S/PV.1183 Security Council

In acoordance with the decision previously taken by the Council and if 1 hear no objection, 1 shall invite the representatives of the Sudan, Guinea, Ghana, Belgium, the Congo (Brazzaville), Algeria, Mali, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Nigeria, the United Arab Republic, Burundi, Kenya, the Central AfricanRepublit, Uganda and the United Republic of Tanzania to take the seats reserved for them opposite the Council 1. mément seil, représentants de du Mali, la Nigeria, du Kenya, ganda et de la République-Unie

We shall continue the discussion of the question on our agenda, 1 cal1 upon the first speaker on my list, the representative of Algeria.

In taking the floor again in this debate, it is not the Algerian delegation’s intention to undertake a systematic oritioism of the statements made by the perpetrators of the aggresslon in the Congo and by their friends. It is undeniable that many are seeking to mislead public opinion by raising false problems. 4. Reference has been made to exoesses of language, to fnsults, to bad behaviour, hate, to a separation between Africa and Europe, to a division between white and black Afrioa, to raoism in reverse, to African aggression and interferenoe, to the innate notion of pity, to inferiority complex and many other things. 5. At this point a clarification of the situation is indispensable. In faot, an attempt is being made to elude debate, to turn our attention away, at a11 costs, from certain matters which are at the root of the distressing events in the Congo. Now is the time to draw the lessons. 6. In reality, we are faced with more than a localized oonfliot; a confrontation of two attitudes: the one Afrioan, desirous of peaoe, freedom and dignity; the other desperately attempting to go against history and, as some speakers have given us to understand, determined to view international relations in terms of domination. That conflict has, moreover, become quite olear in the course of the Counoilts debate. 7. Many complaints have been submitted and many statements have been made, Extremely vague.charges, based on press reports-a11 unsubstantiated, by the way-have been made against Algeria, whioh is said to have provided military assistance to the Stanleyville authorities. 8, I should like to state that neither the United States representative nor the Leopoldville representative have been able to provide the members of the Council with any proof whatsoever in support of their statements [1173rd and 1174th meetings]. 9. The truth is that such an attitude is only too natural, for it has two purposes. In the first place, 10. And yet, a11 during our debate, the representatives of various African countries have uncovered the machinery of a plot against the Congo and against Africa. Failing to recognize the fa& and the truth, the United States and Belgiari representatives have tried to shift responsibility for this situation to the African countries themselves. 10. sentants devant le Conseil le mécanisme Congo et contre et les faits, Belgique de cette situation 11, Revolution is not exported. Any movement which does not draw its energy from the people is doomed to failure. A revolution which does not have the people’s support cannot succeed. We are forced to conclude that a lasting, organized movement undeniably does have the people’s approval. 11. ment qui ne puise pas son Anergie dans le peuple est voua à l’échec. du peuple, est immédiatement de conclure indeniablement 12. That is what we are witnessing in the Congo. The nationalist movement developing there enjoys the people’s support. If the Congolese people’s revolutionary struggle is spreading, it is because that people wishes to put an end to corruption and foreign take-over, and to be free to choose the way which will enable them to achieve their desires. The Congolese people rebelled because attempts have been made to organize division and secession in Katanga SO as to preserve huge outside interests. 12. vement du peuple, S’il y a un Bpanouissementde lutionnaire peuple mainmise la voie qui lui permettra C’est s6cession excessifs 13. d’un mouvement congolais la domination 13. We must acknowledge that we are faced with a national liberation movement, for the Congolese people are, struggling for their unity and integrity against economic and political domination. 14. The champion of Katangese secession managed long ago to become universally disliked. Yet imperialist elements are again taking up the same man of straw, and are using him as a head of government in the pay of foreign interests. The Congolesepeople’s reaction is legitimate and explainable. Africa as a whole cannot approve of such an undertaking. 14. & faire sonne, prennent de gouvernement du L’Afrique telle entreprise. 15. natire mination tutions l’utilisation empêcher si& à lui seul un mus6e vivant ducolonialisme. d’autorit ville était constitutionnellement Le procéde solde et l’on fait adopter liste, accepterons-nous de l’Angola sud-africain? 15. The United States and Belgium are refusing to recognize the Congolese people’s right to choose their destiny freely as well as their institutions and their leaders; they have even resorted to the systematic use of military force in order to prevent that right from being exercised. Their interference consisted in inflicting on the Congolese a man who is a living museum of colonialism. They have spoken of legal authority; they have stated that the man in Leopoldville was constitutionally the head of government. This is a classic procedure, They set up a r6gime in their pay, and then a neo-colonialist policy is adopted. But even if we accepted this form of reasoning, would we agree that Salazar represents the peoples of Angola and Mozambique, or that Verwoerd represents the South African people? 16. quIa de nombreuses plaident .- 3 16. It is no doubt well at this point to remark that on many occasions the very Governments arguing for this pseudo-legality have not hesitated to break 18. We wish to go further. TO wish to speak of legality today, as some have done, is an insult not only to Africa but also to the dignity of our Organization. It is good to remind this Council of the responsibility of the present head of the Leopoldville Government in the assassination of Prime Minister Lumumba. That responsibility was established by the United Nations Commission of Enquiry. We must not wait, therefore, until, by our approving silence, we have encouraged a neo-colonialist seizure of Africa, concealed once again in humanitarian guise. Must we recall that a11 the colonial enterprises of which Africa has been the victim in the course of its contemporary history were carried out in the name of humanitarian or civilizing missions7 19. Some have not failed to compare the situation in the Congo to the situation in Algeria. But, if a comparison is admissible, it is between the Congo of today and Algeria during the war of liberation. The Congolese national insurrection recalls in many respects the revolution which raged through our countryside for seven years. In Algeria, the Government is a government of the people. We do not -despair of seeing, one day, a Congolese Government of the people come to take its place among the free people. 20, A speaker representing a Government which calls itself the defender of its people, aftei having tried to depict it in a false light, told us here that he was ashamed of his people. One does not defend a people one is ashamed of. One who cornes before an international organization to condemn a people cannot be the authentic representative of that people. One who cornes here to disown the masses 0 his own country cannot claim to express the will of the people of that country, We, as Africais, are proud of the valiant Congolese people, who refuse to bow their heads before a foreign coalition. 21. We are proud-and we say it aloud-of those unarmed masses who, every day, see hundreds of their sons die for the dignity and liberation of their country. We are proud because we are Africans, and because we recognize in these fighting men the worthy successors of a11 those who, through the centuries have courageously fought against colonialism and domination. 23. Everyone here has spoken of intecference. It is deplorable to note that some representatives have turned that notion to their own ends. Throughout this debate there has been an unfortunate tendency to give words a meaning that benefit private interests. Al1 lead to the conclusion that the imperialists have not committed any interference. What is the truth of the matter? After the first stage, in which they used the United Nations as a Trojan horse, the colonialist Powers again used the man from Katanga to play that notorious role. The United Nations withdrew from the Congo, and the llvoidll had to be filled SO as to perpetuate imperialist control over the country. But popular resistance altered the facts of the case. TO avoid a breaking up of colonialist power, the Leopoldville Government was provided with arms to put down the people’s resistance. Such power constitutes interference personified. 23. déplorable de constater qu’un certain nombre de représentants ont utilisé cette notion a leur manière. Il s’est instaure tout au long de ce débat une fâcheuse tendance & donner aux mots un sens qui sert des in& rêts particuliers. selon laquelle les impérialistes ne commettent pas d’ingerence. En fait, oh est la réalitg? Apres avoir utilisé, Nations Unies comme un cheval de Troie, les puissances colonialistes se sont de nouveau emparees de l’homme du Katanga pour lui faire jouer ce rôle célebre. C’est que 1’ONI.l s’est retirge du Congo; il fallait impérialiste rêaction populaire a fausse les données du probléme. Pour éviter la désintégration de son pouvoir, onfournit des armes a Léopoldville pour mater la réaction populaire. l’ingérence. 24. It was that context that reference was made to military aid and the supply of arms. We believe in freedom of choice. Freedom ta enter into conventions, whatever their purpose, is an essential attribute of sovereignty. It is our opinion that every State must be free to seek military assistance from wherever it cari be obtained; but there are some details on which we cannot remain silent. A State, of necessity, needs to be equipped militarily in order to defend itself and protect its sovereignty. Thatis more than a necessity for a State; it is a duty. But it is something else again to set up an agent who is receptive to certain interests, and then give him weapons in order to bring a whole people to heel. Attempts are being made to repress this people because it has risen up against this ready-made agent, whom it does not recognize, but knows only too well. The United States and Belgium have delivered weapons to Leopoldville in order to combat the Congolese people. 24. C’est dans ce contexte que l’on a parlé d’aide militaire, liberte du choix. La libert8 de passer des conventions, quel qu’en soit l’objet, est un attribut essentiel de la souverainet8. Nous sommes d’avis que chaque Etat doit être libre de rechercher l’assistance militaire la oQ il peut l’obtenir. Cependant, ilest des précisions que nous ne pouvons taire. Un Etat a nécessairement besoin de s’équiper militairement pour se défendre et protéger sa souveraineté. C’est pour lui plus qu’une n&essité, c’est un devoir, Mais c’est autre choseque de créer un organe réceptif a certains intérêts et lui octroyer des armes envue de mater un peuple, On veut mater ce peuple parce qu’il s’insurge contre cet organe préfabrique qu’il ne reconnaît pas, mais qu’il ne connaît que trop. Les Etats-Unis et la Belgique ont livré peuple congolais. 25. C’est dire qu’on ne saurait surprendre la bonne foi du Conseil en admettant que ce qui est vrai pour un gouvernement issu du peuple, un gouvernement qui agit pour la réalisation des aspirations de ce peuple, l’est Bgalement pour un separatiste imposé par l’&ranger et dont les agissements contre tout un peuple n’ont d’autres buts que de maintenir la domination et l’exploitation constance qu’il n’y a aucune commune mesure entre une assistance apportée a un peuple par l’intermi% diaire de son gouvernement et celle apportée a une autorité impos8e a tout un peuple. 25. One cannot abuse the Council’s good faith by admitting that what is true for a Government of the people, a Government which works for the achievement of that people’s aspirations, is also true for separatists backed by foreigners, whose acts are designed only to maintain foreign domination and exploitation over an entire population. It must be noted at this time that there is no common denominator between aid given to a people through the medium of its Government and aid given to an authority which bas been foisted on an entire population, 26. Le reprgsentant des Etats-Unis a fait allusion a une assistance militaire massive reçue à ce jour par la RBpublique alggrienne. J’aimerais prgciser qu’outre les pays socialistes, d’autres pays apportent leur assistance a la modernisation des forces armées algériennes, Je voudrais ajouter a l’intention du représentant des Etats-Unis - je crois que c’est lui qui en avait fait mention - que,si cela peut le rassu- 26. The United States representative alluded to massive military assistanbe received to date by the Algerian Republic. I should like to make it clear that in addition to the Socialist countries, other countries have lent their assistance for the modernizationof the Algerian armed forces, I should like to add for the benefit of the United States representative-1 think it VELS he who mentioned it-if that makes him feel better, 27. That also holds true for arme now inthe possessfon of nationalists in the Congo, Mozambique and Angola, We shall not speak of similar cages recorded in some other parts of the world. The United States has never supplied weapons to liberation movements. On the contrary, there is not one example of colonial war in which the UnitedStates has not supplied weapons in order to repress liberation movements. 28. African countries which have acceded to their sovereignty have sought to create an instrument which Will enable them to eradicate foreign domination, organize their solidarity and promote honest co-operation with a11 parts of the world, 29. The Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs referred to some complex or other, which, he said, wtis revealed by certain African statements before the Council. Let it be understood that Africa does not suffer from any complex. My delegation will give no other proofexcuse me for taking my own country as an examplethan the harmonious relations which exist between Algeria and France despite a long and bitter war, which lasted more than eight years. 30. Why do these same relations not exist between Belgium and its former colony? Simply because Belgium has no desire to respect the independence and sovereignty of the Congo which it cannot bring itself to acknowledge, for Belgium, by reason of a colonial tie, which has been broken and no longer exists, feels entitled to send its paratroopers to occupy, with ftre and sword, a clty in an independent African State; Belgium is stubbornly trying to return to a page in colonial history which has. been turned once and for all. 31. In certain statements, especially those by the the Belgian and American representatives, there was an unfortunate tendency to describe condemnations of aggression before our Council as racism. It is shocking to hear the representative of the United States to-day accuse the very people, who for centuries, have been the victims of racism, racial segregation, hate atid contempt, of a disease which was the root cause of a frightful tragedy: 1 mean the death of one of the greatest Presidents of the United States. But, since the United States representative felt a need to be brutal in his statement to the Council, it is fitting to recall certain truths. When the twenty murderers of American Negroes in Mississippi are released, and when American, Belgian and Portuguese for,ces indulge in massacre at Stanleyville, in Angola and in Mozambique, we have a right to ask where racism lies. 1 should merely like to recall that SO far no African country has elevated racial or religious discrimination into a system of government; there is not and never Will be a Vcolour bar” in Africa; and there is no “Mason-Dixon line”. As if by chance the only .country in Africa whioh happens to practise the policy of ,apartheid is the Government of South 33. The truth is that the Organization of African Unity by its mature handling of affairs has become a formidable weapon in the hands of African countries in their drive to consolidate their independence and thwart neo-colonialist enterprises. We know that each time that Powexs foreign to Africa have interfered in that continent’s affairs, they have done SO in order to sow mistrust, disorder and disturbance. 33. de l’unit8 les consolider les entreprises chaque fois que des puissances se sont immis&es elles l’ont fait pour y semer et la perturbation. 34. Without wishing to interfere in the domestic affairs of the United States, we deem it useful here to recall Africa’s profound satisfaction over the defeat of the man who, in the United States, had become the ’ champion of every reactionary group. Now the new American administration has deemed fit to inaugurate its African policy by this frightful operation of reprisals. Faced by this situation, African countries have the right to feel disturbed and to ask the representative of the United States Government if the great hopes inspired by President Kennedy’s New Frontier died when he himself fell a victim to the bullets of ‘the Dallas assassins? 34. intgrieures rappeler vant la defaite fait Or la nouvelle d’inaugurer opération droit droit des naïtre morts des assassins 35. sation de l’unité d’amitié africains des affaires caine leur S&uri%, Laiss&z-moi fera face à ses contre faire qu’elle que les nécessites le commanderont. 35, Algeria is a founding member of the Organization of African Unity; it maintains relations of friendship and co-operation with many African countries whose sovereignty and security, as the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Central African Republic has pointed out [1175th meeting], are threatened by the intervention of mercenaries. Let me say that, as in the past, Algeria Will shoulder its responsibilities and stand fast against ail, outside forces attempting to impede our continent’s progress. Algeria will respect its commitments each time that necessity SO demands Or circumstances so require. 36. le fait que les Etats gler moyens de trouver aspirations 36. Today, one must be realistic, and accept the fact that African States are in agreement in the settlement of their own difficulties, Alone, they have the means of finding the solution best suited to their aspirations and needs. 37, Algeria has constantly affirmed its faith in the unity and solidarity of the Organization of African 37. l’unité 39. Africa refuses to allow on its soi1 those conflicts which have long stained other continents with blood. That was the reason for establishing the Organization of African Unity. And with that in view it will continue to struggle against colonialist and neo-colonialist aggression. 40. The armed intervention of 24 November 1964 clearly poses a problem, that of the nature of relations between newly independent countries and certain States which remain attached to a policy which, for centuries, has been marked by failure. Por many decades those countries have remained deaf to the lessons of history, They continue to force wars upon certain peoples of Asia and Latin America. Today, they want to weaken the Organization of African Unity, SO as to create the same state of affairs on our continent. Our response was v-igorous and clear. 41. It is, therefore, incumbent on Powers whichhave not yet understood it that they must keep pace with the world and bring their policy into line not with the selfish interests of certain minorities, but rather with their national interests-which cari hardly be construed to be contrary to the national interests of small and newly sovereign countries. 42. The main purpose of the Council should benot SO much to know what the ‘intention was at Stanleyville but rather, in view of this act of open aggression, to express, with force and without ambiguity, our refusa1 to witness the perpetuation of’acts which are not only overt interference in the interna1 affairs of the continent, but are also in de-fiance of the institutions which those peoples freelyestablishedforthemselves. 43. 1 should like to ask those who invoke the theory of a so-called t’political void in Africa”, and who would like to take the place of the former colonial Powers, to follow the example of the realistic attitude of other Powers, and to acknowledge, as they have done, the changes in Africa and the new relationships of CO-OpWatiOn, reciprocity and confidence which today govern Africa’s relations with the world. 44. In this the Council should not hold back and fail to take the violation of Article 52 of the Charter into consideration. It is the duty of this Council to support the action of the African countries whichhave affirmed their Will to find a solution to the Congolese tragedy within the framework of the Organization of African Unity. 46. Finally, the Ccuncil-and this is our hope-Will be able to take at its true value the appeal made by the African Mini&ers to the States involved to put an end to their interference in the interna1 affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It is to be hoped that these same States will refrainfrom defying the moral authority of the Organization of Afrioan Unity as they have done. 4’7. Mr. STEVENSON (United States of America): 1 had not expected to take occasipn at this time to speak again on the subject of the Congo, although 1 may find it ne%essary to do SO before the debate concludes; but 1 must intervene long enough to say to the gentleman who has just spoken, the representative of Algeria, that whereas yesterday [1181st meeting] we heard in the Council some reassuring statements from the Foreign Mini&ers of Sudan and of Ghana denying that they were in any way aiding the rebels, 1 regret that 1 have heard’no similar denial from the representative of Algeria, but only indeed another polemical attack on the Government of the Congo and on the only countries that have tried to help both that Government and its predecessors to preserve the independence, integrity and unity of the Congo. 48. Perhaps it would be just as well to disregard the verbal violence to which we have just been subjected by the representative of Algeria. However, 1 must say in response to his question, that the administration of President Johnson was not inaugurated by a massive reprisa1 against Africa-if 1 quote his language correctly. But if you choose to use the word “inauguratedn , Mr. Ambassador, let me inform you, Sir, that it was inaugurated by a participation by the Government of the United States in a rescue mission to save the lives of 2,000 foreign civilians of nineteen nationalities. 48. de la violence Neanmoins, ltadministration sailles qu’il si permettez-moi inaugurae Etats-Unis sauver 19 nationalit&. 49. salle que personne des soldats ill8galement une liste de 58 personnes indique mettre 49. And let it not be said again in this Chamber, I trust, that none was killedbefore the Belgian soldiers arrived to rescue the hostages illegally held in Stanleyville. I have before me a list of fifty-eight persons who were killed-their names and the dates. 1 shall be happy to make it available to the representative of Algeria or to anyone else who chooses to examine it. 1 only regret that the list is growing day by day. OU Je ne peux que regretter jour en jour. 51. The Democratic Republic of the Congo became independent over four years ago. Since then it has been subject to constant striEe and misery, accompanied by separatism and secessionist movements. new nation could hardly emerge into the world community under more tragic ciroumstances. The Congo 3s by nature rich and prosperous and could have been an important source in the general development and stability of the whole African continent. 52. The real victime of these circumstances have been and are the Congolese people themselves. The Norwegian Government and the Norwegian people deplore their sufferings. The latest events in the Congo bave added to the tragedy of the people of the Congo, Thousands of Congolese citizens have been killed or driven from their homes, deprived of their means of subsistence, subjected to misery, and living in the midst of turmoil. Many innocent people havealsobeen held. as hostages, and a considerable number of these unhappy people have subsequently lost their lives in abhorrent circumst$nces. 53. In our view, it serves no purposetopoint out that some of the victims of these tragic events are black, and some white. We are concerned about the suffering of innocent people of whatever race. We are further strongly opposed to the taking of hostages. It is a clear violation of international law and of the agreements covering the treatment of civilians in time of war. 54. Having heard the statements of the Foreign Mirdster of Belgium [11’73rd meeting] and the representatives of the United States [11’74th meeting] and the United Kingdom [1175th meeting], the Norwegiandelegation finds no reason to doubt that the motive for the Stanleyville operation was to save the lives of innocent people. 55; We do net believe, however, that it would be useful if we were to attempt to analyse and assess the very complex circumstances which have led to this present chaotic and indeed dangerous situation in the Congo. We feel that the major task facing the Security Council is to render assistance towards finding a durable solution upon which the Congo cari gradually build its own future, 56. There cannot be a future for this suffering nation unless law and order are restored in country SO that it cari enjoy the fruits of its independence and its natural resources. Further, the view of the Norwegian delegation, law and order I/ Officia1 Records of the Security Council, Nineteench Year, Supplement for October, November and December 1964. 57. It is a source of encouragement that a solution based on political reconciliation is desired by a11 those who have voiced their opinion during the debate in the Council. We have also noted that the African States have expressed an earnest interest in finding a peaceful solution to the Congo problem, preferably through the Organization of African Unity. The Norwegian delegation supports this view, and 1 feel confident that the United Nations will attempt to render any assistance in this respect which the OAU might desire in carrying out this extremely difficult task.

Having, in this debate, given the floor to a11 representatives of the Security Council and to various speakers from other nations accepted at the Counoil’s table, 1 ask members’ pardon for taking the floor myself in order to express the opinion of my delegation, Bolivie aussi d’Amérique peut, je crois, ici être 60. 1’Bcole de la vie et il est certainque rev& cher dans leur grb. 59. 1 have decided to intervene in this debate as the representative of BOLIVIA in the Council not only to express, as is my duty, the Bolivian point of view with respect to the serious question with which we are dealing, but also because, since Bolivia is one of the two Latin American countries represented in this Council, 1 feel that 1 cari offer for the consideration of a11 present, and particularly of the representatives . of the African nations taking part in the debate, a possibly creative point of view which Will bring to our discussion knowledge gained from the historical experience of Latin America. GO. The, lesson of the classicist that “historyteaches life”, has a definite value for it helpsus to appreciate better the difficulties which arise amongnations in the universal move towards peace and progress. 61. plus particulierement africaines, ment, bliques situation il y a 150 ans que celle des nouvelles caines : nous pour oppressive, aussi, et promulguer nous réorganisation decombres blicaine. de 1809 3 1825, les peuples commencé à la realisation cette époque, en une évolution 61. 1 have said that 1 intend to address myself in particular to the representatives of the African nations, since in Latin America, also, twenty democratic and organic Republics have emerged after a dark colonial period. A hundred and fifty years ago our countries were in exactly the same position as that of the new African nations: we also had to wage a war of liberation to overthrow the colonial and oppressive domination-that of Spain and Portugal; we also had to build up political institutions and enact basic laws; we too had to march forward and reorganize our economy on the ruins of apast destroyed by the republican victory. After wars of liberation, which lasted from 1809 to 1825, the peoples of Latin America began to seek their own way of life and to foster the still incipient hopes of aproperly conceived social evolution. 62. It can be said that the period of Latin American history which followed independence was character- 62. suivi 63. With the passage of time, and as with a11 human passions, the political nationalist passions which had existed when freedom was achieved began to subside in Latin America and its uncompromising features became dimmer in the memories of peoples who, once they had obtained freedom, realized that they had no reason to continue bearing a sterile load of resentment, and that it was better, in order to work for the future, to forget and to adopt a new and generous attitude to the hopes engendered by friehdship between men and co-operation between nations, 64. Now, a hundred and fifty years after obtaining this liberty, for which there was SO much battling and such _ violence against the former oppressor, modern Latin America is shaping its existence on the religious and moral principles it inherited from the West; it speaks Spanish and Portuguese as the conquerors taught it to do; its idea of history and human destiny is still that that was preached by the great masters of its Greek and Roman ancestry. In a Word, once the violence of anarchic resentments had disappeared, our twenty republics took pride in calling Spain “the mother country”, and they a11 found a source of spiritual comfort and creative friendship in the friendship and example of the peoples who before independence were oppressors. 65. Although 1 cari only speakfor Bolivia, whichis the nation 1 represent, I am sure 1 am not wrong when, after consulting the ambassador of Brazil, the other Latin American representative in the Security Council, 1 say that the general feeling in Latin America is that it is very comforting to reflect that presumably with the passing of the years and when the political passions roused by circumstances have subsided, the ne.w African nations which now seem legitimately, but possibly exaggeratedly, jealous of their sovereignty, Will-as we did with respect to Spain and Portugalcontinue to use the religious and ethical teaohings, the languages, thoughts and techniques they have inherited from the old nations which until recently held the greater part of Africa under colonial rule. 66. British, French, Belgian and other peoples of ancient culture, have scattered the seed of a cultural training in the black continent and modern Afrioans cannot reject it without taking a step backwards. Those whose thoughts, on hearing me, turn to the long night of the slave traffic and economic and human exploitation of Africa by the Whites, Will at 67. 1 have dwelt on the explanation of this background in order to be able to tel1 representatives of the African nations participating in this debate that Bolivia certainly, and the rest of Latin America almost obviously, want to invite these Young and deserving peoples to consider laying aside the exacerbated violence of passions which lead nowhere in order to meditate on the destiny of their republics with a broader and more generous vision. We, the free men of Latin America, have the honour of regarding. ourselves as in a certain sense the elder brothers of the peoples of Africa because we have a Century and a half’s advantage over them along the road to liberty. 67. pouvoir qui participent ment les autres lancer et leur violence part avec plus de générosité les hommes dérons les fréres avons de la liberté. 68. d’Amérique nombreuse pendant reprenant de la vie, de prononcer devant ce Conseil, tant & l’intention des Africains que des anciennes puissances coloniales de l%frique, ces paroles d’espoir. Jeorois que le temps, l’enthousiasme des nouvelles nations qui sont engag&es sur la voie du progr&s, l’augmentation des &hanges fructueux dans les domaines culturel et commercial entre les peuples et les hommes, la necessite de disposer de ressources financières immenses pour cr8er en Afrique les infrastructures Economiques indispensables au développement, et surtout le désir universel insensé pourrait 68. It is in my capacity as representative of a Latin American nation, whose indigenous population is very numerous and which was perhaps that most harshly dealt with during the colot$al period, that, infollowing the concept that history teaches life, 1 allow myself to utter this message of hope in this Council in which both the Africans and the former colonial rulers are represented. 1 think that the passage of time, the en- ‘thusiasm of the new nations engaged in the great task of progress, the growth of the fruitful cultural and commercial interchange between nations and men, the need for immense financi’al resources to permit the establishment in Africa of the economic infrastructure essential to development and, above all, the universal longing for peace (since only a madman could want war), are SO many other elements which Will give rise, in a not very distant future, to the 70. With respect to the progress of this already long and impassioned debate, our delegation finds that the dilemma has arisen between two extremes: it is asserted on the one hand that the Stanleyvil@ operation was a typical act of imperialist aggression accomplished under a humanitarian pretext; it is affirmed on the other hand that that operation was an act inspired solely by humanitarian motives, with no character or even intention of intervention and aggression. 71. It is not possible to take up an intermediate position between these two extremes and it is necessary, in defence of world peace, to speak out clearly for one or the other. Bolivia thinks that this was clearly a rescue operation, regrettable from the political point of view of sovereignty, but essential morally and duly authorized by the legally responsible Government of the Congo, 72. None of us doubts that the only firm basis for avoiding a repetition of su& lamentable events as those with which we are dealing is a political act: the unification of the Democratic Republio of the Congo and the subsequent national pacification which will result therefrom. The operative instrument for accomplishing this essential end is, by common agreement, the Organization of African Unity whose legitimate task is to perform this mission, We also wish to stress the advisability of the Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo dispensing, in 73. Finally, 1 must add that Bolivia, as a sovereign republic, proclaims its unconditional adherence to the principle of self-determination, in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, and condemns a11 forms of racial discrimination, We hope that the recommendations the Security Council may adopt with respect to this problem Will result in an immediate relaxation of the international tension caused by the regrettable events in the Congo. 73, que rgpublique inconditionnelle conformément qu’elle condamne toutes les formes raciale. le Conseil traduisent internationale Congo ont provoquee. 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