 1 did not quite aee how our report could fail to provoke violent reactions on the part of the South African authorities. Now that 1 have not been disappointed by the vehemence of the apartheid Government, 1 am conscious of the honour due to the members of the Group of Experts for the accuraoy of their judgement and conclusions. 151. d’experts, plus cependant sceptique pas autorités déçu par les outrances je ressens du Groupe d’experts, ment et de leurs 152. port sérieux et des mois par un groupe désign8 suivant des critires objectifs libre. ce groupe laborateurs bl&me documentation, qui font honneur 153. Groupe blir de, l’opinion partisans synthese lement ltoccasion nalit& des conclusions été que le reflet par rapport abordait pays, n’ont pas toujours ce qui explique ami, l’ambassadeur prendra rapport c’est, et des autres à des conclusions important limites 154. rendre leur Nations bilit6 du Groupe dl experts, 152. Let me say then that this report was drawn up after weeks and months of impartial, serious and thorough examination by a group selected aocording to objective criteria reflecting a remarkable spirit of balance, This group was assisted in its investigation and research by a number of competent workers possessing a thorough knowledge of the problem and having in their hanclling of documents and information a sense of honesty and scientific method which does credit to the Wnited Nations Secretariat. 153. The discussions within the group combined with contacts between the group and representatives of every facet of South African opinion, including sup- Porters of apartheid, brought about a concise picture of the situation now prevailing in that country. In addition, the Group of Experts had the opportunity to hear a great number of neutral public figuresjurists, economists, sociologists and eminent diplomats. The conclusions we reached merely represented a collective assessment of a problem approached by each of the members according to his own views or those of his country. 1 should point out that the opinions expressed w ere not always unanimous and that is of course why our dear colleague ancl friend Ambassador Djerdja of Yugoslavia had to leave ue. Thus it is clear that the preparation of the report must have been exceptionally arduous. In fact, it was only because of good Will on a11 sides and the sincere desire of a11 to reach positive and reasonable conclusions that this important document was finally submitted within the appointed time-limit. 154. In this connexion 1 should like to pay a sincere tribute to a11 my colleagues for their sympathetic attitude, their devotion to the United Nations cause and the profound sense of responsibility they displayed throughout theirworkwith the Group of Experts. 155. 1 must now add that it is certainly not the fault of the group if the report as a whole aroused the fury of the Pretoria authorities. The latter must realize, hawever, that this report would have been even more shattering for them if the group had been authorized to make an on-the-spot investigation in South Africa; but the rulers of that country are very clever, and they took ample precautions, refusing the members of the Group of Experts access to South African territory. However, this ludicrous policy on the part of the South African Government, like the ostrich 155. nement dans son ensemble, de Pretoria. que oe rapport accablant a se mais avaient l’actes Groupe 156, My delegation has no desire to attach great importance to the discourteous and certainly gratuitous terms employed in the letter of the Permanent Representative of the South African authorities in reference to the Group of Experts ofwhichIwas a member. This khd of behaviour does nOt SU.qX?iSS me at ail. It iS just another example of the open and declared hostility systematically directed against the United Nations and agahst myone representing the Organization in any capacity whatsoever. In attempting to discredit the report submitted to the Council, the writer of the letter in question was obviously anxious most of a11 to renew his usual accusations again& everyone without sparing anyone, but was actually unable to find anything else to do but indulge in an extraordinary sort of refutation as absurd as it was inconsistent. 157. If the specious arguments of the representative of the South African authorities were likely to gain by being expressed more clearly and concisely, why did not .Mr. Botha himself corne and expound them orally to the Council, thus placing his Government’s,point of view sicle by side with those expressed in the report? He probably Will not do SO, and rightly SO, if only for lack of a deep conviction in what he is doing. Whatever the cause, my delegation bdieves that this running away from the truth and from common sense cannot continue much longer: and sooner or later the tormented conscience of these latter-day advocatee of negro slavery Will be bound to end up accusing itself out loud-which Will of course help this African country to put an end to the ghastly nightmare it is experiencing. 158. In the meantime, of course, the Africans of South Africa Will net sit back with their arms folded. They Will pursue their march in the direction of freedom and emancipation, while the United Nations, supported by world public opinion, Will continue to work for the attainment of its lofty aims in South Africa. 159. Before closing permit me to present ta the COUnCil in the name of my delegation and that of the IVory CoaSt, a draft resolution, already distributed as document 5/5’752,= relating to the trials now in progress in South Africa. 160. The members of the Council Will no doubt aPPreCiate the urgency with which the Africandelegatiens bave been obliged to deal with this particular aspect of the problem we are taking up today, namely, as You k.nOW, an extremely grave situation where the physical removal of a number of South African _ nationalist leaders may well take place from one moment to the next merely because of their political opposition to the rule of apartheid prevailing in their country. -! Sec Officia1 Records of the Security Council, Nineteenth Year, SuPpIemenc for April, May and June 1964. 162. In the face of a situation as revolting as it is tragic, calculated to aggravate conditions already extremely dangerous, and because of the fact that in the United Nations, at both the General Assembly and the Security Council level, the Member States have always been unanimous in roundly condemning the South African Government for non-compliance with repeated resolutions asking for an end ta its repression of those who oppose apartheid, the sponsors of the present draft resolution believe that a vote cari be taken without debate at this meeting or at the next. This is the least they cari hope for in the present circumstances. 163. In reading the draft presented to the Council, representatives Will see at once that in our anxiety to secure an immediate and unanimous vote in response to the imminent danger, we have drafted a text whose terms have been chosen with the utmost caro as regards both form and substance. It confines itself to a topic which is not contxoversial and could therefore obtain the agreement of a11 withoutprior Irecourse to the regular method of consultation and negotiation. 164. Representatives Will also have occasion to note that in this draft we have done no more than express the disquiet and concern of a11 States, of world public opinion and of the great moral and religious authorities throughout the world who have spoken out on this matter. We have equally taken into consideration the gesture made recently by the Secretary-General on behalf of some of the nationalist chiefs who were condemned to death last March. 165. In the face of this human and political tragedy, we believe that the Council must likewise make an energetic and urgent gesture. A resolution deciding on aotion in this sense would evidently gain by being adopted as soon as possible, that is to say at the beginning of the proposed general debate proper, on the entire question of apartheid in South Africa. 166. In the light of the foregoing, 1 have the honour, Mr. President, to request you to submit immediately for the approval of the Council the draft resolution [S/5752] which 1 shall now read: “The Seourity Council, “Recallin General Assembly resolution 1881 (XVM1 October 1963 which condemns the Government of the Republii of South Africa for itS failure to comply with the repeated resolutions of the General Assembly and of the Security Council and whioh requests it to abandon the arbitrary tria1 in progress and forthwith to grant unoonditional release to a11 political prisoners and to a11 persons “Noting with great concern that. the arbitrary Rivonia tria1 instituted against the leaders of the anti-apartheid movement has been resumed, and that the imminent verdict to be delivered under arbitrary laws prescribing long terms of imprisonment and the death sentence may have very serious consequences, ‘lNoting with regret that the Government of South Africa has rejected the appeal of the Secretary- General of 27 March 1964, “1. Urgea the South African Government: l’(-) TO renounce the execution of the persons sentenced to death for acts resulting from their opposition to the policy of apartheid; ‘l(b) TO end forthwith the arbitrary tria1 in progress, instituted within the framework of apartheid; and tf (c) TO grant an amnesty to a11 persons ‘already imprisoned, interned or subjected to other restrictions, and particularly to the defendants in the Rivonia trial; “2. Invites a11 States and organizations to exert a11 their influence in order to induce the South African Government to comply with the provisions of this resolution; “3, Invites the Secretary-General tofollow closely the implementation of the resolution and ta report thereon to the Security Council at the earliest possible date.” 167. Mrs. Lakshmi N. MENON (India): On behalf of the Government of India may I thank you, Mr. President, and the members of the Council for your courtesy in allowing me to participate in this debate. 168. My delegation is most grateful to the representatives of Morocoo and the Ivory Coast for sponsoring the draft resolution [S/5’752]. We are, of course, in entire agreement with the contents of that draft resolution, and we hope that it Will be adopted without delay and unanimously. We hope that the Council Will realize the urgency of the situation SO that the terrible consequences of violence may be eliminated, If violence is unleashed as the result of our failure to take action expeditiously there will be no chance for a peaceful settlement. May 1 respectfully submit that we take the steps without hesitation to implement the measures suggested in the draft resolution. 169. We are meeting here today under the shadow of an impending tragedy. The Rivonia or so-called sabotage trials have shown the world to what extent 170, South Africa ha.s been inventing new techniques to discredit the United Nations Charter which it has pledged to support as a Member. In the last 18 years it has done everything possible, deliberately and consistently, to defy the United Nations decisions. The Group Areas Act, the Suppression of Communism Act and the Bantu Education Act, to mention only three, have made South Africa worse than the Nazi concentration camps for 13 million non-white people in it. The Members of the United Nations cannot remain unaware of the seriousness of the situation, World wars have been fought and millions have been killed and many more millions have suffered to restore human dignity and freedom. Today human dignity and freedom are violated with greater impunity and they are in peril. This is likely to push us into another conflict which will be more unjust and inhuman than anything that has happened before. An unarmed, exploited, humiliated and tortured people are demanding justice, appealing to the only hope mankind has today-the United Nations, They may be killed by the rashness and madness of the South African Government; this august body may become the abject of the growing suspicion and scepticism of the smaller nations; but the spirit of a people struggling for freedom and equality Will not yield ta the pressures and policies of the South African Government, however much they may be supported by external assistance. 170. velles qu’en engag6e d6libérément POU~ braver Sur la loi sur la repression of Communism Bantous aue ces trois-l&. 13 millions que les Membres peuvent situation, millions millions, rendre la dignité impunément, que .oes faits qui sera que nous avons exploite, recours d’hui, tu& africain; plus des petites pour la liber% et quelle recevoir 171. It is in .this unhappy context and with a sense of unprecedented urgency that my Government has decided to participate in this debate. 171. avec le sentiment caractérise de participer 172. l&bre Indien Transvaal, LBon Tolstoï’ SOUS le nom de Mohandas de la lettre qui semble bien éloignée du centre est cependant portante gnage 172. A few months before his death, in 1910, a famous Russian writer wrote a letter to a Young Indian who was then living in Johannesburg in the province of Transvaal in South Africa. The name of the Russian was Leo Tolstoy and the world knows the Indian by the name of Mohandas Gandhi. Count Leo Tolstoy’s letter in part read: II . . l onsequently your work in Transvaal, which seems to be far away from the centre of our world, iS Yet the most fundamental .and the most important to US, supplving the most weighty practioal proof in 174. Today, world opinion is neither hesitant nor cautious in expressing disapproval of South Africa’s policies. What is more significant is that-thanks to the efforts of African countries-the United Nations is compelled not only to pass resolutions appealing to South Africa to abandon its uncivilized policies but to seek measures for effective sanctions against that country. For over a decade this Organizationpatiently hoped that South Africa, as a Member of the United Nations, would make efforts to satisfy the minimum demands made on it in various resolutions passed by the General Assembly. But a11 this has been in vain. South Africa has refused to pay the slightest heed to the decisions of the General Assembly, The result bas been disastrous. Before the eyes of a waiting world, before the eyes of the oppressed, the suppressed and the enslaved, whose only hope for justice and humanity is the United Nations, the Organization Will be discredited if we do not take steps to bring its Members to the discipline of this body. More than what happens in South Africa, more than the cruelty and humiliation inflicted on the non-whites, is the deliberate and persistent attempt made by one of our Members to flout the deoisions of this august body. 175. The latest news from South Africa is anything but encouraging. We are told by the South African leaders that the recent build-up of the nation’s defence forces is designed to give the country a bigger “fist” to prevent an interna1 uprising by the country’s black majority, an outside invasion by “liberation” forces, Although the United States has imposed an embargo on the sale of arms to South Africa, Britain is still supplying here with machine tools, etc. We are told that South Africa has built the 176. None of us here cari claim perfection. Certainly the delegation of India is fully conscious of its own shortcomings, and our late Prime Minister acknowledged our difficulties in precise terms when he said: “There are racial conflicts elsewhere intheworld. In India we have no racial conflict in that particular sense, but something akin to itwhenwe suppress the people beoause they are called ‘untouchables’ or ‘depressed classes’. We are fighting it. Again for instance, there are racial conflicts in the United States of America. But there is a difference. In the United States of America efforts have been made with growing su’ccess to ease the racial problem. 1 do not say they have solved it, but the Government have tried to solve it, with the help of public opinion, and there is progress in a certain direction; SO also elsewhere. “In South Africa, on the other hand, it is the deliberate, acknowledged and loudly-proclaimed policy of the Government itself to maintain this segregation and racial discrimination. This makes the South African case unique in the world. It is a policy with which obviously no person and no countrywhich believes in the United Nations Charter cari ever compromise, because it uproots almost everything the modern world stands for and considers worth while, whether it is the United Nations Charter or whether it is our ideas of democracy or of human dignity. “The racial policy of the South African Union is, I think, more basically wrong and dangerous for the future of the world than anything else. It surprises me chat -countries, particularly those who stand for the democratic tradition and those who voted for the United Nations Charter and for the Declaration of Human Rights-express themselves SO moderately or do not express themselves at a11 about the racial policy of the South African Union. It is not a question of policy only. 1 say it is the greatest international immorality for a nation to carry on in that way.” 177. But it is open to a11 of us to strive towards the Objectives and ideals of the Charter which we have underwritten when ws took our pledge as Members Of the United Nations. A pledge is not a hollow affirmation but an article of faith. This pledge enjoins on a11 Of us to work towards the creation of a rational, humane society in which war Will be a myth, and equality and social justice the rule of law and life. Today because of inequalities of wealth and opporiunities, we are far from that ideal. But in our determination to pursue these ideals and actively CO-Operate with one another we have indeed set our face in the right direction and we are definitely moving towards the 177. objectifs avons tant Unies, de substance, enjoint d’une socikté oil la guerre et Aujourd’hui, des biens nous 17.8. South Afkica has always invoked Article 2 (7) in her defence. Since this has been countered again and again to the satisfaction of a11 concerned, it Will not be necessary for me to sing the same tune a11 over again, As a Member of the United Nations, the least that it could do was to extend its co-opexation to the Group of Experts to study the evil on the spot. Even that has been denied. Here my delegation would like to congratulate the Committee chaired by Mrs, Myxdal for the courage with which it proceeded with its allotted task by using a11 the available avenues of coopexation. It is their sincerity and determination which have enabled us to meet here today and focus attention on constructive methods of approach to this problem. 1 would also like to place on record the deep appreciation of my delegation for the dedication and zeal with which the Chaixman of the Special Committee, Ambassador Dia110 Telli, and his colleagues on the Committee have worked. Their various reports are very valuable documents and my delegation has found them extremely useful. i79. The International Conference on Economie Sanctions which met in London in April this year as w ell as the Gxoup of Experts presided ovex by Mrs. Myrdal have analysed the causes that have made South Africa SO defiant of world opinion and SO determined in pursuit of its wxong policies. Two reasons are alleged: first, the economic prosperity which has enabled South Africa to go it alone-ifnecessarywithout suffering the consequences of isolation; and second, that this prospexity is dependent on the help and support South Africa receives from some of the big Powers. These have cextainly strengthened and are strengthening the determination of South Africa. We do ,not mind. any nation becoming rich and prospexous. In fact, we welcome it. But we should certainly strongly abject to it if prosperity enables South Africa, or any other country, ta supplement its massive powers by financial allocations for repressive action. It is this support to its policies wbich has led the London Conference to take expert advice on economic sanctions. As long as economic prosperity is used fox repression, it is our duty to undermine that support lest the problem, which has already assumed undesirable proportions, should really become a threat to world peace by unleashing violence, Vhe case for economic sanctions is obviously a political one and the factors that determine their success are also in the ultimate analysis of a palitical character. If a11 countries deoide on severfng trade relations with South Africa, and if action is taken more or less simultaneously, the boycott will be certainly effective. Even if a11 countries are not prepared to be actively involved, the boycott oan be made effective provided those who join are numerous and strong enough to prevent others from taking advantage of the situation. But if a small group of countries decide to ’ unlikely that s+ctions cari a d o it alone’, it is very hieve their objective however large the share of South African trade enjoyed by the sanctioning countries might be now and however vital the requirement of the South African economy for their products. The loss is likely to fa11 more hea<ily on them than on the country against which the boycott is imposed . . . . This is essentially the main lesson of the Indian experience in boycotting South Africa.” 181. It has been alleged that it Will be difficult for the big countries to suffer the losses consequent on withdrawal of investments in South Africa. The London Conference on Economie Sanctions has pointed out chat the losses are likely to be small and marginal, Unless the big countries enforce sanctions, we cannot pursue the matter with any success. Why should countries like the United Kingdom and the United States support South Africa, whose policies of apartheid they have condemned “as evil totally impracticable, and leading inevitably to disaster in South Africa itself” [1054th meeting], or strengthen her economically when thepolioy is oondemned as t’morally abominable, intellectually grotesque and spiritually indefensiblel? These are not my words butwords used by the representative of the United Kingdom. If as the Permanent Representative of the United States said, “progress in Africa is overshadowed by the racial bitterness and resentment caused by the policies of the South African Government” [1078th meetingj, certainly there is no reason for the United States to inv&t its capital in South Africa and thus lend support to it. 182. The report of the Group of Experts oontains the key to the problem. Paragraph 96 of the report states: “But while many Afrioan and other States have responded to the cal1 of the General Assembly for SmCtionS, the hard fact remains that the South African economy is not seriously affected by the actions SO far undertaken. Even if full sanctions wers imposed by a11 the States whose representatives voted for the resolution in the General Assembly, the effect on the economy of South Africawould still be entirely inadequate. It is on the trading relations And now 1 shall quote paragraph 97: “Without the co-operation of the main trading partners of South Africa, no move to impose sanctions can be effective. This being SO, and since the United Kingdom is both the principal supplier of South Africals imports and the principal purchaser of South Africal s exports, we have studied the papers presented to the International Conference on Economie Sanctions held in London in April 1964.” 183. The question that the Council and the world at large must pose is this: Will or Will not the trading partners of South Africa put their words into practice and apply economic sanctions? This is the crux of the problem. Half-hearted measures Will not do. Partial or limited sanctions Will not do, Total economic boycott is the only answer. If the trading partners of South Africa are willing to accept the challenge, then they shall earn the gratitude of millions of people a11 over the world. If not, then history is unlikely to forgive them for permitting yet another Nazi-like monster to destroy civilisation and civilized behaviour. It would have been wrong for us to ask the United Kingdom, and, to a lesser extent, the United States, to apply economic sanctions if we had not done SO ourselves. As 1 stated, India was the first oountry to undertake an economic boycott of South Africa many years ago. We did this in 1946 when the responsibility for India’s foreign policy was vested in the Government of the United Kingdom. 184. Many countries in Asfa and Africahavefollowed suit but, as has been stated in the report of the Group of Experts, strangely enough, the passing of General Assembly resolution 1761 (XVII) has led toan increase rather than a decrease in the export and import trade of South Africa. If effective economic sanctions are applied, the loss to the economies of the United Kingdom and the United States would be inconsequential, as was made abnndantly clear during theInternationa1 Conferenoe on Economie Sanctions. Besides, even if their economies were to suffer, surely these great countries could be expeoted to undergo certain sacrifices to improve the lot of millions of people in South Afrlca. 185. The responsibility of the Great Powers at this moment is as grave as it w as in the League of Nations in the ’30s. They shirked it then with consequences which, among other things, rendered the Covenant of

The Soviet delegation, while reserving its right to make a separate statement on the substance of this question as a whole, would like to say something about the draft resolution which has just been submitted to the Security Council by the delegations of the Ivory Coast and Morocco [S/5752]. 186, listes soviétique sur elle r8solution sécuxitg [S/5752]. 187. The letter addressed to the President of the Security Council by the representatives of fifty-eight African-Asian States [S/5674], containingarequestfor a meeting of the Council, says that the situation in South Africa, already described by the Security Council in its resolution of 7August 1963 [S/5386] as seriously disturbing international peace and security, “bas deteriorated still further in the wake of recent events in that country”. 187. de s&cuxité asiatiques Conseil, du Sud, déja dkcrite sa résolution blant gravement Oa encore venus dans le pays”. 188. The letter quite justifiably expresses partioular ooncern about the adoption by the Vexwoerd régime 188. juste des condamnations un grand pax le rggime Of wextrerne measures, and more specifically the imposition of death sentences, whioh have been taken against a large number of African political leaders”. 189. A vast numbex of citizens of the Republic of South Africa, fighting against racial discrimination and apartheid, are being subjected to terror and repression at the hands of the Verwoerd régime. On the basis of an arbitrary legality, the fighters against apartheid-the manly sons of the South Afxican peopleare tbxeatened with the death penalty. 189. blique mination terreur A la suite fils theid sont menacés 190. As you know, the Security Council in its resolutien of 7 August 1963 condemned the racist policies of the régime in power in the Republic of South Africa as being inconsistent with the principles of the Charter and contrary to the obligations assumed by the Republic of South Africa as a Membex of our Organization. The Security Council oalled for the liberation of a11 persons imprisoned, interned or subjected to other restrictions for having opposed the policy of apartheid. But the racist r&gime’s response to this oall was a new wave of repression and brutality against the people. 190. de politique Sud, cette politique cipes et contraire africaine Il a demandé que soient libex8es emprison&es, restrictions d’apartheid. 8 cet appel par une nouvelle et d’actes 191. les dirigeants ce Verwoerd sa 3 cette Gouvernement de renoncer 2 la tous les prisonniers sonnes d’autres politique indiqu8 191. The so-called “Rivonia triais” have started aginst the leaders of the national liberation movement of that country. This was a gestuxe of defiance by the Vexwoerd régime towaxds the General Assemblywhich had given special consideration to this question and unanimOUSly requested the South African Government [resolution 1881 (XVIII) ] the abandonment of the axbitxary trials and the immediate and unconditional release of a11 persons imprisoned, interned or subjected to othes restrictions for having opposed the PODCy of apartheid. The resolution unequivocally warned that, unless it was halted, the arbitrary tria1 being conducted by the racists would inevitably lead to a further deterioration of the already explosive 192. Fhally, in December 1963, the Seourity Council oansidered the question of the polioy of apartheid of the South African racists and in its resolution of 4 December [S/5471] again called upon the Verwoerd r6gQne to liberate a11 persons imprisoned for having opposed the polioy of apartheid. 193. However, the South African rulers obstinately Ignore the voice of reason and humanity. They oontinue to defy the whole world and pay no heed either to the views and wishes of the peoples of the world or to the requirements of the United Nations or their obligations under the United Nations Charter, 194. The raoist reaction and the terror axe ragingin 6he territory of the Republio of South Afrioa and in the territory of South West Afrioa illegally oooupied by the Verwoerd authorities. Aooording to recent inoomplete data, in 1963 alone ninety political triais were held in the Republic of South Africa, at which forty persans were sentenced to death, six to life imprisonment, thirty-five to prison sentences of twenty years or more and 135 to prison sentences ranging from ten to twenty years, not to speak of trials such as the Bashee River trial, at which one group of twenty persons was given sentences totalling 148 years and another group of seventeenpersons was given sentences totalling 202 years. 195, The year 1964 has brought still more cruel repression of the long-suffering incligenous population of South Africa by the Verwoerd régime. According to existing information, between January and 1 May this year the racists held about thirty tria& of South African patriots at Pretoria, Johannesburg, Cape Townl Port Elizabeth and other towns in the Republic of South Africa. In March, three members ofthe antiapartheid movement-Vuyisile Mini, Zinakile Mkaba and Wilson Khayinga-were sentenced to death at Port Elizabeth. 196. Like the rest of mankind, the Soviet people are deeply concerned about the fate of the people of South Africa and the progressive elements among themthe patriots fighting against apartheid. Soviet workers , collective farmers and members of the intelligentsia throughout the country are sending telegrams and letters to the United Nations to protest against the repressions in the Republio of South Africa and are asking the Organization to take effective measures to save the lives and seoure thereleaseof the leaders of the national liberation movement and of allpersons fighting against apartheid. 197. The feelings of deep conoern and indignation of the Soviet people were expressed in a message from the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, Mr. Leonid Ilich Brezhnev, addressed to the President of the Republio of South Africa, Mr. Swart. The message stated, inter alia: “1 appeal to you in connexion with the alarm which seized people of goodwill everywhere when they learnt of the death sentences passed on the oitizens of the Republio of South Africa Vuyisile Mini, Zinakile Mkaba and Wilson Khayinga for taking part “1 am convinced that such action would be welcomed with a feeling of relief and deep satisfaction by the widest circles in the world community.” 198. The leaders of many States have sent similar messages to the Government of the Republic of South Africa. However , the faots testify that the racist régime is not disposed to abandon its inhuman and reckless policy. 198. des messages blique comme renoncer 199. In a reply to the Seuretary-General which is unprecedented in both form and content, the leaders of the Republic of South Africa actually intimate that, despite the resolutions of the United Nations, they intend to persist in their policy of repression against the South African patriotic forces. 199. - est sans precedent sud-africaine l’intention Nations les forces 200. The position of the Soviet Union on this matter is well known. Specifically, it is set out in the letter dated lO’April1964from the PermanentRepresentative of the USSR to the United Nations: 200. est 1.a lettre rité, de l’Union Nations “Basing itself on humanitarian principles, the prinoiple of the equal rights of people of a11 races and nationalities, the principles of the United Nations Charter, the Soviet Union strongly advocates putting an end to apartheid in the Republic of South Africa and supports the demand of a11 decent peopleeverywhere for the immediate cessation by the South Afrioan racists of their repression against leaders and participants in the national liberation movement.” [S/5651.] -/ 201. Acting in aocordanoe with this position of principle, the Soviet delegation fully supports the draft resolution submitted to the Security Council by the delegations of the Ivory Coast and Morooco. 201. d818gation soviétique résolution del8gations 202. As envisaged in the draft resolution, the Security Council should urge the South African régime to renounce the execution of the persons sentenced to death for having opposed the inhuman policy of apartheid, ta end forthwith the trials on charges of opposition to apartheid and to grant an amnesty to a11 persons imprisoned, interned or subjeoted to restrictions bscause of their opposition to the policy of apartheid. 202. rit6 africain condamnées tique diatement battent personnes d’autres politique 203. In view of the lateness of the hour and the procedure usually followed in the Security Council, the SOViet delegation asks that there should be no con- SaCUtive interpretation of thés statement into other European languages. 203. de la procédure la l’interprétation les autres

I !aVe no further speakers on my list. 1 draw the attenbon of the Council to the draft resolution submitted 204. sur projet -/lb& Tt was SO decided. The meeting rose at 6.25 p.m.