S/PV.1213 Security Council

In accordance with the previous decision of the Couucil. 1 now propose to invite the representative of Cuba to take a Seat at the Council table. At the imitatioa af the Presideat, Mr. Alvarez Tahfo (CubaJ ibok a place af the ComciJ table.

The Council will now proceed wlth its consideration of the question before it, relating t0 the Domlnlcan Republic. The first speaker on my list is the representatlve of the United States. but before 1 give him the floor. I have a short statement to make. 3. This afternoon a telegram was received by the Secretary-General from Dr. Jottin Cury. Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Dominican Republic, a translation of which the Secretary-General has been good enough to pass on to me. 1 propose to read the telegram for the information of the members of the Security CouncX It is dated 19 May 1965, is addressed to the Sscretary-General of the UnitedNations and reads: “This afternoon American soldlers fired at constitutionalist troops from the rear while these troops were fightlug in our own zone agalnst those of General Imbert. This treacherous attack cost Lieutenant Colenel Rafael Fernflndez Domfnguez. Mlnlster of the Interior and Police, his life, aa 5. The allegations, the assertions in this message wholly distort the situation by failing to include a11 of the relevant facts and by drawing unwarranted and premature conclusions. Colonel Fern6ndez was a Dominican patriot whose death my Government deeply regrets. TO the extent that it has been possible to ascertain the facts of his death at this time, they are as follows. 6. Colonel FernBndez was in the company of, and possibly leading, a group of twenty or more members of the Caamafio forces that was apparently engaged in probing the defences of the National Palace, which is located near the security zone and the line of Communication. Firing broke out between this group, as it approached the Palace from the rear, and the forces inside the Palace defending it, the forces of General Imbert. At the same time, and for reasons which are not clear, the Fern6ndez group beganfiring also into the fine of communication, whereupon the United States forces stationed along the corridor returned the fire. Three United States paratroopers were wounded, one gravely, in this exchange. 7. 1 have already informed the Cou&l repeatedly that their orders prohibit the United States forces from initiating fire but authorize them to fire back in self-defence. It was during this attack on the Palace and accompanying exchanges of fire that Colonel FernQndez was killed. Whether he was kil!ed by fire from the Palace or by fire from the forces in the Une of communication returning the fire of his group. is unknown. 8. Also killed in this attack-and this the telegram does not mention-was, we understand, one Juan Miguel Roman Dfaz, one of the chief communist military strategists, who has travelled widely on missions in Cuba, in Czechoslovakia and in the 9. Details are net yet available on the many other stories appearing in the Press about yesterday’s events. 1 repeat, however, tbat the President’s instructions to OUI troops were, and are, to observe neutrality. These instructions of impartiality have been reaffirmed repeatedly. and again today. @estiens about other operational matters. including the stories appearing in the Press today. are being answered this afternoon in Santa Domingo by Mr. Cyrus R. Vance and Will doubtless appear in tomorrow’s newspapers. 10. Let me repeat that our forces do not fire unless fired upon. Gut of more than 460 violations of the cesse-fire by forces under the control of Colonel Caamaiïo, in many instances our troops dld not return fire for fear of harming innocent civilians within tbe line of fire. But in the one known violation by forces on the other side, our forces reacted strongly and with automatic fire; that was the instance of the strafing of Radio Santa Domingo, ln a corner of the safety zone, and one of the offending aircraft crashed shortly thereafter. 11. We bave refused and Will continue to refuse any requests from either side to allow troop movements througb the line of communication and through the security zone. 12. Since our forces landed on 26 April 1965, we have given no arms to the military forces on either side. We have dlstributed food and medical tare regardless of a person’s political allegiance. We have distributed food in several areaa of the rebel zone almost daily. We allow unarmed free passage tbrough the safety zone without distinction as to political loyalties. If one checks the Press of the last few days, we believe that frequent complaints will be found to have been voiced publicly by General Imbert and his associates regarding our attempts to find an equitable political solution. 13. 1 should like also to say that 1 trust that the members of the Counoil Will consider oarefully the current situation and, in particular, the relations between this Organization and the OAS, whose second report is now before the Council [S/6370 andAdd.1l.y 15. It now appears clearly from the report of the OAS Special Committee, which is now before the Council, that these steps which it has been taking have in fact produced institutiona strains, and we believe it essential, before any other action is considered by this Council. that this relationship between the Organization of American States and the United Nations should be given much more serious attention than it has been given SO far. The fact that this special Committee of the OAS felt it necessaryto cal1 the attention of the Tenth Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Fore@ Affairs of American States to this problem is evidence of the awkwardness of the situation that may develop. The OAS Committee has done very useful work. It helped to negotiate the cesse-fire. to see to the orderly evacuation of the asylees in the embassies and of allforeigners wishing to leave the Dominican Republic, and to provide food, medicine and equipment necessary to mitigate the sufferings of the Dominican people. There is attached to the report of the OAS Special Committee a long list of contributions made by many American Republics io these ends. 16. The Organization of American States is actively carrying forward its efforts to help to achieve the establishment of peace and normality in the Dominican Republic. Its Secretary-General, Mr. José Mors, is in the Dominican Republic now and active in this regard. The inter-American armed force, which was authorized, in an OAS resolution of 6 May 1965 [S/6333/Rev.l],~ to help to restorenormal conditions, to maintain the security of the inhabitants and the inviolability of human rights, and to establish an atmosphere of peace and conciliation, is in theprocess of formulation. Contingents from three Latin American countries are already on the ground, and other countries are moving through their governmentalprocesses to obtain authority to provide units for this force. We anticipate with confidence that it wtll be very largely augmented within the next few days. Action willfollow creating a unified command. The United States forces in the Dominican Republic at that time Will be put under the command of the Commander of the Inter- American Force. 18. NO~. the establishment of the Inter-American Force, the negotiatlon of the cease-fire. the humanitarian work witb respect to the evacuation of asylees and of the Dominicans and all fureign nationals, the efforts that have been made tc restore peace and order in the Dominican Republic. and that continue, and to reiostate the cesse-fire. all testlly, it seems to metogether with the actions presently contemplated to create an international force and a unlfied command and to take further steps to enlarge the representation of tbe OAS in the Dominican Republic-to the resolve of this regional organisation to do what is necessary tc ensure tbat normal ccndltions are restored audihat a climate is created in which democratic institutions cari be reborn in this unhappy land. 19. 1 hope that a11 these considerations Will not escape the very careful attention of the members.

1 now give the floor to the representative of Cuba.

Yesterday we heard the dramatic “1 accuse” of Mr. Brache, representative of the Constitutional Government, who dencunced the United States authoritics ln Santa Domingo for havlng establishedandgiven military , economic, political and moral support to the Imbert clique, enabling it to klll Dominican oitisens with impunity. 22. We bave carefully listened to and read the report submitted by the Secretary-General [S/6369]3/on the basis of the initial information received from bis representative in the Dominican Republic, Mr. Jo66 Antonio Mayobre. 23. The objective information provided by Mr. Mayobre contains clear implications and conclusions on which 1 sball take the liberty of commenting in my statement. Yesterday we also received a report from the Special Committee of the Organisation of American States [S/6370 and Add.11, which with incredibleinsclente crlticised the action of thls Council and tried to dictate its standards of conduct. 24. With your permission, 1 should Iike today to refer to these questions and at the same time sum up the 26. According to The New York Times of 15 May “a reconstruction of events since the start of the revoit shows that almost as soon as the rebels appeared to be winning, Washington prepared to act militarily against what it believed to be a communist danger”. 27. As soon as the United States troops had consolidated their positions in the Dominican capital, they established, with absurd fanfare, another military junta which they tried to set up as the only “legitimate” government of the Domlnican Republic. The Unlted States Government thus revealed what it really thinks about the self-determination of the Latin American peoples. 23. The manoeuvres of recent days have also proved that the United States Government has a large collection of puppets in Santa Domingo, who are obedlent to the slightest whim of the Yankee Embassy. In view of his. obvious repudiation by the Dominican people, the “gorilla” Wessin was ordered by his imperialist boss to wait in the wings for the time being, until a new Trujilloist military clique had been impossd. However, that contemptible individuai refused to step aside and insisted on reaping the reward of his treason. 29. Others were not SO lucky, including the eight “gorillas” whom the United States Press described as “patriots” for haviiig resigned their posts. but who. in reality, as revealed by the same Press, had to ba taken at revolver point to a United States ship and kept hidden there-in the old Al Capone stylebecause they refused to take part in the manœuvres of the United States Embassy. In the meantime, a new collection of “gorillas” and puppets ostensibly assumed power. 30. As even the most naive or the most cynical must admit-and as the United States Press itself. for example, admits-the only title which the new junta cari boast is that of beir.; composed of servile lackeys and the only support it cari invoke is that of the Marines’ guns and United States dollars. The Press has also announced that the United States Government has paid $750,000 to tbe junta. the first payment for its treason. 32. If even the handful of inveterate traitors who, to use the sentence 1 bave quoted. “welcomed the United States troops”, repudiate the new junta and its members, what cari one say of the Dominican people who are actively fighting against the invading troops? 33. The “gorillocracy” representing the Pentagon is now personified by General Imbert. 1 would draw ihe attention of members of the Council to the fact that this Imbert is the man who. after having oollaborated closely with Trujillo for many years, after having become mlIy identified with his hated tyranny, assassinated Trujillo out of persona1 ambition. This is thr mari who, after having sold himself as a collaborator and supporter of the Government of President Juan Bosch, helped to overthrow that Government. This is the man who. as is revealed by the United States Press itself, was transported in a helicopter to the aircraft carrier Boxer at the beginning of the events in Santo Domingo and kept well hidden there wlth an eye to his suhsequent utilisation. This man, who is guided only by persona1 ambition and the instructions of the United States Ambassador and is devoid of the slightest scruple, is the nnly mari whom the United States cari exhibit as a defender of “democracy”, tne only man it cari use as a despicable pawn In its intrigues. 34. The CNX of the problem before the Security Council is the fait accompli with which it has been confronted by the United States Government, with the unconditional acquiescence Af the Organisation of American States. With complete contempt for the authority of this Council, and in violation of a11 the principles on which the United Nations was founded, the Washington Government has imposed a military occupation on a sovereign State, a Member of this Organisation, and is trying to camouflage this situation with a legal veneer by presenting it as a multi- Xeral operation. as though the fact that the crime was committed by a gang could justify aggression rather than making it worse. 35. The international crime committed by the United States Government is not divested of its shameful nature because it is now being presented to us as a regional peace-keeping operation. The real nature of that crime has been revealed net only by the powen of conviction of the facts themselves. wnich constitute the CNdeSt attack on the independence and territorial inviolability of a sovereign State, but also by the motive or motives invoked to justify its commission. ColoneP 6aamafio greatest faeility amomced tbat it no hvger supportad e Imbeti gang, while at same time arming it to tbe tee& *na autborizing it to use the corridor and otbeer areas oecupied by the invading United States f~rees to launcb its attacks agaiusé tbe constitutionalists. PL then pulled out of the bat. with the cbnusiness of an amateur conjurer, oneF&. Antonio Gusm&n, who flew to Washington to receive instructions. 39. The international pdicy of the Uuited St5tes Govemment is bath brutal and inept. This poRcy of escahtàon of absurdities would be faugbable if it were nat at the same time tragic aod, in this connexion, H shouid like to draw the attention of members of tbe 6ounoil to the article by tbe lmmorist Russell. Baker in today~s New York Times, in wbich he ridicules the clumsiness of the so-called brains of the White Mouse, the pentagon and the State Depaitment. 40. Openly and brazenlyn they deny today what yesterday they defended tootb and nail. First Wessin, tben Imberk, then Guzm&, today Imbert again and tomorrw who knows who else? After intervening and lettimg tbe Wgorillasm out of their cages. now they say they cannot get them back in again. 41. Mr. Johnson does not even trust bis servants in tbe OAS any longer. but sends a personal delegation to the Dominican Republic which, completely iguoring the OAS Committee and in open contempt of the Security Council, is initiating its own negotiations. 42. In the Dgbt of ail this meddling and interference. P would ask the United States representative by what right. other than that of brute force, Mr. Johnson takes it upon himself to be the depositary of the future of the Dominican people. 43. It ts necessary to repeat ad nauseam that no Government. however powerful it may consider itself. ean elaim the legitimate right to impose a particular Political r&+-ne on another people. If su& a theory were accepted, it would be tantamount to recogniaing t:le right to interfere in the interna1 affairs of other 44. In this sense. it might be well to recall to the United States Government and to its representative at the United Nations the words of one of the founders of the great North American nation. 1 am referring to Thomas Jefferson. On 30 December 1792, when he was Secretary of State, he malntained: “We surely cannot deny to any nation that right whereon our own government is founded, that every one may govern itself under whatever form it pleases, and change these forms at its Will.. .“. 45. Today, however, the United States Government, in the last stages of imperialism, is using a11 its polftical, ecunomic and military power to bolster or destroy Latin American Governments, as it suits the vested interests it represents. 46. International law Will remain law only in 60 far as it allows enforcement measures to be taken by the competent bocly appointed to re-establish legal order when it has been shattered, and only in 60 far as it forbids any State or group of States to intervene directly or indirectly, whatever the motive, in the affairs of others. 47. The most significant aspect of our constitutional Charter with respect to these matters is that it clearly lays down that only the Security Council cari determine the existence of a breach of the peace and decide what measures should be taken. 48. United States Marines now wear OASarm-bands. In the style of the old Westerns. the villain, under the law of the gun, has proclaimed himseli sheriff, armed a band of outlaws and is terrorizing the more respectable citizens. 49. The events of the last few days have increasecl the gravity of the situation and bring a new urgency to the Council’s discussions. It is obvious that preparations are being made for a final attack. The first step was the silencing of the constitutionalist radio station, which in its daily aroadcasts gave voice with increasing insistence to the anti-American feeling which is now SO strong among thcDominicans. Then came the savage aerial bombing of the City of Santa Domingo by the military junta. with its subsequent toll of fatalities. Those planes took off from the San Isidro base, which is occupied and controlled by the United States invading forces and where not even an ant stirs without the consent of the occupying forces. What, then, are we to make of the United States Ambassador’s protest against the junta’s barbarie action? The one who is really guilty of the crime is using the old trick of shouting: “Stop thief! ” 51. According to a dispatch from Santa Domingo in The New York Times. no one now in that oa$tal takes seriously the proclaimed neutrality of the United Séates; aven tbe Embassy officia& treat it as a joke. 52. Mr. Stevenson bas said tbat the Wnited States supports tbe cesse-fire agreed to under thQ auspices of the GAS, whereas in fact tbat cesse-fire was first violated by United States troops themselves whenthey ment. The 0nIy result of that agreement bas been to enable United States troops bo consolidate their positions in Santa Domingo unmolested. and tbat tbey bave certainly donc?. 53. .And now, in complete disregard of tbe Security Cauncil’s authority, they are violating the cesse-fire in, by supporting the military operations of tbeir prot&& and murdering officers of the constitutionalist farces, such as Lieutenant Colonel Rafael Fern5ndQ.z Domfn@mz, Minister of Justice in tbe constitutionalist cabinet, wbo-accordmg to reports in today’s Press-was machine-gunned by United States soldiers. 54. Mr. Stevenson contends tbat tbe Councfl sbould support the measures taken by thn OAS. but the Council has been given sufficient evidence to prove that such measures are illegal from the standpoint of international law, immoral from the standpoint of the objectives they seek and notoriously ineffective in practice. 55. It is clear from recent events, from the repeated protests by the Constitutional Government, from the cloquent protest that Mr. Ruben Brache made to the Council yesterday and from the Secretary-General’s last report, that United States troops have entrusted the junta “gorillas” with the task of carrying out the typical peace-keeping operation to which imperialism has accustomed us. Al1 this is being done under the protective shield of the OAS and at the expense of Dominican blood: 300 civilians have already died at the hands of Imbert’s forces. 56. My delegation feels that it is bound to cail the attention of members of the Council fo certain passages of the report submitted by the Special Committee established by the Tenth Meeting of 58. The report contains passages which have very serlous implications in relation to a question which should be of the greatest concern not only to the members of the Security Council but to a11 States Members of the United Nations. That question is nothing less than an attempt to make the United Nations responsible for what is happening in the Dominican Republic. Thus, the Special Committee states: “It is quite evident that the appearance of a new international proceeding in the Dominican prohlem, at the very time when the negotiations of peace and conciliation of the Organisation of American States were being carried forward by virtue of resolutions of this Meeting of Consultation, created a factor of such a nature that it compromised and interfered with the action entrusted to the Special Committee. The impact was felt immediately.n [S/6370, chap. III, se&. A.] In short, the Committee was carrying out its negotiatiens of peace and conciliation and the Security Council got in its way. 59. How cari this insolent and at the same time Panglossian statement be reconciled with the obvious fact that in the course of events tension is mounting daily? How cari we expect progress in conciliation to be made through the OAS, when the table sent t0 the President of the Security Council hy the Constitutional Government on 13 May stated “that the OAS has show-n that it is incapable of resolving the ‘Dominican situation and of opposing the wlshes of the United States.“? What moral authority cari a committee entrusted with the task of conciliation have, when one of the parties considers it incapable of controlling the other? Moreover, the progress it claims to have achieved in its negotiations is helied by thevery facts contained in chapter III of the report andin particular by the statement that “on 11 May 1965.. . the Secretary General of the OAS informed the Tenth Meeting of Consultation that ‘maintaining the cesse-fire agreement is increasingly difficult’.” 60. Let us now consider the very serious affirmation that resolution 203 (1965), adopted on 14 May by the Council. %reated a factor of such a nature that it compromised and interfered with the action entrusted to the Special Committee”, and-it goes on to say-“at a time when the representation entrusted to the Special Com- 62. tdembers of the Council cari form their own judgement of tbe seriousness of the disrespect and p~e~rn~t~o~ of such statements, which are not supported by auy facts or arguments. It is sufficient merely to repeat in fuB the Special Committee’s insolent conclusion: A order that the OAS may achieve its objectives wit tbe principles of the inter-American system. tbe Special Committee feels it essential to request tbe United Nations Security Council to suspend ail action until tbe regional procedures have been exhausted.. .A. 63. It is no longer a secret that thearbitrary actions of tbe so-called inter-American system have reached unparalleled proportions in the case of the Dominican Republic. If any doubt yet remained of the iuability of the OAS to fnlfil the high ends for which it was created, recent events show that this organisation, which was born secure under tbe sign of Washington, is today dymg unmourned and unsunguudesthe crushingburden of events. 64. Tbe Security Conncil is at this moment faced with tbe terrible dilemma of Namlet, “TO be or not to be”. The alternatives are clear: either it brings the Ml weigbt of its authority to bear and orders the immedfate withdrawal of United States troops or, in its impotence, it becomes a party to the approacbing massacre to be perpetrated uuder the protective shield of the invading forces. This massacre would net, however, be the end. but the beginmng of a long cruel war, fraught with dangers for international peace: a new chapter, like that of Viet-Nam, in wbich United States fmperialism. following a pre-established Plan, initiated a new colonial war-this time in the American cont~eut-with the sole purpose of stopping tbe inexorable course of history. 65. TO sum up. Wnited States armed forces landed and propose to occupy indefinitely the territory of a soverefgn State, iu complete disregard of the authority of tbis Council. By this act of force, the Wnited States Oovernment has violated the principles contained in 66. Those very forces are at the present time protecting and participating in criminal acts perpetrated against the Dominican people, acts which are beginning to smack of genocide. 67. With the collaboration of the OAS-a regional system established to ssfeguard the principle of non-Intervention-an attempt is being made to set the seal on the aggression committed against a sovareign State Member of the United Nations and establish a kind of arbitrary trusteesbip, which is an extraordinarily dangerous precedent for tbe countries of America and. in general. for small nations throughout the world. 68. Faced wlth these facts, this lofty organ of tbe United Nations has no alternative but to condemn outright the aggression that has been committed, to require that the United States should witbdraw its troops immediately and to revoke the illegal measures adopted by the Organization of American States. 69. Mr. RIFA’I (Jordan): 1 have a few observations to make with regard io the report of the Secretary- General of 19 May 1965. 70. It is clear from the report that General Imbert. the Commander of one faction in the trouble, is now forcing his way against any opposition at any price. We read In the report of the Secretary-General: vHe [General Imbert] stated that.. . it was his Government’s duty to restore order and that it would continue its operation until success had been achieved.a [S/6369, para. 6.1 The United Nations representative telIs us in his report that ait had net been possible to persuade General Imbert to agree to a cesse-fire . . .@. [Ibid.. para. Il.] 71. Other reports and news indicate that General Imbert is determined to proceed witb his military drive against the other sector of the city controlled by Colonel Caamaïlo. In the move of General Imbert towards military supremacy there are two facts to be observed, First, he does net recognize the competence of the United Nations and of the OAS in dealing with the situation. The representative of the Secretary-General tells ~6: “IIe [General Imbert] appreciated tbe interest of the Organization of American States, the United Nations and a11 others in the Dominican situation, but asserted that the problem should be solved by the Dominicans.” [Ib&l., para. 6.1 72. The second fact whlch should be observed iS that General Xmbert takes advantage of the presence of United States troops in the City to lead his drive. We also read that General bnbert? w.. ~ t~i~~~~y a&bSSed. a Cr0v.d Of hiS followers inside the international zone occupied by Uaited F%ates forces.* 73. This news, bowever, was clarified by the represeatative of the Wnited States inthe statementhe made tbis afternoon. Tbroughout tbis situation General Imbert is adopting an attitude of non-compliance with tbe resobdon of the Seourity Conncil of 14 May wbicb caled for a strict cesse-fire and equally with the decision of the OAS to tbe same end. 74. Tbere are several other pertinent questions with regard to the confased military situation obtaining in Santo Domingo. Indeed, we need to have a clearer picture of the various armed activities and the way they are being conducted, with the objectives they are trying to achieve. The immediate question, however, is how to enforce a cesse-fire. Kt seems from the waraings by the junta that a new offensive Will very probably take place in the immediate future. EventualPy a new wave of deatb and suffering Will follow. 75. Tire Security Council, having established its involvement in the situation by unanimously adopting its resolution of 14 May and having reaffirmed its stand in its pronouncement yesterday, sbouldcontinue to deaP progressively witb the situation. This should be done witbout prejudice to any positive efforts on tbe part of tbe OAS. Any withdrawal on the part of the Security Council from ils involvement in the Dominican situation or any suspension of its activities Will no doubt impair tbe authority and prestige of the United Nations and Will dangerously affect its future. Wben the members of the Security Council adopted the resolution of 14 May. they were aware of their Governments’ international obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and under the charter of the regional organisations to which their Governments belong respectively. And when the members of the Cou&l agreed yesterday to issue an appeal, tbeY also were aware of the other efforts being made outside tbe Seourity Council towards normalizing the situation in the Dominican Republic. 1 shall refer to this aspect of the question if the occasion presents itself again. 76. We were glad indeed to know that the presence of the United Nations in Santo Domingo, limfted as it is, has put some moral pressure on the conflicting 77. As 1 said on a previous occasion, the principal responsihility for maintaining international peace is vested in this Council. How to apply this responsibility in the present situation in the Dominican Republicand how to establish the operation needed for thispurpose is a matter subject to consideration by the Council. The views of the representative of the Secretary- General in Santa Domingo and of his military aide in this regard could be useful. My delegation sincerely hopes that the Secretary-General’s representative Will be in a position to express his views on the appropriate measures for the immediate enforcement of a cesse-fire. Such views, together with other ideas in this respect, Will no doubt help the members of the Council in their present deliberations.

Mr. President, the Security Council’s discussion of the question of the United States armed intervention in the domestic affairs of the Dominican Republic shows perfectly clearly that the criminal acts of United States imperialism constitute unconcealed aggression, suppression of the Will to freedom and independence of the people of a small Latin American country, and a flouting of the United Nations Charter and of the most elementary rulss of international law. Not only the Soviet delegation but the representatives of other countries, in particular Uruguay, Jordan and France, have unequivocally express& their views regarding the essence of the United States armed intervention. The United States must heed the warnings which have been SO clearly uttered by members of the United Nations organ which bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. United States imperialism, standing in the dock in the Security Council, has been convicted up to the hilt and its real nature has become even more obvious to Wembers of the United Nations. 79. The United States intervention in the Dominican Republic is one of the manifestations of the policy of arbitrariness. brute force and aggression on which the United States Government has embarked. Recent events have shown that the people of any country, whether in Latii America, Asia or Africa, has only to rise in the sacred struggle for freedom and independence, for United States imperialism to make an immediate appearance. setting in motion its Marines, Air Force, warships and other vehicles ofdestruction and violence in an effort to stifle any aspiration to genuine freedom. That was the case in Panama, and steps are now, immediately, taken for a resolute curbing of tbe aggressor. 80. United States imperialism is openly claiming tbe role of some kind of supreme @ige and executioner for otber peoples. Tbe United States is trying to dictate to tfie peopfes of otber countries the es which they shotid bave, and is a moment’s besitation tbe solemn obligations ensbrined in tbe United Nations Charter. United States officiais are at tbe same time trying to wdermine su& basic principles of modem international life as the princip3le of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of States. respect for the territorial int-egrity and sovereignty of States, and the right of peoples to ation without any outside interference. United States imperialism is raising he tattered baoner of tbe so-called vcommunist tbreata and ia clearly follow tbe mud-caked heels of the Gernmn-Fascist aspirants to world domination. The course which the United States is following whicb is now apparent in tbe Dominican Repnblic. ~1st~ in tbe shameful of tbe “big stick”, in a return to tbe notorious at diplomacyA and in a refwsal to abide by frit ati0na.l law. We see a retu me of formulatmg policy from a l-i , the doctrine of so-called liberatien 6 been invested with the rigbt to deci dependent sovereign States. 82. Severe and justified accusations were made yesterday in tbe Security Council in the statement by the representative of tbe Constitutional Government. Mr. RuMn Brache, who spoke out on behalf of the Dominicau people against tbe criminal actions of United States imperialism and tbe occupation by the United States military of an independent country. the people of which bad risen in its strnggle for freedom. In his statement in the Council, Mr. Brache erposed tbe vile hypocrisy of the Wnited States invaders. who are tryiog to use false pretexts about humanity, morality and civilisation as a caver for their actions. 33. Tbe Bimsiness of the false theses witb wbicb the ted States is trying to caver up its aggression inst the Dominican Republic bas already beenfnlly demonstrated in tbe Security Council. The mere fact chat tbe United States representative rushes feverishly frOm one extreme to tbe other, constantly changingthe pretexts for the United States intervention in the Dominican Republic, speaks for itself. 34. Lt is well known that, after its last intervention but one in the Dominican Republic. the United States tnstalled as President of that country its own faithful satrap. tbe dictator Trujillo. Now, the United States 1s displaying the same zeal in its efforts to force on 86. The Secretary-General% report submitted to the Security Council on 19 May [S/6369] contains anumber of items of factnal information which make it clear that the United States is givlng aid to the military junta. In particular, the report includes statements by Colonel Caamaiio to the effect that the creation of the so-called security zone and the United States-controlled corridor constimted direct support for the junta generals. The information in the report also shows that the United States is giving direct military and logistical support to the junta and is affordlng it safe sanctuary from which its forces are attacklng those of the Constitutional Government. 87. The United States representative hasattemptedas usual, without any proof whatsoever-to dsny these facts. He has again assured members of the Security Conncil that the United States is refrainlng most scrupulously from providlng any military assistance to the contendlng factions. Furthermore, Ambassador Stevenson also assured us that the United States had refused to allow the forces of either aide to use the so-called security zone. 88. All these declarations constitute falsification of the facts, designed to mislead the Security Commil. From mday’s Press reports it is clear that the Unlted States forces are taklng a direct part in the military operations of the military junta’s bands, co-operatlng closely wlth them and giving them every klnd oi help and support. 89. The New York Times publishes today a message from Santa Domin@o in which it is stated that the junta’s present aiack is being avisibly aided by Unlted States troops”. The same message refers to manœuvring by United States troops, and to the fact that the United States is allowlng lorry-loads of junta soldiers through its checkpoints and is firlng on any armed member of the Caama5o forces who happens to find bimself in the so-called security zone. It draws the conclusion that the United States is acting in violation of the United States proclaimed policy of neutralfty ln the civil war. 90. We canalso find evidence of this in the report from Santa Domingo of the correspondent of Le Monde. published in the 19 May edition of that paper. He wrote: ‘Lorries with reinforcements for General Wessin’s troops are continually using the corridor occupied and guarded by United States Marines in the centre of the oity. The troops of Colonel Caamailo, on the other hand . . . are by this corridor ical assistance from like to as& of Governor Stevenson: ing? Tbe correspadents of very reIirs. imluding a New York one. wbo s some me and an eyewitness of events in tbe D~minican Republic report the exact opposite 0f what tbe officia1 representative ofthe UnitedStates, bere 1s the Security Commil, is trying to maintain. 92. It must be pointed out tbat, in essence, the State Department representative did not deny that United States troops were assisting tbe jnnta. IIe merely stated tbat United States armed forces in tbe Dominicari Repmlic “bave no orders to 80 that”. Rowever, tbe State Department representative at the same time admitted that United States generals on the spot bave in effect carte blanche and take decisions in tbe light of, as lie put it. the “local situation”. 99. Reference to action by Wnited States generals and occupation forces in tbe ligbt of the vIoca situation” is also made, in particular, in the letter of 19 May 1955 to the Secretary-General of the United Nations from the IvIinister for Foreign A%irs of tbe Constitutional Government. Tbis is the letter from MP. Cury whicb the President of the Council read out to us at the beginning of tbis meeting. It instances tbe criminal actions by Wnited States forces in tbe Dominican Republic. Tbe letter points out. inparticular, tbat: AThis afternoon*-that is, yesterday, 19 May- “American soldiers fired at constitutionalist troops from the rear while tbese troops were fightiig in our own zone againat those of General Imbert. This treacherous attack cost Lieutenant Colonel Rafael Fernandes Domfnguez, Minister of the Interior and Police. his life, as well as those of courageous democratic fighters who accompanied him. This cowardly attack is one more proof of the obvious assistance which the invaders bave been giving to tbe reactionary military forces that are opposing the establishment of a democratic r&gime in Santo Doming0.v 94. iVIeanwhile the United States representative, at today’s meeting, tried as usual to deny the facts, including those set out in Mr. Cury’s letter. Rowever, we do not doubt that tbe members of the Security Council Will take into consideration, not the false assertions of the United States representative, but tbe evidence of those who are personally experiencing the treacherous and brutal attacks from hehind of the United States military, and the effect of United States arms. There are no grounds whatsoever for doubting the report of Mr. Cury. 96. hi addition, the United States representative attempted to convince us here of the virtue, generosity and magnanimity SO prodigally displayed by the United States occupatior forces in the Dominican Republic wbich they have seized. He tried to convlnce the Council of the generosity of the United States in distributing foodstuffs and medicines among the Dominican population. The United States representative indulged in fables. But does he not realize how hypocritical and cynical tales about @Coca-Cola’ and everything connected with it sound bere? 97. Thus we see the collapse of the oificial United States version concerning the alleged “neutrality” of the occupylng forces, which is, in fac& nothlmg but an attempt to deceive the Seourity Council. 98. The bareness of the United States positio,i oannot be covered by any fabric woven in the Organiza- ‘tien of American States by United States dlplomats. The United States will net succeed in shifting the weight of responsibility for the aggression against the Dominican Republic onto the shoulders of other Latin American countries, or sharing this shameful burden with them. 99. It is quite obvious that an act of aggression by United States imperialism against tbe Dominio?n Republic has been committed. United States tanks are ploughing through the soi1 of that country. United States interventionist troops are moving along its roads, and United States military aircraft are circling overhead. No sort of falsification cari transform the United States military into an “inter-Americanarmed force”. 100. It must be said tbat ail these tricks of United States imperialism are net merely a challenge to the Security Council, but are fraught with the most serious consequences for the fate of the United Nations, since the United States manœuvrings in the Organization of American States are a flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter, an unprecedented act of lawlessness undermining tbe very foundations of our Organization. 101. The Security Council cannot pass over the faCt that the Special Committee of the Organization of Amerioan States, in its second report. issued adirect challenge to the authority of thf United Nations and the Security Council. The report launches a gross attack on the Council and claims that the Council’s actions prejudiced and obstructed a solution. The document even proposes that the Securlty Council should suspend its examination of the question of United States armed interference in the domestic affairs of the Dominican Republic. 103. Q.Ie consider it our duty to impress most s.&ovsly upon a11 Members of tbe United Nations the face tbat the actions now being taken by the Organisation of American States, at the direct dictation of the Unitecl States, coufd lead to a collapse of the Wnited Nations and to lawlessness and anarcby in ~~te~~at~~~~ affairs. Tbe actions of the Orgamsation of American States are leading to a point where United Nations responsibility for the maintenance of mternationaf peace and securi@, as set out in its Charter, Will be undermined and destroyed. 104. Tbe Soviet delegation has already stressed, in its statement at the Seourity Couucil’s la& meeting, that tbe occupation of the Dominican Republic by armed forces of the Wnited States gives rise to a tragedy in s small country. We pointed out that it was the duty and direct obligation of the Council, in the first instance, to draw special and overridii 3ttentPon to tbe need to drive the Wnited States invaders out of tbe Dominican Republic. 105. In this connexion, tbe Soviet delegation cannot but observe that the Secretary-General’s representative, sent to the Dominican Republic in accordance with a decision of the Cou&l, has in his report comkletely passed over tbe question of tbe invasion of the country by United States armed forces. We would again point out that any ewluation of the events taking place in the Dominican Republic cannot ignore the main feature, which is the actual occupation of tbe country by United States armed forces and the need f@r the immediate withdrawa: of those forces. 106. The Soviet delegation again points out the lack of justification for any approach to the invaders and aggressors with a proposa1 that they should use their good offices. This is tantamount to asking a hungry wolf to guard the kitchen. Such appeals to tbe interventionists for good offices cari only provide them with a pretext for the legalisation of their criminal actions, which are in flagrant conflict with the United Nations Charter and the rules of international law. 107. Further clear evidence of this is the cablefrom the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Constitutional Government, Mr. Jottin Cury, to the Secretary- General, which, as we bave just noted, mentions the most willainous murder, from behind. of one of tbe leaders of the patrioticmovement in the Dominican RepubEc. 108. The Security Council has the right to expect from the United Nations representative in the Dominicari Republic exhaustive information and observations which woüld help the Council to take steps for the immediate balting of United States aggression. StateS imperialism*s criminal actions. By embarking on this course, the ruling circles of the United States take upon themselves the full responsibility for possible consequences of their dangerous policy. This course runs counter to the interests of international peace and security. It holds out no promise of anything positive for anybody, even for the United States itself. 111. Finally, the Soviet delegation deems it its duty to stress that the Security Council cari no longer delay adopting a decision on the need ter the immediate wlthdrawal of the United States occupation forces from the Dominican Republic. In these circumstances, we consider it essential that the draft resolution submitted by the Soviet delegation [S/6328]4/ be put to a vote. 112. At this crucial moment, the Soviet delegation urgently appeals to members of the Security Council, who bear an exceptionally serious responsibility in regard to the fate of the people of a small State Member of the United Nations-the victim of aggression at the hands of the United States, a permanent member of the Security Councikto support the Soviet Union% draft resolution. 113. In view of the heur and other circumstances, may 1 request that consecutive interpretation be confined to one language, which, if you permit it, we should like to be French. 114. Someone on my left is tryingto interrupt me, but 1 have net yet flnished. 1 request consecutive interpretation lnto Frenoh. 1 think we should all Hke to hear the music, not merely the musical sound, of thatlanguage. 1 shall conclude in a moment, Governor, and you Will bave tbe floor. Patience, Sir, just a little more patience.

We shall now hearthe French music. 116. 1 give the floor to the representative of the United States on a point of order.

In view of the importance of the statement that the representative of the Soviet Union has just made, 1 assume he would have no objection if it was alSo interpreted into English for our benefit. Our language likewise bas certain musical notes.

In regard to the request from our United States colleague, we naturally bave noparticular objection, since apparently our statement has given him a certain pleaSUre. BY

I would call the attention of members of tbe Ccuucll to the fact that a report [S/6371]5/ by tbe Secretary-General has just been distributed.

At an emergency meeting on 14 May 1965 the Security Council adopted resolution 203 (196% calling for a strict cesse-fire and invitiig the Secretary-General to send a representative for thepurpose of reportmg to us on tbe situation in the Dominican Republic. 121. Cperative paragrapb 2 of the resolution has ohviously been applied, since the Secretary-Gene& immedlately sent a representative sud we have already received a brief report: moreover, a second report bas just been distributed to us. 122. Apart from the grave situation descrihed in the report of 19 May. an important feature is its statement that tbe Secretary-General’s representative has been unable to persuade General Imbert to end hostilities or to observe tbe cesse-fire agreement sud that the Secretary-General has requested the Uuited States Government to use its good offices to urge the opposing forces to heed the cal1 for a strict cesse-fire wbich has been made to them. 1 bave no doubt tbat the Secretary-GeneraI took that step in the Iight of the presence of astrongUnitedStates military force in the Dominican Republic. We note, nevertheless, tbat the war is continuing and we do not yet know whether the Secretary-General has received a reply from tbe United States . 123. We also have before us the report of the Organisation of American States @/6370 and Add.11. which bas been transmitted to us in accordance with Article 54 of tbe Charter. The regional organisation informs us of the measures it bas taken in connexion with refugees, safety zones. the protection of embassies, the distribution of medlcal supplies and visits to prisoners, but it makes only the briefest mention of the cesse-fire. We read in the report that an incident involving Colonel CaamaiIo’s forces snd United States Marines has taken place; that General Imhert has attacked radio and television stations; and that a letter bas been sent on the suhject of the cesse-fire. Yet a cesse-fire agreemeut does exist: it was signed on 5 May 1965 and is called Rthe Act of Santa Domingo’. It seems to us that that agreemeut has been violated, tbat the cesse-fire has consequently been broken and that war has again broken out in Santa Domingo. 124. However, we are net told whether the reported incident between Colonel Caamafio’s forces. and the 125. What should the Council do now? I have said that resolution 203 (1965) is net being complied wlth lnasmuch as the Secretary-General’s representative has net secured a cesse-fire. In view of the urgency of the situation, the concern expressed by the CounOl at its meeting yesterday and the report that General Imbert was prepared to observe a truce for a speciflc period, we launched an appeal for a suspension of hostilities to enable the Red Cross to carry out its work. According to the latest report, Colonel Caamaïlo has, in fact, agreed to the truce and General Imbert has said that he would consult his armed forces and would give his reply by 1600 heurs, local time, which is more or less the same as New York time. It would be interesting to know whether at this moment General Imbert has agreed to the truce and whether it is in force. 126. In the light of ail these factors, the Council should increase its vigilance and consider most carefully the proposa1 made by the representative of Jordan, namely that the Council should ask the Secretary-General-and through him, his representative on the spot-& submit a more up-m-date report outlining the measures which are essential for the implementation of the resolution unanimously adopted by the Council, that is to say, for a strict cesse-fire. 127. 1 feel that we should concentrate on this idea and should, before this meeting ends, take a decision to put it into effect. This would undoubtedly help the Council to make some progress in its search for a practical solution to the thorny problem of Ssnto Domingo. 126. My delegation supports the Jordanian proposal and 1 trust that the Council Will adopt it unanimously, SO that we cari take practical measures, step by step, which would undoubtedly expedite the Council’s work. The Council has been marking time for over a fortnlght and 1 am very much afraid that, at this rate, we shall still be discussing tbe question at the end of the month.

In the light of the important statements that have just been made by the representatives of Jordan and the Ivory Coast, and in order to examine the immediate course of action open to the Council, my delegation feels that it would be appropriate, if there are no objections, to suspend the meeting for half an heur, particularly if it is intended, as the representative of the Ivory Coast indicated, to arrive at a unanlmous resolution or expression of view. In this way, we would be able to hold thenecessary consultations to find some formula to give expression to the wishes of the representatives 1 have just mentioned. 131. IvIr. FEDORENEO (Union of Soviet Socialist Republics) (translated from Russian): We have listened attentively to the statements by the representatives tbe Ivory Coast ami Uruguay. We understand tbe deep concern felt by them in connexion with the very complex and higbly critical situation which bas arisen in tbe Dominican Republic. 132. We do net doubt the sincerity of the representatives of Jordan, the Ivory Coast and Uruguay and the praiseworthiness of tbeir resolve to take all possible measures to euable tbe Security Council to arrive at a final decision in this matter. But the statements of the Soviet delegation and of the representative of the Republic of Cuba, Mr. Alvarez Tabfo, have shownthat the real cause of the tragic events in the Dominican Republic lies in the very fact of an armed invasion occupation of tbe Domiuican Republic by the ressive forces of tbe United States. That is the principal cause of those events. 133. We believe that it is precisely this point which must be taken into account in examining this question and in arriving at a decision. Action in any other sense. bowever valuable and timely it may sound, csn only be in the nature of a palliative. We must not stray from the main issue. The Security Councilmust not be hypnotised by considerations which are not of prime importance. It is for this reason that the Soviet delegation considered it necessary to recall that it had submitted a draft resolution, and proposed that its draft sbouId be put to avote, appealing to members of the Security Council to approach the taking of a decision witb a full sense of responsibility. We should therefore lie to recall that the proposa1 submitted by the Soviet delegation still stands.

1 was going to consult the Council on the request made by the representative of tbe Soviet Union that his draft resolution should be put to the vote. In the meantime, a suggestion has been made by the representative of Uruguay for a half-hour’s suspension of the meeting. I did not hear from the representative of the USSR whether be abjects to such a suspension or net. or whether be tbinks that the other matters he mentioned should be. more primarily. the concern of the Security Council. 135. Mr. RIFA’I (Jordan): 1 merely wish to say that I feel sure that the representative of the Soviet Union would appreciate, as he actually indicated in bis last intervention, the motives which led my delegation, supported by the representatives of Le IvorY Toast and Uruguay, to seek to allow the Counoil and its members a chance to consult right awayon what further approaches and efforts we could make in order to serve the purpose of immediately en- 136. Al1 that we want to do now is to try to formulate the idea in such a manner as to make it acceptable to a11 the members around this table, 60 that it may be transmitted to the representative of the Secretary- General in the Dominican Republic, and so that we may press the issue of the necessity of the enforcement of a cesse-fire. We are trying to save more lives and to avoid further destruction. This is an immediate duty incumbent on the members of thls Council. 1 hope, therefore, that the remarks made by the representative of the Soviet Union will net be taken-and 1 am sure they are not so taken-as objecting to the request made by the representative of Uruguay for a half-hour’s suspension of the meeting. 13’7. The PRESIDENT: The representative of the Ivory Coast wishes to speak, but before he does SO 1 should like to be permitted to make a short statement. 138. A proposa1 has been made to suspend the meeting. Rule 33 of our provisional rules of procedure states: “The following motions shall have precedence in the order named over a11 principal motions and draft resolutions relative to the subject before the meeting: “1. to suspend the meeting; “2. to adjourn the meeting;“. The rule concludes with these words: “Any motion for the suspension or for the simple adjournment of the meeting shall be decided without debate.” 139. 1 now invite the representative of the Ivory Coast to speak if he wishes to say anything in the context of rule 33.

1 asked to speak. Mr. President, because, at the moment when you put your question to the representative of the Soviet Union, it occurred to me to draw your attention to this very rule 33. 1 realise that you have now invoked that rule and 1 am grateful to you.

1 cal1 on the represenmtlve of the Soviet Union because he has asked to speak, but 1 must still draw his attention to rule 33.

Mr. President, we shall act in strict compliance with the rule whlch you bave just recalled to members of the Security Council. 143. May we once more repeat that we do not doubt the honesty of these considerations or the sincerlty hier 144. I merely veutured to refer to the basic issue. I sbould ~ike, if I may. to draw attention to the considerations put forward by the Soviet delegation yesterday, wben the Security Couucil adopted a decird~ng tbe appeal by the President of the Security Ccuncil in counexlon wlth the situation in the DomInican Republic. At that time we registered no objection to the adoption of that decision. but stressed the fa& tbat tbe main issue lay elsewhere. 145. And, indeed. today we bave received sad confirmation of the fact tbat we are not acting on the main issue. Instead of there having been due welcorne sud appreciation for tbIs bumanitarian action of tbe highest organ of tbe Wnlted Nations, UnIted States machine=-guns have killed the Minister of tbe Iuterior and a number of other courageous fighters in tbe patriotic movement of tbe Dominican Republic. 146. Tbe main point is, we again repeat, that the country is occupied by United States armed forces, and that Imbert’s junta of generals is nothing more than a sinister shadow of the Pentagon. 147. These are the thoughts which we wish to express once more here. with the hope that members of the Security Council Will bear them in mind in their further discussions.

1 shall aow put to the Council the proposa1 by the representative of Uruguay to suspend the meeting for half an hour. If there is no objection, 1 shall take it that we may suspend the meeting until 6.45 p.m. The meeting was suspended af 6.25 p.m and resumed at 7.10 p.m.

1 apologise for having kept the members of the Council waiting longer than we had hoped or feared. 150. Mr. RIFA’I (Jordan): 1 am sure that the members of the Council Will realize that consultations w3.h regard to the matter on which we suspended the meeting teck longer than we expected. Taking into account the last report of the Secretary-General and the information contained in it, which is not yet final, with regard to the truce requested by the Security Council. I hope tbat the members of the Council Will, in the light of a11 these facts, bear with those wbo are working very hard on this matter and accept an adjournment of this meeting until 9 o’clock tbls evening. At that time we shall resume our meeting in the hope that some proposa1 may be presented to the Council. 1 therefore move the adjournment of tbis meeting until 9 p.m.

More than anyone else, the President ought to be very conscious of the rules, and 1 shall not start debating this motion; but 1 am

It is lnconvenient for me to return here tbis evenlng. whether at 9 o’clock, at 10 o~cbck or at 11 o’clock. 1 cannot sec what we are golng to aîcomplish by returning here this evening. If there is a proposal t0 be advanced, why should it net be advanced tomorrow morning at 9 o’clock. or at any time that suits the convenience of the members? This would cause no waste of time of any consequence. on the basis of anything that 1 have heard here this evening as a proposa1 that we could act upon immediately. 1 would suggest, therefore. that instead of reconvenlng in the middle of the night, we reconvene tomorrow morning. 153. Mr. RIFA’I (Jordan): 1 did not mean to propose something that would be inconvenient to the representative of the United States; taking into full consideration what he has just said, 1 am quite willing to change my proposa1 and suggest that we meet tomorrow morning at 10.30, as usual.

Mr. President. we have just heard the views and propos& of the representative of Jordan. Ambassador Rifa’i. regarding the need to prolong the discussions and to secure additional time for the evolving of theproposal which he intends to submit. 155. We appreciate the need for a few heurs of addltlonal time. We are therefore, of course, ready to agree to tbe Security Council meeting belng resumed. say. at 10 o’clock this evening. We do net consider that the heur of 10 o’clock wculd be too late for us to secure sufficient sleep. We could still get a little more work done. We should therefore prefer to avoid any unnecessary delay and loss of time, given the emergency situation which is deteriorating from heur to heur. 156. Mr. RIFA’I (Jordan): May 1 add to what 1 said that the members of the Council should be expecting from the representative of the Secretary-General in the Dominican Republic additional information. to which reference is made in paragraph 8 of the last report of tbe Secretary-General [S/6371]. Such information, if it hecomes available tonight, Will no doubt be helpful in the consultations that are going on among the representatives concerned with the idea put forward before the Council. Therefore, from this point of view, a delay in our meeting Until tomorrow morning might put us in a better position to consider the additional information which we expect to receive this evening. 157. Again, 1 request my colleague, the Ambassador of the Soviet Union, to go along with the proposa1 for holding a meeting tomorrow morning rather than 159. 1 would not wlsh to repeat too often the traglc facts, inchubng tbose commnicated to us by the President of the Security Council in connexion wlth tbe shcotii by United States occupation forces of the Minister of the Interior of the Constitutional Government and a number of otber democratic leaders. 1 bave not hsard from members ofthe Security Council any alarm over tbls matter. or any appeal to the interventionists to stop tbls monstrous savagery. We bave no confidence tbat tbere Will not be further bloodshed. We bave no confidence that the United Smtes occupation forces will net once more use their arms and continue tc shoot those who are not to their liklng or do not adhere to the American way of life in the Dominican Republic. 160. I hope tbat the voice of the Soviet delegation on this matter Will at least be heard and noted by those concerned. 1 hope that the Security Council wllI pay great attention to the statements made by the Soviet delegation. 161. The Security Council hardly needs any additional information about the occupation of the Dominican Republic by the United States lnterventionists. This matter is only too clear. We fail to ses what klnd of further information is needed. 162. The Security Council must take the decision tc curb the aggressor, and not expect any klndness. humanlty or tirtue from him. 163. This is what we wished to draw attention to. It shows that any delay by the Commil in finding tbe proper solution to this question is not in the interest of its settlement.

The members of the Council had. of course, hoped to bave a regly from Mr. Mayobre at 4 c’clcck, New York time, today, but Mr. Mayobre has not been abIe to send hls reply. We note, hoth from the latest report of the Secretary-General-particularly its ccncluding paragraphs-and from press agency reports, that the situation in the Dominican Republic is ccntinuing to deteriorate and to become more serious. 165. The Prench delegation is therefore somewhat reluctant to agree to the adjournment of our meeting until tcmorrow morning, but. since this is the wish 167. Mr. RIFA’I (Jordan): 1 share the concern expressed by the Soviet representative. My delegation is no less disturbed about the situation in the Dominican Republic than any other delegation at this table. We are all, 1 hope, working towards the same objective. 1 am therefore happy about the suggestion just made by the representative of France. An immediate meeting may be required if we hear any alarming news-and we hope that will not be the case.

Since no one else wishes to speak on this matter, 1 assume that it is the general wish of the Council that the meeting should be adjourned until tomorrow morning at 10.30. Since the Secretary-General is here, he has heard the words addressed to him by the representative of France, and he therefore knows what is required of him. The meeting rose af 7.35p.m. HOW TO OBTAIN UNITED United Notions publications moy distributors throughout the world. write to: United Notions, Sales ENT SE PROCURER LES PUBLICATIONS Les publications des Notions Unies sont agences dépositaires du monde entier. ou adressez-vous à: Notions Unies, Section COMO CONSEGUIR PUBLICACIONES LYS publicaciones de las Naciones masos distribuidoras en todas partes diriiose 0: Nociones Unidas, Secci6n Litho in U.N. Price: $V.S. 1.00 (or equivalenr in other