S/PV.1145 Security Council

In aocordance with the decision taken yesterday [ 1144th meeting] 1 intend, with the consent of the members of the Council, to invite the representatives of Malaysia and Indonesia to participate, without vote, in the Counoil’s discussion, 1. a la decision propose, d’inviter 1’IndonBsie deliberations Abdul negoro Conseil. At the invitation of the President, Data’ Ismail bin Dato t A bdul Rahman (Malaysia) and Mr. Sudjarwo Tjondronegoro (Indonesia) took places at the Council table. 2. aujourd’hui, pines une participer vote, dans les memes conditions de la Malaisie tion, demande,

Today 1 reoeived a letter from the Permanent Representative of the Philippines to the United Nations [S/5953]u requesting that he be allowed to participate, without vote, in the Council’s discussion of this question on the Same footing as these two representatives have been allowed to do, If there are no objections, I shall consider that the Council agrees to this. It was SO decided. A t the invitation of the Presiden t, Mr. Jacin to Castel Borja (Philippines) took a place at the Council table. Borja (Philippines) prend place à la table du Conseil. 3. Le PRESIDENT orateur inscrit Philippines, a qui je donne la parole.

The first speaker on my list is the representative of the Philippines, to whom 1 give the floor. 4. M. Au nom de ma delégation et en mon nom propre,

Mr. President, on behalf of my delegation and on my own behalf, 1 should like u Sec Officia1 Records of the Security Council, Nineteenth Year, Supplement for July, August and September 1964. année, 5. First of all, 1 should like to state that the fact that I have been placed at the side of the representative of Malaysia here has no bearing on our position in this dispute. The Philippine delegation cornes to thls Council table as afriendof both Malaysia and Indonesia, our blood cousins. We are here not to enter into their differences, but to enlarge as far as possible the areaof understanding. Our sole interest and oonoern is in helping to remove distord and to lay the foundations of agreement. 6. The Council is presently seized with a question which seriously involves the peace and security South-East Asia, It is a question whichaffectspeoples of the same racial strain whose devotion to peace is as consuming as their desire for progress prosperity. It was this devotion that inspired Chiefs of my State and of the countries now in dispute to meet last yeas in Manila, where on 31 July 1963 they approved and accepted the now well-known Manila Accord creating “Maphilindol’, in effect a blueprint for peace, prosperity and the well-being of that region. It was this same dedication to peace that enoouraged the three Fore@ Ministers of “Malphilindo” to meet again in Bangkok in Deoember 1963 and early 1964 and that later brought the Chiefs of State together in a summit meeting in Tokyo in June 1964. ‘7. During the Tokyo meetings, President Macapagal of the Philippines proposed the establishment of an African-Asian conciliation commission which would consider objectively the facts of the situation and recommend proposals for the peaceful adjustment of differences among the parties. The ultimate purpose of the proposa1 was to find a way out of a dangerous impasse by placing the responsibility for a solution on an African-Asian body which would be guided by the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Bandung Dec1aration.y 8. The proposa1 of President Maoapagal was accepted in prinoiple by the Prime Minister of Malaysia, subject to the condition that Indonesian troops be first withdrawn from Malaysian soil. For his part, President Sukarno said that he agreed to the proposa1 without reservation and that Indonesia would accept without question the recommendations of the conciliation com.mission. 9. 1 think that what 1 have just said was confirmed by the speeches of both sides yesterday in this Council, 10, The joint Tokyo communiqu8 of last June had provided for a meeting of Fore@ Ministers in another conference to consider the Maoapagal proposa1 in detail. The Philippines had been trying to arrange these meetings; indeed, a tentative agreement to start the discussion at sub-ministerial level had already been reached when the present question was a Declaracion on the Promotion of World Peace and Co-operation, adopted at the Asian-African Conference held at Eandung, Indonesia, from 18 to 24 April 19.55. II. If it is the desire of the Seourity Council that a solution continue to be sought along the lines of president Macapagal’s proposal, a recommendation to that effect would be warmly welcomed by the philippines, In fact, it epitomizes our hopes in this participation. 11. poursuivre du président tres en ce sens, ce qu’elles 12, We believe that this is a practical approach which points to practical solutions. It is in line with the Charter, wbich recognizes the value of regional efforts to solve problems and settle disputes, It accords with the principle of Asian solutions to Asian questions by Asian themselves. 12, un moyen concret Elle l’utilite problemes conforme aux Asiatiques ver une solution 13. Allow me to reiterate that our sole in this question is purely conoiliatory. In this insistenoe we are sustained by the hope that more serious developments Will be forestalled by the prompt resumption of peaoeful talks among ourselves. In short, we are here to affirm and reassert once more the Philippine position of a mediator, as envisaged by President Macapagal, in the firm belief that his proposa1 for a conciliation commission offers the most workable opportunity for peaceful, over-allsettlement of the differences in this dispute, 13. cette tion, prompte nous emp&chera je suis plus, dent Macapagal et que nous tendant le meilleur fique 14. In a11 this we are impelled not just by the imperatives of blood, geography and propinquity, but perhaps even m.ore by our devotion to peace and our desire to contribute, through the regional peace of South-East Asia, to the peace of the entire world. 14. liens geographique, par desir une région du monde entier. 15. de l’anglais estiment de l’Indon&ie, Unies, relle également l’Indonésie et a laisse nuerait reglement des la Malaisie, nisation

My delegation and my Government take a very serious view of the complaint before the Seourity Council in this case. The Government of Indonesia, a Member of the United Nations, has sanctioned the use of force in the pursuit of its quarrel with the sovereign State of Malaysia, which is also a Member of the United Nations. The representative of Indonesia has indeed expressed pride in the guerrillas and suggested that his Government Will continue to use force until there iS a settlement of its quarrel with Malaysia. We are a11 also aware of the announced objectives of Indonesia to crush Malaysia, a fellow Member of the United Nations, 16. But Indonesia’s quarrel seems to be with the United Kingdom because it sponsored the independenoe and the federation of its dependent territories in the area and is committed to their defence, and the settlement proposed by Indonesia seems to be that Malaysia must change its paternity in a manner satisfaotory to Indonesia. 16. diriges sion coloniaux ration 1’Indonesie se place propres 16. Malaysia is a Member, as 1 say, of the United Nations, which at the time of its creation voluntarily submitted its’ territories to examination by the United Nations to make certain that it was indeed the desire of their inhabitants to join the new State. Malaysia therefore it to an unusual degree a Child of the United Nations. 19. The deterioration of relations between Indonesia and Malaysia must be distxessing to every Member of the United Nations, and certainly none is more distressed that my Government. We recognize both Indonesia and Malaysia as independent nations, We have tried to maintain friendly relations with both, xelations based on mutual respect and seeking no more than mutual benefit. The test of our intentions does not depend upon faith in words; it is oertified by a long record of useful and of co-operative deeds. We were an active member of the United Nations Commission for Indonesia which helped bring about the birth of the Indonesian nation. We welcomed the independence of Malaya in 1957 and the proclamation of Malaysia just over a year ‘ago this m.onth. We welcomed Malaysia’s admission to theUnitedNations, just ‘as we earlier welcomed the admission of Indonesia. 20. With both of these ancient. peoples we have sought to work in friendly harmony from the very moment that they joined the lengthening list of newly independent Rates, We have participated with both of them on the tangible tasks of nation-building: the construction of roads and industries; the development of advanced eduoation; the modernization of agriculture; the impxovement of health and Child welfare; the training of seouxity forces, And wé have been proud to be associated with militaxy contingents from both of these nations in United Nations peace-keeping operations in other parts of the woxld. Wence, we are a11 the more distressed by the speotacle of one of these countries organising and employing force as an instrument of its policy toward the other. 21. We have welcomed the efforts of these neighbours in the past, together with the assistance of the Philippines and of Thailand, to work out a peaceful solution of their differences. Our President has even sent out a persona1 representative to help bring about a oease-fire, to get the conflict out of the jungles and back to the negotiating table. My Gqvernment has believed from the very beginning that if there is any legitimate dispute between these two States, which share common problems and enjoy a clo’se ethnie and cultural affinity, it should be settled bynegotiation between themselves, with the assistance of whatever good offices they may find mutually helpful. 23. Yestesday the representative of Indonesia was very fxank about the fact that force had in fact been used. He argued that in dealing with neighbouxs whose policies Indonesia does not like, the use of force on the territory of such neighbours was justified, if I did not misunderstand him. He made a11 too clear that the announced goal I;o crush Malaysia leads in practice to the axming of military units to operate in the territories of a neighbouring nation. 23. t&s usage compris, tique suivie de la force SUT leur territoire, ment Malaisie unit& ritoire 24. Now this, Mr, Pxesident and members of the Council, seems to us a new and dangerous doctrine of international law outside the Charter bf the United Nations and foreign to everything that man has learned about the danger of escalation from little waxs to big wars and the crucial importance of maintaining the peace. In the world about us there are this very afternoon nearly bal% a hundred-half a hundred-active disputes between neighbours: 23 of them in Asia; 10 in Africa; 3 in Europe; 12 in the Western Hemisphere. If other nations involved in these disputes were to take the law into their own hands, drop armed forces on the territory of their neighbours, the pxecarious peace of our inflammable world would soon go up in smoke. 24. international compte de l’expérience risquent maintien le monde actuel - je dis xesolus 3 en Europe toutes de s’&riger armes Pr&aire s’enflammer 25. The representative of Indonesia said that we are faced here with a political problem, not a legal one. But 1 submit that you cannot separate politics and law. And the first law of politics is that there must be some minimum agreement to abide by the rules of the game. The way in which the Indonesian case has been stated here makes it even m.ore necessary that this Council, which is entrusted by the Charter with the maintenance of peace and security, clearly identify as inaclm.issible the axmed action of the Indonesian Government against Malaysia on 2 September. The Government of Malaysia while exercisingits inherent right of self-defence has also met its obligation undex the Charter to bring this matter to the Security Council while there is yet time to escape the fateful consequences of violence and of counterviolence. It is now the cluty of this Council to fulfil its obligations to the world community, for which this Council exists. 25. nous non d’un la politique politique, IntOressBs règle a ete pour maintien nettement lancee le 2 septembre contre nable Malaisie au titre le Conseil pour et des représailles. de remplir mondiale 26. qui s’inscrit les chances tache d’huile. qui indignation sens Yadopter sIetendre, moderation 26, Let us focus then on the fact that a collision has pccurred, a collision which is part of a pattern of hostility which promises to xecux and whioh threatens to expand. Let us then get on with our duty, and our duty goes far beyond the angry pointing Of a finger at a violation of the Charter. Our larger duty, it seem.s to us, is to devise measures to keep these flames from spreading, for it is unmistakably clear that the outer limits of xestraint have been reached and we are face to face with the dxead Clilnate has been created, efforts could then be made to l*eSolVe the entire dispute by non-violent means. InStrUmelltS for peaceful settlement are available. Our task under the Charter as members of the Counoil is to see to it that an agreed instrument is chosen at the esrlies t possible date and that the parties take steps to Pave the way for a return to diplomacy. 28. The United States delegation has no interest in reoriminations about what has happened in the past; we are concerned with the present and the future of peace, and the means of restoring peace and keeping peaoe in this case. The United States is ready to woxk constructively and promptly, with a deep sense of ooncern and a Sharp sens8 of urgency, for action by this Security Council to put a stop to violence, to create the conditions for a peaceful settlement. And, 1 am sure that, as in SO many previous cases, there are practioal and effective measures available to the United Nations and to the Secretasy-General to help attain these objectives.

1 give the floor to the representative of Indonesia.

First of all, may I, with the President’s permission, welcome the participation of the representative of the Philippines in the deliberations on the item of the agenda and I do SO particularly beoause the Philippines is also a party to the “Maphilindo” agreement and 1 sinoerely hope that by the Philippine delegationls presence and contribution, the aMaphilindon fam.ily, although divided before this Counoil, cari emerge from these deliberations with a aew proposa1 for peace and a renewed spirit for “Maphilindo” harmony. 31. I was happy to hear the statement of the representative of the Philippines at the beginning of this meeting, a statement wbich to me was encouraging indeed. 32, yesterday I made a rathes lengthy and detailed smtement only in order to make the position of my Government with regard to the complaint of Malaysia against my country as plain and as clear as possible. &e might bave a somewhat different, a somewhat unconventions approach, from that which may usually prevail in the atmosphere and practices of thés high and honourable body. But 1 repreSent a Government and a people who are still in theprocess of revolution. pur revolution permits a11 aspects of the life of our 33. 1 was accused as if in mystatement of yesterday, 1 was trying to derail the issue before this Council, even to the extent of having tried to lay a trap. Well, Mr. President, 1 do not think that we should underestimate the intelligence and the experience of the members of this Council. And even if-1 repeat, if- 1 were able to lay a trap which my humble oapacity would not permit, 1 would not do SO. It would be useless before this Council. What is more, it would not help to solve and to remedy the situation, 33. On m’a accusé d’avoir claration d’avoir Monsieur l’intelligence conseil. Et même, à supposer - je r&p&e, a supposer - que je sois capable de tendre un piege, ce 2 quoi mes modestes capacites m’interdisent prétendre, je ne le ferais pas. Ce serait inutile devant ce conseil. Qui plus est, cela n’aiderait pas a rksoudre le probleme. 34. But what 1 did was to explain, to expose the whole situation. 1 placed the complaint of Malaysia in its real context, against its actual background, within the deeper and broades oonflict which, regrettably but in fact, exists in the region in which both of us-Malaysia and Indonesia-live. We should not put our heads in the sands. We oannot esoape realities, and oertainly not the realities in OUI own region, in our own homelands or even in our surroundings. We do not exist alone, by ourselves, in our own living area. Remnants of foreign Powers of the past, with their various interests and strongholds, are amidst us and probably too in between us. If the Malaysian delegation misunderstood my statement, it might have been because of the long colonial separation, a separation which resulted inevitably in differing national histories and differing anti-colonial struggles beyond the fault of each of us here. But 1 still believe that deep in oux hearts there is still more in common, in common aspirations, than that whioh separates us. 34. Ce que j’ai fait, en revanche, a été d’exposer en d&ail la Malaisie dans sa juste perspeative, en retraçant les faits et en les situant dans le cadre du conflit plus vaste et plus profond qui, malheureusement, existe en fait vivent cbte à côte. Nous ne devons pas nous aveugler. Nous ne pouvons nous soustraire surtout pas h oelles de notre propre region, de nos patries vivons. gion. Les puissances etrangeres du passé, soucieuses de leurs inter@ts et de leurs Conqu&es, ont laisse parmi nous, et probablement même entre nous, des vestiges de leur presence. Si la délegation malaisienne a mal compris ma declaration, cela est peut- &tre dQ & la longue séparation coloniale que nous avons connue et qui nous vaut d’avoir, sans que cela soit notre faute, des histoires nationales differentes et des luttes anticoloniales différentes. Mais je oontinue à croire encore plus d’aspirations communes que de causes de dissensions, 35, Je reconnais sans réserve que le conflit actuel n’est pas, en fait, un conflit entre nos deux peuples. Nous avions conclu un traité la nouvelle Malaisie ne nous soit impos6e. Cjest pourquoi comme le représentant hier, de cl&peindre ce conflit entre l’Indon&sie et la Malaisie comme un conflit opposant les 100 millions @IndonÏ%iens aux 10 millions d’habitants des territoires pas non plus un conflit entre un pays de 100 millions d’habitants et un pays de 10 millions d’habitants. Il y a dans une telle assertion, je me permets de le dire, une volont la question et, plus encore, de la dbnaturer. reprbsentant “attaque II d’un pays contre l’autre. Je ne puis croire qu’il ignore le fond du problème. Il sait trbs bien 35. 1 fully agree that there is indeed no conflict behveen both our peoples. We oonoluded a Treaty Of Friendshipa before Malaysia was forced in OU~ midst. That is why it is false and devious to picture the conflict which now exists between Indonesia and Malaysia as a conflict of the 100 million people in Indonesia against the 10 million people in the territories called “Malaysia ‘l, as the representative of the United Kingdom tried to suggest yesterday, Nor is it a conflict between a country of 100 million and a country of 10 million. This, if 1 may say SO, is a real attempt, a devious attempt, to derail the issue, and, more than that, to falsify the issue. The representative of the United Kingdom even used the word an “attaok” on one country by the other. 1 cannot believe that he would not know where the realissue lies. He knows full well that it is a politioal conflict which is being waged toclay in our area, which1 m.ade clear yesterday, 3/ Signed at Kuala Lumpur on 17 April 1959. 37. Thus it is in essence not a conflict between peoples and peoples, nor even between country and country, as the representative of the United Kingdom simply would suggest. TO us, Malaysia as a country, as a sovereign and independent country, does not exist. 1 say this with my persona1 apology to my opponent, Data’ Ismail, but 1 only want to be very clear on the position of my Government and on the fight-rather the counter-fight-Indonesia is nowwaging. What does exist, and what Indonesia is fighting against or, if you prefer, what Indonesia wants to crush, to destroy, is Malaysia, not as a people, not as a country, but as a political concept, which is neocolonialism. That is why we have not recognized Malaysia. That is why we are against Malaysia. 38. There is probably no textbook available to guide us in handling such a situation, a situation which might even sound odd to some conventional people, but this is the actual situation we face, the real state of political relations between Indonesia and Malaysia. And 1 must stress this again, because one might view this confliat between Indonesia and Malaysia as one between two States in the ordinary sense of the Word, It is not the case. It is a unique situation, especially in the legal sense. But it is there as a reality, and a strong reality. 1 stress this because, if the Security Council wants a genuine solution of the basic conflict, it cannot and must not ignore these hard facts. No resolution of the Council-if it should decide to adopt one-would be fitting, useful or workable, unless it recognizes these hard faots. 39. Commenting now on the content and intent of the complaint and charges brought by Malaysia, in the light of what 1 have already said, they are based on a wrong premise indeed-a wrong premise with an equally wrong conclusion, The presentation of the complaint itself-1 do not speak here of the validity of the charges themselves-as an isolated case, as a case “an sioh”, taken out of context from its background-the real situation of the conflict-is as unrealistic as it is untenable. It has been presented like a still out of a film, frozen and singled out of the whole reel. How could someone make out the actual sense of the picture, let alone form a judgement of it? Let us suppose, hypothetioally, that picture-that singled-out pioture-shows someone giving a slap 40. This hypothetical example may sound simple, but its message certainly deserves serious consideration by the Council before making a judgement of the case in question. Who is slapping whom? Who is attacking whom? Who is committing aggression against whom? Who is the guilty party? This is indeed the big question. And it cannot be answered on the basis of one isolated incident singled out from the total pioture without impunity. 40. pliste, d’être nonce sur cette affaire. fleté? une agsession Quel saurait isole détache de son contexte. 41. As for the aotual charges and allegations made by Malaysia yesterday, 1 have made no judgement as yet as to their validity. But 1 have stated that the case has been presented out of context, without reference to the background, the total picture of the conflict. Indeed, the deep and broader conflict which exists between Indonesia and Malaysia, the great and Sharp conflict existing on this matter in South-East Asia, has been ignored. In my statement yesterday, 1 did not deny the charges yet because whethex 1 did SO or not, it was, in that statement, irrelevant. 1 have looked at the picture and tried to place it in its proper context in order to facilitate consideration on a more correct and aocurate basis. 41. sie, je ne me suis pas encore prononce fondé. présentee pendamment duquel et plus Malaisie, le ,Sud-Est ma déclaration sations vention, l’image replacer l’examen exacts 42, TO contend, as someone did, that inmystatement yesterday 1 împlicitly or otherwise aocepted the validity of the charges and allegations, is therefore entirely unfounded indeed. In fact those charges, those allegations of a sea-borne landing at Pontian and a paratroop landing at Labis have notbeen proved by the so-oalled evidence brought before this Council, even with the show of arms arbitrarily brought into the Council cham.ber yesterday. Was that show to direct the m.embers of this Council towards a certain judgement, towards a preconceived judgement? When one laughed, 1 do not think it was only because of your pointed joke, Mr. President. What was that so-called evidence really worth? Weapons have no nationality, whatever their make. They have no personalities. They know no boundaries, no faces, no parties. As a matter of fact, the military material exhibited here yesterday can easily be obtained in many places throughout the world. You cari obtain them in Djakarta, but equally SO in Singapore or even perhaps in New York. 42. declaration, fonde est En ce conseil, sans salle, selon Pontian orienter direction rires sarcastique psetendues nalité, personnalit6. connaissent militaire est monde, pour ou peut-&tre 43. nos désignes les admettre. chise, dans quoi ils Elle nIa pas de motifs fle en Indonésie, population, des territoires 43, As to the incursions of our guerrillas, our volunteers, in the territories now called Malaysia, 1 have not admitted them. But 1 have spoken to you frankly about their fighting in those territories, and told you for what, and against what theywere fighting. Cur fight is no secret, It has no ulterior motives, no false banners. Volunteers in Indonesia corne from a11 quarters of the population and not only from Indonesia, but also from the territories now called Malaysia. It is a peoplets fight for freedom. against oolonialism. and neo-colonialism, against Malaysia as a political notion. For the volunteers, national 44. Neithes have 1 admitted the presence of these fighting volunteers in Malaya. 1 just spoke frankly about the recent spread of the fighting from Sabah and Sarawak to Malaya. Malaya is still Malaysia, part of Malaysia. There is no difference between fight in Sabah and Sarawak and that in Malaya. volunteers are the same, their status is the same, and, indeed, the character of their fight is the same. If, hcwever, 1 told you abcut the presence of our volunteess in Malaya, ccinciding in a sense with complaint of Malaysia. 1 did net and 1 do not say that they came there exac; :y in the way and at the time described and suggested by the representative of Malaysia, The picture described has not been proved tc be ccsrect, and, indeed, no cne here cari conciusively prove its ccrrectness. 45. But, again, 1 wculd ask the Ccuncil to consider and judge the complaint-if that is required-in ccntext of the entire picture. The vital question indeed is not hcw it happened, but why it happened. cannot remedy the conflict if ycu cannot answer this question, and if ycu cannct remedy the conflict, ycu cannot stop the manifestations, just as you cannot heal the symptcms of a disease withcut curing disease itself. 46, Therefore, what does the Security Council want? Does it want tc remedy the ccnflict or merely stop just cne of its manifestations? Letus be realistic. I wish to stress here emphatically that no cne cari stop the manifestations of this conflict without solving the conflict itself. 47, Yesterday, in my statement, I indicated that if cne wants to be constructive, the dcor ancl even the means to solve and finally end the ccnflict are still cpen. I referred tc the ccmmuniqu8 issued at the Tokyo summit meeting, which still shows a practical area of agreement between the parties on the basis of the Philippine proposa1 made by President Macapagal, As far as Indcnesia is concerne& this seems tc be the only way existing at the moment tc seek a solution of the problem at issue, if one really wants a peaceful solution. 48. Indonesia maintains the conviction that Asian problems should be solved by Asians themselves the Asian way of “mushawarahtl, that is to say, by brctherly consultation and agreement. This refers alsc tc the Aaian-African family, because we deeply belleve that Asia and Africa now are deeply aware of their own maturity and their cwn capabjlities, and, indeed, their cwn respcnsibility for solving their own problems. They are alsc aware of their broad responsibilities to prcmcte a just peace in the wcrld. 49. 1 have listened with great interest to the statement made this afterncon by the representative of the United States, and 1 would like to reserve my right to comment on this statement on a later occasion. 51. The Council’s discussion of the question proposed by Malaysia makes it increasingly obvious that the essence of the matter certainly cannot be revealed simply by an analpsis of the episode which the representative of Malaysia describedhereyesterday in such dramatic terms and about which the representative of Indonesia expressed his views quite olearly. Episodes and incidents-and of a much more serious nature-have in fact for a long time been systematically occurring in the territory of Indonesia. 51. la question en plus toute représentant termes sentant ment territoire dont organises 52. The representative and Deputy Foreign Minister of Indonesia, Mr. Sudjarwo, cited in his statement many cases in which Indonesian territorial integrity had been violated and saboteurs and weapons sent to assist the agents of the colonialists, who are working against the Indonesianpeople and Government. 52. nbsie, etrangeres, de l’integrité l’envoi les le peuple et le Gouvernement 53. If the Security Council is to investigate and consider specific episodes and incidents, it would be quite sensible and correct to start with a long list of the hostile acts committed against Indonesia. 53. ces tement men llIndon&ie 54. Only by taking into account the general situation prevailing in this region is it possible correctly to understand and evaluate the events occurring in South-East Asia. It is clear to peoples a11 over the world that a persistent struggle is being waged in South-East Asia against the vestiges of the rotten colonial system, to which the colonialists are stubbornly trying to cling. This is why we consider that the conclusion reached by the representative of Indonesia is quite justified and correct; he stressed that the question on the agenda of thesecurity Council should be examined in a broader context, the context of the whole situation in South-East Asia, and in the light of the struggle between the colonialists and the forces of the national liberation movement, What are the real facts of the matter? 54. les Est que si l’on tient compte de la situation qui s’est monde théâtre systeme tentent nous estimons sion a laquelle a savoir du un contexte d’ensemble la lutte mouvement en fait? 55. The facts are that the United Kingdom colonialists, like many other colonialists, are not willing to cesse the colonial exploitation of peoples. The colonialists’ opposition is assuming new forms calculatedto delude the peoples. The United Kingdom for example, established the so-called Federation of Malaysia for precisely this purpose, This Federation, which in addition to Malaya comprises, under the pretence of so-called “decolonization Il, the United Kingdom colonies of Singapore and North Kalimantan (Sarawak and Sabah) is actually a camouflage, a screen behind which the old colonialist activities continue, The truepurpose of this neo-colonialist creation, with the forma1 trappings of national independence is to enable the United Kingdom to maintain its supremacy in this part of South-East Asia. 55. britanniques, veulent coloniale rev& peuples le Royaume-Uni Cette Malaisie due 1’d8colonisation”, Singapour et Sabah), derriere listes neo-colonialiste, dance de pure niques de l’Asie 56. The United Kingdom imperialists are trying to use their creation, the so-called Federation of Malaysia, as a weapon in the fight against one of the important forces in the national liberation movement 56. prétendue arme mouvement 57. Everybody knows that, when the Federation of Malaysia was created, flagrant violations of the United Nations Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples were committed, 58. The people of North Kalimantan had in fact no opportunity to express their opinion when their fate was being decided. We have heard the representative of Malaysia refer here to the report by the United Nations Malaysian Mission, which supposedly shows that the population of North Kalimantan pronounced themselves in favour of joining the neocolonialist State of Malaysia, In such important matters, however, one cannot trust the results of a so-called inquiry conducted in thepresenceofcolonial troops, colonial offioials and their local henohmen, who had a decisive influence on the results of this ltinquirytl. 59. In order to ascertain the true wishes of the peoples of North Kalimantan, the first prerequisite is to withdraw from the area a11 foreign troops and a11 colonial officiais and appoint to hold the inquiry an administrative body of representatives of neutral developing countries which are interested not in perpetuating colonialism but in eliminating the remriants of the colonial yoke as soon as possible and liberating a11 dependent peoples from it. 60. It is therefore not surprising that of the three States which asked for the inquiry only one-hlalaysiaagreed with the conclusions of the Mission and the other two-Indonesia and the Philippines-quite rightly refused to accept them. 61. In this connexion it must be recalled that the entry into force of the so-called agxeement to create Malaysia was generally announced before the United Nations Mission had concluded its visit to North Kalimantan and before it had presented its report, 62. It is interesting to see what public opinion in the United Kingdom itself thinks about some of the events which have a direct bearing on the question under discussion, In an article published on 23 August on the real reasons for the events in the region of Malaysia, the United Kingdom newspaper The Observer actually admits that the political and military domination by the United Kingdom in Malaysia is motivated by the interests of United Kingdom monopolies. The article states: “Behind the political and military names in Malaysia there are other names that have been known far longer in the South China seas. Names 64. The foreign monopolies are striving to keep the huge profits which they derive from the colonial exploitation of Malaya’s riches. It is well known that Malaya is the large& producer of rubber. It is also well known that 60 per cent of the rubber plantations are controlled by foreign-mainly United Kingdomcapital. 65. In order to keep their profits and strengthen their position in South-East Asia, the United Kingdom oolonialists are openly trying to suppress thenational liberation movement of the peoples in this area by military means. 66. Under the Agreement on external defence and mutual assistance-/ which it imposed upon Malaya in 1957 ,the United Kingdom keeps its troops and bases in Malayan territory under the extremely vague and unjustified pretext of its “fulfilment of . , . international obligations”. In 1963, the colonialists automatically made this document applicable to North Kalimantan in order to give a semblance of legality to thc presence of their troops in this territory. 67. The United Kingdom has sent many thousands of its soldiers to wage war against the people of this region. Additional army, navy and air-force units are on cal1 at bases in Malaya and Singapore. According ta Press reports, the United Kingdom has recently transferred fresh military reinforcements from Europe to Malaysia. 68. The end of this colonial adventure, which the United Kingdom periodical The Spectator says is costing the people of the United Kingdom a million pounds a week and over a hundred casualties, is nowhere in sight. Al1 this is a Iink in the single chain of criminal actions by the colonialists against the peoples of South-East Asia-the chain whioh extends from Cambodia and Laos through South Viet-Nam and Malaysia to the colonial Powers’ possessions in the Pacifie. In these plans of the colonialists Malaysia is assigned the role of part of a kind of “sanitary cordont to prevent the spread of the national liberation movement. britannique britannique même chafhe d’actes nialistes de cette passe l’oc8an le rôle du “cordon de lib&?ation 69. In this connexion I must say a few words about the statement made at this meeting of the Council by the United States representative, who has tried to act here the part of peacemaker andfollower ofthe United Nations Charter. The whole world knows, however, that in the chain of criminal acts of the colonialists de la d&claration se poser des Nations dans cette 4/ United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 285 (1958), 1. No. 4149. 70. Indeed, if the United States and United Kingdom representatives tare SO much about justice, why do they not trouble to discuss the numerous cases of aggressive action-one may say acts of colonial aggression-against Indonesia which were SO convincingly described here yesterday and today by its representative? 71. In these conditions and regardless of the facts, attempts are made here to convince us that Indonesia, which supports the just cause of the struggle for true national independence for the peoples of South- East Asia, should be condemned, yet it is the colonialists who should be condemned, for their unceasing armed intervention in the interna1 affairs of other countries and peoples, including the peoples of South- East Asia. 72. The cause of national liberation is a just and sacred cause, supported by a11 progressive mankind. This righteous cause fully reflects the spirit and principles of the United Nations Charter, which proclaims the equality of nations large and small. This righteous cause fully reflects the spirit and principles of the Declaration on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples and of many other resolutions of the United Nations. 73. In a convessation with participants at the Third World Conference of Journalists on 25 October 1963, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, Mr. Khrushchev, said: “The Soviet Union is in favour of peaceful coexistence with the United Kingdom, but at the same time we say that Malaysia, which was created by the United Kingdom imperialists, is merely a new version of the old colonialist policy. The United Kingdom imperialists want topreserve their colonial supremacy in South-East Asia, and therefore, in creating this State, they want to give it a new label under which they cari continue their former policy in this region, Nations are right to oppose this, and fight against such an imperialist, colonialist policy. IV 74. The Soviet people stand firmly on the side of the fighters against neo-colonialism. The Soviet Union sympathizes with the struggle for liberation of the people of North Kalimantan and, together with the Indonesian and other peoples, opposes the neocolonialist plans for Malaysia and other territories of Asia. 76. We should emphasize that at today’s meeting of the Council the representative of Indonesia again confirmed his country’s willingness to solve the problem on this basis. He said: II,. . the door and even the means to solve and finally end the conflict are still open’?. 77. We a11 heard the representative ofthe Philippines speak in the same vein. One cari Only express regret that this peaceful initiative is not meeting the right response in London and Kuala Lumpur, as cari be seen from the statements made by the representatives of the United Kingdom and Malaysia at the Council meetings. 76. d’hui, nouveau question du conflit nous a-t-il 77. Philippines, ne peut paix Lumpur, au Conseil et de la Malaisie. 78. In conclusion, we repeat that in order to solve the problems which have arisen in the South-East Asian region as a result of the colonialists’ activities, it is necessary to put an end to foreign interference and give the peoples of this region the opportunity to decide their own fate and course of developme 78. soudre de l’Asie colonialistes, g&re et laisser sibilit8 les voies 79. In my capacity as PRESIDENT I now give the floor to the representative of Malaysia. 79. je 80. En n&ie, dance indonesienne, plus J’en ajout8 un grand ritoires fut & des femmes. ht$roi’ques et - et nisation ment - ment constitutionnelles, 80, Data’ ISMAIL (Malaysia): Listening to the speech of the representative of Indonesia when he recounted the historic background of Indonesian independence, we have only the greatest admiration for the Indonesian people. 1 already acknowledged this in my statement yesterday. 1 also mentioned in my statement that this heroic struggle was shared by many of the people who came from the territories now comprising Malaysia, It was a bitter and bloody struggle in which thousands of Young men and women sacrificed their lives. History is filled with many examples of such heroic struggles for independence, liberty and freedom. But history has also recorded, as exemplified by many Members of the United Nations, that the struggle for independence can also effectively be carried by constitutional means. 81, Of course, in some instances, independence was achieved partly by the sacrifice of human lives and partly by negocintion. Nevertheless, let us not be carried away by the argument that independence achieved only through blood and a bloody revolution is the one and only true form of independence. If that were SO, then many countries present in this United Nations would have no claim to a place within the community of sovereigp and independent nations. 81. sultf3 B la fois de sacrifices ne nous laissons &ali&e sanglante d’independance. Membres de faire veraines 82. The representative of Indonesia made great Play With the fiction that Malaysiais a colonial prOjeCt and is not independent simply on the grounds that its independence was achieved through peaceful negotiaeions with the British. But let me point this out to YoU: for LIS, a peace-loving people, to obtain our desired objective without a drop of blood is the highest and most satisfying achievement, According to the representative of Indonesia, Malaysia is an 82. sur & l’indbpendance Royaume-Uni, pas independante. peuple de souhaite! sans repandre sentant 83. You might recall that not long after my Prime Minister announced the historic proposa1 for the formation of Malaysia in May 1961, Mr. Subandrio, on 20 November of the same year, in this very building, announced to the world: flWe are not only disclaiming the territories outside the former Netherlands East Indies, though they are of the same island, but-more than that-when Malaya told us of its intentions to merge with the three British Crown Colonies of Sarawak, Brunei and British North Borneo as one Federation, we told them that we had no objections and that we wished them success with this merger SO that everyone might live in peace and freedom. ” ?/ 84. How was it then possible for Indonesia now to regard the proposai as anything other than a genuine plan for the decolonization by peaceful means of Sabah and Sarawak? The independenoe of Sabah and Sarawak as component parts of Malaysia marked’ the ending of Western colonialism in South-East Asia except for the Portuguese colony of Timor within t,he heart of the Indonesian islands. If we are not regarded now as independent because we achieved our independence through negotiations, then why was it not a source of objection when Malaya attained its independence in 1957? No one has attempted to suggest thst there is any differenoe in the processes and methods involved in the attainment of independence by Malaysia and of Malaya. Moreover, it should appear to the rest of the world as it does, exoept to Indonesia, that the independenoe of Malaysia was a true and genuine expression of the will of the people on the basis of self-determination as confirmed in the findings of the Secretary-General. And let me remind you that there is a solemn undertaking on the part of Indonesia to welcome Malaysia in accordance with the Manlla Accord. 85. We achieved our independence by peaceful means and through the process of negotiation. But let it be clearly understood thd we love our independence, our freedom, as much as any freedom-loving people anywhere, and we shall defend our freeciom and independence, corne what may, to the very last drop of our blood. Of this there should be no doubt whatever and we shall defend our country and our freedom wherever it is threatened, be it in Tawau, Labis or Lundu. y Officlal Records of the General Assembly, Sixceenth Session, Plenary Meetings, vol. II, 1058th meeting, para. 193. 87. sentant son d’agression, ri&es agissant r&gles des principes Nations Bandoung. representant du rôle non déguisees. les actes de son gouvernement nouvelles d’ofi recourir la force devrait des relations dernier, la cannoni&ren, nouvelle c’est-a-dire et en indonésien 88. hier Malaisie, une menace lions. en 1958, la subversives permis quelles pu étre menees contre l’Indonésie pas 602 entreprises sait a partir qui termes 89. If anything, my Government in 1958 was most 89, SCrUpUlOus in its efforts to be free from any involvec’est qu’en 1958 il s’est scrupuleusement ment in the interna1 affairs of Indonesia. We did ne pas se mêler everything possible to accede to the Djakarta Governnésie. Nous avons tout fait pour acceder aux demandes ment% requests wherever this was possible, For du Gouvernement instance, in December 1958 we agreed to the Indoa 8tf3 possible. nesian request that no facilities would be granted accepte, to holders of passports regarded by the Djakarta n’accorder Government as invalid for reasons of the rebellious seports activities of their holders. en raison des aotivites 88. The most significant feature of the argument put forward by the representative of Indonesia yesterday was that Malaysia, which has 10 million people, presents a threat to Indonesia, with 100 million people. He claims that in 1958 Malaya was a base for subversive activities against Indonesia. Let me remind the representative of Indonesia that, whatever subversive activities were carried out against Indonesia in 1958, they were not carried out from Malaya. On the other hand, it was a wellknown fact that these activities were carried outfrom military bases belonging to a country which now claims to be on the best of terms with Indonesia. 90. ont avons arr&& poursuites, gale pulses. 90. In January 1961, when thirty Indonesian rebels landed illegally in Penang, we arrested them and confiscated their arms and, after having prosecuted them, as illegal entrants in accordance with the law, they were made to leave the country. 91. accepter ment 91. Of course, my Government at that time could not agree to take active measures to assist the Indonesian Government in its campaign to suppress the 92. There were times, however, when we could not accede to their requests, when’ such requests were unreasonable or beyond the scope of international law, In January 1960, when I was then Minister for’ External Affairs-as the Foreign Minister is called in ths Commonwealth-Ms. Subandrio wrote to me proposing that an extradition treaty be concluded between his country and mine, But we could not entertain his proposa1 because it contained the unprecedented request for the extradition of political refugees. This, I understand, made Mr. Subandrio very angry. 93. I could go on recounting more and more about our good intentions and OUX co-operation with the Indonesian Government, but suffice it for me to say that any allegation that Malaya was used as a base against Indonesia is unfounded and is as ridiculous as it sounds. 94. However, if the Indonesian Government is afraid of Malaysia for the reasons which were stated by the Indonesian representative in his speech yesterday, 1 cari here and now give a categorical assurance on behalf of my Government that we are most willing and psepared to live as good neighbours and to resuscitate the Treaty of Friendship on which we pinned SO much hope as a basis for our relationship. But there must be respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Malaysia. That is a11 we ask. This is fundamental, and we are prepared to talk in order that we might live together once more as neighbours. 95. In this regard, it would be pertinent for me to point out that there is no truth whatsoever in the allegation that Malaysia was unwilling to seek a peaceful settlement with Indonesia. The records of our relentless efforts clearly show that no blame could be attributed to my Government. But Malaysia is only willing to seek a solution provided it is just and honourable, and we will not negotiate at the point of a gun. We refuse to become thevictims of ltganyangll or crush diplomaoy. 96. TO put the record straight, may 1 point out that it was made clear beyond a11 doubt during the meetings in Bangkok and Tokyo that Indonesia insists on maintaining its military presence on Malaysian territory while the discussions or conciliation efforts take place, It is Indonesia’s intention that, if a political solution is reached in stages, its troops Will be withdrawn in stages: if Indonesia gets half of what it wants, it Will withdraw half its tsoops; andprogressively, when it gets a11 it wants, a11 its troops Will be withdrawn. No self-respecting nation could 97. It may be recalled that in the Security Council chamber, during the very difficult and protracted efforts of the Council at the time when the Indonesians were fighting the Dutchfor their independence, Mr, Gromyko insisted that: 9’7. On se rappellera ardus à les M, Gromyko II .*. any negotiations, either by arbitration or some other method, conducted while the troops of one party are on the territory of another, cannot conduce to creating equality for both parties”. Y que l’on ait recours pas possible les deux parties pent le territoire That is the correct opinion-and not the opinion which is espoused by Indonesia. C’est de l’Indon6sie. 98. pr6sentants des systhmes du Conseil reprhsente n’est des autres dans sible, l’organisation gner au monde la veritable pacifique, ambitions cette thche que se consacre Malaisie. laisse institutions progrès nellement, la Malaisie, du peuple indon&ien, paix avec lui, gue nous n’pntendons d’un n’avons 98. Around this table are gathered representatives of as variegated a group of social organizations and political structures as the world knows. Each of you is entitled to think that yours is the best system-but that does not permit each of you to interfere in the lives of others or impose your views on others. We cannot live in a world of absolute uniformity in form and content, That is why, through the persistent efforts of the United Nations, the world is learning the true doctrine of peaceful coexistence, That ideal should remain the lodestar of our national ambitions and aspirations, and to that the Government of Malaysia is dedicated. We ask no more than that we be allowed to remain in peace, to be left to our own devices and to our own methods of political and social progress. And 1 wish to say here and now that, on behalf of the Malaysian Government and its people, 1 give this solemn undertaking: that we have nothing but goodwill for the people of Indonesia; we want to live in peace with Indonesia; we do not want aninchof its territory; and, lastly, we have not permitted, nor shall we hereafter permit, our country to become a springboard for any State to crush or subvert any other State. jamais de Etat ou de subversion. 99. Before 1 close, I should like to give notice that at an appropriate time 1 shall answer fully the observations made regarding my country. 99. le moment vations

I give the floor to the representative of Indonesia. 100. la parole

I have againlistened carefully to the statement of the representative of “Malaysia”-rather furious in tone, 1 must say-in 101. Cette claratfon @ Sec Officia1 Records of the General Assembly, Twelfth Session, First 907th meeting, para. 40. 7/ Officia1 Records of the Security Council, Second Year, No. 63 (173rd meeting), p. 1691. u sion, Premike 7/ No 102. His statement, however forceful in tone, was full of inaccuracies, misinterpretations, and indeed falsehoods. Force-even fury in tone-is no substitute for truth. Many of the allegations and falsehoods in the statement just made have, in fact, already been answered by me in my statements yesterday and today. However, 1 reserve the right to speak again on a later occasion in order to explain my position fully and to comment on the speech just made.

1 have no more speakers on my list for this meeting. With regard to the question of when we should continue our consideration of this agenda item, it is my understanding than an agreement has been reached among members of the Council to leave this question open until tomosrow morning’s meeting of the Security Counoil, when, as you know, another question is to be discussed. Thus it Will be possible during tomorrowls meeting of the Council to continue the consultations about the time when we should resume consideration of this item. If 1 hear no objection, this means that the agreement 1 mentioned holds good and that tomorrow we shall revert to the question of the date of the next meeting, Tt was SO deoided. The meeting rose at 6 p-m. HOW TO OBTAIN United Nations publications distributors throughout the Write to: United Nations, COMMENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS Les publications des Nations Unies agences dépositaires du monde ou adressez-vous à: Nations Unies, COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES Las publicaciones de las Naciones casas distribuidoras en todas diriiase a: Naciones Unidas, Section Litho in U.N. Price: $US, 0.35 (or equivalent in other currencies)