S/PV.1130 Security Council

Monday, April 27, 1964 — Session None, Meeting 1130 — New York — UN Document ↗ OCR ✓ 4 unattributed speechs
This meeting at a glance
7
Speeches
3
Countries
0
Resolutions
Topics
Southern Africa and apartheid War and military aggression Haiti elections and governance Security Council deliberations General statements and positions Arab political groupings

The President unattributed #120405
Pursuant to decisions previously taken by the Security Council on this question, 1 shall invite the representatives of Madagascar, Indonesia, India, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Pakistan and Tunisia to take seats at the Council table. At the invitation of the President, Mr. L. Rakotomalaxa (Madagascar), Mr. L. N. Palar (Indonesia), Mrs. Lakshmi N. lUenon (India), MT. C. B. Rogers- Wright (Sierra Leone), Mr. J. Grimes (Liberia), Mr. V. A. Hamdani (Pakistan) and Mr. Taieb Slim (Tunisia) tookplaces at the Council table.
Atits meetingof June 1964[1128th meeting], the Security Council adopted a resolution [S/5761]& urging the South African Government: Vo renounce the execution of the persons sentenced to death for acts resulting from their opposition to the policy of apartheid; t’To end forthwith the tria1 in progress, instituted within the framework of the arbitrary laws of apartheid; and “TO grant an amnesty to a11 persons already imprisoned, interned or subjected to otherrestrictions for having opposed the policy of apartheid, and particularly to the defendants in the Rivonia triai”. 3. The result of the vote, as 1 said the other day, was not what we had expected. We had hoped, since the nature of the problem before us was bothpolitioal and humane, that the members of the Council, in a magnanimous gesture of solidarity toward persons convicted and sentenced for their political beliefs, would be able to adopt this resolution unanimously. In an ex- I/ See Officia1 Records 01 the Security Council, Nlneteenth Supplement for April, klay and June 1964. 4. Today news has just reached us that apartioularly harsh decision was handed down against eight African personalities. They were sentenoed, not to death, but to spend the remainder of their lives in South African gaols-an equally tragic fate for men whose cause is seeking to serve their people and to work in justice, freedom and dignity. 4. parvenir severite nalites CondamneeS passer africaines. des hommes ler la dignite de leur peuple. 5. On this occasion, 1 should like, with your permission, Mr. President, to read out the statement just issued by Chief Albert L. Luthuli, the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize. Here is the text: 5. A m’en de donner faire En voici le texte: “Sentences of life imprisonment have been pronounced on Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu, Ahmed Kathrada, Goven Mbeki, Denis Goldberg, Raymond Mhlaba, Elias Motsoaledi and Andrew Mlangeni in the Rivonia Tria1 in Pretoria. “Over tire long years these leaders advooated a policy of racial co-operation, of goodwill, and of peaceful struggle that made the South African liberation movement one of the most ethical and responsible of our time. In the face of the most bitter racial persecution, they resolutely set themselves against racialism; in the face of oontinued provocation, they oonsiatently chose the path of reason. “The African National Congress, with allied organizations representing a11 racial sections, sought every possible means of redress for intolerable oonditions, and held oonsistently to a policy of using militant, non-violent means of struggle. Their common aim was to create a South Africa in whioh a11 South Afrioans would live and work together as fellow-citizens, enjoying equal rights without discrimination on grounds of race, colour os creed. “TO this end, they used every accepted method: propaganda, public meetings and rallies, petitions, stay-at-home strikes, appeals, boycotts, SO carefully did they educate the people that in the four-year-long treason triai, one police witness after another voluntarily testified to this emphasis on non-violent methods of struggle in a11 aspects of their activities. “But finally a11 avenues of resistancewere olosed. The African National Congress and other organizatiens were made illegal;-their leaders jailed, exiled or forced underground. The Government sharpened it8 oppression of the peoples of South Africa, using its all-white parliament as the vehicle for making “The African National Congres~ never abandoned its method of a militant, non-violent struggle, and of creating in the process a spirit of militancy in the people. However, in the face of the uncompromising white refusa1 to abandon a policy which denies the African and other oppressed South Africans their sightful heritage-freedom-no one cari blame brave, just men for seeking justice by the use of violent methods; nor oould they be blamed if they tried to create an organized force in order to ultimately establish peace and racial harmony. “For this, they are sentenoed to be shut away for long years in the brutal and degrading prisons of South Africa. With them will be interred this country’s hopes for racial co-operation. They Will leave a vacuum in leadership that may only be filled by bitter hate and racial strife. “They represent the highest in morality andethios in the South African politioal struggle; this morality and ethios has been sentenced to an imprisonment it may never survive. Their policies are in accordance with the deepest international prinoiples of brotherhood and humanity; without their leadership, brotherhood and humanity may be blastedout of existence in South Africa for long decades to corne. Theybelieve profoundly in justice andreason; whenthey axe locked away, justice and reason Will have departedfrom the South African scene. “Thés is an appeal to save these men, not merely as individuals, but for what they stand for. In the name of justice, of hope, of truth and of peace, 1 appeal to South Afrioa’s strongest allies, Britain and America. In the name of what we have corne to believe Britain and Amerioa stand for, 1 appeal to those two powerful countries to take deoisive action for full-soale action for sanctions that would precipitate the end of the hateful system of apartheid, “1 appeal to a11 Governments throughout the world, to people everywhere, to organizations and institutions in every land and at every level, to act now to impose such sanctions on South Africa that Will bring about the vital necessary change and avert what cari become the greatest African tragedy of our times.” 7, Mr, HAJEK (Czechoslovakia) (translated from French) : 1 should like to associate my delegation with the expression of deep distress, sympathy and indeed of solidarity with the victims of judicial repression, SO eloquently uttered by our distinguished colleague from Morocco. His reading of Mr. Luthuli’s letter is a further contribution to the great debate on the problem of apartheid. Al1 those who have spoken in this debate bave eloquently condemned the racist régime in the Republic of South Africa, expressingandreflectingthe profound indignation of their peoples and of public opinion throughout the entire world at this repugnant phenomenon, the rule of racial discrimination. -Monsieur le President, d’associer ma délf?gation aux A cet égard, ils ont exprime et reflet6 l’indignation profonde de leurs peuples et de l’opinion publique mondiale tout entière & 1’8gard d’un phBnombne r& pugnant, celui du régime de discrimination raciale. 8, The United Nations rostrum is the most appropriate place from which repeatedly to voice such an ullqualified condemnation; for it was in the historic struggle of the peoples of the entire wosld against the barbarie, cruel and inhuman system and regime of Hitlerian fascism that the United Nations was born. Thés Organization cannot remain indifferent toward a system and régime whose authors and leaders some of whom, it should be remembered, were implicated in the past as admirers and propagators of nazismare attempting to apply the same abominable principles and methods in the south of the African continent, \-‘y subjugating, exploiting, and torturing 13 million human beings in the most degrading fashion. 8. En effet, la tribune de l’Organisation des Nations Unies est le lieu le plus approprié pour prononcer et rbitérer c’est dans la lutte historique des peuples du monde entier contre le syst&me et le régime barbares, cruels et inhumains du fascisme hitlgrien Unies sont n&es. Elles ne peuvent pas rester indifférentes si l’égarcl d’un syst&me et d’un régime dont les auteurs et les dirigeants - parmi lesquels certains ont W compromis, par le pas&, comme arlrnirateurs et propagateurs du nazisme, et celad’ailIeurs ne devrait pas &tre oublié - s’efforcent cl~applicluer ces principes et ces m~thocles abominables clans le suc1 du continent africain en asservissant, en exploitant et en torturant 13 millions d’êtres humains de la façon la 9, One cannot over-emphasize this parallel with Hitlerian fascism, already observed by many eminent personalities in the course of the debate on apartheid, The monstrous plans which the Nazi leaders had prepared in order to subjugate the peoples of Europe, and those of Eastern Europe first of all-plans whose criminal character was denounced and condemned by the International Tribunal at Nürnberg as were also their authors, plans the attempts at execution ofwhich live on in the memories of Europeans who today are following the Nazi trials that are still taking placethess same plans are being implemented at this very moment by the South African leaders in order to dispossess and enslave the African population, and to subject them a11 to a life which recalls in many re- SpCtS the horrors of the ghettos and concentration camps of Hitler ‘s Germany. 9. Ce parallele avec le fascisme hitlgrien, observé déjil par beaucoup de personnages illustres au cours de la discussion sur L’apartheid, ne peut pas Btre suffisamment soulign8; car les plans monstrueux que les dirigeants nazis avaient prQar& les peuples d’Europe, et, tout d’abord, de l’Europe orientale, les plans dont le caractgre criminel a 6th d&on& de Nuremberg comme en ont &é dénonc& leurs auteurs - et dont les essais d’ex6cution rbapparaissent dans la mémoire des peuples de l’Europe contemporaine qui suivent les proces intentes aux criminels nazis, qui se deroulent encore aujourd’hui - ces mêmes plans sont, 51 l’heure actuelle, appliqués par les dirigeants sud-africains pour d&possBder et tout entiere à une vie qui, % beaucoup d’egards, rappelle les horreurs des ghettos et des camps de concentration de l’Allemagne hitlérienne. 10. A ce sujet, les rapports du Comité spécial charge d!Etudier la politique d’apartheid du Gouvernement de la Republique sud-africaine S/57172/] aussi bien que le rapport du Secrétaire général [S/56583] nous donnent de nombreuses trations d’apres lesquels nous voyons que le mbcanisme d’un Etat moderne, hautement industrialis8, est mis 10, In this connexion, the reports of the Special Committee on the Policies of apartheid of the Government of the Republic of South Africa [S/5621 and S/571’7]a and the Secretary-General’s report [5/5658]-/provide many illustrations of various aspects of that life,from whkh we ean see that the machinesy of a modern, highly industrialized State is beingplaced at the service of FID antiquated and barbarous idea and applied with a (voir sion, annexes~ G Also issuad as A/5692 and A/5707 respectively (sec Officia1 ~~Cor~s Of the General Assentbly, Nineceenth Session, Annexes). Supplément 3 Ofkial Records of the Security Council, Nineteenth Year, Supplement for Avril, May and June 1964. 12. However , 1 should like to mention another aspect: the social and economic discrimination which is being raised to the level of anationalinstitution and practised systematically to degrade an entire people andreduce it to a condition of slavery byforcing it to exist in oonditions of under-nourishment and partial and gradua1 extermination. How else oan one desoribe the fact that 68 per cent of the population have been orammed into 13 per cent of the land, in an area almost devoid of natural resources, SO as to provide,indefinitely,areserve of servile labour withno trade union rights whose fundamental human rights are not proteoted, areserve of man-power forced to live at a level more than ten times lower than that of the white minority, without access to an education higher than that of slaves, subjected to poverty, hunger and various diseases. 13. It is significant, in this regard, that the average wage of Africans in the mines is one fifteenth of that of the Whites and even lower than the minimum subsistence level determined by research at the racist institutes themselves as being absolutely necessary to maintain the life of an African worker. The same applies éo the wages of Africans in industry and agriculture. Moreover, these meagre wages are subject to a heavier rate of taxation than are those of thewhites. Infant mortality is eight Urnes greater amongAfrioans than amongWbites andpublic expenditurefor an African pupil is one tenth the amount allottedfor a white ohild. 14. These are some additional features of a system in which are concentrated a11 the worst aspects of the history of capitalist society: oolonialism in a11 its extremes , racial discrimination, the police state concentration camps for non-whites, a11 this behind a classical parliamentary façade for theprivilegedwhite minority; the system is presented to the world by its defenders as the ideal of Western civilization,aparadise for capitalist investments whioh are guaranteed by repressive laws and policies whioh areferociously anti-communist. 15. In this , moreover, lies the strength of the South African raoists’ defence; they have the open or tacit support of a11 the reactionary elements in the leading capitalist countries of the West. The representatives of these countries do critioize the apartheid régime from time to time, in response to the protests of the African countries and world democratic opinion. However, as we have seen, these critioisms are purely verbal and do not even venture SO far as to tel1 the South African Government that it ought not to murder the leaders of the African population in a travesty of legal procedure. 17. It is public knowledge that while the United Nations, through its resolutions in the General Assembly and the Security Council, condemns the apartheid rggime in South Africa, this régime is receiving support and encouragement in the form of increased investment from the UnitedKingdom, the United States, France, aud the Pederal Republic of Germany. 17. Nations prises sécurité, ce regime des investissements Etats-Unis, d’Allemagne. 18, The increasing rate of such investment, and the expansion of trade originating for the most part in these countries have been noted by every agency which has made a study of the SouthAfricaneconomic situation, and also by the Special Committee and the Group of ExpeTts. As aresult of these studies, we have at our disposa1 some fac& and observations which are both interesting and significant. Without wishing to repeat what we have a11 read in these documents, my delegatien would like to draw the attention of our Security Council colleagues particularly to the increasing role which the Federal Republic of Germany is playing in these practical manifestations of solidarity with the racist South African rggime. Already last year, in the general debate before the General Assembly, our delegation noted? the granting by the Bonn Government of considerable credits to the Verwoerd Government at the very moment the United Nations was callingon its Members to discontinue their support of the Government in South Africa. The African Press and public opinion are justifiably concerned at the various indioations of this close co-operation thatwould enable Bonn, as a NATO member which does not consider itself formally bound by United Nations resolutions, to continue and even to strengthen Atlantic Alliance support for this bastion of colonialism in South Africa. 18. du commerce de ces qui ont fait des Etudes sur de l’Afrique et 8tudes nous donnent des constatations interessantes délégation avons permettra Conseil l’Allemagne solidarite africain, eu l’occasion, bl8e g&&ale, derables nement Unies l’appui et le public africains diverses par qui ne se consid&e résolutions continuer atlantique l’Afrique 19. 19. 1 should like to recall some points made in the Nigerian Press in July 1963 concerning the atomic CO-operation between Bonn and Pretoria and the resulting danger for the African continent, as well as similar concern voiced in the Press of Ghana in March of that year, which mentioned West German military penetration into Africa as part of a NATO Campaign. This is extremely important, particularly &te juillet atomique en préoccupations ghanéenne de la pgnetration session, 9 See Officia1 Records of the General Assembly, Eighteenth Session, Phary Meetings, 1211th meeting, para. 107. 20. Every speaker has rightly observed that alter eighteen years of discussion and condemnation of the apartheid régime, the United Nations should now take practical measures to compel the South Afrioan racists to respect the resolutions of our Organization and thus put an end to the danger resulting from a racist, reactionary, inhuman and aggressive policy. 21. On the basis of statements which have beenmade and of the conclusions reached by the Special Committee ancl other bodies, there is among us an agreement in principle that United Nations action should be al0ng the lines already laid down in General Assembly resolution 1’761 (XVII) and reitereated in resolution 1899 (XVIII) and in Security Council resolutions of 7.Augnst [S/5386] and 4 December 1963 [S/5471]. These called for the Council, under Article 41 of the Charter, to take decisive action in the form of effective pressure to induce the South African Government to abandonits policy which is direoted against a11 African peoples and which, thereby, constitutes a threat to international peaoe. Our delegation is in agreement with those who have called for appropriate and effective eoonomic messures. 22. We believe that the Security Councilcannot ignore the repeated appeal of the African countries, expressed notably in the resolution adopted by the Summit Conference of Independent African States at Addis Ababa on 25 May 1963 and in the resolution adopted by the Conference of African Foreign Ministers at Lagos in February, 1964, an appeal which bas been reaffirmed and supported by public opinion tluoughout the world. Not only is it fully within the competence of the Security Council, it is the latter’s moral and political duty to take measures to ensure respect for our Organization% authority, and, at the same time, ward off a crisis the prospect of which represents a threat not only to Africa, but to a11 mankind. 23. Su& measures-as was rightly stated by the International Conference on Economie Sanctions against South Africa which meeting in London in April of this year gathered experts from forty-seven countries and whose recommendation has already been quoted hereare, as the recommendation states, “politically timely, eoonomically feasible and legally appropriate” fS/5’717, para. 741. 24. Measures such as these could be an effective instrument owing to the importance of foreign invest- 25. There are thus no serious obstacles, no insurmountable technical or economic problems standing in the way of taking such measures. The real problem is political: the Governments of the Powers whose economic relations with the Republic of South Africa are of crucial importance must be induced to free themselves from the grip of certain reactionary forces, to abandon their tacit or open solidarity with the South African racists and to act in accordance with their duties and responsibilities as Members of the United Nations and as members of the Security Council in particular-in accordance, moreover, with their own statements made here in which they have condemned the South African racist policy as contrary to the principles of the Charter and endangering international peace. 26. Our delegation, for its part, is prepared to support and to vote in favour of any resolution providing for appropriate and effective measures under Article 41 of the Charter. This position reflects the attitude of OW people, who have always condemned every manifestation of racism. It is also in line with the policy Of OU?? Government which gave the General Assembly resolutions its support and compliedwiththem-to give juSt one example-by closing the Consulate-General at Johannesburg, which was its only officia1 representalion in South Africa. 270 Naturally, the Government of Czechoslovakiaremains ready to support a11 effective measures for impletneiiting the principles of the Charter and the resolutions against aggressive racism in a11 its manifestations,
My delegationprofoundlyregrets that since the apartheid question was last debated in thiS Council in December 1963, the situation in South Africa, far from improving, has deteriorated farther. Acts of repression and inhumanity have been Pursued with inoreased vigour and harshness. The P*ess reports from South Afrioa this morning about the sentencing of the leaders of African nationalism in&cate that the resolution [S/5761] adopted by the Security Council a few days ago [1128th meeting] has flot Produced any result. If this sad state of affairs is 29. Members of the Council have not been unmindiX of the fact that each nation has its own fixations, own neuroses and its own areas ofirrationality. Racial discrimination has had a long history in South Africa. The world oommunity does not expeot the SouthAfrican authorities to effect a complete reversa1 of its apartheid policies overnight. But it does expect them to show some degree of co-operation with the United Nations and thus demonstrate its willingness to carry out the obligations it has assumed as a Membes of the Organization. 30. Realizing the immensely complex and difficult problem with whioh it has been faced, the Security Counoil, in operative paragraph 6 of its resolution 4 December 1963 [S/5471] ,?/ requested the Secretary- General to establish a small group of recognized perts fito examine methods of resolving the present situation in South Africa through full, peaceful orderly application of human rights and fundamental freedoms “, 31. My delegation supported the proposal because, in our opinion, it represented a constructive andforward step towardthe solution of this difficult humanproblem. It was our hope that this might open up opportunities for a fruitful exchange of views and thus remove obstacles which have hitherto blocked a11 meaningful communication between the United Nations and the Government of South Africa. The possibilities for good, we believed, were enormous. 32. It is to be regretted that the Governmentof South Africa has reacted to this in anegative manner. If; has refused to receive the Group of Experts appointed the Secretary-General and characterized its intended visit to South Afrioa as an “unparalleled attempt deliberate interference” in the interna1 affairs of the Republic. Thus the Group of Experts was unable to go to South Africa. In such oircumstances, it was obliged to make its report without the benefit of the co-operation of the South African authorities. If the report contained in document S/5658 is indeed Tu11 of %naccuraoies, distortions and erroneous conclusions based on false premises” as has been alleged by the Permanent Representative of South Africain his letter to the President of the Security Council [S/5723] ,ythe South African authorities have only themselves blame. Instead of criticizing the report sfter it was published, would it not have been much better and more useful for South Africa to have comefowardand taken appropriate steps to oo-operate with the United Nations? 33 * No less urgent than the need for establishing communication between the UnitedNations and the Government of South Africa is the necessity of establisbing communication between the white and non-white tors of the South African population. The report of the Gro~~p, of Experts has, I believe rightly, laid down the s/ Officiai Records of the Security Council, Eighteenth Year, Supplement for Ocre er, b 6! Ibid.. Nineteenth Year, Supplement for April, May atid June 1964. sible et de tous libres futur - blancs ment qu’une a une convention “No sound and enduring solution cari corne until South Africans of a11 races, and of a11 significant political groups, are free to consult together and plan the framework of their future government. It is still the ardent hope of many South Africans-white as well as non-white-that suoh consultation Will take place, leading, hopefully, to a multiracial national convention. ” 35. This proposa1 of the Group of Experts shouldrecelve mosf serious consideration by the Security Council, My delegation believes, however , that the proposed convention should not have a hard and fast agenda and should not determine boforehand what should or should net be discussed. Flexibility is the essence of the 35. tres Toutefois, de la convention de façon ne pas caractéristique c’est peuple, se une telle rait le plus matter, In the words of Mr. Cowen: n 0,. What matters most at this stage is that the people of South Africa-a11 the people-should be persuaded to consult with each other rather than maim each other. Here, indeed, is a direction in which international influence may constructively be channelled. n These, 1 submit, are words of wisdom. Ce sont 151, à mon avis, de sages paroles. 36, Moreover, my delegation believes that in considering the proposa1 of the Group of Experts the Security Council should take into account the necessity of careful study and preparation for it to be translated into reality. The Group of Experts appears to be cognizant of the faot that racial discrimination is so deeply embedded in the mores of the white South African minority that it oannot be done away with in short order. There is no qui& or easy way out. What is needed is a sound and enduring solution of the apartheid question. The issues at stake are SO plainly momentous that adequate time must be allowedfor the Welopment and achievement of such a solution, 36. la proposition sécurité et une preparation pour que cette proposition Le Groupe que la discrimination ancree africaine temps. faut, question sont voir l’application 37. This does not mean, however, that the United Nations should relax its pressure on the South African Government t0 bring about a peaceful and orderly transformation of its policies. On the contrary, it mUSt continue to make it unmistakably clear to the South African Government that its apartheid policies are causing universal resentment and oondemnation an6 that unless it takes steps to mendits ways, tragedy and disaster Will be unavoidable. 37. Unies sur des mation continuer vernement ressentiment que, s’il d’evénements 38. In this respect, my delegation wishes to pay tribute t0 the Special Committee for the energetic manner in which it has carried out its mandate. Already the United Nations is coming to the end of its patience. 38. mage au Comite il s’est arrivent
The President unattributed #120412
1 cal1 upon the representative of Sierra Leone.
1 have asked to intervene at this stage in view of the serious clevelopments which have recently taken place in this lamentable story of apartheid in South Africa. We are not surprised that such inhuman sentences should have been passed, but we deeply regret such a development. 42. It is my duty to associate my delegation with the remarks made this morning by the representative of Morocco in which he drew the Council’s attention to the statement made by that illustrious son of Africa and Nobel Prize winner, Chief Albert Luthuli. It is unfortunate indeed that this man, who is internationally renowned for moderation, should beforcedbycircumstances to make an appeal such as is contained in that statement. We join our voices in support of that appeal. 1 should like to repent the words of his earnest request to save these men, not merely as individuals, but for what they stand for: “111 the name of justice, of hope, of truth and of peace, 1 appeal to South Africa’s strongest allies, Britain and America. In the name of what we have corne to believe Britain and America stand for, 1 appeal to those two powerful countries to take decisive action for full-scale action for sanctions that would precipitate the end of the hateful system of apartheid.” 43. It is a matter of great significance that,contrary to what some people have argued, the imposition of sanctions would hurt the Africans most. Chief Luthuli, the African nationalist leader, has oalled in very clear terms for the imposition of sanctions as the only way in which apartheid Will be destroyed. We therefore hope that the members of the Security Council Will take due note of this and Will realizethat, in the name of humanity, the time bas corne for the strongest possible action to meet this terrible crisis in human relations on the continent of Africa. 47, We have listened with deep emotion and profound concern to the moving statement of Chief Luthuli,which the representative of Morocco has placed before the Council. It should cause us deep concern and anxiety because that statement shows how helpless we have become in the face of the intransigence of one of the Members of thés great Organization. 48. As my delegation pointed out dusing its intervention earlier [ 1127th meeting], the world looks to the United Nations for the rectification of injustice and to the Security Counoil for the maintenance of world peace. It is, therefore, a11 the more saddening to think that the problem of apartheid instead of being solved should beoome a menace and a threat to international peace, that it should unleash violence which, while distasteful to all of us, has to be accepted as justifiable in the context of South Africa’s racial policies. 49. Today the problem is not only one of sanctions but of creating a situation with overtones of violence which appears as a prelude to agraver situation, The ChiefIs statement has clearly pointed out how after four years of peaceful efforts the people of SouthAfrica-notonly the Blacks, but of a11 colours, including the Whiteshave found the South African Government does not understand peace or peaceful methods, but is determined to resort to methods which axe by no means civilized or peaceful. 50, The United Nations stands for peace: peaceful negotiations for the settlement of problems. When thése fail, what is the responsibility of the big Powers-the permanent members who have the responsibility for the maintenance of peace? My delegation was surprised the other day at the arguments of some of the permanent memhers after appeals had been made to them to Iend their support to the resolution demanding amnesty t0 prisoners. They ignored that there have been in- StanCes in history when verdicts were withdrawn in response to popular appeal. We were told thatwe were interfering in the domestic affairs of South Africa; that we were interfering with the due processes of law. Does membership in the United Nations not impose any responsibility on South Africa to abide by its pledge? 1s any MemSer warranted in invoking Arti- Cie 2 (7) of the Charter to justifyits illegal actions, its cruel laws, its suppression of fundamental rights and the promotion of discrimination and segregation? It would indeed be a sad day for the whole world of the United Nations, and especially for the Security Council, if it should find itself unable to mainlain world peace through its efforts.
The President unattributed #120419
1 cal1 upon the Foreign Minister of Liberia. 53. Mr. GRIMES (Liberia} : The judge in SouthAfrica has pronounced sentence in the Rivonia trial of nonwhites in South Africa who have been tried under the most arbitrary laws ever enacted in this Century by a minority which is seeking to perpetuate itself at a great cost in human misery andhuman sufferings.Yet, we have listened to some in this Council who, while stating that the system of apartheid is abhorrent, also say or imply that the United Nations has no authority to take what is a clearly legitimate measure under the Charter to end such crimes against humanity. Moreover, even after clearly ig-noring and defying a11 appeals and resolutions by the General Assembly and the Security Council, some permanent members seem to condone South Africa’s intransigence at the expense of the authority andprestige of theUnitedNations whioh they claim to support. This Osganization, like a11 ins titutions, has its limitations-and’no one disputes this, but are the limitations SO many that the United Nations is unable to take effective action, or are some eountries lacking the Will to enable the United Nations to take effective action in this matter? 54. The statement issued by Chief Albert Luthuli on the outcome of the tria1 of Mandela, Sisulu and othersa statement already read into thereoordbythe representative of Morocco-mirrors the feelings of a11 the people of Africa. Tsuly today is a day of tragedy for Africa and a day of infamy for the white masters of South Africa. Decent mon and women throughout the world are stunned by this latest act of inequity being perpetrated by the Government of South Africa in its continued campaign of repression and oppression of those who oppose the heinous and nefarious policy of apartheid. Mandela and others, sentenced to life imprisonment today , have now been apparently relegated to oblivion where the South African racists hope their voices as leaders ofthe millions of Africans in bondage in that country Will no longer be raised in protest against the brutality whioh is their constant lot, It is not only Mandela and the other convicted men who have been sentenced to imprisonment for their political beliefs-it is a11 those who seek equality, whose only desire is to enjoy the blessings of freedom and to pursue a life of peace and happiness, But it is Mandela, Sisulu and others who must pay the price for the noble aspirations of mankind-aspirations that strive for the brotherhood of a11 humanity. 56. listes profonde pulsion arbitraire et de la justice, monstrueuse en Afrique leur habitants 56, Mr. FEDORENKO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian) : It was with a feeling of profound indignation and abhorrence that the peoples of the world learnt of the fresh act of lawlessness, tyranny and utter disregard for human rights and justice-the pronouncement of another monstrous sentence on South African patriots fighting for the sacred rights of their people, for the freedom and independence of the inhabitants of South Africa. 57. Conseil témoin part du ragime 57, The ink was not yet dry on the resolution which the Security Council had just adopted when the world found itself confronted with fresh acts of criminal repression by the raoist régime of South Africa. 58, We fully share the deep concexn and alarrn of those participants in the Council’s meeting who raised their voices in protest and indignation and who today expressed support for the fighting elements, the patriots of the Republic of South Africa. We also fully endorse the message of Albert Luthuli which the representative of Morocco read out to us. The Security Council cannot ignore the appeal embodied in that statementthe appeal to a11 men everywhere, and in particular the ca11 to South Africa’s closest allies, the UnitedKingdom and the United States. 58. cupations à la exprimer ont manifesté triotes Nous Albert a donné lecture. rester les hommes plus et les Etats-Unis. 59, It is impossible to be silent, to remain neutral, to toierate attempts at evasion, to refrain from taking a position on this reign of lawlessness, arbitrary triais , repression by imprisonment. Members of the Security Council cannot and must not be silent, especially those who shoulder a heavy responsibility for the fate of the world andits peoples, andfor world security. No verbal justifications, no legal casuistry, no verbiage like that heard at previous meetings from some members of the Security Council, including permanent members, cari possibly justify a position of indifference, abstention from action, and non-intervention, 59. impossible tentatives ne pas illegaux, dans les prisons. rité cieux, ponsabilite peuples justification verbiage ces sbcurite, peut une attitude d’abstention 60. We are dealing here with most heinous crimes against humanity-the criminal apartheid policy. The United Nations Charter requires a11 of us, and particularly the members of the Security Council, to take whatever steps are necessary and to do whatever is in 60, l’humanit6; d’apartheid. de tous, de en leur pour faire révoltants. Ollr power to stop such shocking use of force and lawlessness. 61. The fresh arbitrasy act of the South African régime cari be regarded only as a challenge to the Security Council and to our Organization, and the Security Council must respond in a most decisive rnslmer. 61. ne peut 6tre Conseil Conseil plus energique.
The President unattributed #120421
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UN Project. “S/PV.1130.” UN Project, https://un-project.org/meeting/S-PV-1130/. Accessed .