S/PV.1176 Security Council

In aCcordanCe with the decision previously taken by the Council, 1 shall, if there is no objection, invite the reprssentatives of the Sudan, Guinea, Ghana, Belgium, 1. Le PRESIDENT (traduit de l’espagnol): Conformément à. la décision prise précédemment par le Conseil et s’il n’y a pas d’abjections, ter les repr&entants Ghana, de la Belgique, du Congo (Brazzaville), l’Algérie, du Congo, de la Nigeria, COngO (Brazzaville), Algeria, Mali, the Democratic Rspublio of the Congo, Nigeria, the United Arab Re- Public, Burundi, Kenya and the Central African Republic to take the seats reserved for them opposite the Council table and to participate in the debate unie, centrafricaine 2. Or. WACHUKU (Nigeria): Mr. President, before making my statement 1 want to express my thanks to Y0u and members of this Council for giving me this Opportunity to say a few words in connexion with the two matters which have been brought before you: the first being the charge by some African States that three foreign Powers have intervened in the interna1 affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the second being the charge by the Democratic Republic of the Congo that certain African States have interfered with its sovereignty and with its iadependence and a request that this Council look into the matter. 3. First, perhaps it is necessary for me to explain the reason why we are here. We are not accused, and we do not belong to the group of accusers either; but we are interested onlookers, and the two matters which have been brought before you concernus vitally. 4. Nigeria is independent in everything, but neutral in nothing that affects the destiny of Africa. If it is an intervention, 1 must apologize for it, but it is vital to our interests to intervene. We have made everyeffort t0 contain this problem within the circle of the Organization of African Unity, We tried to dissuade our fellow African representatives from bringing thefirst matter before the Security Council, and to let the Organization of African Unity handle the question, because as far as my experience in the OAU and in the Council of Mini&ers is concerned, they have always exercised a sense of responsibility and have shown an ability to handle African questions in the African WaY; and we have at a11 times succeeded in finding a way out of our difficulty. 5. 1 was confident that if reason had prevailed wt: would have found a solution to this problem. But, unfOrtunatelY, for reasons best known to those who brought the first matter to this Council, they overlooked this-our tradition-and, therefore, the OAU is now exposed to the gaze of the whole world. Lest it be thought that the opinion of those who have brought this matter before the Security Council is the only Opinion that eXiStS within the African scene, we thought it necessary to make it clear that that is not the only view in this matter; perhaps the greater and perhaps the more effective view on this matter may be in the majority and not in the minority. 7. We listened to the arguments and to the statemonts. 1 am not here to deal in sentiment, but to deal With facts, as we know them, and with realities. We have heard SO much in this United Nations Organization about colonialism, imperialism and many Ysms” -that there is nothing new about that. Sometimes they are real problems, and some problems are exaggerated. Before we cari decide whether there has been foreign intervention in the Congo, surely we muet know the views of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 8. The Democratic Republic of the Congo tells us that there is no foreign intervention in its territory; that those who are accused of intervening came with its knowiedge, consent, approval and indeed byinvitatiOn. In this United Nations we a11 agree that the Congo is a sovereign, independent State of Africa. In the Organization of African Unity we a11 agree that the Congo is a sovereign, independent State of Africa, having full jurisdictipn over its own interna1 and external affairs. 1 have not heard it said anywhere thst the rights of the Democratic Republic of the Congo as an independent, sovereign State have been abridgedby anyone or that that country has employed any African State to be its representative. Therefore, from the Nigerian point of view, basedon Article 2of the United Nations Charter and article III of the Charter of the Organization of African Unity, we hold and stand on the point that no African State has aright to represent the views of the Detiocratic Republic of the Congo without the authorization of the Demooratic Republic of the Congo. 9. It io true that there may be some matters which are distasteful to us. In the case that was made here, it has been said that the Democratic Republic of the Congo has been employing mercenaries, and that they have done certain things. Whether they have employed mercenaries or no, that is purely a matter of interpretatlon. When they employ mercenaries from areas that we do not like-and certainly my country does not like persons from South Africa and Southern Rhodesia coming to participate in disciplining people-we a11 dislike that. But if circumstances compel and impel the Democratic Republic of the Congo to take these steps, and if those circumstances have been of ouf: own creation, it is not the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo that is to blame-rather, 11. Surely brothers and sisters should ~ti close. But if your brothers and sisters let you down and you know that you bave some faithful friends, you turn to them. As far as we are concerned, that is exactly what the Congo has done, Nigeria does not find anything wrong with the Congo asking friendly countries to assist it in carrying out what the Congo thought to be a delicate operation that involved nationals of other countries, extricating them from what it believed to be a position that could not have brought credit to it. 12. Before ‘l came here, I held a Press conference in Lagos. 1 did not hesitate to tel1 the nation and the world where we stood in this matter. If Nigerian subjects were involved in this matter, and 1 wasin the position that 1 am in today, or in any other position to extricate them from such a situation, 1 would not hesitate to do SO, Therefore, without wasting the time of this Council, 1 think that any man in his right sense, and with a sense of justice and fair play, and knowing what a sovereign State means, could not interpret the act of those three countries, upon the invitation of the Congo, to be intervention in the sense in which it has been, 13. 1 want to say here that if Belgium, the United Ststes and the United Kingdom had gone to the Congo, under any kind of pretext, without being invited by the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1 would be the first to condemn them here and everywhere else. We cannot go beyond that. As long as the Democratic Republic of the Congo has stated here categorically that these people came in at its invitation in exercise of its right as a sovereign State, as a sovereign Government, nobody has a right to question its action, because that country is not a protectorate of anyone. It does not matter what difficulties it may have. It is a free, sovereign and independent State, a Member of the United Nations, a founding member of the OAU just like anybody else, and nobody has any right to dictate 14. That brings me to the second question, which is a more serious one, namely, the complaint of the Democratic Republic of the Congo that certain sister African countries have been subverting it, aiding and abetting rebellion within its territory, anci indeed doing everything to make it impossible for that State to exist as a free, sovereign independent State; that these African countries are Members of this Organization and have accepted the Charter of this Organization, and that these countries are also members of the Organization of African Unity, and have signed and accepted and ratified the Charter of that Organization, and that what they have done is in violation of these two Charters, 15. Perhaps it would be useful to read out the relevant portions of these two Charters, 1 am not interested in likes and dislikes. Nigeria is not interested in who is President or Prime Minister or Ministerin the Congo. As long as the Congolese appoint their representatives, those who Will govern them, we accept them. It is not for anybody to corne and tel1 the Congo who their governors or rulers should be. That is the stand of Nigeria, just as Nigeria has no right to dictate to any African country on the selection of the personnel of its Government. We believe that if every State. in Africa, every State in the worlcl, were to observe this rule, we would have peace and tranquillity a11 over. The trouble is that there are some who think that they know better how to govern a country than those who have been entrusted with the responsibility to govern. 16. Article 2 of the Charter of the United Nations reads as follows: “The Organization and its Membersn-1 repeat, the Organization and its Members-“in pursuit of the Purposes stated in Article 1, shall act in accordance with the following Principles.” [The speaker read out paragraphs 1 to 7of Article 2 of the Charter.] 17, Now the important thing there is that even this Organization, which is a world-wide body, is precluded fro’m interfering in the interna1 affairs of Member States. If that is SO, then certainly no one State cari decide on its own to interfere in the affairs of other hfrican States. 18. But it may be said that this Chapter was written some time ago, that perhaps times have changed and that therefore, perhaps there have been some modifications, But article III of the Charter of the Organization of African Unity was approved only a year ago, and that article has not been amended by anybody. 1 personally took part in the drafting of this Charter, along with my other brother Foreign Mini&ers of the various African States. 1 know how hard we worked night and day to produce this Charter at Addis Ababa. 19. Article III of the Charter of the OAU reads as follows: “The Member States, in pursuit of the purposes stated in Article II, solemnly affirm and declare their adherence to the following principles: “(1) The sovereign equality of a11 Member States; “(2) Non-interference in the interna1 affairs States; “(3) Respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of each State and for its inalienable right to independent existence; “(4) Peaceful settlement of disputes bynegotiation, mediation, conciliation or arbitration; “(5) Unreserved condemnation, in a11 its forms, of political assassination as well as of subversive activities on the part of neighbouring States or any other State; “(6) Absolute dedication to the total emancipation of the African territories which are still dependent; “(7) Affirmation of a policy of non-alignment with regard to a11 blocs.” 20. The Democratic Republic of the Congo has complained that certain African States members of the OAU, States that signed its Charter only a year ago, haQe broken that Charter and have broken the United Nations Charter, thus making it impossible for the Government of that country to discharge its lawful duties. 21. From the facts known to us, the excuse has been given that this is SO because Moise Tshombé is now the Prime Minister of the Congo, It is amazing to those of us who live in Nigeria to see in this Chamber the representative of a State that invited this same gentleman from Madrid. and treated him as Head of State in the representative’s own country, in the attempt to have him return to the Government in the Congo, now corne here, after that gentleman has been appointed Prime Minister, and present accusations against that same gentleman and his Government. this type of inconsistency that we in Nigeria do not understand-this blowing hot and cold. 22. 1 had the privilege of heading a commission the Congo when the oountry was in a state of chaos, Parliament was not meeting and there was a struggle between the factions. It was our duty to unravel problem and to make recommendations to the United Nations. We submitted our report, and it was accepted and acted upon by the General Assembly [sesolution 23. It was not when Mr. Tshomb8 became Prime Minister that this started. We know those who were responsible. Mr. Tshombé has been accused of being responsible for disintegrating the Congo: there has been talk of the Katanga secession and SO on, But we know very well that there were two seatsof secession in the Congo simultaneously: there was one based at Elisabethville, and one in Stanleyville. The Elisabethville one was headed by Mr. Tshomb8, and the Stanleyville one was headed by Gizenga and Gbenya and others. Those who went to the Congo with me on the Commission know that very well. Indeed, some of us quarrelled with some of the representatives of the United Nations for partiality-why play up one, and play down the other?-and insisted that some of them should be removed if we were going to have any solution in the Congo, We know that some of these States that are making accusations now reoognized the government at Stanleyville, in 1961, and accredited ambassadors to that secessionist government. It was only after Adoula had formed his Government and brought a11 Sections into the Central Government of the Congo that they reluctantly withdrew their representatives and their ambassadors. Some of them, even thoughthey removed their representatives in Leopoldville, still received some Congolese as representatives of Stanleyville, We, of course, objected to that type of thing-but, since it did not ooncern Nigeria directly, we could not intervene. 23. premier connaissons imputer il a été question Mais deux foyers Elisabethville sécession et Gbenye Congo mission En fait, avec Nations soutenir demande problème Etats reconnu 1961 et avaient auprés qu’apres M. Adoula représent8s pe36 ces d’entre Léopoldville, Congolais nous étions opposés puisque Nigéria, 25, I am grateful to the representative of the United States for saying, in the hearing of the world, that some of those traits that have made themselves manifest in Stanleyville and other places are net PeculiarlY the traits of Afrioans [11’74th meeting]. The Africans are hospitable people and do not commit this Wpe of act as a matter of routine. The Africanis net Perfect; no human being is Perfect. But 1 want to state Chis bore: The majority of African States-this cannot be disputed-do not support that type of conduct. Barbarism existed some time ago. One of the qualities that we expect from independent States anywhere in the world is the observance of what we now know to be civilized conduct in relation to fellow human beings and various societies. And Africans are not going to be different if they are going to be Members of the United Nations or of any organization worthy of the name. 26. There has been reference to an ad hoc commission of the OAU that is trying to settle this matter, The Council of Ministers of the OAU, asl: said before, has always the knack of finding a way of doing things. The only trouble is the way the matter is handled. In the relevant document-the resolution which the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo read out here on 11 December [1173rd meeting]-we find, in paragraph 5, that the Council of Mini&ers knew the right thing to do. Paragraph 5 reads: “Decides to set up and send immediately to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Republic of the COngO (Brazzaville) and the Kingdom of Burundi an ad hoc Commission consisting of: Cameroon, Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, Nigeria, Somalis, Tunisia, United Arab Republic, Upper Volta and placedunder the effective chairmanship of H,E. Jomo Kenyatta, Prime Minister of Kenya, which Will have the following mandate: “(Z) To help and encourage the efforts of the GoVernment of the Democratic Republic of the Congo in the restoration of national reconciliation in conformitY with paragraphs 2 and 3 above;“, And what is in paragraphs 2 and 3? Paragraph 2 reads: “Notes the solemn undertaking of the Prime Mini&er of the Democratic Republic of the Congo t. @arantee the SafetY Of combatants who lay down their arms;“. Combatants, it says, who lay down their arms, Paragraph 3 reads: “~e~~~eSts eSPeCially a11 those now fighting cesse hostilities, SO as to seek, wit$ the help of the 28. The Council of Mini&ers was sensible enough to put down there in the resolution what 1 have read. But certain people who read these things think that others do not read them. 29. Sub-paragraph @) of paragraph 5 of the resolution, still dealing with the terms of reference of the ad hoc Commission, reads: “TO seek by a11 possible means to bring about normal relations between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its neighbours, in particular the Kingdom of Burundi and the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville) .” 30. Paragraph 6 then reads: “Invites the Commission to submit its report to the Administrative Secretary-Generalfor immediate distribution to a11 member States.” 31, Of course, that is what they have always done. But the whole thing was mishandled. The Commission did, not go to Burundi and Congo (Brazzaville). Rather, it sat in Nairobi and studied the sending of a delegation to another country-but it was never appointed to leave its job, 32. The Council of Ministers did the right thing, but those who were entrusted with the responsibility of implementing thîs obligation failed in their duties. The proper thing would have been to allow us to have a meeting, as we wanted, and, if we found that the Commission was incompetent in handling this matter, to dismiss it and set up another one that would have been able to do the work. 1 know the Africans are capable of doing that. But, unfortunately, there is a vocal minority in the OAU that arrogates to itself certain powers, that are not given to it, to be the leaders of Africa. That is why 1 am saying here that we have not appointed any minority number of States to be leaders of the African States. There is a Council of Ministers and there is an Assembly of Heads of State and Government, which is the final authority of the OAU. No State or group of States has been deputed to be the accredited representatives of the African States. 33. 1 Will therefore ask this Council to throw out the first charge-it is of no consequence whatsoever-and to ooncentrate its attention on the second, which presents a substantial case, because we know as a matter of fact-1 know, as the Foreign Minister of Nigeria-that there is intervention. 1 do not want to repeat to you what you already know: you read the 2;‘35. We know that it is no good whipping a dead herse. We know very well that Belgium did terrible things in not producing txained personnel from among the Congolese who could have handled the problems of independence. We know that the country became independent with only one trained doctor, no administrative officers, and SO on, but surely if we are genuine brothers, our first duty should be to rally around our brothers, supply those missing links andgive them the assistance they require in order to help them to stand on their own feet. But what do we find from the African States? The Congo has become the target of the ambitions of this vocal minority. 36. We forget that each one of us has his own problem s. 1 wonder what would happen if Nigeria and others were to team up and begin to look at the skeletons in the various cupboards of these various States. One of our diseases in Africa today is that some States think that it is good for them to Select their own friends, it is good for them tobefree to choose whatever ideology they think is good for them, but others do not have that right at all. They choose friends that are good for themselves and choose what is good for others, and when the others resist, they are stooges. 1 want this Organization to take note that if one State finds it has found something that helps it to developitself in order to attain the greatest height, to be the most powerful State in the world, it should concede to other States the right to discover its own sou1 andfind its own way. That is what Articles 2 and 3 of the Charter state. But when it cornes to the position where one State cari dictate to another State how it should live and manage its own affairs, then there is trouble. 37. Unfortunately, the Congo’s neighbours, for some reason best known to themselves, have not realized that they have their own teething troubles. 1 have said that 1 am nbt dealing with the question of intervention, because I do not see any substance in the case of those who are making such a case here. Perhaps it may be my judicial mind which made me dismiss them SO lightly. Otherwise, 1 would have adducedfacts to show that even in those States who are making 38. Some are militarily aligned to other States when they go to ask them to bring people to train their army or military personnel, but if another State in hfrica does that with a State with which it is not SO friendly, that is bad. 38. d’autres des instructeurs personnel agit de marne avec un Etat avec lequel les relations ne sont pas aussi amicales, 39. One begîns to ask the questionwhether in a family one has to have people tut out of the same pattern, but it appears that there are people whofeel that in Africa one must a11 be of the same type, the same size and the same weight, and that our colour must be exactly the same. Some people are darker than others. Some are chocolate-brown, some are fair and SO on. We have different shades of black in Africa, SO that when we begin to discuss this colour, 1 think it is not relevant to our argument, We are not a11 black. Some are very fair, some are chocolate-brown, some are very dark and some are what you might cal1 graphite grey or charcoal black. 39. obligatoirement des devons le m6me poids, ment la même. Certaines que d’autres. foncée, Il y a différentes sorte aucun ne sommes très pales, d’autres uns sont plus ou moins 40. 1 have corne to speak here because Nigeria bas a special responsibility in Africa. We are trying as much as possible to hold a balance between our different peoples. It is very painful tome when I see that two countries with which Nigeria is very friendly are involved in this matter. 1 speak of the Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is extremely painful to me to learn that the Sudan is being accused by the Congo, and to read what I have read in the newspapers. The thought that Sudanese territory could be used as a base for interference in the affairs of the Congo is very painful to me. 1 was slightly relieved when the Foreign Minister of the Sudan said here [1170th meeting] that this was not SO, but he admitted that some medical equipment and supplies were being transported. My own advice is that if this medical equipment is going to the Congo, it should go to the legitimate Government. It should go through that channel and not through the rebels. 40. Nigeria Elle s ‘efforce libre pénible entretient affaire, démocratique que le Soudan est ce que j’ai territoire ingérence profondement. le Ministre [1170time a admis caux Congo. Je suis sont vernement passer 41. actuellement de Soudanais de Soudanais race. La Nigéria du Sud à cause équivaudrait La prendre qu’il conseille leurs 41. I say this because we know there is a conflict of races in the Sudan, where 4 million southernsudanese have been fighting against the 10 million northern Sudanese because of a difference in race, It would be wrong for Nigeria to identify itself with the southern Sudanese because of racial affinity. TO do SO would be to destroy the existence of the Sudan as a State today. It would be wrong for Nigeria to encourage the Congo to adopt a retaliatory measure because of contiguity. Therefore, I would advise these two States, in particular, to sort out their difficulties and not to UOW anybody from further away to mar the relations 42. Mr. President, 1 am appealing to these countries, through you, asking them to rethink their thoughts. Subversion of the Congo may ultimately mean their own subversion. The destruction of the Congo would be the destruction of a country in the heart of Africa, and 1 do not think that the youth of Africa would forgive any of those people who may be responsible for inflicting such an injury on the heart of Africa. 43. 1 do not want to make reference to the various documents, and SO on; you have the resolutions of the United Nations, you have the resolution of the OAU, you have a11 the other documents imploring over and over again Members of this Organization and members of the OAU to observe these principles. If they are observed, there will be no trouble in the Congo. 44, I was happy to note that the Poreign Minister of Ghana in his speech made certain comments 11170th meeting]. Throughout a11 the time the others were speaking, not one has said that his country does not recognize the Congo as a sovereign, independent State, nor has a single one of the accusers said that they do not recognize the Governmentheadedby Mr. Tshombé. As a matter of fact, the Foreign Minister of Ghana stated that they do, in fa&, recognize that Government and that they are asking the Security Council to help the OAU to find a solution to this problem. 1 agree with him entirely. That is exactly what we want. 45. SO then, now that we a11 recognize the Government of Mr. Moise Tshomb6, what is the trouble? 1s it his face that we do not like? If we do not like his face or if we do not like his antecedents, well, he is not the only one. This a11 reminds me of the statement made by the Head of State of Madagascar in Cairo. When Moise Tshomb6 came there and some people were objecting to his particlpating in that Conference, the Head of State of Madagascar reminded them that if Mr, Tshombé is going to hell, many of the people around the table there would be in bel1 before him and he would maet quite a number of them there. SO 1 want to say that if his crime is secession, then 1 would remind the Members of what we know about Saul of Taraus, who became Paul, the Apostle to the Gentiles. I think the Christians know about this. He was one of those who persecuted the early Christians, but when he himself became a convert he wrote some epistles of the scriptures and carried the Christian message a11 over the world, at the riskof his own life. 46. Like my friend the Foreign Minister of Ghana, 1 would say we should take into serious consideration the suggestion that has been made by the Ambassador and representative of the United States [1174th meeting], that the Security Council should do something to assist the Congo, perhaps through the appointment of a body of people who would actually investigate this matter of the border complaints, and aid the Congolese Government, if need be, to Select such African countries and perhaps certain smaller States Members of the United Nations as they may thlnk could be of assistance to them in trying to find a solution to their problems-not necessarily through the starting of another United Nations operation. For instance, the Congo could enter into bilateral agreements with any of the States for military maintenance of law and order, particularly as they want to have elections in February, as 1 understand, or whenever the case may be, and you cannot have elections in the Congo if the place is in a state of chaos. If the borders on the various countries are secure andnobodycomes through to intervene, then it Will be possible for the Congo to reorganize itself. The Security Council could bring its influence to bear on the neighbouring sister African countries, seeking from them undertakings that they will not allow their territories tobe used for interference in the affairs of the Congo. Then the Government itself, having regard to what the OAU has already said, could be prevailed upon to declare an amnesty for those Congolese who, though they may be rebels today, think of their country as their home and are prepared to abandon their present activities. 46. gères en considération sentant déclar8 quelque chose pour venir en chargeant sur le Gouvernement cains l’Organisation de l’aider Congo. une nouvelle pourrait, raux avec certains taire destinée surtout comme ne peut est long des pour s’immiscer sera S&urit6 tions gement servir Ensuite, des être lais d&rent prêts 47. une solution llOUA. qui se du Congo et les amener de la Charte Je suis pectent grande puissance car elle ne trouverait de Troie, sances que si un petit Etat africain de tremplin, sance puisse sans je claration puissances, en eau trouble. 47. 1 am sure that if all’this is done in co-operation with the OAU, a solution Will be found, and then those who have thought that they are the best judges of what is good for the Congo may be prevailed upon to desist from thinking that way and they may be induced to observe the provisions of the Charter of this Organization and the charter of the OAU. I am sure that if a11 the African countries observe those provisions religiously, there will be no necessity for any big Power to intervene from outside, because there would then be no back upon which to ride, What is happening now is that a11 these big Powers that we are afraid of Will corne into Africa only if there is a small African State that is willing to Carry that big Power on its back, 1 do not think that there is any big Power that cari get into any African territory without the assistance and co-operation of African States. That is why 1 have corne here, on behalf of my country, to make this representation, which Is really by way of an appeal to the bigger Powers. 1 appeal to them: Please do not fish in troubled waters. 48. Rebels are rebels; it does not matter where you 48. find them, whether in the hills, in the fore& or in on les trouve, the lowlands. Our various States have had their rebels. forets Some have hanged them, sometimes in the public affaire squares; some have put them before a firing-squad; parfois some have put them into concentration camps, and fusiller; 49. There is not one African country that bas net dealt with its rebels in one manner or another, surely the Congo is not going to be an exception. And if these countries are not Perfect, they cannot expect the Democratic Republic of the Congo, that bas such bad foundations, to be excellent. 50. I Will not bother this Council any more. In our considered opinion,’ there is only one matter which is going to solve all. There is no need to oloak the interference of African States in the affairs of another State or to hide it under the apron of the so-called interference from foreign Powers. In relation to the Congo, any country that is not the Democratic Republic of the Congo is fore@. Interference is interkWenCe, no matter where it cornes from. 51. Therefore 1 would ask this Council to take the complaints of the Democratic Republic of the Congo seriously and dissuade from further interferenoe those who have been aocused, and to see whether, with the co-operation of the OAU, we cari give the Democratic Republic of the Congo some respite, SO it may try to find its feet.

France, which is linked to Africa by ancient and brotherly tics, is profoundly moved by the tragedy of the Congo, It is saddened by the violence which is rending that country and shares the disappointment felt when, after moments of hope, it is again plunged into misfortune; it understands the feeling of anguish, and sometimes of bitterness, which such a heartrending situation cari inspire in a11 Africans; it mourns the innocent victims, a11 the innocent victims of these distressing events, 53. The French delegation therefore has no intention of making unilateral accusations here, but neither has it any inclination to join in the a11 too biased denunoiatiens which bave been hurled from this table, And, SinCe the present Council debate is limited to the vicissitudes of the past few months, wethinkit essential to reoall the faots which preceded and followed the day of 24 November. 54. During the summer more than a thousand men, women and children were confined in concentration camps or prisons by the leaders of the rebel movement in the north-east of the Congo. Durfng that period a large number of Congolese and several foreigners were massacred in the region. Defying conventions, defying human rights, those same leaders chose to make their innocent oivilian prisoners hostages, whose life or death would depend on the satisfaction given or refused to one or another political demand. Finally, these hostages were publicly threatened with collective extermination, at the very moment when the Governments of Belgium and the United States, increasingly anxious-and how cari 55. juridique ment ment legal de la Republique Surtout, reusement, nombre parmi compatriotes: qui mais dans mages tendait sortissants 56. There is nothing in this which could offend the legitimate concern for dignity which certain African speakers have SO eloquently expressed before the Council. Not one of them-indeed, it would have been contrary to the best African traditions-has justified the taking of hostages, defended the extortions which accompanied this act, questioned the innocence of the persons who were its victims. Not one of them has declared his support of those responsible for subjecting these men, women and children to a terrible threat, the removal of which was the sole effect of the action of 24 November, In any case-and the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Belgium, in what was surely the most movlng part of his speech [1173rd ‘meeting], mantioned this here the other day-apart from a few organs of the Press whose presentation of these events has shocked the French delegation profoundly, who would dare to make generalizations and permit himself to oast the first stone, forgetting the horrors which have occurred in continents other than Africa? Moreover, was not the responsibility for these horrors always attenuated by factors such as under-development, lack of trained personnel and ignorance, which partly explain the excesses suffered by the Congo? 56. légitime cains ont exprimé Aucun d’entre leures la prise acte personnes solidaire ces femmes l’action détourner des affaires sans vention [1173bme seance], quelques nombre ces française, ralisations pierre, nents responsabilit6 toujours en partie dire et Itignorance. 57. It is not, therefore, mutual recriminations and accusations that the present situation seems to us to demand: it is a great effort, a long and patient effort by a11 to eradicate the roots of theevil. It is above a11 essential to recognize that the problems arising in the independent Congo must be solved by the Congolese themselves; the French Government has been constantly guided, and Will continue to be guided by this principle. It hopes, however, that the other African countries, which are naturally anxious to see this Young State find its balance, will do a11 in their power to help to restore peace and tranquillity within its frontiers. France, for its part, will continue to give the Congo, as long as the Congolese Government SO desires, a11 possible assistance for its PeaCefUl development, hoping in this way to contribute to the reconciliation of the Congolese, to the progress of their country and to the maintenance of its unity, 57. accusations nous long cines que les problbmes dant doivent m&mes ; ce principe nuera n’en espbre naturellement son equilibre, pour et la tranquillite. continuera le Gouvernement qu’elle loppement I I-lOW TO OBTAIN United Nations publications distributors throughout Write to: United Nations, COMMENT SE PROCURER Les publications des Nations agences dépositaires du monde ou adressez-vous à: Nations Unies, COMO CONSEGUIR PUBCICACIONES Las publicaciones de las Naciones casas distribuidoras en todas dirijase a: Naciones Unidas, Litho in U.N. Price: $U.S. 0.35 (or equivalent