S/PV.1255 Security Council

In accordance with decisions previously taken. Ipropose to invite the representatives of Portugal, Liberia, Tunisia. Madagascar and Sierra Leone to participate, without vote, in the Council’s deliberation on the item before us. At fhe invitation of fhe President, Mr. Afherfo Franco Nogueira (Portugal). Mr. J. Rodolph Grimes (Liberia), Mr. Mongi Slim (Tunisiaj. Mr. Gabriel Razafitrimo (Madagascar) and Mr. C. B. Rogers- Wright fsierra Leone) took places at the Couacil table.

Iwish to inform members of the Cou&l that a few minutes At the invitation of the Presidenf. Mr. John W. S. Malecela (United Republic of Tanzsnia) fook a place àt the Couecfl fable.

1 now glve the floor to the Minister for Fore@ Affairs of Portugal. 4. Mr. NOGUFXRA (Pcrtugal~ 1 am gramful to you, Mr. President, for your permission to bave the floor again. 1 ask to speak in order to answer further attacks against my country. I shall try to be brief, but even belng brief 1 may bave to be somewhat lengthy. although sot as long as my critics put together. 5. 1 shall take only the most important points from the speech of the representative of the Ivory Coast [1253rd meeting]. He disliked my quotation from Raymond Cartier. 1 assure the representative of the Ivory Coast that 1 am aware of what the Cartier doctrine means and it is net quite what the representative of the Ivory Coast suggested; it meant. rather, that help to underdeveloped countries should be subjected to certain and precise conditions, However. 1 am net here to pass judgement on Cartier’s doctrine. The fact is that no one disputes the absolute integrity, experience and independence of judgement of Mr. Cartier: that is why his testimony is SO valuable and that is why 1 brought it before the Council. Apart from disagreeing with Cartierism, does the Ambassador from the Ivory Coast also deny the statement I quoted? If net, then the statement stands on its merit. 6. Then the representative of the Ivory Coast went on and stated: “The Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal recognises that there is activlty in Africa in the vicinity of the Portuguese colonies and wlthln them. He has mentioned training camps and cases of infiltration: but what a11 that proves to the Council is thal there is movement in Africa. Why is there this movement, and what cari be done in order to prevent it. since it constitutes a sure threat to international peace and security? That is the question which is before the Council.” [1253rd meeting, para. 60.1 ‘7. We have here two points of the utmost importance. First, the representative of the Ivory Coast recogniaed that what he calls the movement taking place in Africa-that is, training camps and cases of infiltration-& a threat to international peace and security. And second, he submits that such a problem is the problem before this Council. Of course. he supplies his own answer to these two questions and he quotes the Roman politician Cato concluding that “outworn Portuguese colonialism must be destroyed”. 9. Then the representative of the Ivory Coast proceeds to quote from a book of mine. The tact that he obtained the book free of charge do-es net authorize him to misquote it. or to mlsrepresent what 1 wrote. 1 tbink that tbe representative of tbe Ivory Coast Will. at least, concede tbat I bave read my own book He did net actuall,’ quote passages from the book. be interpreted them aad made a résumé of tbem. In what way? 1 sball glve one or two exemples: “France. for its part. dld net want to leave the Soviet Union a monopoly of anti-colonialism, and it bas therefore adopted this policy of going one better” Ii&. para. 651. NO~. wbat did 1 Write on France? The followlng: “These same circumstaaces. and for the same reasons. were uadoubtedly a determlniag facar in French colonial policy and the political choice it implied.” Y 10. How did he summarize my views on tbe position of the United States? Thus. “The Ualted States, seeklng new mark&. is practising a form of aatl-coloaialism distorted by analogy with its own war of independence and leading to notblng bat tbe military and economic weaketig of its allies.” [Ibid.] - And what did 1 Write? Ibis: “For the United States. however. the choice was difflcult, for its most important allies. and the Only ones it cas re-..ly Count on, were colonizing countries zmd. as such. the first victims of asticolonialism. On the one hand, inordernotto alienate the new countries and in an effort to keep them out of the Soviet orbit, it supports them in tbeir aaticolonialism; on the otber hand, for fear of losing its only friends, it does net waat ta antagonize or Wesken its allies, who are, or were, the mothercocatries of those new states.“Y 11. 1 scbmit tbat tbere is a substantial dlfference between the tboughts 1 expressed in that five or six year-old bcok of mine and tbe thougbts which the representative of the Ivory Coast attrlbuted to me. What is more, nowbere in the book dld 1 express any nostalgie feeling for the Leaye of Nations. nowhere did 1 express as a tertius gaudens the desire. or any desire at ail to apply to tbe Charter the old mandate system. Nowhere in tbe bocok. to my lmowledge, dld 1 express any indignation because of tbese matters. 1 would be entitled tc voice it ncw. because tbe representative of the Ivory Coast. after havlngsummarized my vlews in the most distorted way, added: “Such are the tbeories developed by Portugal througb the pen of its Mi&ter for Foreign Affairs’. New. it is net 60. 12. But the representative of the Ivory Coast hesitates at nothing. He said: “A budget of $130 million . . . constantly . . . doubles every year and which is met by foreign loans”, etc. Doubles every year, what does he mean by that? Does it mean that last year the budget was of the order of $65 million? We were told by the representative of Tunisia that a war has been going on for five years now. Does that mean that we started with a budget of $7 or $8 million? 13. From the point of view of my delegation, the most amaaing part of the statement of the representative of the Ivory Coast is the following. After referring to Portuguese Overseas Territories, he said: “. . . Goa which has disappeareda. Disappeared? How? Thearea of Goa did net disappear: the people of Goa. althougb in a dreadful situation, did not disappear. SO, it bas disappeared in what way? The representative of the Ivory Coast, by saying what he said, has committed himself to the approval of military force. to the approval of aggression as a valid means of solving political disputes. He claims SO much for selfdetermination, but does he think that self-determinatien is brought about by the use of sheer force? Does he endorse and condone it? 1 am amaeed and shocked that a member of the Security Council should bave voiced such views. 14. 1 now turn to the remarks which my colleagae from Tunisia was kind enough to make yesterday [1254th meeting] in a refutation of some of my own remarks on 8 November (1253rd meeting]. IIe started off by quoting Lord Kilbracken to prove that there is no peace in Mozambique. But. what the Tunisian minister quoted yesterday is precisely the same as what was quoted by the Fore@ Minister of Liberia on 4 November [1250th meeting]. 1 am sure that Mr. Slim bas overlooked this part of Mr. Grime*s statement. Ctherwise. he would not bave repeated before the Cou&l on 9 November what had already been read out on 4 November. Apart from this, the article by Lord Kilbracken only proves that in a certain area there are five small garrisons, the largest of which has forty soldiers. 15. As for the dispatch carried by the Francs-Presse agency, my delegation also read it. 1 do net see anytbmg dramatic in that dispatch. At Dakar, the news was spread that nearly 800 Portuguese soldiers were killed or injured in four advances. The competent Portuguese authorities corrected the figure totwentythree. But dces this prove that we are making war against someone? No; in my vlew it merely proves that someone is making war on us, coming from across tbe borders. 16. This feads me at once to another point. The reoresentative of TunisiaauotedfromSecuritvCouncil fesolution 204 (1965) to prove that we are making incursions into Senegal. He quoted from the resolution thus, wbich 1 now repeat in French: “Déplore profondément toutes les incursions.metc., whereasthe 17. My friend from Tunlsia also quoted a news item from The New York Times of several days ago on the transportation of Portuguese troops from one Territory to another. Thls may well be truc, but unfortunately The NewYorkTimesdoesnotreportthe number of troops whlch rehtrn to their places of origln after their normal tour of duty under the colours is complet&. Any interested person cari inform himself of a11 troop movements: there is notbing secret about them. The Portuguese Press always reports them. However. the foreign Press and some delegations here do net seem to read all the papers. 18. Thea the Tunisian Minister once again turned to the “unholy alliance” between Portugal. Smith Africa and Rhodesia. 1 am glad that he took good note of what 1 said on thls topic. TO cast doubt, however. on my categorical denlal. Mr. Sllm quotes an article from Le Monde. 1 am also a regular reader of Ls Monde. and 1 recognized the article. With sll due reSp-3 for that well-known French newspaper, 1 submlt that the article does not present aqy facts to substantiate its vlews. The article is pure speculatien. Of course the article was written inthe expectation that the Portuguese Government would repudlate its insinuations, but should tbat prevent us front doing SO? Does Mr. Slim wsnt me to be silent. or does lie prefer that 1 should deqy-as 1 do-the e&hce of such an ?mholy alliance” and take full responsibility for the derdal, as 1 also do? Ifhe wmts me to deny the insinuation. then he should net tum ou me with what Le Monde says on this point. 19. Tbat article states that my Ciovernment ha6 net accepted the Rhodesian representative because of a protest presented by the Government of tbe Unlted Hingdom. Thls is net truc. The British Government dld not present any protest, either verbally or in writing, and 1 hope the Britlsh delegatlon would cars tn confirm mis. 20. On this topic of Rhodesia, the Tunisian Minister in no way questions the vote cast by my delegatlon ir the Fourth Commit& and in plenap; meeting of tm General Assembly. New the Tunisian Mi&ter know very well the reasons which prompted us to take th6 stand we did. It is not falr to speculate. Ile kno~ that we hold the view that only the Adminlsterim Authority-not the Asaembly-bas competence to dea wlth Non-Self-Governing Territories. Therefore only the Administerlng Authority-net the Assemblybas competence to define the political status of an1 Territory for wblch the Adminlstering Authority if responsible. In our vlew, the Assembly cannot in anl way intervene, but shonld confine itself to taking nott of whatever the Adminlstering Authority may ham to say. 22. Finally. my friend from Tunlsis challenged me to express oui views on race relations and racial policies. It is very easy for me to rise to the challenge. 1 think 1 cari do no better than to quote what I myself said on 24 July 1963, speaklng before the Security Council: “The first hasic point, the very foundation of Portuguese policy, stems from our firm belief that no race in the world is superior or icferior to any other race. Therefore we are strongly opposed to any kind of racial supremacy. We are strongly opposed to any klnd of race segregation. We believe that racial democracy is the soundest basis of any given human society. We believe that a11 races should live together and work harmoniously for the common welfare. It is our centurias-old tradition that a11 races and a11 peoples cari make useful contributions for the henefit of manklnd. and that progress cari be achieved only if such contributions are pooled together.” [1042nd meeting, para. 42.1 23. This is our philosophy andthis is ourpolicy. 1 am grateful that Mr. Slim paid tribute to it, and acknowledged that we are in fact against any type of race segregation or discrimination. However. as long as you recognize a Government as the only legitimate authority in any glven country, and as long as you bave it as a fellow Member of the Organizatien, then you cannot intervene in matters which corne under Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter. If anyone wishes to dlscuss tbese matters concerning race relations, then 1 suggest that they should be discussed in the United Nations Commission on Human Rights because, after ail, racial discrimination or segregation is in fact a question of human rights. This has been, and is, the position of my delegation when such matters corne up for debate elsewhere in this Organization. 24. 1 now address myself to the statement delivered here yesterday by the representative of Malaysia [ 1254th meeting]. 1 must say at once that as 1 listened 25. 1 admim the effort made by the representatlve of Malaysia. and the exactlng legaI analysis and interpretation be prcduced on Artlcie 73 of the Charter and on some provisions of the Portugueso Political Constitution. 1 also admire the brllliance of bis reasonlng and the reliance lie bas apparently placed on the value and originality of the c@“clusions he bas reacherl 26. Cn tbe other band. i also realiae that Malaysia bas been admltted to the United Nations only recently and fts delegation therefore may “ot be entlrelyfamiliar wltb the past prcceedlngs of the Organisation. However. in view of the keen lnterest displayed by the representative of Malaysia wlth regard to legal mat&% and hls interpretatlon of other peoples’ laws. 1 should bave thougbt that he would net bave ventured upcn SUC~ ground wlthout adequate preparatien and obvlously much-“eeded research. I-lad Ire made tbat preparation, he would bave found that Chapter Xl and Articies 73 and 74 of the Charter, bave been dlscussed for flftee” years-and debated. connnentad upo”, scrutinized. compared and interpreted-by jurists, delegates. authorities on lnternational law. Ccvernments and :&ernational and national lnstlt”ticns. Tbis bas been done ever since the San Francisco Confersnce: the repertoire of the Unlted Nations and of the debates of the Fourth Committee bave produced volumes and volumes on thls sutject. 27. However, 1 am sorry to say that the representative of Malaysia addressed this Councll yesterday as though an analysis and an interpretatlon of Articles 73 and 74 of the Charter were belng made for the first time. Apart from thls. 1 also regret to say that he seemed to base hls reasoning. at ieast in part, on that old book of mine. oftenreferredto in thls Conscil. B United Nations and Portugal. 1 must say. wlth a11 due respect, but also wlth great claritv. that 1 resent the book’s havlng been uséd as it was, because the quctations he gave were hvisted and dlstorted into misrepresentations of everythlng expressed in that book. 1 arn sorry, but yesterday we received our NI sbare of comment on Article 73 by the representative of Malaysia, to the effect that Article 73 contains an obligation whlch is binding on a11 Member Ccvernments and wlth whlch Portugal lias net complied. The representative of Malaysia found ail thls on pages 65 to 67 of the bcok, and he quoted “othing more than the reference made by Lord Chandos. a” old friend of mine; he quoted this in snoh a way that it seemed the book contains “othing more on Article 73, on the Portuguese position in the matter, on our arguments in connexion wlth and in defenoe of cur thesis. This is net so, and inasmuch as we listened.patiently, yesterday, to the representative of Malaysia speaking about Article 73. 1 “ow request the indulgence of the “We may therefore retain this ides, which could easily be proved even further by analysis of other points of the Charter, such as for instancethe rules which determine the competence of the General Assembly and tbe Security Council, and the idea is the followlng: whenever the Charter provides for any action by the Organisation, or for any action of the member which has an international character, and must he done through or tmder the supervision of the United Nations, then the Charter itselfprovides for the existence of competent organs designed to fulfil these purposes. When on the other hand the Charter has net itself provided for machinery and organs for any other suhject, even if it is mentioned in the Charter, then this lack of maohlnery 16 an inescapable consequence of the fact tbat this subject has been deemed by the Charter as being of a 34. Finallv. 1 shall nut onlv one ouestion to the representative of Maiaysia: Wonld he suggest that, if Portugal were to supply information in accordance with his interpretation of Article 73, aI1 the other problzms would become meanlngless? 35. I am about to finish my remarks, andl Will make just a feW observations on the statements made yesterday by the representatives of the UnltedKingdom and the Netherlands [I254th meeting]. 36. Lord Caradon was kind enough to advise us on how to adopt special policies, especially in vlew of the future. We agree that the United Kingdom delegatien has now taken the same position that it took in 1963 or even in 1962. Of course, the position taken by the Wnited Kingdom in 1963 regarding these matters is very different from. and actually opposed to, the position taken by it from the wry beginning of this Organisation up to that year. In point of fact, tbe United Kingdom strongly endorsed the views expressed by me a moment agc onArticle 73. 1 hasten to say at once that 1 would net for a second question the right of the Unlted Kingdom delegation to change its interpretation of and to alter provisions of the Charter, and 1 am sure that it agrees with me that it is only fair that such an evolution should be polnted out. 37. On the cther hand, 1 am glad to confirm that no military equipment is being sent by the Unlted Kingdom for use in Portuguese Overseas Territories. Iam also glad, as much as was the United Kingdcm representative yesterday, to confirm that his Government. as a member of the NATO alliance, does net in any way contribute to the Pcrtuguese armed forces in Africa for defense purposes. In view of the United Kingdom representative’s anxiety and concernonthls, I am sure that he appreciates my confirmation of bis categcrical denials. 38. 1 should also like to point out that my Government has not requested the United Kingdom Gaver?ament to supply it with any mililary equipmentwhatsoever, apart from the factthatwe do net wish to impose additional burdens on our British friends in vlew of their heavy military activities in eastern areas. 39. As to the exposé made by the representative of tbe Netherlands, 1 venture to make but one or two brief remarks. First, I am in agreement tbat tbe Netherlands is net supp:ying my Gcvernment with any military equipment. The Netherlands announcement, in its strong and’ hlgh-soonding terms, is made for political purposes only since we bave net requested anything from that Government. However, on the Portuguese position bis statement is more serious. IIe said: “. . . my Government.. . catu%Ot 46. 1 do net wish in the least to embarras6 the representative of the Nethérlands, but 1 didnotask thiit this question should be brought up. 1 a180 wish to express our appreciation for bis advice, for now we should proceed to better protect our interests; 1 must say, with a11 candeur, that 1 am deeply impressed with the mariner in which everyone aeems to be SO sincerely concerned wlth Portuguese interests and nothingelse. 4’7. One final Word. Yesterday, 1 had the impression that 1 was attending a meeting of the Fourth Committee or of the Special Political Committee. We are debating nothing but political and legal problems. But what has happened to the grave and serious problems of peace and security concerning which this Council was supposed to meet? 1s there a possibility that there is no longer a threat to international peace and security?

I now give the floor to the representative of the United Republic of Tansania.

It had been the hope of my delegation that, witb the participation of our African brothers in the current deliberations of this Council, it would not bave been necessary for us. as well. to appear and expose the vicious practices of the Portuguese colonialists who are carrying on a brutal war against the Territories and the people of the Africancountries of Mozambique. Angola, and so-called Portuguese Guinea. It had been our hope because we are convinced that our brothersthe four able, distinguished Foreign Mini&ers, who were given the honour by the Organisation of African Unity-are well able to expose the activities of these international imperialist agents against the African people of those Territories, honourably resisting foreign colonial aggression. and struggling for their legitimate and natural rights of freedom and liberation of their motherland. 56. Permit me to place before this Council the real and irrefutable facts of the situation. 1 am sure that the Council will not feel surprised when 1 asseri that, because of oui geographical position alone, we in Tanaania should feel entitled to lmow the truc situation in Mozambique and the unsung war that is ourrently being waged there. Portugal bas cleared the land several miles deep on its side of the border with Tansania. Portugal has constructed some eighteen air bases or air-strips for landing military aircraft in the northern part of Mozambique. Portugal has at least five garrisons along the Tanzanian and Malawi lake shore. Portugal is utterly scared, hecause the nationalists and freedom fighters in Mozambique are wlnning their war of liberation. 57. Writing in the British newspaper. the Chronlcle of Wednesday, 29 September 1965-which 1 Ï&s&& again as it was quoted by the Foreign Minister of Tunisia-a British journalist, Lord Kilbracken, who had recently visited the battle areas under Portuguese protection and patronage, asserted: “The scale of the fighting in this bitter. unsung war has steadily increased since the first mlnor incidents just a year ago, especially SO in recent weeks when there has been a strong FRELIMO build-up.” He went on to say that: “In 3,000 terrorized square miles the Portuguese, both civilians and military, are now confined to five small isolated garrisons: Metangula, Manlamba, Cobuè. Olivença, and Nova Coimbra. “Net one white settler dares stay inthe area. Their once neat holdings are today silent and abandoned. And most of the Africans-they belong to the Nyanja tribe-bave fled to the mountains and islands or to Tanzania or Malawi.” Lord Kilbracken went on to say: “The FRELIMO, a Viet-Cong in miniature, are a tough and elusive enemy. They generally operate in very small unit6 from within Mozambique itself. 1 could obtain no estimate of their total strength in Mozambique. ” 58. Lord Kilbracken is a friend of Portugal, not of the United Republic of Tanaania. He was taken to the battle area by Portuguese soldiers. He asserted that the freedom fighters, the liberators, are wlthin Mozambique itself. These people are not Tansanians. They are citiaens of Mozambique attempting to rid themselves of the hated invader. In his desperation, the Portuguese Fore@ Minlster accuses the United Nations refugee camps and other civil and religious organisations in my country of training guerrilla warriors for battle in heavily embattled Mozambique. SO what he cites as military training camps on the 59. As if this faniasy was wt sufficient. the Portuguese Foreign Minister asserted that we bave military traùdng camps at Moshi and Tanga. We want to assure him that at Moshi we bave atrainingschool for police: we bave no mllitary camps in Moshi. Thls is well known tc everybcdy. The policetrainingschoclexisted in Mo&i evea before independence. It vas built by the British Government. But, of course. to Portugal, su& a police traitring centre is a mllitary base. Where are the limits of Portuguese imagination? 60. As to Kcngwa. the Pcrtuguese Fore@ Minister alIeges that we bave a miIitary base there for the specific purpose of training people to overthrcw the Govermnent of Malawi. Of courss. he lmows that this is trot SO. But it is ancldtrick. He is trying. naturally. to create friction between Malawi and the IJnlted Republic of Tanzatda. We in Tanaatda bave studlously resisted being drawn intc this matter. Yet what surprises us most of ail is that tbe Fore@ Minister of Portugal. whcse Government advccatss and esponses cne of tbe mcst vicioua. oppressive and detested colonial systems in the wcrld. should today in the Seourity Ccuncil pose as the self-appointed spokesman for Malawi. We bave no information indicating that Mr. Rastings Kamusu Banda bas delegated tc hlm the pcwer tc be Malawl’s Foreign Minister. Furthermore, if the Fcreign Mister of Portugal was well infcrmed abat the reoent meeting ofthe Orgaidsaticn of African Unity in Accra3 he would net raise these silly and abscrd charges. 61. What. then. are the facts about Kcngwa? Kongwa is the area in which the Unlted Kingdcm Gcvernrnent attempted the glant grcund-nutscheme. Youwlllrei ,_ that a great deal of money was put intc the scheme in order tc Horn that part of the Unlted Republic of Tansania intc a productive area for grcund-nuts. whlch It weie needed at the tinte tc help feed a va& nutnber of peaoe-lcving, ill-fed people lmmediately after the Second World War. Sin~e the scheme failed. but since some agricultural wcrk had been rtarted. it bas been the intention of my Govermnent to turnthat part of the 62. Here 1 would like to quote a bwablli saying: Once a person has been bitten by a snake. when he sees a rock even the’ appears to be a snake. Portugal is being fought by the freedom fighters, There is no doubt in our mind that to Portugal any group of people elsewhere appears to be nothing but a training camp for freedom fighters. 63. In the United Republic of Tanzania we bave several centres for training oui youth in national service. 1 imagine that such is the oase in every country. At these centres. Tanzanian youths are trained in the normal military service and in services of a civil and productive nature. We are a peace-loving people, and have been throughout our long hlstory; but oui’ people shall always stand guard, ready to defend, to the last man. our country against the wanton aggression of imperialism andcolonialism. Let the Portuguese colonizer kaow that if he touches an inch of Tanzanian soi1 these Young men whom we are now training Will certainly teach him the lesson of defeat. 64. If the Portuguese Fore@ Minister regards the training camps of our National Youth Service as military bases, that is bis business. We are net here to please the Portuguese Foreign Minister, or to improve his totally inaccarate sources of information. 65. He tried to defame the good name of the famous Maconde tribe. The glorious revolution in Zanzibar was a revolution undertaken by the majority of tbe Zanzibari people against an oppressive minority régime. The Maconde men played their national part in that glorious revolutioa But the PortugueSe Foreiga Minister would like to depict the Maconde as a gang of hired bandits who cari be engaged for a price. Were the yeomen of l’lth-Century England bandits? Were Washington and Jefferson and Madison bandits? Were the peasants of France, who trimnphed in the glorious revolution of 1789, bandits? Were the famous and gallant Bolsheviks of the great revOlUtiOn of 1917 bandits? 66. If the Portuguese Foreiga Minister looks more closely. he Will discover that pirates and bandits at ta inter&ioti Wbich defies the defies buman des tbe course of musty Iabyrinths tes recorded history. tbe bar of interco&med by ais of hurnan decmlcy. 68. Thowands of Africans are driven relnctantly to Klee their homekmls of Mozambique ami Angola. They coin@ to the United Republic of Tamania and the ing African States. seeking succour and rewe wekonte them. We welcome them because it is our ancient tradition to fiid fraternal accommdation for our common problems on tbe contient. Together aIl Africans bave a common a intmenr ~4th destiny. We sbaB bave kept that appointment when we extricate the notorious SaIazar rSgime from Africa and fies the entire continent of ail vestiges of coIoniaRsm. Thls is our destl. We shall keep tbat appointment. 69. For centmies, since the Portuguese came to East Africa. the African people bave net known peace and securRy. If they are now fighting against the Portuguese colonialists it is because they cannot stand any more humiliations, tortures and violations of their God-glven right to freedom. 70. It is well kuown that in colonial practices the Portuguese are masters of the use of the most inhuman metbods of controlling the inhabitants of the Territories under their authority. It is the Portuguese who invented the palmatoria, an infamous instrument of torture used only by the Portuguese administrators. The plmatbia is a wooden mallet with a perforated round head which, when applied to the palms of the hards of people. draws flesh and blood. The Portuguese use the palmatdria for extracting confessions as well as for simple punlshment. 71. There are hundreds of thousands of Mozambican workers in ail the neighbouring countries, includlng the racist Territories of South Africa and Rhodesia. Most of these workers had to flee from Mozambique because they were suffering. They had to run away from belng used as slave labourers by the Portuguese administrators. white farmers and the various economit interests which flourish on slave labour. Since the beglnnlng of the struggle in Mozambique for political freedom, the Portuguese bave intensified their inhuman activities against the majority African population. From information whlch we receive from thousands of refugees who bave heen flocking to the alad quietly eliminated, or ?apx perpetuauy in prison with0u.t tri& 73. Secondly, that in at least me place, Mueda, which is lacated in the north-eastern district d ~osambi~e* the Postuguese arranged to bave 250 poliéical leaders shot in public, alter accusing tbem cf inciting the people apinst the local authorities. 74. Thirdly, after the beghmiag of the armedstruggle in September 1964. tbe Portqpese proceeded to bure whole villages in the districts of Niassa. ZambGia, Tete and otbers, destroying people, fond stores and dwemge, undes tbe pxetext of tsying to fhsh OI& goerrillas. When most of the Africans bled ta the foresk in order to escape, tbe Portuguese Government tried every method of persuasion to get them OU’G. Many tbouaands of Mozambicans chose to exile themselws to the United Republic of Tanzania and otber neighbouring States; but many more stilP Eve In tbe forests of Mozambique, either fighting agatnst tbe Portugaese colonialists or living under the protection of thosc who are fighting. 75. Foorthly, those who were simple en0ughto ret~urn to their villages, lured by tbe deoeitful pr the Porhxguese administration, met xvi*& tbe treatment. 76. On 22 February 1965, at Muidumbe. in the district of Cabo Delgado, the Portaguese authorities sent groups of soldiers to round up all tbe i&ab%nts of those villages whicb werelooalednearplaces whexe ambushes agahst the Portwguese Army bad taken place. They arrested every african-men and cbildren-put them in large lorries and d them in one village. They wepe then put in several of the large& buts. sbut in and set on fire. WhiPe the buts were burning. the Portugaese soldiew sprayed them with machine-w fire to make .certain Bat nobody survived. 77. On 12 March 1965. a young African cl hy tbe name of Malemba was injured by a mine placed by Lb@ Portoguese Army on a patb normally used by the women as they went to water-holes to draw drinking water. Wben the local Bortugnese autborlties heard about her, they ordered chat she be bmught to the military beadquarters of that district for questionfng. They tortured her to deatb, insisting ébat she tel1 them wbere tbe guerrillas were. ‘76. On IC March 1965, in the district of Nyasa, near Lake Rlalawi, the Portoguese Army caugbt a Mozambican goatherd. They tried to force him to Serve 8s an informer for the Portoguese authorities in that region against the FRELHMO guerrillas. Because he refoused to co-operate, the Portuguese autborities prooeeded to subject bim to systematio torture-they tut hfs limbs off one by one tï’l he died. 83. This Council must condemn Portugal. There is a war going on in Mozambique between the people of Mozambique and Salazar’s forces. There is a war going on in Angola between the Angolans andSalazar*s forces. Portugal has tried to use its influence.to prevent maximum publicity of these facts. Hut war is nevertheless. being waged in Africa by the national liberation froces of these Territories and the invading Portuguese forces. This warwillnotenduntil Portugal is expunged fromAfrica. Portugal’spresencein Africa is a threat to international peace and security. Portugal’s wagfng war against tbe Africans is an infringement of the Charter of the United Nations. Sanctions must be taken against Portugal consistent wlth the Charter of this Organisation. This Counoil must make it clear to Portugal that she must desist from her colonial policies in Africa and her interference in the interna1 and domestic affairs of the people of Mozambique, Angola and so-called Portuguese Guinea. Thls Council Will bave failed in its duty, unless il condemns the Portugnese Government. 1 invite the Council to pronounce in unambiguous terms that Portugal’6 behaviour in Africa is contrary to the Charter of the United Nations and is. indeed, a threat to international peace and security witbin the meaning of Chapter VII of the Charter. 84. 1 would like to add that we hope it would not be necessary agaln for us to bave to speak before this Council in order to reply to the nefarious charges that bave been raised. by the Foreign Minister of Portugal against my Government. SS. The PRESIDENT (translated from Spanish): 1 now cal1 on the representative of the Ivory Coast who wishes to exercise his right of reply.

1 am speaking inorder EO make a preliminary reply to this morning’s statement by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Portugal. I know that he took the time to read my speech and prepare his reply and I am honoured that he shonld have done SO. 1 should like to show him the same conrtesyandsoI am also taking the time to read his speech; 1 &a11 then sec whetber it is worth answerlng and in any case t sbould like to reserve the right to reply. . . 87. The Por se Minister for Fore@ Affairs wlshed to reply to eaoh of us, to each member of the Seourity Council, possibiy because. as 1 bave already old. ; the lete. That is what 1 was to show on Manday [1253rd e. it is old. but we bave just res net my fauit if the representaed to show bis zeal by sendiig it IntelIectually bonest enough Lo cornes into oup hands. partieun by people whose ideas we do not it. Moreover. 1 was very @ad to note of tbe Couacil foIIowed the meaning tbe point where the United Kingdom representative was kind eoougb to describe it as the faneraI oration of colonialism. That mas myintention: to try, mat by physical force but by discussion and an ex& of ideas. to convince Portugal that colonialism is indeed dead. The representative of Portugal also said just now tbat the interpretation of Article 73 seemed to bave evolved. That is really disappointll anal P wonder how long it will take for us to make Portugal understand tbat we are in a new world, that tbe constitutions themselves bave been adapted to the circumstances and are evolving in accordance with circumstances. 1 said tbat until 1957. thuS eleven years after the signing of tbe Charter andthe drafting of Article 73, we, and in particular the country in whose name 1 speak still formed part of France and with France constituted a Sir@e and indivisible republic. That sentence is in the French Constitution. but it does mot prevent tbe Ivory Coast being today a separate repnblic, an independent republic, a free republic. I aIso said that “the inevitable independence was granted in friendsbip ami in a spirit transcending aIl instituticnd or constitutional interpretatlon or readjustment”. It is the ideas that bave evolved. 89. 1 ShaIl now return-and I again reserve the right to return to tbe subject at greater length, if that is wortbwhile-to wbat the representative of Portugal said about the remarks 1 quoted from his book, The United Nations and Portugal, wlth regard to Franï I am well aware, as he himself bas said. that bis book is old. Perhaps. in the last two days. he bas read it again in order to be sure of what he wrote; I certainly do not doubt that it was he who wrote it. Mr. Nogueira, after having described the circum- “These same circumstances. and for the same reasons, were undoubtedly a determining factor in French colonial policy and the political choice it implied. From the ‘French Union’ to the ‘Community’, from there to the ‘Renovated Commuuity’ and finally, to the independence and”-here he uses quotation marks and 1 do not know what France Will think of that-“‘international sovereignty’ of former French territories, France in a few years went through successive stages whlch placed her, internationally and at the United Nations, in much the same ideological position as the other large Powers.” Y The book is more than 200 pages long: the representative of Portugal has just read au extract from it, but 1 thi he should go back again and read the whole book if he no longer remembers it. IIe Will then see that our interpretation of certain passages corresponds to the ideas put forward in his book. 90. The representative of Portugal went on to say that 1 had stated that Goa had disappeared. That fs quite truc; 1 did say SO. 1 said that he considered Goa as a Portuguese province, but that the fiction of a province had disappeared as if by maglc. That is true. It is also certain that no State Member of the United Nations, including the Ivory Coast. would tolerate the invasion by force of any province of tbe State or metropolitan territory of Portugal. Hitler attemptcd to annex parts of certain territories an< the whole world united to prevent him from doing SO, just as 1 am certain that a11 the States of the whole world would united to prevent any attempt on a Portuguese province. But nobody lifted a hand where Goa was conceroed, because Portugal alone has strained itself to believe in a fictional “Portuguese province”, in whlch no one else believes. 91. We would bave liked the Portuguese representative to realire from our speech that, lf only Portugal had tried to confer some kind of autonomy on Goa and had put power in the hands of the inhabitants. it would bave been difficult for any State to annexit-lf annexa- ?/ London. Sidgwick and Jackson. 1963, pp. 51 md 52. Peeascnal Represenkatiw of the Head of G~erment, Mr. GF~DI~S, biberim Seccr@ttary of State and MI-. Raleobm&Pa, Permanent Representative of the Mah~y Republk to the UWed Nations-to present this questiion here in the Securi%y ComciL We bave listenec to wllat they~dtosay~tbintebest 5md attention. We bave 51~0 heard the statements of Mr. Makeela, ébe representative of the United Republic of Tanzania, tbe representative of the Ivory Co5st and otber members of éhe ComciP: 95. Hn %II@ five years sinoe tbe adoption of the United Nattiom Deeda~atim on the Grmting of Independence t0 Colonial Comtries md Peoples, the stmggle for 3Mha.I libWation of the colonial pecphs h5s eeatly qmsad. h uumber of colonial peopbs bave achieved nâtional iQdewndenc@. Wowever, the p@oples of the Po ese COlonieS are still in the grip ofthe Lisbon eononial tyramly. 96. The Coumil bas beard tbe fut excuses ihe Minis’ber for Foreign AffGrs of Par al bas again 97. IL is an indisputable fact that the dangercus situation created in the Territories under Pcrtuguese rule has been examined several times, very fully and in great detail, by various United Nations crgans. The resclutions adcpted at the fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth sessions of the General Assembly have indicated. as we kncw, the inadmissibility of the criminal pclicy being carried but by Lisbcn cclcnialism tcwards the indigencus population of these Territories in cruelly sl;ppressing their aspirations tc freedcm and independence. More than twc years ago, the Security Ccuncil adoptedrescluticn 180 (1963) which ncted that “the situation in the Territories under Portcgcese administration is seriously disturbing peace and security in Africa”. That was the olear conclusion of the Security Cccncil, which no one cari change. As is knowo. the Cou&l called upon Portugal urgently tc implement a number of measures resulting frcm the Declaraticn on the Granting of Independence tc Colonial Ccuntries and Pecples adopted by the General Assembly in 1960. The provisions of that rescluticn were confirmed in ancther rescluticn of the Security Ccuncil, rescluticn 183 (1963). which reaffirmed the ioalienable right of all pecples tc self-determinaticn. 98. In their ccnvincine: statements in the Ccuncil.the envcys of the independent ccuntries of Africa demcnstrated that, by ccntinuing their inhuman pclicy in their colonies, the Pcrtuguese autbcrities were ignoring wcrld public opinion, including the decisicns of such authcritative international forums as the first session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Gcvernment of the Orgaoizaticn of African Unity, held at Caire in July 1964, the Ccnference of Heads of State or Gcvernment of Non-aligned Ccuatries, which teck place in Caire in Octcber 1964, the fcurth crdinary session of the Ccuncil of Mini&ers of the Organizaticn of African Unity, held at Nairobi in l?ebruary and March 1965, and the second session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of makéérblEe ment 101, I0 tbeir stakements, the autb0rized represe&as of four Af~ican comkries. OR behalf of States, stressed tbat khe colonial pcmy of eed constik0te a kbreak to htemdkm3.l peace h khe Portufleîe cdcnies. the police d arbitrary rule by the local colmial 0ial army reigns supreme. anà other col,0llies are corncentrathn campe. ACco~eiing to kbe i~op~tio0 provided by tbe petikioners, a-te nmber kims of tlle colonial salazar régime in Ail% eacbed 25Q.aO0, inc~udhg those kilbd in CO kb tlw Portuguese c0lonial army ma in bombii, %na kbQ%? who sied of hmlger and we%~ns. tlx? Po @Se army md tbe punitive units. aickd by %II air force using napalm. haveked wbole areas of tbeir colonies in Africa inko depqndated territories. As is known, more tbanhalftbe Portuguese army is at present on the territory of tbe Portuguese eolmies. 102. It may be asked whatothernewfactsare needed. And does net the one fact that Portugal is net impiemenking tbe clear decisions of the Secwity Council create a tbreatening situation which urgently compels 104. In carrying out its dangerous ventures in Africa, the Lishon régime depends on the moral. political. financial and military support of several Western Powers, and, above all, of its partners in the NATO military alliance. It was precisely to this important aspect that the representatives of African States drew the attention of members of the Security Council in their letter of 28 July 1965 [S/6585]. 105. Many facts and evidence given by the leaders of the national liberation movements in Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea show that the Portuguese army in faot enjoys the support of Portugal’s NATO allies in carrying out punitive operations against the oppressed peoples of the colonies in Africa. 106. Here are some figures of assistance givenby NATO countries to Portugal. They are taken from the Press and were also adduced by thepetitioners during the Special Committee’s session in Africa. 107. In 1963, a group of New York banks granted Portugal a loan amounting to $15 million: in the same year, West Germany granted Portugal a loan of 150 million mark% In January 1965, the United States Government granted Portugal a new loan of $20 million. This is the kind of revenue which is feeding the military budget of Portugoese colonialism. 108. According to the Moaambican party, COREMO. the aid received by Portugal from its NATO allies has enabled it to build eight new military bases in Mozambique alone during the past five years. 109. We share the conviction of the representative of Liberia [1259th meeting] that a solution to this grave situation in these territories would be more readily forthcoming if Portugal were net being SO heavily and generously supplied with arms and ammunition. 110. According to the statement of Mr. Mondlane, leader of the national liberation movement inMocambique, to which the African representative here referred, the United States alone provided PortugaL between 1951 and 1961, with various types of weapons to the value of $505 million. MI-. Mondlane stated tbat tbere was nothing to indicate that such aid had since ceased. There is also information to the effect that Portuguese soldiers and officers are trained witbin 111. There is ever-increasirtg expansion of military co-operation between reactionary circles in Bonn and the Salazar régime. As The New York Times stated on 3 May 1965, West Gerinany, wbich bas already supplied Portugal with a Barge number of automatic small anus. is negotiating witb the Salazar r&ime to supply Portugal witb sixty F-86 jet fighters. obtained by West Germany from Canada. 112. Portugal is reeeiw similar understaading support from one of tbe permanent members of the Security Council. tbe United States of America. In this connexion, me sbould note tbe conclusion reacbed in.January 1965 by tbe Special Study Mission to Europe of the United States House Committee on Foreign Affairs, after its specisl missiontoPortugal. I quote: “We would also like to make tbis point: While the United States, as a great world power, may not always prefer the claims of its old and valned allies to tbe legitimate aspirations of the new nations, we sbould be slow to refuse tbis preferment inthe case of Portugal.” 113. United States Congressmen are closelyfollowed by United Ststes officiais. There are many examples of tbis. Speaking at a dinner at the American Club in Lisbon on 14 April 1965, Admirai George Andersen. United States Ambassador to Portugal, said that in tbe political field. and 1 quote his words: “The United StateS bas constantly fought agdinst the attempts of other Powers to cast doubts on the legitimacy of Par&gal’S presence in international forums and has helped Portugal to resolve the difficulties”, which arose as a result Of Salazar’s colonialist policy. 114. In intensifying hostilities against the national liberation movement, the Portuguese colordalists are mhihl of the interest of certain Western COU~- tries in preserving and strengthening their positions in Lisbon’s colonies in Africa. According to The New York Times of 8 August 1964, the Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs stated with defiantcynicism: “The Western world Will soon be thankfti for ~ortugai's strategic positions in Afric&” 115. As cari be seen from the statements of representatives of Afrioan countries inthesecurity Council, tbe responsibility for the crimes in the Portuguese colonies is borne not only by the Portuguese colonialiste but also by tbeir NATO allies, who are CbarlY Tkdating Security Council Pesolution 180 (1963) whioh. as we know, contains a request to a~ States to refrain from offeringthe Portuguese Government any assistance which would enable it to continue its repression of the peoples of the Territories under its administration. 117. The representative of Sierra Leanequiterightly pointed out [125Oth meeting] that perhaps the political aspect of the problem of the Portuguese colonies could be better understood by a close examhation of the economic policy pursued by Portugal witb the active collaboration of foreign enterprises, predominantly in Europe and the United States of America. 118. Lisbon’s colonialism haslongbeenintheservice of the imperialist monopolies. Trying to postpone the heur of the inevitable downfall of colonial supremaoy, the Salazar régime is extensively leasing territory in its possessions to the internationalmonopolies. There is much information, including material from the United Nations Secretariat. that indicates the predominante of foreign capital in the economy of the Portuguese colonies. We share the conclusion of tbe representative of Tunisia, who emphasised the danger of such predominance and said that these “. . . fore@ interests are impeding the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence in the Territories administered by Portugal and their activities accordingly run counter to the resolutions of the General Assembly concerning the Portuguese territories sud the principles of the Charter.” [m 119. Of the monopolies with exclusive concessions for prospeoting and exploiting the minera1 resources of Mozambique. the six large& are controlled by United States, United Kingdom and Belgian capital. Of the seven companies which enjoy the same rights in Angola. the five largest are directly controlled by United Kingdom. United States, Belgfan and West German capital. Of the three banks opsrating in Mozambique, otiy cae belongs to Portugal and 99 per cent of the insurance operations are conducted by foreigu companies. Tbe American-A Angola DiamondCompauybasmonopolizedthediamond industry of Angola. 120. In recent years, West German capital, whicb is widely represented in the chemical, petroleum and mining industries and in transport, bas psnetrated still further into the Portuguese colonies. 121. By cruelly exploiting the Africans. the foreiga compsnies operating in the Portnguese colonies are extracting exceptionally bigh profits. According to the available data, the average annual profits of the monopolies operating in tbe Portuguese colonies range from 20 to 45 per cent. Thus, the fore@ monopolies, whose operations the Portuguese Ministerfor Porei Affairs tried to portray almost as a kind of good and virtuous deed for the indisenous uonulation of the Portuguese colonies, are in Tact shameiessly growing rich by exploiting the population and tbe natural resources of these colonies. The facts which bave been adduced indicate that certain countries have vast eoonomic iterests in the Portuguese colonies and ic d SOU~~ Africa mests witb bbe BO e of tbe Republic of Soutb Africa. k-4 serves as 6-e cbief skq3pxt of colordalism iv-e actions againat neigbbo anexion, it may be recslled atreaay twlce comiaered SeaegaPs air space and Portuguese aathorities. raft are systematicalpy ders of the Wnitad Republic of Guiraea aad cmgo @3razaati11ep. I!i?. He even tried to assume the pose of a procurator, altbougb it is obvious to a11 that Lisbon’s colonialism bas for a number of years been in the dock here in the Cou&l. He asserted that PortugaI bas done much good to the population of its *Overseas Territories”. Wowever, as the representative of the Ivory Coast rightly pointed out. toheartbe Portuguese Miuister for Foreign Affaire one would think “that we were living in an ancient or mediaeval worldn. Of course, no sbameful screen, net even the juridical fiction of the so-called “Overseas Provinces”, cari help the Lisbon régime to evade the just verdict for its refusa1 to meet tbe peoples’ demands for their liberation from colonial servitude. 126. Although colooialism reminds one of a corpse. its putrid stench is contintig to poison Africa and international life. The champions of the sepulchral world of colonialism have net yet disappeared or been destroyed. Tbis obliges our Organisation and the Security Couucil not to relax its uncompromising struggle in this matter. 129. In this connexion. one must note the firm statement of the representative of Tunisia in tbe Security Council 11254th meetiug], to the effect tbat Tu&&, togther with other independent States of Africa, Will spare no effort to help the peoples ofAngola, Mozambique aad so-called Portuguese Guinea to achieve freedom and independencb. 130. In the light of what has been said, the Soviet delegatiou feels it is its duty to emphasize that tbe Security Council, as the bighest United Nations organ with primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peaoe, should without delay take effective measures to restrain the Portuguese colonialists and force them to imulement the Securitv Council’s deoisions-measures khich will assist &é peoples’ just struggle against Lisbon’s colonialism and for freedom and iadependence. 131. Above all, the Security Council must. in accordance with tha United Nations Charter, apply necessary and effective sanctions-economic, political and other-against Portugal, wbich bas set itself against a11 peace-loving States and peoples and issued a challenge to the United Nations by its policy of enslaving the Africao peoples and repressingthe national liberation movements. Portugal% actions are hampering the implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Couutries aild Peoples and the repeated decisions of the Security Council and the General Assembly; they are crimes against maukind and civilication and in flagrant conof my sdatement.

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