S/PV.1152 Security Council

In conforrnity with the decisions taken by the Security Council, I propose to invite the representatives of Malaysia, Indonesia and the Philippines to participate, without the right to vote, in the discussion. 1. Le PRESIDENT (traduit du russe): Conformément aux decisions anterieures d’inviter nésie et des Philippines de vote, a la discussion de la question inscrite à l’ordre du jour. A t fhe invitation of the President, Data’ Ismail bin Data’ Abdul Rahman (Malaysia), Mr. Stidjarwo Tjondronegoro Qdonesia) and Mr. Jacin to Cas tel Borja (Philippines), took places at the Council table. Sur l’invitation Abdul negoro (Indon &ie) et M., Jaoin to Cas tel Borja (Philippines) prennent place à la table du Conseil. 2, The PRESIDENT (translated from Russian): The Security Council will now continue its examination of the item on today’s agenda. 1 should like to point out tc members of the Council tbat the representative of Norway has put forward a draft resolution[S/5973]. 2. Le PRESIDENT de sécurité inscrite aux membres la Norvege a dépose! un projet de résolution [S/5973].

The Frenoh delegation has listened withgreat interest to the statements made to the Security Council on the problem raised by the Malaysian ccmplaint, particularly the statements by the representatives of the Governments of Kuala Lumpur and Djakarta, 3. M. SE.YDOUX (France): La delégation française a &outé avec le plus grand inter& les interventions qui ont été faites devant le Conseil de sécurité sur le problbme pos8 par la plainte de la Malaisie, en particulier ments de Kuala Lumpur et de Djakarta. 4. Puis-je dire que I’Bgale sinoerité qui les inspirait, différentes notre attention, a sa valeur l’intervention du representant des Philippines. 4. May 1 say that we have been struck by the equal sincerity which has inspired these statements, notwithstanding the two different conceptions of world evolution that they reflect. We also fully appreciated the impartial and constructive statement of the Philippine representative. 5. My delegation would have liked the conversations held outside the debate to result in a formula that might be generally acceptable. The effortsundertaken by our colleagues from the Ivory Coast and Morocco 5. Ma d(tEgation aurait souhait6 que les conversations qui se sont poursuivies en marge de ce debat permettent recueillir 6. In our v-iew, the draft resolution now before us is in the nature of a compromise. It deplores the incident complained of by one of the parties, for which the other party has not denied responsibility. It also regrets, in a general manner, the incidents whioh have taken place in the region and requests the countries concerned to make every effort to avoid a recurrence of such incidents. Then, in paragraph 4, whioh is in conformity with the provisions of the United Nations Charter and of international laW, it makes an appeal to the parties conoerned. Of course, Indonesia, as an independent sovereign State, may, if it SO desires, contest the formation of the new Malaysian Federation, just as it is free to CritiCiSe its polioies and actions. This right to pass judgement does not, however, entitle it to use force in order to threaten the existence of Malaysia. 7. In the view of my Government, and this is the point of paragraph 5, it was fitting that we should project our attention beyond the incident of 2 September 1964 and those that precededit, in order to try, by going back to the initial causes, to bring about a settlement of the whole question in that region. In this respect the French delegation cannot but approve of the idea of a resumption of negotiations under the conditions envisaged at the Tokyo summit conference of June 1964 by the Governments of the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia. For the only way that the parties concerned oan help to improve a situation which, if prolonged, might threaten world peace is by refraining from the use of methods contrary to the Charter and by having recourse to negotiation and to the good offices of other nations. 8, The French delegation Will therefore vote infavour of the draft resolution submitted by the Norwegian delegation, 9, The PRESIDENT (translated from Russian): The next speaker is the representative of Indonesia, on whom 1 now oall.

1 should like, if 1 may, to make the following commenta! on the draft resolution [S/5973] tabled by the representative of Norway for oonsideration by the Council. In my statement of 15 September [1150th meeting], I tried to point out what type of resolution oould be considered by this Counoil as useful and helpful in encouraging the parties conoerned to find a peaceful solution to the conflict, the deeper conflict which exists between them. 11. AS I then stated, the complaint of Malaysia, as one manifestation of that conflict, should be plaoed in its proper context, within its wider background, and the underlying political controversy between the Parties should be recognized and aoknowledged. Then it will be the effect of the resolution itself, the effect on the situation as it actually presents itself, which Will oount-not primarily the wording of the draft resolution. It is not a resolution merely for the sake 12. 1 have no doubt about the sincere desire of the representative of Norway to produce a draft resolution which may serve that purpose. 1 thank the representative of Norway for his statement introducing bis draft resolution at the meeting of 15 September, for the feelings of friendship he also expressed toward my country, which indeed are happily reciprocated and exist mutually between ouf countries, My country entertains the best of relations with Norway. 12. tant de la Norvége d’élaborer qui puisse declaration en présentant mon pays proques. vege d’excellents 13. Looking now at the wording of the draft resolution in the many paragraphs it contains, it seems necessary to me to make the following observations. Regarding the third preambular paragraph beginning with the words “Deeply concernedv; if the phrase “armed incidents which have occured in that rerrion” refers to armed incidents caused by a11 parties; that is to say, including the armed incidents from which Indonesia has suffered for several years, brought about by British and other colonialist intervention in my country, then that paragraph seems to me reasonable and realistic. But as it is now worded, it leaves room for misinterpretation, indeed for onesided interpretation. This same observation, this same doubt, applies to paragraph 1 of the draft resolution beginning with the word “Regrets”. 13. Si nous nombreux taines qui Concerne le troisieme commence si l’expression dans cette région” qui sont aussi la victime interventions me parait raisonnable actuelle partiale, valent par le mot “Regrette”. 14. Paragraph 2 beginning with the wosd “Deplores” is obviouslv meant to reflect the ludsement of the members of the Council. 1 have made Clear the view of my Government on the specific complaint of Malaysia. In any case we cannot approve of a onesided judgement, The truth of the exact story has not been proved. 14. ffDéploreTf, est manifestement ment explique en detail la position de mon gouvernement quant a la plainte précise allegués de cause, unilatkal. 15. Referring now to paragraph 4, my delegationfinds here the very point in dispute which is the consequence of the existing political conflict in this Malaysian issue-that is, the “territorial integrity and political independence” of Malaysia. By the terms of paragraph 4, this draft resolution, when adopted, would impose on Indonesia-being one of the parties mentioned-a relationship with the other party which does not exist and which has never existed. The dispute or the conflict in our relations with the present Malaysia was indeed about the formation of the Federation of Malaysia. Thus, independent and sovereign Malaysia has never existed for us. What does exist is a British Malaysia which we could not and cannot recognize. And this is indeed a question to be settled by negotiations, net one to be made a pre-condition to negotiations. Thus paragraph 4 presupposes a Situation, a condition whîch does not exist, or does nOt yet exist, and indeed has never existed. Consequently, paragraph 4 does not fit the actual situation and will not in reality be conducive to the continuation of talks whlch it intends to suggest. Acceptance of paragraph 4 would be tantamount to an imposition of recognition by Indonesia of the present, non-recognizedMalaYsia. This, 1 believe is an impossible proposition, 15. Quant au paragraphe l’element quence du conflit politique existant en l’occurrence. Je veux parler 1’ “indépendance de ce paragraphe tee, imposerait mentionnees, n’existe le conflit, porte precisément de Malaisie. n’a donc jamais contre pouvons Et @est bien la une question qui doit être réglée par Voie de nbgooiations devenir Ainsi, n’existe jamais à la situation poursuite Accepter nésie reconnal? pas. Cela me parafi chose impossible. 16. 11 peut sembler ne fait que reprendre les relations des Nations 16. One might say that the wording of paragraph 4 is only taken from one of the principles of State relations mentioned in the IJnited Nations Charter, that 1s from Article 2, paragraph 4. SO why be against it, 17. Moreover, even when a principle really needs to be expressed, Members of the United Nations, Members who profess to uphold the basic principles of the United Nations Charter, have voted against the inclusion of these basic principles in certain resolutions. In the fight at the United Nations against colonialism for the freedom and independence of nations and peoples, we have only too many instances of such curious occasions. Let us take, as one example, our fight for the independence of Morocco during the eighth session of the General Assembly in 1953. A draft resolution, a moderate one, was under con: sideration by the First Committee. An amendmentli was submitted by Burma, Indfa and Indonesia to this draft resolution to insert a new preambular paragraph reading: “Recognizing the right of the people of Morocco to complete self-determination in conformity with the Charter”, This very amendment, this very paragraph, embodying one of the most essential principles in the United Nations Charter, was, on a roll call, voted against by the colonial Powers, among others, by the United Kingdom. The amendment was, however, adopted by the First Committee, as was the entire resolution. The operative part of the resolution merely renewed the General Assembly’s appeal for the reduction of tensions in Morocco and urged that the right of the people of Morocco to free democratic political institutions be ensured, This moderate resolution, however, based on the lofty principle of the right of self-determination, was rejected, wrecked and defeated by the colonial Powers at the plenary session of the Assembly. 18, Another instance of such action occured only very recently during the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development held in Geneva in March 1964. That Conference adopted several general principles for international economic relations, including principle 14 which reads as follows: Womplete decolonization in compliance with the United Nations Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples and the liquidation of the remnants of colonialism in 2 Sec Officiai Records of the General Assembly, Eighth Session, First Committee, 640th meeting, para. 28. 19. This is my delegation’s comment on paragraph 4 of the Norwegian draft resolution. One indeed cari be against a paragraph, against a resolution, even if it is intended to embody one of the principles mentioned in the United Nations Charter. But if my delegation cannot accept paragraph 4 of this draft resolutien, it is not because we oppose the essential United Nations principle on relations among nations which it contains, Dior because it is not well-intentioned. My delegation cannot accept paragraph 4 beoause it just does not fit the situation at issue, It presupposes %+ed”, what is “whiten; it presupposes “blue”, what is Ved”. But l’white” is “white” whether one likes it or net. Thus paragraph 4 cannot, 1 am draid, serve the purpose for which it is intended. Andin fact, the principle embodied in Article 2, paragraph 4, of the Charter, is taken rather out of context, or is, at lea&, incomplete. As 1 have stated during the debate on this issue, my country’s relations with the present Malaysia are not normal, but they are very specific in nature, resulting from a specific conflict. And our confrontation policy against the present Malaysia is consistent with our anti-colonial policy, with our fight against colonialism and neoeolonialism-which is not inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations. 19. sur par contre tout entiare, inscrits ma ce opposés graphe, les cl&approuvons accepter pas a la situation dt%rer comme “bleutl ou paragraphe motifs tiré est le moins, au cours de mon des relations particulier politique actuelle conforme n80-colonialisme avec les objectifs 20. My delegation welcomes paragraph 5 of the draft Tesolution, which also seems to be the consensus of opinion in this Council. My Government’s readiness to resume negotiations on the basis of the Tokyo summit conference communiqua of 20 June 1964 is well known. The last part of paragraph 5 of the draft resolution, however, does not seem quite necessary to us. 20. graphe senter comme negociations rente dernibre lution manifeste. 21. In conclusion, in view of the observations 1 have made, including our doubt as to the interpretation of some paragraphs of the draft resolution, and particularly our serious objections to paragraph 4, with a11 due respect to the sincere motivation of its sponsor, the draft resolution as it now stands is in its entirety unacceptable to my delegation. 21. que que j’ai tains donne que nous le respect de est pour ma délegation. 2/ Sec Proceedings of the United Nations Conference on Trade and 2( &&elopment, vol, 1.. Final Act and Report. (IJnitedNations publication, et le Mes No.: 64.H.B.ll), Final Act, para. 54. Nations

As we have a11 heard, the representative of Morocco has proposed that the meeting of the Council be suspended for thirty minutes, If 1 hear no objection, we shall do SO. It was SO decided. The meeting was suspended at 11.35’ a.m. and resumed at 12.20 p.m.

First of all, 1 should like to express to the Council my delegation’s appreciation of the conaideration given to ils request for the suspension of this meeting, which my delegation felt would be particularly helpful. The recess enabled my delegation ta contact a number of friends and in the light of these contacts my delegation would now like to explain how it intends to vote when the time cornes. 25. As 1 said during the meeting on 14 September 1964, [1149th meeting], when 1 informed the Security Council of the efforts that Mr. Usher, of the Ivory Coast, and 1 myself had been making for some days, the Security Council, or at least some of its members, is faced with a question of conscience. At that time 1 voiced the hope that this peace-keeping body would continue its efforts and would succeed in restoring peace, calm and harmony in this part of the world. 1 am glad to note that these efforts were not interrupted, the more SO since it was my colleague and friend, Mr. Nielsen of Norway, who took the initiative in thisdirection. Mydelegationhas alwayscollaborated successfully with the Norwegian delegation and we have greatly appreciated its qualities, sense of proportion and objectivity. 1 recall that on many occasions it has been due ‘to the efforts of our Norwegian friends that the Security Council has been able to find the best way of reaching a unanimous agreement. 26. My delegation is convinced that the Norwegian representative’s sole concern in submitting the draft resolution [S/59’73] was to reconcile two thus far conflicting points of view and, in the last analysis, tb serve the cause of peace and respect for the law in a situation as explosive as the one unhappily prevailing in that part of the world. 27. My delegation would certainly have been happy to be able to associate itself with these efforts, or at least to give them its unreserved support. Unfortunately, my delegation finds itself in a very difficult position, On the one hand, we are faced with a serious problem created by an action that is difficult to comprehend in the light of international law, the general principles of whch seem to have been somewhat overlooked. On the other hand, we are anxious to take into account the various tics linking our country with Indonesia. Mg country is well aware 28. As 1 said in my first statement on the 14th of September, this situation forces us to the conclusion that my country is faced with a real matter of conscience. 28. l’obligation que 14 de conscience. 29. That, however, must not allow us to lose sight of the fact that we are confronted with a problem in which there is practically no choice, especially in the present circumstances, and that our behaviour, particularly at this difficult time, must be dictated solely by the principle of respect for the law governing relations between States. The efforts of the Security Council, to which Morocco, as a non-permanent member, attaches great importance, must be directed towards respect fox the law and the maintenance of peace. As a non-permanent member and a small country, Morocco is fully aware of its own responsibilities in the matter. 29. Neanmoins, cela ne doit pas nous faire perdre de vue que nous sommes en présence d’un probleme où devient presque impossible et que seul le principe du respect Etats doit désormais inspirer notre comportement, surtout en ce moment difficile, Les efforts duconseil de sécurité, non permanent, attacheune grande importance, doivent s’orienter regne de la paix, En sa qualite de membre non permanent et en tant que petit pays, le Maroc est conscient de cette responsabilite particuliere 30. In the light of those considerations, my delegation cannot but decide to vote in favour of the draft resolution before us. The reasons for our affirmative vote do not, however, relieve my delegation of its doubts regarding the appropriateness of certain paragraphs in the text before us. 30. C’est pourquoi ma delegation ne peut que se r& soudre a voter en faveur du projet de résolution qui nous est présenté. Les raisons de ce vote positif ne dissipent pas les doutes sérieux de ma delégation au sujet de l’opportunité du texte qui nous est soumis. 31. On this point, may 1 say that we sympathize with the arguments put forward by the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia, particularly with regard to paragraph 4 of the draft resolution. 31. A cet égard, je dois dire que nous avons et6 tres sensibles aux arguments presentes par leMinistre adjoint des affaires etrangeres d’Indonésie, en ce qui concerne en particulier de resolution. 32. Nous consid&rons que le paragraphe 5 est, par contre, conforme au désir qui anime les deux délé- gations qui ont ici exprime la volonté de leurs pays respectifs d’entrer en négociations, en vue de trouver une solution politique du diffbrend qui les oppose et dont les incidents, signales ici et là, en sont l’effet plut& que la cause. 32. We feel, however, that paragraph 5 is in keeping with the wishes of both delegations, since they have expressed their countries’ willingness to enter into negotiations with a view to finding a political settlement for their dispute, which is the cause, rather than the effect, of the incidents described here. 33. In conclusion, my delegation hopes that this explanation of my Government’s position Will contribute towards an improvement of the situation in that region and we trust that our vote Will not complicate matters, if only as a result of outside action which might give results contrary to those we are entitled to expeot. On this point we hope that the countries engaged in this conflict will take note of the interpretation to be attached to the vote we shall ca& 33. Avant La position ainsi exprimée de mon gouvernement propre a contribuer a l’am6lioraiion dans la région, et elle espère que son Pas de nature a compliquer les choses, ne serait-ce que par des interventions exterieures qui donneraient, dans ces conditions, des r4sultats que nous sommes en droit d’attendre. A ce sujet, nous souhaitons que les pays engagés dans ce conflit prennent notre vote, 34. 1 should also like to state that my country, which enjoys the most friendly relations with Indonesia, fervently hopes that those relations Will not be in any way affected by the vote which my government feit impelled ta cast In this case of a conflict involving two African-Asian brother countries. 34. Je voudrais également mentionner que monpays, qui entretient l’Indonésie, ports un vote dont mon gouvernement a senti la nécsssite dans un conflit opposant deux pays freres. 35. M. toujours souhaité qu’une resolution acceptee par les deux parties soit adoptée par le Conseil de seCuri% et c’est dans oe sens qu’elle a travail16 depuis le début de nos discussions sur ce probleme. Mais vous 35, Mr. USHER (Ivory Coast) (translated from French): My delegation has always hoped that a resolution acceptable to both parties would be adopted by the Security Counoil, and it is to this end that we have been working ever since we started to discuss the probiem. You will recall that, having failed in this, VOUS 36. Some of the passages in this document closely resemble those of the draft resolution which we ourselves drew up and which almost succeecledinbringing about a compromise between the parties concerned, only to fail at the last moment. 37. 1 note that there is no condemnation in the present document. The words “Deplores” and “Regrets” have been used. These woxds are very familiar to the Council and are, as it were, the language to which the Council has had recourse on a number of occasions and which has proved useful in maintaining peace in certain areas, 38. The only difference between this text and ours is in the passage in paragraph 4, which calls upon the parties to respect the territorial integrity and political independence of each other. Although this paragraph is quite different from the one which we tried to induce the two parties to adopt, it does nevertheless include the principle of territorial integrity and political independence which is recognized by every State in the world as one of the basic factors for the maintenance of peace. This principle is SCXUpulously respected by my Government and it is also the principle of the Organization of African Unity. 39, It is therefore extremely difficultfor us to withhold OU~ support when this principle is invoked in a dispute. We.shall therefoxe vote in favour of thisdraft resolution, but in doing SO we wish to state that the Ivory CoasVs policy of objectivity remafns unchanged. 40. We are against the idea of reprisals, but we hold that the action which only recently we condemned as illegal when it was committed by a great Western Power is still illegal even if it is committed by one of our brothers of the non-aligned world. That is why 1 hope that paragraph 4 of the draft resolution will be respected; 1 hope that not only the prinoiple it invokes Will be respected but also therecommendation it makes that the parties “refrain from a11 threat or use of force”. 41. BY “parties” we understand not only Indonesia and Malaysia but also a11 their allies, We thexefore consider that paragraph 4 applies to Indonesia, Malaysia and their allies. 42. In the same spirit, 1 should like to draw the attention of the Council and the parties concexned to paragraph 5. TO my mind, negotiations are indispensable for the restoration of harmony and a peaceful atmosphere. Consequently, paragraph 5 is the main element which Will contribute to the restoration of peace and it cannot, therefore, be subject to any prier condition. 43. Negotiations should therefore be resumed with a view to the restoration of the harmony and peaceful atmosphere that are essential for the solution of this problem, in which two brother countries of the African-Asian group are pitted against each other. 45, Mr. NIELSEN (Norway): 1 feel confident, Mi. President, that you Will permit me in this way to express gratitude to the Deputy Ministerfor Foreign Affairs of Indonesia for having mentioned here in the Council the cordial and good relations which exist and which will continue to exist between Indonesia and my own country. It was based on this very happy fact that we felt confident that our motives in presenting the draft resolution would in no way be misunderstood by the authorities and Government of Indonesia, and it has been SO confirmed at the Council table today. 45, M. NIELSEN Je suis convaincu, Monsieur le President, que vous me permettrez Ministre n&ie pour avoir fait allusion devant le Conseil aux relations cesseront d’exister pays. Forts les autorit& prendraient senter ce projet confirmé aujourd’hui ici m&me. 46. 1 want to inform the Deputy Minister for Poreign Affairs of Indonesia that 1 shall certainly inform my Government about his comments regarding Norway. 46. Je tiens ’ & assurer le Ministre affaires querai pas d’informer mon gouvernement des paroles qu’il a prononcees & l%gard de la Norvege. 47. Further, may 1 also take this opportunity to associate myself with the thoughts and underlying meaning of the words expressed by therepresentative of Morooco with regard to the motives of the draft resolution which Norway has submitted. My words would be the same as his regarding the small countries’ respect for law and the sincere hope he expressed that the adoption of this draft resolution would serve to improve the situation in the area. That is exactly the purpose of the draft resolution. 1 also take great pleasure in returning to him the kind words he addressed to me, 1 share exactly the same feelings. 47. Je voudrais en outre saisir cette occasion pour mlassocier par le representant projet souscris Bgalement a ses observations sur le respect du droit qui anime les petits pays et j’exprime avec lui l’espoir r&solution la région. Tel est préci&ment J’ai egalement grand plaisir a retourner au representant du Maroc les paroles aimables qu’il a prononcees L1 mon egard et h lui dire que je partage entiérement ses sentiments. 48. Je voudrais paragraphe du droit dont il a étd question ici. En tant que petit pays membre non permanent du Conseil de s8curit8, nous estimons, nous aussi, que, de concert avec les autres membres non permanents de ce conseil, nous pouvons rt5ussir a combattre toute tendance qui risquerait Unies, et notamment le Conseil de tribune les petites d’un tel le plus besoin de la Charte, 49. Enfin, je voudrais manifester mareconnaissance aux delegations qui se sont dt5clarées pretes a faire un effort votant en faveur du projet de resolution présente par la Norvege. Je me permets d’exprimer l(espoir que les délegations qui ne se sont pas prononcees seront en 50. Le PRESIDENT d’autres permettrai de IYJNION DESREPUBLIQUES SOCIALISTES SOVIE- TIQUES, et non en qualit de PrBsident. 51. La position de l’Union soviétique a et6 exposee d’une maniere assez claire, nous semble-t-il, 48. 1 should like to add just one word about paragraph 4 and the respect for law, which has been mentioned here. We also, as a small country, a non-permanent member of the Security Council, feel that we cari, jointly with the other non-permanent members of the Security Council, succeed in combating any tendenoies which might develop that the United Nations, andin particular the Security Council, degenerate into a debating society. We, the small nations, are the ones which stand to lose most if that ever happens. We, the small nations, axe the ones whichneedthe Charter most. 49. Finally, may 1 now express gratitude to those delegations which have indicated their readîness to extend themselves in this difficult question, in order to vote for the draft resolution introduced by Norway. May 1 express the hope that those delegations which have not expressed themselves will find it possible to do likewise. 50. The PRESIDENT (translatedfromRussian): Since there are no more speakers on my list at present, I should like to make a statement as the representative of the UNION OF SOVIET SOCIALISTREPUBLICS, not as President of the Council. 51. It seems to us that theposition of the Soviet Union was set forth clearly enough in the statement made ! 52. First of ail, it must be saidthat this draft resolu- \ tion clearly ignores the complicated situation which is a danger to peace andfor which the colonial Powers in South-East Asia are to blame. No amount of pious words and text book headings in this draft oan hide the obvious fact that the essence of the matter which the Security Council has been examining for several meetings cari in no way be reduced to an isolated incident to be considered out of the context of the general state of affairs in South-East Asia. 53. As the Soviet delegation has pointed out previously, the events taking place in South-East Asia cari only be understood and evaluated correctly if we take into account the general situation which has developed in this part of the world. 54. We consider it necessary to stress once again that the situation in South-East Asia is essentially a struggle against the remnants of the rotten colonial system to which the colonialists are still obstinately trying to cling. A part of this struggle is Indonesia’s resistance to the polioy of neo-colonialism which is directed at suppressing the national liberation movement. In carrying out this policy of suppressing the struggle for national liberation, the colonialists, as we have already noted, are endeavouring to hide the neo-colonialist structure which they have established behind a façade of forma1 State independence. 55. It is in faot the aim of the United Kingdom and the other colonial Powers to preserve their colonial domination and to continue to suppress the national liberation movement of the peoples of South-East Asia. This is at the very root of the state of tension which is threatening the peace and security of the peoples in that part of the world. The colonialists must finally leave their former colonies in peace. Without foreign intervention the peoples of these countries will quickly find the right solution to a11 the problems confronting them. 56. That is why any draft resolution on this problem which does not take into account and reflect this decisive aspect of the matter is unacceptable. Some parts of the draft resolution taken by themselves would not give rise to any objection, However, the draft resolution as a whole does not take into acoount the truc cause of the continuing state of tension in South-East Asia, which was mainly theunceasing military and political intervention of the colonial Powers in the interna1 affairs of the countries in this part of the world. 57. We also consider it necessary to point out that during the proceedings of the Security Council the delegation of Indonesia made considerable effort to find a way to a more radical solution of the problem. We would remind you that at a number of meetings the Indonesian delegation repeatedly stated that the policy of its Government was based on peace and friendship with a11 peoples and that the people of Indonesia wished to live in peace with a11 their neighbours, 59, One cari only regret that, during the proceedings of the Security Council and the negotiations between the various delegations, the. constructive position of Indonesia did not meet with the proper response. Furthermore, it is quite obvious by now that the desire of Indonesia to further the adoption by the Security Council of a constructive solution has met with stubborn resistance from the Western Powers, which are striving by one means or anotherto impose their till on Indonesia, and not only on Indonesia but also on other countries which are endeavouring to free themselves completely from the colonial yoke and the after-effects of colonialism. 59. constructive voulu parlers il n’est de contribuer par le Conseil des façon ou d’une autre, imposer nésie, aux autres tement s8quelles 60. The Western Powers have thus shown once again that, while speaking out in favour of respect for the Charter, they in fact intend to continue to violate it and, in particular, to continue their colonial policy against Indonesia and the other peoples of South-East Asia. 60. une fois de plus, la à la violer, tique peuples de 1”Asie du Sud-Est. 61. However, the United Nations Charter, to which reference has repeatedly been made during the debate, prescribes the equality of nations large and small and respect for the rights of these nations to decide their affairs independently withoutforeignintervention in their interna1 affairs. You Will find nothing of this in the draft resolution which has been submitted for your attention. 61. laquelle debats, petites, de regler ingerence semblable votre attention, 62. Taking into account a11 these circumstances, and also the Indonesian representative’s statement that this draft resolution is unacceptable to his country and that its adoption in its present form would therefore only make the situation worse, the Soviet delegation cannot support the draft resolution under consideration and Will vote accordingly. / 62. que du fait que le representant clar8 de r&solution sa forme delégation r8solution qui vient d%tre indiqué. 63. 1 will follow the example of the other members of the Security Counoil, if there are no objections and in order to save time, Will not ask for my statement to be interpreted into the two languages. 63, du Conseil l+interprétation gues, à moins 64. 1 shall now continue in my capacity of PRESIDENT. I have no further speakers. Am 1 therefore to understand that the Council is ready to vote on the draft resolution contained in document S/59’73$ Since Ihear no objection, 1 will therefore put to the vote the draft resolution. 64. pas d’autres que projet Comme le projet A vote was taken by show of hands. Il est procédé au vote à main lev6e. u? faveur: Bolivîa, Brazil, China, France, Ivory Coast, Morocco, Norway, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America. Votent pour: d+Ivoire, Bretagne rique. Votent contre: bliques n y a 9 voix pour et 2 voix contre. Against: Czechoslovakia, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The result of the vote was Y in favour and 2 agains ta The draft resolution was notadopted, one of the negative vofes being that of a permanent member of the coun cil. ,&’ i” ” ** Une des voix contre étant celle d’un membre Permanent du Conseil, le projet de résolution n’est Pas adopt& 67. Mr, HAJEK (Czechoslovakia): In the general debate on the question on our agenda, the Czechoslovak delegation stressed the necessity of considering the problem in it8 whole historical andpolitical conte?& which is the revolutionary process of decolonization in South-East Asia and the efforts at resistance to it by the forces of imperialism. We reminded the Council that the United Nations, by its origin, by the spirit of its Charter and by the consequences of the positions which it has practically adopted, especially the historical Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples adopted at the fifteenth session of the General Assembly, is obliged to be an active factor in this process. 68. Consequently, a solution of the question on our agenda could only be achieved by taking that context fully into account and by helping the peoples ooncerned to settle their differences through understanding, negotiation and agreement, free from any external influence or pressure, We wished that it might be possible for the Council to reach an agreement in this sense and we were especially appreciative of the position toward such a possible conclusion adopted by Indonesia. We also entertained certain hopes that these conciliatory moves would meet with understanding and reciprocity. It was with regret that we were obliged to state that the draft resolution submitted by Norway did not correspond to these criteria. It is not the wording in its various paragraphs, it is its use in the present situation which is out of place. A decision of the Security Council in the present problem could have its value and its function if it helped facilitate negotiations between the parties concerned, but as we saw from the discussion, the draft resolution submitted by Norway was far from doing SO; on the contrary, it made it impossible for one side to negotiate, as was stated by the representative of lndonesia. Consequently, the adoption of such a draft resolution by the Security Council would have only a negative effect in precluding a realistic and satisfactory solution. Our delegation therefore could not support the draft resolution submitted by Norway, and voted against it. 69. 1 am prepared to waive the consecutive interpretation of my statement. ‘70. The PRESIDENT (translatedfromRussian): Since there are no objection there Will be no consecutive interpretation.

1 want to thank the representatives of the Ivory Coast, of Morocco and of Norway for again helping us to arrive at a conclusion of a controversy between two Members of the United Nations which has been difficult fox a11 of us because of the friendly relations that most of us enjoy with both. 73. The situation brought to the urgent attention of 73. this Council by Malaysia has already resulted in the B l’attention use of force outside of the framework of the Charter, & la force in loss of life, in violation of the territorial integrity de vies of a Member of the United Nations, and in the aggraritoriale vation of already serious tensions between two Memvation ber States which have endangered the peace for some Membres, time. certain 74. Malaysia has corne here in the exercise of rights and duties appertaîning to a11 signatories of the Charter, and the representative of Indonesia has frankly explained how and why Ns Government has seen fit to use force in this way. The overwhelming majority of the members of this Council, after due deliberation and reflection, had corne to the conclusion that it was incumbent on the Council, in the discharge of its responsibilities, to act promptly, not just to bring an end to the use of force, the loss of life and the violation of the territorial integrity of a Member of the United Nations, but also to ask the parties, through a peaceful instrument of their own making, to seek to settle their differences peacefully around a conference table in the manner prescribed by the Charter to which we have a11 pledged allegiance. 74. en vertu les de l’Indonésie pourquoi ainsi membres et mare le Conseil, devait fin zt l’emploi et & la violation Membre, chercher, elles-mêmes, férend ment gagés à respecter. 75. 1 fear, Mr. President, although 1 hope tothe contrary, that the refusa1 of your government to allow this Council to exercise its minimum peace-keeping responsibilities under the Charter, in a clear and conspiouous case, cannot but reflect on the prestige and diminish the influence of the Security Council of the United Nations. I: also cannot help but note that this exercise of the veto seems tobe inconsistent with the avowed desire of the Soviet Union to strengthen the peace through the United Nations and particularly through the Security Council. It is no secret that the Government of the Soviet Union has been contending for some time that a reactivation of, or a reemphasis on, the role of the Security Council offers the best prospect for enhancing the effectiveness of the United Nations in keeping the peaoe. In a memorandum31 which was circulated to a11 United Nations Members on 10 July 1964 [S/5811], for example, the Soviet Government suggested: 75. refus d’exercer sabilités quant au maintien de la paix - et cela dans un cas aussi net que celui-ci - ne porte atteinte au prestige et h l’influence je ne peux m’empécher du droit l’Union soviétique declare éprouver - de consolider la paix par l’intermédiaire notamment du Conseil de securité. Depuis un certain temps - ce n’est un secret pour pessonne - le Gouvernement soviétique soutient que c’est en renforçant de nouveau le r61e du Conseil de s&urité les meilleures Nations Unies pour ce qui est du maintien de la paix, Dans un memoire distribu l’Organisation vernement soviétique déclarait par exemple: Y Supplement. nThe enormous changes which have occured in the world over the past decade, the expansion and consolidation of peace-loving forces, give every reason to believe that if countries, and primarily the great Powers which are permanent members of the Security Council, demonstrate goodwill and a genuine desire to preserve the peace, much cari be done to enhance the ability of the United Nations to thwart attempts to disturb the peace and to prevent conflicts by means of the peaoeful procedures provided for in Chapter VI of the Charter, such procedures as negotiation, good offices, conciliation, etc.” 3/ Officia1 Records of the Security Council, Nineteenth Year, SupUlement for July, Augusr and September 1964. 77. With your permission, I wouldlikeslso torefresh the Councilts memory on the contents of a letter of 31 December 1963 from Chairman Khrushchev to President Johnson,% a letter which, in the Chairman’s own words was “motivated by the interests of peace, by a desire to contribute to the prevention of war*‘. In his letter Chairman Khrushchev proposed certain principles for inclusion in an international agreement, inoluding-and 1 quote again the words of the Chsirman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union- “0.. recognition that the territory of states should not, even temporarily, be the objective of any invasion, attack, military occupation or other measure of force directly or indirectly undertaken by other States for political, economic, strategic, frontier or other reasons of whatsoever kind; 11 *. e a firm declaration that neither differences in social or political systems, nor denial of recognition or the absence of diplomatie relations, nor sny other pretext may serve to justify the violation by one State of the territorial integrity of another”. 78. We were genuinely encouraged to have Chairmsn Khrushchev publicly urge that: “The territory of States should net, even temporarily be the abject of any invasion, attack, military occupation or other measure of force”. We were truly gratified to have Chaixman Khruschev publicly embrace the principle that, and 1 quote him: “neither differences in social or political systems, nor denial of recognition or the absence of diplomatie relations, nor any other pretext may serve to justify the violation by one State of the territorial integrity of another”. 79. 1 am now forced to wonder whether our gratification was not prematnre. The draft resolution which the representative of the Soviet Union has justvetoed, and thus prevented the Council from adopting, dicl no more and could not have done less than ask that the parties to the situation before the Council conduct themselves in conformity with the principles SO clearly stated by Chairman Khrushchev. It would seem difficult to explain how the Soviet veto todayis consistent with the principles espoused by Chairman Khrushchev on December 1963. It goes without saying that despite this veto, the Security Council remains seized of the problem brought before it by Malaysia and will continue to follow with the closest attention the manner in which the parties concerned henceforth carry out their obligations under the Charter, as those obligations have just been unequivocally defined by nine members of the Council. 80. Mr. President, on the usual understanding, Ipropose to waive the consecutive interpretation of my statement. 4/ Sec document A/5740. 83. It is with sorrow and foreboding Mr. President thst 1 have seen you in your capacity as the representative of the Soviet Union, cast your veto on a moderate and pacifie draft resolution which commandecI broad support in this Council and which in the view of my delegation was one to which no State Member of the United Nations could properly abject. This negative vote of the Soviet delegation appears ta amount to an effort to deny to a State Member of this Organization the protection for its territorial integrity to which a11 Members are entitled. 83. C’est avec tristesse et inquietude, Monsieur le Président, représentant veto B un projet de résolution mod&& et pacifique qui jouissait de l’appui d’une grande partie duconseil et contre lequel, de l’avis de ma délegation, aucun Etat Membre de l’Organisation ne pouvait negatif dela delégation soviétique revient, semble-t-il, a denier & un Etat Membre de l’Organisation protection B laquelle ont droit tous les Etats Membres, 84. By the same action the vote of the Soviet delegation has removed an opportunity to end an undeclared war, which if it wt?re to continue would have grave implications for peace in South-East Asia. In short, the Soviet vote is a vote to ignore the merits of the matter which was brought before the Council. Nevertheless, the Security Council cannot wash its hands of this matter. It remains within our cognizance and within our sphere of’ responsibility, andno doubt it Will engage our attention again unless the principles of the Charter mentioned in the draft resolution-for which nine members of this Council have just votedare observed by the Government of Indonesia. 84. En m@me temps, le vote de la delegation sovié- tique a fait perdre une occasion de mettre fin à une guerre larvée qui, si elle se poursuivait, aurait des consequences graves pour la paix dans le Sud- Est asiatique. En un mot, le vote soviétique revient & méconnaître devant le Conseil. NBanmoins, le Conseil de sécurite ne saurait se considérer comme délie de toutes ses responsabilités demeurons saisis, nous en demeurons responsables, et il ne fait aucun doute que cette question retiendra à nouveau notre attention, a moins que les principes de la Charte mentionnés dans le projet de rbsolution - en faveur duquel neuf membres du Conseil viennent de voter - ne soient respect& par l’Indonésie. 85. Je voudrais proposer de renoncer B l’interpré- tation consi%utive de cette partie de la discussion. 85. 1 would like to propose, Mr. President, that in this part of the proceedings the conseoutive interpretation be waived.

That is a very useful proposal, and we Will adopt it; we will not interpret the statements in this part of the meeting into the other languages as isusually done-but will not, of course, thereby create a precedent. 86. Le PRESIDENT sition est tr&s opportune, et nous y donnerons suite: nous renoncerons cette partie de la séance, selon la coutume et sans, bien entendu, que cela constitue un précédent. 87. Comme dre la parole pour le moment, je me permets, en qualit BLIQUES SOCIALISTES SOVIETIQUES, dtexposer les motifs qui ont déterminh, tout 2 l’heure, le vote de la delegation sovietique. Le Conseil voudra bien considérer comme une explication de vote la déclaration que j lai faite le 10 septembre [1145bme séance] et celle qui a étB faite aujourd’hui m&me, avant la mise aux voix du projet. Compte tenu de ce renvoi et vu l’heure tardive, ce que la clél&gation sovi&ique a dit tout a l’heure, avant la mise aux voix du projet de r&olution la Norv??ge. 88. N’&aient certaines interventions qui ont dépassé de beaucoup les limites d’une explication - je veux parler, présentants 87. As there are now no other speakers on my list among the members of the Council, 1 should like as representative of the UNION OI? SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS to explain the vote of the Soviet delegation in the voting which has just taken place. I should like to ask that, as an explanation for the reasons of our vote, the Council take into account the statement which 1 made at the Council’s meeting on 10 September [1145th meeting], and also the stalement which 1 made earlier at toclay’s meeting. 1 do not think there 1s any need, in the light of these two statements and in view of the late heur, to repeat what was said by the Soviet delegation before the vote on the Norwegian draft resolution. 88. If it had net been for the statements of SeVeral delegations-in particular, those of the representatives of the United States and of the United Kingdom, which went far beyond an explanation of vote-then

Mr. President, would you be good enough to let me interrupt here.

Mr. representative of the United States, you are of course in a better position than 1 am, for you need not observe the delicacy which 1 am bound to observe as President of the Council. 1 therefore allow you to interrupt me when 1 am speaking as the representative of the Soviet Union. 1 naturally greatly appreciate your efforts, 91. The representative of the United States bas the floor.

Sir, 1 asked leave to interrupt only to say that I did not ask to speak in explanation of vote; I asked, to be aocorded the privilege of rnaking a statement.

1 thank you for your explanation, which in no way changes the remarks which, 1 repeat, 1 made as representative of the Soviet Union when you attempted to lecture the Soviet Union on the position it adopted in debate on this question. 94. The fact is that there is a generally accepted procedure and practice according to which an explanation of vote must be limited to the reasons for a delagation’s vote, and not turned, as it was for threequarters of your statement, into an examination of the reasons for the vote of other delegations. The States represented here in the Security Council are not States which must act acoording to what pleases or dispIeases the United States of America, but States whioh are sovereign and therefore able to determine the position which they should or should not adopt in the examination of any problem in the Security Counoil. 95. 1 Will now continue in my capacity of representative of the UNION OF’ SOVIET SOCIALIST REPUBLICS, I did not avail myself of thfs opportunity in view of the delicate position in which 1 find myself during this month. 1 understood the situation precisely in that way. As for the substance of the remarks made by the representative of the United States, first of a11 1 must express my gratitude to him for quoting at some length from the very important documents of the Government of the Soviet Union one dated 31 December 1963 and the other, 10 July 1964. He thus gave the members of the Council and the public another opportunity to consider these important documents, which represent very significant measures in the Soviet Government’s foreign policy, which we fully uphold and will continue to uphold in our practical activities in the United Nations and elsewhere. 97. That is why the very important passages quoted by the representative of the United States, the effectiveness, importance and significance of which we affirm again in this statement, do not in any way apply to attempts to impose the Will of the Western Powers on one of the parties in the question under discussion and, under caver of pious verbiage, to evade completely the true cause of the conflict. But this is not the first meeting at which the Council has devoted its attention to the true causes, to be more precise, of the situation endangering the cause of peace which has developed in South-East Asia. 97. que le représentant et l’importance avec l’une sances de paroles causes séances de ce conflit dangereuse du Sud-Est, 98. Ainsi faussent délégation puissances représentant doute que c’est mer la realite asiatique, de lutter créations donner ont par n’ont, véritable de la sécurit& 98. Therefore to hide attempts to misrepresent the natural opposition of the Soviet delegation, attempts by the Western Powers (led by the United States of America, as can now be seen clearly from the statement of its representative) to distort the true picture of affairs and to deprive the peoples of South-East Asia, espccially the people of Indonesia, of their right to struggle for their national liberation against the neo-colonialist forms which have been given a semblance of Statehood, 1 repeat, ta hide these attempts behind the text which was submitted at the last moment by the representative of Norway Will deceive no one. These attempts bear absolutely no relation to the real measures taken by the United Nations to maintain international peaoe and security. 99. en cette le moment - digression rique térisent ments pays de cette region. 9% 1 do not wish at present to extend the scope of the discussion at this late hour, and therefore 1 will for the present-1 stress for the present-excuse myself from turning aside to examine those activities of the United States of America in South-East Asia which are marked by bloody repression of the national liberation movement in several countries in that part of the world. 100. et c’est pourquoi tout a fait voudraient, nocent au lieu du coupable et faire croire vote, si profondement à ces et aux mesures e-osées aimablement 100. That would indeed go beyond the limits of the question under discussion, and therefore 1 reject completely, as altogether unfounded, attempts to shift the blame from the guilty to the innocent and to represent our reasoned and well-founded vote in this Council as contradicting the Soviet Government’s important foreign-policy documents and measures Set forth in the documents to which the representative of the United States SO courteously referred here. 1% I Shall now continue in my capacity of PRESI- DENT. We have already decided that there shall be 101. Conseil. prétation Conseil parole, 110 consecutive interpretation into the other languages. If none of the members of the Council wishes to speak, then with the permission of the members of 102. Data’ ISMAIL (Malaysia): First 1 would like to thank the President for allowing me to speak at this late hour, but 1 think that what I have to say Will be of great interest to the members of the Security Council. 103. My first feeling is one of relief that, in spite of every effort to confuse the principal, indeed the Sole, issue, the Security Council in a clear voice has spoken. Why the Council was unable to pass this draft resolution is also patent for a11 the world to see. Victims that we are of these continuous acts of aggres- Sion, we would have, in a resolution that secured such support, preferred stronger terms. But we are net wedded to words. Hard words break no bones; they only corne in the way if conciliation is to continue, 104. My Government therefore welcomes the near unanimous voice with which the Council has admonished Indonesia in no uncertain terms, and given expression to its unambiguous disapproval of the act perpetrated on 2 September 1964 upon my country, This accords entirely with the spirit of moderation and prudence that has always characterized our attitudes in our relations with the outer world, particularly with Indonesia. 105. We feel reassured that the Council has spoken with equal clarity regarding the inviolability of Malaysia’s territorial integrity. It has rejected the Indonesian thesis, sought to be persuasively presented by the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia, that non-recognition of Malaysia involved its inability to recognize our territory, and that this in turn gave Indonesia the right to do what it pleased in that territory. This doctrine, desperate and dangerous in international relations, has nowbeen effectively rejected by this Council. That is not surprising; but what surprised and startled me was that sucha thesis could he put forward at all. 106. We welcome the recommendation ta resumeour talks as envisaged in Tokyo; but we welcome even more the clear statement of this Council that the commencement of the talks should be preceded by the renunciation of the use of force and the restoration of the territorial integrity of our State. It has been clearly spelled out, without any ambiguity, that only after those acts are completed and the right atmosphere is created should the talks commence-a clear endorsement of the just and honourable position that bas been insisted on by our Prime Minister at every one of OU talks with Indonesia-the sole rock on which every hopeful effort at conciliation was grievously shattered by Indonesia. We are happy, too, that machinery is provided for the Security Council to keep itself informed of developments. 108, We shall now continue to carry on withour tasks in the paths we haire chosen for ourselves, in the consciousness not only that we are in the right but, also, that we have demonstrated to the world that we are. This draft resolution, not withstanding the fate that overtook it, is no more than a formulation of the ethical-even if, as claimed by Indonesia, it is nat the legal-code of international behaviour to which Malaysia, as a civllized State, is committed and from which it Will not depart. But there are two parties to this conflict and thelr own behaviour cannot determine the behaviour of Indonesia. Any oneparty conciliation is a contradiction in terms, 1 wish profoundly that 1 oould say that Indonesia would now, in the context of woxld opinion as now expressed with singular olarity, moderate its ways to modes of thought and action confoxmable to well known norms of international conduct. Without these basic norms we shall revert to the law of the jungle, which at a11 events it is too late for a State to want to return to after the creation of the Charter. 109. But I admit I have some doubts. It was reoently, on 15 September, referring to the kind of resolution 15 septembre that might be passed by the Security Council, the pourrait representative of Indonesia warned the Security Counsentant cil in these terms: termes: “Such a resolution would force the parties only further apart, would only sharpen the conflict and heighten sentiments, with a11 the consequenaes thereof. “You cari adopt such a resolution, if you like, but it Will aggravate the existing dangers.” [115Oth meeting, paras. 48 and 49.1 Rather an astonishing statement to make. But, thanks to the support his views have received, however minimal, he has effectively secured the non-passage of the draft resolution. 110. Our immediate future, 1 would assume, spells more trials and tribulations for us, At a11 events, the quotation to which 1 have just referred is not indicative of a particulaxly helpful attitude from Indonesia, But 1 have said many times, andit is woxth repeating, that Malaysia entertains nothingbutfriendliness and good Will to Indonesia. We sincerely seek their reciprocation. C lest là une déclaration tant ce point obtenu que le projet 110. citation à. laisser la part de 1’IndonBsle. fois nourrit volonté ment que ces sentiments 111, l’expression mon qu’ont au prix nos c’est-h-dire aussi ajouter de découvrir derniers 111. i have finished. 1 have reserved to the last the eXpreSSion of my Government’s most sincere appreciation of the strenuous efforts willingly made, at considerable cost to them of time and energy, by our Afxican colleagues on this Council, namely, the Ivory Coast and Morocco. It is only right to add that Mr. Usher, whose heaxt warming personality it was my privilege to become acquainted with in these last few days, and who has in a short pertod achieved a well-deserved reputation for ski11 in negotiating and unending patience which is well known in my country, could not, in this matter, achieve the results that reputation bien therefOre, is net without a sense of satisfaction that, in the course of this debate, ithasin a small measure succeeded in bringing home to a11 members of the Council, and particularly to our African friends, not only what the difficulties are that we have had to oontend with but also where the impediments to their solution lie. 112. 1 heard the representative of Indonesia say on 15 September, referring to this effort of the Ivory Coast and Morocco: “My delegation deeply regrets now to hear that their efforts have not been successfui 0. .“. [Ibl%, para. 56.1 A rather curious statement from one who knew, at ieast for several hours before, that it was Indonesia which was responsible for the failure of the Ivory Coast-Moroccan effort. 113. 1 cannot leave this matter without a special tribute to Mr. Nielsen, who combines firmness in the pursuit of basic objectives with the finesse and subtlety of an experienced diplomat. That a reason to rejoioe in the outcome of a unanimously passed resolution was not given to him and, through him, to us, is no detraction from his efforts. It is the unknown factors that always provide the challenge to overoome; the known factors are there for a11 the world to see. 114. In the final result, if a draft sesolution which in almost every part reflects the central spirit and at every turn incorporates the principles of the Charter in its own actual languae, could not obtain passage through the Security Council it is because of obvious reasons. That there oould be a negative vote at a11 in such a situation is a matter of the gravest oonoern to a11 the world, particulasly to those Who, like Malaysia, are small nations which form the majority of the Member States of the United Nations. And that such a negative vote has in fact been CaSt by a permanent Member, of enormoUs power andprestige, which shares with four other great StateS 8 special responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security is indeed a saddening thought. The authors of the Charter could not have intended to promote two contradictory doctrines in the same framework-securing rapid f reedom to colonial peoples while at the same time leaving almOSt ail of them without redress at the mercy of any Predatory power which is ready to provoke a quarrel with and bas enough arms at its elbow to overwhelm a Smaller power, Al1 protestations of conscious progress tO- \vards a peaceful world lose their meaning, when the Principal agency which cari avoid an armed conflict and promote peace is unwilling to act, not because the occasion cloes not clemand it buC because action to meet that demand would hurt a politioal friend. 116. Only the day before a world statesmandeclared: “Our borders are sacred and inviolable and any attempt to change them by force means war.” That statesman was none other than Mr. Khrushchev, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Soviet Union, the apostle of peaceful coexistence. If the essential validity of that statement is to rest on principle and not merely on physioal force that cari be mounted in support of it, Malaysia is doing no more than insisting on that very same principle for its own inalienable right to exist. But Indonesia has today been able to rely on the vote of that very same Soviet Union to deny Malaysia that right. 116. Avant-hier, “NOS tentative la guerre.” M. Khrouchtchev, président du Conseil des ministres de l’Union sovietique, apbtre de la coexistence papifique. Si la validith de cette declaration doit reposer sur sance mat&rielle que l’on peut mobiliser en l’occurrente, memes principes pour défendre son propre droit inalienable a Union soviétique pour dénier ce droit B la Malaisie.

Mr. President, with your permission may 1 now make a very brief 117. M. SUDJARWO (Indonésie) [traduit del’anglais]: Si voudrais faire maintenant, à la fin de ce débat, une déclaration dans une discussion acrimonieuse qui, du reste, n’est plus necessaire. statement at the end of this debate without allowing myself to be provoked in the acrimonious debate which indeed is not needed any more, 118. The Council has completed its consideration of the agenda item, the complaint of Malaysia, without being able to adopt a resolution, without being able to adopt a decision. It was not Indonesia which asked the Security Council to be convened. Nevertheless, my delegation does not think that the whole debate on the matter, on the issue of Malaysia, has been useless. Both parties to the dispute have aired their respective stands and viewpoints, earnestly and sincerely. And as far as Indonesia is concerned, we are satisfied that my delegation has been able to set forth its cause frankly and sincerely before the members of this Counoil. 118. Le Conseil a aoheve l’examen du point inscrit B son ordre du jour, la plainte de la Malaisie, sans pouvoir adopter de r&solution, sans pouvoir m&me parvenir à prendre une décision. Ce n’est pas l’Indon&.ie qui a demande cette convocation du Conseil de S&urit!+. que tout ce débat sur cette affaire, sur la question de la Malaisie, ait été stérile. Les deux parties au difffférend ont chacune expose leur position et pré- senté leur point de vue avec sérieux et sin&rité. En ce qui concerne l’Indonésie, nous sommes heureux que notre di%%gation ait pu exprimer son opinion avec franchise et sincbrit8 aux membres du Conseil. 119. Comme je l’ai declaré plus d’une fois, l’important n’est pas d’adopter une r&olution mais de trouver une solution. En considérant l’ensemble du debat auquel presque tous les membres ont pris part, j’ai acquis la conviction que nous avons beaucoup appris les uns des autres. Ma délegation a ceftaineinent profité du debat et des entretiens qui ont eu lieu, même si par moments les controverses 119. As 1 have recently stated, it is not a resolution but a solution which is the most important thing. And if we look back over the whole debate, in which almost everyone took part, then 1 believe that we have learned much from each other. And my delegation has certainly benefited from the debate and from the dialogues that we had with each other, even if sometimes controversial matters seemed to be sharpened. 120. Bien que le Conseil de sécurite de resolution, ni pris de decision, si l’on envisage les choses dans un esprit constructif, dire, a mon avis, que ces séances n’ont pas eu de résultat, férend qui nous occupe. Le Conseil de S&urit8 a tiré parti d’un terrain encore entre les parties, muniqué de la réunion au sommet de Tokyo, en vue d’une reprise du debat, semblait avoir recueilli les Suffrages de tous les membres du Conseil. En tant que parties intkressees, nous devrions y Btre sensibles. Aucun de nous ne partira d’ici les mains dans la région, de la Malaisie, reste grave. Elle risque de Persister tant que ne sera pas intervenu le réglement - que 120, Though no resolution has been adopted, no Security Council decision has been taken, in my view, one cannot say that these meetings of the Security Council have not produced something positive, something helpful to the solution of the dispute of the conflict at issue, if we look at things only constructively, The Council has seized upon a certan detectable area of agreement fortunately still existing between the parties-that is, the reference to the Toyko summit conference communiqué for the resumption of talkswhich seemed during the debate to be the consensus of opinion and the desire of the whole Council. This is something that we, the parties concerne& should appreciate. Certainly none of us will lenve this Council ernpty-handed. The situation in the area on this IVKalay- Sia issue is still grave, This situation may continue before the settlement of the political dispute which we are still seeking is obtained. But if a11 parties concerned-and 1 really menn all, including the United Kingdom-are able to view this Council discussion nous Mais si toutes les parties bien toutes, y compris la Grande-Bretagne - voient

First of ail, 1 should like to apologizé for asking to speak at this late stage of our discussion. 123. I have listened with particular attention to the statements made here by the representative of the United Kingdom, the Minister for the Interior of Malaysia and the Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Indonesia. In the light of what I have heard I should like to stress once more that the interpretation to be given to my delegation’s vote is that Morocco hopes that its contribution may bring peace and tranquility to the region. 124. 1 should also like to stress that any outside intervention on the part of a Power alien to the region-which might find its justification in the vote cast on the draft resolution-would be entirely contrary to Morocco’s point of view. My country hopes that Indonesia Will be able to continue to play its role as a great African-Asian Power in the struggle against imperialism and colonialism in that region.

I have no more speakers on my list for this item. We may therefore consider that the Council has concluded the agenda for this meeting, 126. It is now 2 p.m., and 1 knowthat many members of the Council have obligations during the recess, which was supposed to be from 1 to 3 p.m. Therefor@, if there is no objection, let us say that the next meeting of the Council shall begin, not at 3.30 p,m. as originally planned, but at 4 p.m. It was SO decided. The meeting rose at 2 p.m. Litho In U.N. Price: $US. 0.35 (or equivalent