S/PV.1306 Security Council

1 should like to draw attention to the two draft resolutions which have beenpresented. The first [S/7541], co-sponsored by Jordan, New Zealand, Nigeria, Uganda and the United Kingdom, relates to the application of Botswana; the second [S/7542], co-sponsored by the same five delegations, relates to the application of Lesotho. 2, I would suggest thac the Council follow the course adopted on earlies occasions and proceed with the discussions in which members Will be free to refer in their statements if they SO wish, to both the pending

1 consider it a great honour for my country and for myself to be asked to make the first statement in support of the two draft resolutions that are before this Council. 1 consider it a privilege because Nigeria, like the two countries whose applications we are now considering, is a fellow State of Africa; because these two countries, when admitted, are undoubtedly going to be great assets to the Africari group, the Afro-Asian group and the Commonwealth to which we belong; and because we have no doubt that both of them are going to live up to the obligations that have been subscribed to by the President of Botswana and by the Prime Minister of Lesotho on behalf of their respective countries. We a11 know what these obligations are: to abide by the principles of our Charter, and to fulfil a11 the obligations that result therefrom. 4. Customarily, when applications such as these are considered a lotis said about the history of the struggle for indeuendence of the peoples concerne& I do not propose‘this afternoon to go into the history of the independence struggle of Botswana and Lesotho. In the first place, 1 consider that the story is well known. lt is a story similar to that of most of OUI’ countries in Africa which are today enjoying membership of this great Organieation.’ I shall content myself with thanking the Government of Britain for releasing these two countries from the state of dependence and granting them the right of self-determination to which we believe a11 people are entitled. May 1 add that we hope that, in accordance with these two examples, Great Britain Will deal with the case of its remaining oolony in southern Africa, namely, Rhodesia, in the same spirit and with equal determination, and that ina very short time I shall be complimenting it fox what it has done. 5, Secondly, K wish to congratulate the leaders of these two countries upon the achievement of independence. While the struggle has been fiercer in some countries than it has proved to ke In others, in a11 colonial countries ithas been a struggle. Nevertheless, 1 should like to stress to the representatives of Botswana and Lesotho today, if they are prepared to listen to a warningfrom one who cornes from a country which only six years ago was enjoying the congratulations of its friends on its independence, that the struggle with future psoblems of national unity and political and economic stability are going to be just as difficult as the struggle for independence. The solution of these problems is going to require great fortitude, integrity and persona1 and collective sacrifice. 6. Again, coming from Nigeria, where we have net yet been able to overcome a11 these problems, 1 cari only wish them a11 the best in the world in their future endeavours to solve these problems. Al1 new 7. I want to assure them that it is one of the most important principles of the United Nations, that no country shall interfere in the domestic affaira! of another, and we, the African members of this Council, Will certainly wish to reaffirm our appeal to a11 the States of the world, and particularly to those which are neighbours of the countries of Botswana and Lesotho, for the sake of the peace of the world, to mind their own husiness and not interfere in the domestic affairs of Botswana and Lesotho. 8. I understand that at this moment we have in New York the King of Lesotho, his Prime Minister and his Minister of Justice and that we also have with us the Fore@ Minister of Botswana, In the name of my country, and in the name of a11 the countries of Africa, 1 wish to extend to them best wishes for a happy stay here and a very happy future for their respective countries.

Much of what 1 should have liked to say has been very ably put by my colleague, the representative of Nigeria, a fellow sponsor of the draft resolutions which are now before the Counoil. But 1 should like to say, in associating myself with the felicitations which have been expressed, as one who has had a long, happy and fruitful association with the people of both Lesotho and Botswana during my youth, how extremely pleased 1 am that these two countries have at last beccme free and independent States. TO me, this is a tremendous victory against the forces of imperialism, for parallel with the usual stwggle for independence against the metropolitan, imperial Powes, there was yet another struggle of the people of both Lesotho and Botswana against their neighbour, South Africa, which for years has been clamouring for the possession ofboth these territories. / / 10, That is now history. 1 should like to congratulate the British on their successful resistanoe of these Pressures which have been exerted for SO long by South Africa. 11. AS one of those countries which have just recently emerged from colonialism, Uganda welcomes the two sister States of Lesothoand Botswana to this Organizatien, and 1 wish them well for the future,

It gives my delegation great pleasure and a deep sense of satisfaction to see the two newly independent African sister States of Lesotho and Botswana joining us here at the United Nations-a11 the more SO since it brings our Organizatien doser to universality, 14. We warmly and sincerely welcome the States of Lesotho and Botswana to this Organization and my delegation feels proud of its share in j oining its efforts with other delegations in implementing the principle of self-determination as prescribedinGenera1 Assembly resolution 1514 (XV), adopted in 1960, thus paving the way for both territories to achieve their independence. 15. We welcome the admission of the two new Members to the United Nations and feel certain that their presence here with us Will contribute to the ideals and principles of our Organization. We congratulate the leaders of the two States; I had the pleasure of meeting them this afternoon on this great day. 16. &Jr. CORNER (New Zealand): We have before us the applications for membership in this Organization of the newly independent States of Botswana and Lesotho, The declarations required by the United Nations Charter having been made, there shouldbe no obstacle to their being admitted. My delegation, a fellow Commonwealth member of the new States and a COsponsor of the draft xesolutions by which the Council would recommend to the General Assembly that they be admitted to membership, earnestly hopes thatunanimity Will greet the draft resolutions. For seldom in the history of this Organization cari applicants have been in greater need of the united support of the whole international community and spectfically of the disinterested moral and material sustenance which this Organization in its most positive manifestations is capable of providing. 17. The vast arid tablelands of Botswana have been devastated by one of the most disastrous droughts of this Century. The immediate relief needs of the people have been met by the World Food Programme and the British Government, but the long-term effect on the economy of the drought and the cattle losses which have followed is incalculable. This extra strain is placed on an economy dependent on a very restricted range of exports and, through virtually inescapable facts of geography, interwoven almost inextricably with that of the omnipresent South Africa. 18. The peoples of Lesotho, whose Will to maintain their identity was already being tested a Century ago, also face a difficult economic future now that they have attained their sovereignty. For while the mountainous region in which they entrenched themselves many decades ago offered a secure haven, it did not offer a generous living. Drought and erosion have reduced the productivity of the soil, and the livestock industry on which the economy is based is suffering heavily at this moment. 20. These two societies, whose respective constitutions are animated by the principles of multiracialism and democracy, offer to southern Africa, a region in which the validity of these prificiples is questioned, working examples of their continuing validity-a sorely-needed expression of belief and hope that the races may indeed live side by side in harmony. 21. In concluding, may 1 welcome the representatives of thc two Inew States who are here with us and wish them well in facing up to the tremendous tasks which lie ahead of them and renew my earlier cal1 for unanimity in support of these applications.

The achievement of independence by the former Territories of Basutoland and Bechuanaland, which have now become the autonomous States of Lesotho and Botswana, respectively, is a further manifestation of the spirit which imbues mankind in this troubled and uneasy twentieth Century. Year by year, this spirit is working to change the course of history and transform the political map of the earth, with a11 forms of colonial rule in the world outlawed, at a pace undreamed of by those very statesmen who, in 1945, defined the frontiers of the ruined and smoking world which semained after the Second World Wsr. 23. Yince the United Nations General Assembly adopted resolution 1514 (XV), its political philosophy has permeated the minds of peoples to such an extent that the predictable revolutions by Africans and Asians to free themselves from colonialism have taken place without major bloodshed, under the influence of the reasoned and logical debates in this building. This is due to the irresistible force of the ideas and noble sentiments of a new breed of men who wield reason instead of weapons and, instead of enemies, have found a new type of humanbeing, more ready to accept their ideas, less weighed down by privilege and more responsive to the guidingprinciples of our informed and united oivilization, which is inspired by the goals set at San Francisco. 24. When this new world based on collective security Was founded in 1945, there were only fifty-one signatory countries. For many years there were sixty 25. 1 had the honour of presiding over the Sub- Committee created by the Committee of Twenty- Four,i/ pursuant to its resolution of 9 June 1966,2/ whose task was ta consider “what measures are necessary for securing the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland”, as requested by the General Assembly in operative paragraph 5 of its resolution 2063 (XX), 26. Fulfilling the Assemblyl s mandate, we discharged with complete dedication and devotion the task entrusted to us in order to facilitate independence, in the most secure and effective conditions, of these two countries, Basutoland and Bechuanaland, which were ready for independence in accordance with their respective constitutional and political procedures. 27. These former Territories, like Swaziland, are b&h enclaves in a region of southern Africa whose political life is in the hands of a non-African minority. We therefore took into account two relevant General Assembly resolutions [1817 (XVII) and 1954 (XVIII)] which stated that “any attempt to annex Basutoland, Bechuanaland or Swaziland, or to encroach upon their territorial integrity in any way, Will be regarded by the United Nations as an act of aggression violating the Charter of the United Nations”. 28. As Chairman of that Sub-Committee, 1 stated before it, and 1 repeat now, that effective international guarantees must be adopted for the protection of these countries, which are exposed to danger from neighbours whose expansionist aims and objectives are notorious and whose policy of ‘apartheid has earned the censure of a11 civilized nations. 1 also said, and 1 repeat now, that the South African Governmentss manifest intention to annex and subjugate the Territories, bath politically and in the spheres of industry, trade and commerce, must be thwarted. The geographical situation and economic weakness of the Territories are factors tempting the voracity of their neighbours. 29. Finally, 1 contended that in this modern world, dominated as it is by economic forces, the political independence of a people is merely a form of words, ineffective and irrelevant, unless, together with that political independence, the newly independent State I/ Special Committee on the Situationwithregard to the Implementation of the Daclaratiion on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples. 2/ Sec Officia1 Records of the General Assembly,Twenty-first Session, Annexes, addendum to agenda item 23 (A/6300/Rev.l). chap. VII, para. 237. 30. It obviously follows from ail this that the United Nations should not only admit the two new States but should also grant them the necessary guarantees and protection to enable them to make abeginning, bearing in mind their special circumstances, which have been recognized by the General Assembly itself in various resolutions. Their new status as Members of the United Nations must give the independent States of Lesotho and Botswana the juridical, political and economic guarantees which were previously difficult for them to secure. 31. Obviously, not everything must be subject to international protection, although, under the Chartex, international protection must be extended to the sovereignty of fledgling States. We must also trust in the free exercise of self-government by theae same States, which have just been bosn for. the peace of the world and now request admission as members of the international community. 32. The delegation of Uruguay Will take great pleasure in voting for the admission of Lesotho and Botswana to United Nations membership. Both States are able to fulfil their obligations under Article 4 of the Charter and it is obvious that they are prepared to do SO, thereby benefiting the international community and safegua-rding their political sovereignty, territorial integrity and economic development. For these reasons, appropriate recommendations must be made to the General Assembly. 33. I would not wish to conclude my remarks without extending a most cordial welcome! to these new nations and, at the same time, congratulating the African States on the addition to their continental family within the other great universal family which includes a11 of us. 34. 1 also wish to congratulate the United Kingdom, the former administering Power, on having carried out with sirength and dignity the sacred mission éntrusted to it of leading these countries to political independence and on having promised them economic assistance in the future. 36. Mr, LIU Chieh (China): My delegation supports thé applications of Botswana and Lesotho for membership in the United Nations, 36, The right of self-determination is an abidingprin- CiPle enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations. One of the principal purposes of the Organization is to promote free political institutions and assure orderly progress towards self-government and inde- Pendence. In this respect, may 1 say that the United Nations has achieved a proud record, as witnessed by 37. The economic situation in Botswana and Lesotho has been the subject of much discussion in the United Nations. At the request of the Committee of Twenty- Four and with the co-operation of the United Kingdom, an economic and tecbnical assistance mission was formed in August 1965. The report of the mission has made it clear that “continued assistance from the United Kingdom and by the agencies of the United Nations on the present scale, or even ona moderately increased soale, would not meet the needs of the situation -. . n.3~ On the basis of this report, the General Assembly has decidedto establish a fundfor assistance to Botswana and Lesotho, as well as to Swaziland. This, we believe, is a step in the right direction and Will help the two new countries to achieve a measure of economic viability that is vital to the maintenance of political stability and national independence. 30. At the independence ceremonies in Gaberones and Maseru, my Government was represented by a special envoy in the person of its Vice-Minister for Fore@ Affairs, who has already oonveyed the best wishes of the Chinese Government and people for the future success and prosperity of the two new nations. We of the Chinese delegation lookforward to the prospect of friendly and fruitful co-operation with the delegations of Botswana and Lesotho in the work of the United Nations,

Two newlyindependent States have appliedfor membership in our Organization and today the Council is meeting in order to formulate its recommendation to the General Assembly. 40. As the process of decolonization follows its inexorable course, the membershlp of our Organization steadily grows. One after the other, Non-Self- Govertig Territories, large and small, acquire the independent status which enables them to join the family of nations. In a11 these cases there is cause for gratification, -since they are the result ofthe self-expression of peoples who have been given the opportunity to state freely in what form they envisage their future, 41. The satisfaction felt by a majority of delegations in the United Nations at the independence of Botswana and Lesotho is unfortunately not unreservedly shared by ail. Discussions in the Committee of Twenty-Four and in the Fourth Committee of the GeneralAssembly have shown that a number of delegations, although recognizing that important political developments have YIbid., Twentieth Session, Annexes, agenda item 23, document A/5958, para. 48, 42. Both Sir Seretse Khama and Mr. Leabua Jonathan applied for membership for their countries immediately after they had been invested with full executive powers. These applications are sufficient proof of the confidence they put in our Organization. My delegation trusts that any appeal they might have to make to this Organization Will be met within the limits of its capa- City. 43. It is therefore with sincere good wishes and the promise of full co-operation that my delegation welcornes the application of Botswana. The application of Lesotho likewise gives my delegation great satisfaction and 1 wish to assure the leaders of that country of thc sincerity of our good wishes. 44. Without hesitation, my delegation Will vote for the draft resolutions recommending Botswana and Lesotho for membership.

At this meeting of tbe Security Council to consider the request of two countries for admission to the United Nations, 1 wish to state, on behalf of the Argentine Government, that we are extremely satisfied to note that the humanfamily is steadily gathering together in this Organization, whose role is to serve as a centre for harmonizing the actions of the nations of the world to achieve peaceful and constructive Coexistence. 46. It is our belief that such actions willbe the more effective to the extent that ail join in them and we therefore eagerly await the co-operation of the Governments of Botswana and the Kingdom of Lesotho with our Organization. First and foremost, we offer them OUT most sincere congratulations on their recent independence and assure them of ArgentinaIs firm support for their admission to the United Nations. Their own philosophy and fresh and vigorous outlook, a characteristic of Young countries, Will doubtless en- Sure that they Will become valuable members of the international community. 47, Botswana and Lesotho are a. further example of the priceless results of a harmonious process of decolonization. Their strength and energies are unimpaired as they confront the grave responsibility cf building a peaceful and prosperous existence for their peoples. We hold it to be very auspicious that, in the achievement of this, they Will be able to Count uPOn the co-operation of the former administering Poser, which has already announcedplans for technical assistance to the new States that will undoubtedly bring them great benefits. Although we have already done SO on previous occasions in similar cases, the 48. 1 now wish to make a comment regaxding the admission to the United Nations of those States which axe xequesting it and on the consequences of Chat admission. The honour attaching to membership goes hand-in-hand with a heavy responsibility. The duties are many, the commitments unavoidable. The Argentine Government therefore takes the view that xule 58 of the provisional xules of proceduxe of the Secuxity Council should not be regarded as a mere formality. 1 hasten to acld that we axe not invoking this rule with a view to excluding anyone, but rather in order to interpret accurately our basic document, the United Nations Charter, and to respect the spixit of it. With that end in view, we feel it appropriate to recall the xemasks of the xepresentatives of France and the United States during the 1243rd meeting of the Council on 20 Septembcr 1965 concerning xule 59 of the provisional xules of procedure, which mentions a committee of the Seourity Council which would examine any application for membership. We think their suggestions warrant consideration, partioularly since it is well known that new territories, some of them extremely small and with very limited xesources, Will shoxtly become independent, 49. In conclusion, we wish to offer the Governments and peoples of these two African States, whose request for admission we are considexing, ArgentinaIs best wishes fox their happiness, pxosperity and progress. We hope to see them take part, duxing this twentyfirst session of the Assembly, in the joint endeavour of the United Nations. 50. Mr, NABRIT (United States of America): It is a double honour for the United States to welcome Botswana and Lesotho to the United Nations, anda double pleasure to welcome their delegations to the Seourity Council today, 51. With a population of over 540,000 and an area of 222,000 square miles, Botswana has been developing progressively, both politically and economically, in the twentieth Century. As a Pxotectorate of the British Crown, its people achieved an increasingly greater share in their own government until gxanted full independence. 52. Lesotho, with a population of 930,000 and anarea of nearly 12,000 square miles, bas also made progressive steps in self-govexnment leading to its present independence. Lesotho was a British colony since its annexation in 1868 at the xequest of the Basuto people. 54. The paths toward world peace and the reconciliation of international differences have proved to be long and arduous. We in the United Nations, therefore, cari offer to these new Members only the prospect of hard work in the service of hopes and ideals that are still unrealized. We know that both Botswana and Lesotho Will accept this challenge with the same admirable spirit of determination, wisdom and moderation that they have demonstrated in the years leading to their recent independence, 55. My Government is especially pleased that Botswana and Lesotho share with the United States the strong conviction that governments, to be effective and strong, must be based on the consent of those they govern. My Government is well aware, also, of the many obstacles that Botswana and Lesotho have overcorne in their praiseworthy drive to build nations where a man’s dignity and worth are not determined by race. This is indeed a victory in the world-wide struggle for the realization of equal rights andopportunities for ail. This achievement brings Botswana and Lesotho to our membership with substantial contributions already in hand. 56. The United States looks forward to increasing the friendly relations that already exist between ourselves and these two new African nations. The contacts and experiences that we already have and have had with each have oonvinced us that they cari and Will make meaningful contributions toward solving the problems that lie before us. My Government Will gladly vote for the draft resolutions for their admission.

The great, flowing river carrying humanity ever closer to the realization of itS ideals of freedom and racial equality for a11 people everywhere has brought to the shores of the United Nations two new African States, Botswana and Lesotho. The Japanese delegation warmly supports their applications for membership in the United Nations. We shall aCCOrdingly vote in favour of the draft resolutions [8/7541, S/7542] introduced by the delegations of Jordan, New Zealand, Nigeria, Uganda and the United Kingdom, and we look forward to welcoming the delegations of Botswana and Lesotho among us. 58. Freedom is a very precious thing, and we greatly rejOiCe that the proud peoples of these two countries, once free, have now had their freedom and independence restored to them. But freedom means a great deal 59. Membership in the United Nations, if one thinke of it in dynamio terms, is a reciprocal process. The Governments of Botswana and Lesotho, in their respective applications for membership, have solemnly undertaken to futiil the obligations of the United Nations Charter. At the same time, when new States are admitted to the United Nations, the Organization as a whole and, because of its special responsibilities, the Security Council in particular, must undertake reciprocal obligations towards the newly admitted Members. 60. With regard to Botsawana and Lesotho, we must be especially diligent. 1 say thfs because the situation of those two countries is quite unique in some respects. Compared wilth many others, they are small countries and, although their people are rich in spirit, economically they are not among the favoured ones. Geographically, they are enclaves within the territory of much larger, richer and more powerful States. 61. Having in mind considerations such as those 1 have outlined, the Japanese delegation, both in the Fourth Committee and inplenary meeting of theGenera1 Assembly, voted in favour of resolution 2134 (XXI), which was adopted by %he General Assembly on 29 September concerning the question of Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland. 1 cannot fail to note in passing that this re solution, which was transmitted to the Council under caver of the Secretary-Genesal’s letter of 3 October 1966 [S/75253, received only two, rather ominous, dissenting votes. The Japanese delegation very much hopes that the draft resolutions nowbefore us Will be adopted unanimously. 62. Anticipating the early admission of Botswana and Lesotho to the United Nations, we welcome their delegations among us, and we now pledge to them OUF warm-hearted co-operation.

The Security Council has before it the communications from Mr. Khama [S/7518], the President of the new African State of Botswana, and Mr. Jonathan [S/7534], the Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Lesotho, acting on behalf of their respective Governments, in which they expressed the destre of those two African States to be admitted to membership in the United Nations. We also note that attached to those communications are the requisite declarations to the effect that Botswana and Lesotho accept the obligations contained in the Charter of the United Nations and solemnly undertake to fulfil them. 65. The people of Botswana and Lesotho have inherited a very heavy burden from the colonial era. Members of the United Nations are well aware of the enormous economic and social difficulties facing the people of these countries. They also know the causes of this situation, causes which have been described in such detail both during the meetings held by the Committee of Twenty-Four in Africa and during the current twenty-first session of the General Assembly, namely, the deliberate policy pursued by the administering Power jointly with the international monopolies of plundering natural resources and ruthlessly exploiting the indigenous African population. 66. It is no secret that during the whole period of colonial domination practically nothing was done to raise the level of living of the population or to create at least the rudiments of a national economy. Al1 freedom-loving peoples express the hope that the political independence of Botswana and Lesotho Will help them to attain economic independence, 67. Appraising the situation realistically, it is difficuit to imagine that the racist régime in the Republic of South Africa Will readily abandon its attempts to interfere in the interna1 affairs of these nations and voluntarily put an end to its infringements upon their sovereignty and territorial integrity. In the face of these constant thseats and encroachments by the Republic of South Africa, our Organization has shown its concern for the interests of the peoples of these countries and its intention to safeguard their rights to a sovereign aad independent existence, 68. May 1 remind you that on 29 Septetnber 1966, the General Assembly adopted resolution 2134 (XXI) and thereby approved the recommendations of the Committee of Twenty-Four concerning the former colonial Territories of Basutoland and Bechuanaland. Those recommendations, it should be noted, include, inter alia, a warning to the Government of the Republic of South Africa that any atternpt to encroach upon the territorial integrity and sovereignty of these Territories following independence-and we should. like to makc this absolutely clen.r-wonld be considered by the United Nal,ions to be an act,,ofaggression, and also that any interference in, tffreir d.omestic a,ffthirs, including their econonnio afpairs, and any hindrance of l-4 - 13 69. We are fully aware that the attainment ofpolitical independence by Botswana and Lesotho means thefulfilment of some of the fondesthopes andaspirations of their peoples, and the Soviet people, together with a11 those who are struggling against colonial enslavement and for national liberation, welcomes the peoples of Botswana and Lesotho as members of the great family of independent African States. 70. I waive consecutive interpretation, on the usual understanding.

The French Government welcomed the independence of Botswana and Lesotho. Today it welcomes their application for admission, sponsored by Jordan, New Zealand, Nigeria and Uganda and by the United Kingdom, which has led them tonational sovereignty. 72. Undoubtedly, the leaders of these two countries Will have to salve the specific problems which oonfsont them, We are sure that they are fully aware of them and Will manage to tackle them, with the popular SU~- port of which they undoubtedly feel the need and with the support of a11 those who hope that the independent like of new States joining the United Nations Will develop safe from all outside interference and in accordance with the Charter, 73. The French delegation ts happy to address to the leaders of Botswana and Lesotho its sincere wishes for the suocess of their noble mission and for the happiness and prosperity of their peoples.

The delegatjon of the Republio of Mali very sincerely rej oice s at the event which has ocoasioned this meeting, convened for the pur-pose of admitting to the United Nations the two States of Botswana and Lesotho, in accordance with resolution 1514 (XV) on the granting of independence to colonial countries and peoples. 75, The delegation of Mali, while warmly reoommending and firmly supporting their admission to the Council, would nevertheless like to cal1 the attention of the Council and the United Nations as a whcle to a fact of whioh a11 are aware, namely, the geographic situation of these two brother States. 76. The delegation of Mali thinks that, inthe circumstances, the new day which is daw-ning over the former British High Commission Territories, which we are very happy to cal1 henceforth Botswana and Lesotho, 77. My delegation hopes that the United Nations will start now to consider whatever measures and provisions may be necessary to preserve and guarantee the territorial sovereignty and integrity of Botswana and Lesotho, which Will, 1 am sure, enable these two new Members to bring to our Organization a contribution which 1 know in advance Will be effective and fruitful. ‘78. It is thus with real and sincere pleasure that my delegation welcomes Botswana and Lesotho to ou?! Organization and promises them, here andnow, the same fsank and brotherly collaboration which it is pleased to extend to a11 brother States in this Organization. In congraiulating once again these twonew Members of the United Nations, the delegation of Mali wishes them courage, good fortune and prosperity in the consolidation of their independence and the hsrmonious development of their countries for the greater good of their peoples. 79. Finally, my delegation considers that the admission of new States to the, ranks of the United Nations must be regarded as a manifestation of the great hope whioh the world places in our Organization, a hope which, in our view, Will be realized only when the universality whioh remains the fundamental objective of the United Nations has been achieved,

As a Member of the United Nations and, in particular, a member of the Special Committee on the Situation with regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, and in full agreement with the policy pursued in that respect, my country, my Government and my delegation cari only rejoice at the fact that two ,African Territories, Bechuanaland and Basutoland, which were hitherto under colonial administration have recovered their independence and become the independent Statesof Botswana and Lesotho, members of the family of independent Afsican StateS and of the United Nations family. 81, Their liberation from the colonial yoke is, unquestionably, the result of the struggle of the colonial PeOPles for their independence and the breakdown cf the colonial system, and it is certainly not due, as scme would have us believe, to the generosity of the 3 SOU~~ West Afrka, Second Phase, Judgment. 1.C. J. Reports 1966, p. 6. 82. While rejoicing at the birth of two new Afrlcan States, Botswana and Lesotho, we CannOt keep silent about the concern we feel for the future development of these countries, in view of the policy pursued by the racist r&gime of the Republic of South Africa, which is a threat to their independence and their territorial sovereignty and integrity. 83. The peculiar circumstances in which these two countries find themselves, after achieving independence as a result of a relentless struggle waged by a11 the African peoples, are well known. We believe that it is our duty to reiterate this concern, which is shared, we know, by the great majority of Member States and whichfound expression in GeneralA&embly resolution 2134 (XXI) on the gestion of Basutoland, Bechuanaland and Swaziland and in the just andproper recommendations contained in it. This concern has bcen expressed also by the various delegations who have spoken at this meeting. We should like also to express the hope that the peoples of these two countries ‘Will, with the help of the United Nations, the Organization of African Unity and the other States which are ready to help them, be able to achieve new successes which will permit them to overcome the grave consequenoes of colonial rule and to safeguard and consolidate their national sovereignty and their political and economic independence. 84. The Bulgarian delegation Will vote in favous of the admission of the two States of Botswana and Lesotho to the United Nations, We shall have great pleasure in welcoming their admission, for we believe that the Security Council and the General Rssembly w-il1 bath vote unanimously in favour of it.

Before i put the two draft resolutions ta the vote, 1 should like, as representative of the UNITED KINGDOM, to say a final Word of welcome on behalf of my country. 86. We aIl warmly welcome the Mini&ers who bave corne from Botswana and Lesotho to watch our proceedings this afternoon: the Minister of State for External Affairs of Botswana and the Prime Ministes of Lesotho and his Minister of Justice, Perhaps might be permitted to say a persona1 Word here. 1 should like especially, if 1 may, to welcome our brother ambassador, who is to work with us, we trust, in the future on behalf of his country: 1 refer ta l’r. Z. K. Matthews. 1 might say, with regard to him that he is one of the outstanding African patriots of his generation. Indeed 1 believe that no African of his generation has done more in the cause of emancipation from ignorance and emancipationfrom oppres- “It seems that 1 cannot too often repeat the creed of my Government, and that is that we intended to establish, have established and are detexmined to maintain, a non-racial, democxatic paxty State, based on universal suffrage and a Government which Will be prepaxed to accept any reasonable constxuctive and constitutional cxiticism by any responsible opposition within a multi-party ,I$ate. It Will, however, be as little pxepaxed to tolerate unconstitutional bids fox power as it Will resist any interference fxom outside. Internally, we axe devoted to the idea of a non-racial State in which no foxm of discrimination whether political, social or economic against any racial group Will be pexmitted. This in itself should provide sufficient gxound for confidence in Botswana. “In OUF eyes, the welfaxe and interests of Botswana corne first, must corne first. My Government and 1 have as oux main abject, the creation and the pxesexvation of a peaceful little corner on the surface of the eaxth, in which, in evexy possible field, the standard of living of the people Will steadily rise, and, as Botswana, we cari take our place amongst the peoples of this woxld, properly and proudly.” 88. Those are the woxds of the Prime Mini&er of Botswana. 1 should like to add to them the words of the King of Lesotho, Speaking on the occasion of the accession of his countxy to independence, he said: “We trust that given youx goodwill and aux own resolution to uphold the basic principles of humanity and international moxality, we shall be able to Play a not unworthy part in that community of free nations which we now join.” 89, Those are the woxds of the leaders of the two new countries that we welcome today. 1 do not think that any of us believe, as qualifications for admission, in the tests of size or wealth ox power alone. At the United Nations oux concern is fox a11 countries and fox a11 peoples. Indeed oux concexn may be greater fox countries which are not large, countries which axe net rich and countries which are not powexful. 1 assure the two new States that our welcome could not be waxmex, nor could oux good wishes for the future be 90. Speaking as PRESIDENT, 1 now propose, withthe permission of the Council, to put the two draft resolutions to the vote, The Council Will first vote on the draft sesolution [S/7541] sponsored by Jordan, New Zealand, Nigeria, Uganda and the United Kingdom, with regard to Botswana. A vote was taken by show of hands. The draft resolution was adopted unanimously.~

1 am happy to state that the draft resolution has been unanimously adopted, and I shall SO report to the President of the General Assembly. 92. The Council will now vote on the second draft resolution [S/7542] which also stands in the names of Jordan, New Zealand, Nigeria, Uganda and the United Kingdom, with regard to Lesotho. A vote waa taken ky show of hands. The draft resolution was adopted unanimousIy.ol

1 am happy to say that that draft resolution also has been adopted unanimously, and 1 shall SO report to the President of the General Assembly. 94. Before we proceed with the remaining item on our agenda we shall suspend the meeting for a short time as requested by some members, if there is no objection. The meeting was suspended at 5p.m. and resumed at 5.25 p.m.

We shall resume our discussion of the agenda which has already been approved, and w,e shall now return to our examination of the complaint submitted on 21 September by the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Letter dated 21 September 1966 from the Acting Permanent Representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo to the United Nations add+essed to the President of the Security Council (S/7503) 96. The PKESIDENT: As previously agreed, 1 now invite the representatives of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Portugal to take their places at the Council table, and the representatives of the United Republic of Tanzania, Burundi, the Central African Republic and Congo (Brazzaville) to take the places reserved for them at the side of the Council table. 5/ sec resolucion 224 (1966). b/ Sec resolution 225 (1966).

We have had a number of meetings on the subject which is now before us, We hope that we cari proceed with our debate and to the considesation of the draft resolution [S/7539] before us. 1 would greatly hope that we may be able to conclude our deliberations today. 1 know that the Fore+ Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo was anxious to conclude the matter as rapidly as possible, 1 would never wish to restrict a free debate in this Council, and if we need evidence of that fact we have only to remember our meeting this morning. 98. On my own behalf, 1 should like to say that 1 shall certainly limit any further comments that 1 ma $ make to an absolute minimum. 1 would therefore, wi h a11 respect, suggest to the members of the Council that we should endeavour, if we possibly cari, to push ahead with our work with the aim of aoncluding the matter this evening.

We have listenedvery carefully to the statements made by the representatives of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and of Portugal, as wellas to the observations made by the representatives of other Governments who have participated thus far in the consideration of the question now before us, It appears to the Japanese delegation that this question is a complex one, but 1 think that there is a general proposition which is pertinent and valid in this case and I should like to state it as follows. 100. The Council certainly cannot condone any action by any Government, or any failure to act, that might have the effect, potential or actual, of intervention in the domestic affaira of another country. 101. We a11 recall the important role played by the United Nations in helping to bring about a Peaceful settlement of the situation in the Congo. We also reCal1 the secession movement of Katanga, the partplayedby foreign mercenaries in that movement being vivid in OUP memory. No one candenythefact that, in the paSt, foreign intervention in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo greatly aggravated the situation in the area. Past resolutions of the Se- Curity Council bave called upon a11 States t0 refrain from interfering in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and to withdraw a11 foreign mercenaries from its territory. 102. Against this background, the “Democratic Republic of the Congo has brought a complaint against Portugal to the &mcil, oontending that, %ccording 103. This complaint was supported and amplified, with information hehad obtainedfromvarious sources, by the Foreip Mini&er of the Congo in his Skd~ment on 30 September [1302nd meeting], and by the Congolese aide-mémoire of 3 October ES/75241. 164, On the other side, in his statement to the Ccuncil on 30 September, the representative of Portngalcategorically denied the Congolese contention, Saying that Vhere are no mercenaries in Angola, nor camps, nor war material meant to distnrb the peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo or in any other place” [1302nd meeting, para. 531, adding that he made this statement with a full sense of responsibility, 105. In the circumstances, with two such diametrically and stxongly opposed contentions presented to us, I must say that it seems extremely difficult for the Council to pronounce any judgement. 106. However, acconnt must be taken of the fact that foreign mercenaries took refuge in Angolaunder Portuguese administration in 1963 and returned to the Demooratic Republic of the Congo with their arms when Mr. Tshombe became Prime Minister in 1964. Because of that fact and the legitimate fears to which it gives rise, the Security Council, as a minimum, in the opinion of the Japanese delegation, should requcst the Government of Portugal to give a firm commitment for the future that. it Will not allow foreign mercenaries to use its territories as a base of operations for interfering in the domestic affairs of the Democratio Republic of the Congo. 107. Before concluding, 1 should like to mention very briefly another matter that has been brought to our attention. 1 think we would a11 agree that the Counoil cannot condone any action by any Government, or any failure to act, that might have the effect, potential or actual, of jeopardizing the persons and property of fore@ nationals lawfully residing in its territory. This proposition is particularly true if there is any question of foreign diplomatie personnel or property being involved. The Japanese delegation therefore deeply regrets the incidents which occurred on 24 September 1966 at Kinshasa. On the other hand, we note with satisfaction the statement made to us by the Foreign Minister of the Democratic Repnblic of the Congo to the effect that, at the highest levels of bis Government, prompt action was taken to prevent any expansion or recurrence of such incidents, 108. 1 must add that my delegation is greatly dist-urbed by what seems to be the increasing frequency of sueh incidents a11 over the world. With regard to the very formate incident which occurred this morning in New York, 1 cannot refrain from expressing onr partioularly deep regret.

Allow me, Mr. President, on behalf of my Government to thank you and the members of the Council for permitting me to take part in this debate. The problem which concerns us today is not a new one. Many of the members present here must know that the problems created by the Portnguese through their reactionary activities in African countries have been brought before the Security Council on several occasions. There is not one independent African State bordering on a Portuguese colony which has not brought a complaint against Portugal in the Security Council. Portugal maintains centres of subversion ail along its borders with African States. It is therefore not surprising that the Democratic Republic of the Congo is bringing a complaint before the Council today. 112. This complaint brought by the Democratic Republic of the Congo has a particular importance for the delegation of the Congo (Brazzaville), firstly, because the Democratic Republic of the Congo has suffered ever since it independence from foreign interference, and secondly, because that Republic and ours formerly belonged to the same Kingdom, the Kingdom of Manicongo, which extended as far as Angola, Even today, there are families which live on both sides of our common border. You cari thus see that disturbances in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are directly felt in our countly. Another reason which prompte& our delegation to ask to participate in this debate is our proximity to the Portuguese enclave of Cabinda, from which mercenaries are also dispatched to commit hostile acts against the Congo (Brazzaville), Thus last June, Portuguese aircraft violated our air space and dropped bombs. 113. The purpose of my statement is not to raise again the incident of last June, of which we informed the Security Council, nor to analyse ail the other acts committed by Portugal aga.lnst the African countries bordering on Territories under Portuguese rule, but merely to draw the Council’s attention to the diver- SiOnary tactics resorted ta by Portugal in order to seject the complaints brought against it. 114. TO demonstrate this, 1 would like, with your permission, to quote some texts. 116. On 10 April 1963, Senegal brought a complaint against Portugal for acts of brigandage and violations of air space. On 17 April, the Council met, At the first meeting, Mr. Garin, who represented Portugal at the time, expressed amazement at the Senegalese allegations and stated: 116, Two years later, the same amazement was expressed during the debate on another complaint brought by Senegal against Portugal. On 13 May 1965, Mr, de Miranda, another representative of Portugal, stated in the course of the discussion: “What of the remaining alleged violations’? Dooument S/6338 does not give a word of elucidation. For that reason, among others, the document was received in Portugal with no small measure of astonishment.” Il 0.. “Therefore it is with utter amazement that Portugal finds the Government of Senegal rushing a second time to the Security Couneil, not only with vague and unsubstantiated allegations but also without making the slightest preliminary attempt to talk matters over with the Portuguese Government, either directly or through mutual friends. n [ 1206th meeting, paras, 9 and 12.1 117. At the beginning of the present debate, this timehonoured attitude of Portugal’s was once again in evidence. Lisbon never seems to be informed of its 0~ actions. IVIr. de Miranda said at the first meeting: Whorn of a11 the embroidery with which this complaint is sought to be dressed up, the Congolese allegation places a specific and clear-eut issue before the Council: are there any mercenaries in Angola? n [ 1302nd meeting, para. 53.1 118. As for the actual facts, since Portugal knows that it is not easy to find arguments in its favour, especially as there has never been any doubt about the reality of the actions giving rise to these complaints, it resorts every time to its well-triedmethod of rejecting the allegations en bloc. 119. These expressions of amazement at the start of the debate and the wholesale rejection at the close are the basic methods whioh the Government of Portugal has always employed on such occasions. They turn up in a11 the Portuguese replies to memoranda or notes of protest sent by Afrioans to the United Nations on account of similar actions in the past. YOU Will, undoubtedly, remember the reply which my Government received from Portugal in connexion with the incident of last June, Portugal, whichno doubt considers itself a developed country in oomparison with ourselves, not only expressed surprise and rejected a11 our accusations outright, but asked us to justify these accusations by supplying information on the speed of the aircraft, their direction of flight, etc., as if, in the panic created by falling bombs, the victims could be concerned with calculating the speed and course of the death-bearing planes flying over their heads. “At this stage of the debate, Imake only this cate... gorical and, 1 believe, sufficient statement.” [u, paras, 53 and 54.1 k@ later admitted that there were planes and equipment in Angola, It is thus obvious that the Salazar Government will not change its tactics. It willdo what it haa always done, namely, continue to reiterate its amazement right up to the end, then make a wholesale rejeCtiOn of a11 the allegations against il: nnd proceed to disregard whatever resolutions *are adopted. 121. But you have heard the pertinent and substantive ..statements of the foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. I do not think that facts could have been set forth more clearly. Names of places occupied by mercenaries have been given, and convincing evidènce has been presented. The names of mercenaries which have been cited in this Council have not been invented, nor are the statements of some of those mercenaries figments of someone’s imagination. The Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo informed us yesterday that he had in his possession Several convincing documents which any members of the Council SO wishing could consult, 122. Nor did the representative of Portugal deny the presence ‘of former Katangese gendarmes in Angola, although he did say that they had a11 left now. But where are the mercenaries who commandedthese gendarmes7 123. Again, there are the arms and equipment stored in Angola which Portugal has no intention ofrestoring to the legitimate Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Why? 1 shall answerthat question myself: they want their ally Tshombé to be able to use them to get back in power. 124, Portugal represents an obvious threat not only to those Territories which it illegally occupies, but to a11 African countries. Since it is public knowledge that the subversive manoeuvres in which it engages are made possible bY the encouragement and support it receives from South Africa, Rhodesia and NATO, 1 think it is to them tbat we must appeal to put an end to these actions which threaten peace throughout Africa. 125. May I now say a few words concerning the draft resolution submitted to the Council. In my delegation’s View, it is too weak. It does not meet the gravity of the situation created by the outrageous acts perpetrated bY Lisbon and its persistence in disregarding the deciSiOnS of the United Nations. This draft resolution, emptied of itsoriginal substance, as the representative

In setting forth its views on the matter now before the Security Council, the Argentine delegation must naturally bear in mind the information placed before it by the representatives of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Portugal, whether in the officia1 documents or in their statements to the Council. The general situation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the continued interest which the United Nations has taken in that country since it achieved independence in July l.96q must also be taken into account Since they are important factors, We are distressed to see that this Young and noble nation is once again constrained to seek United Nations intervention because it considers that its sovereignty and integrity have been impaired by foreign interference. 128. In the case which has given rise to the present meetings of the Security Council, the Portuguese Government has formally rejecte’d the allegations against it, with arguments which appear tous compelling. In other circumstances, such a situation would prompt the Argentine delegation to recommend that the Council terminate its dehate with an appeal to the parties involved to avoid any a& which might aggravate the situation in that part of the African continent. But there are other factors to be taken into account which, in the view of my delegation, justify firmer and more forma1 action hy the Security Council. 129. In the first place, as we have already pointed Out, there is the relationship between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the United Nations. The Organization has made many attempts to assist the Congo in itS firSt years of independent life. This assistance bas been political, military and technical. At a11 times, however, a considerable number of us Member States have been concerned that the Congo Should be able to exist and develop without foreign interference. As early as 22 July 1960, we voted in faveur of an appeal by the Council to a11 States to refrain from acts which would affect the political independence of that country. Unhappily, that appeal 131. This is a situation which the United Nations must not ignore, for it could be a very grave threat to international peace, This being the case, the draft resolution [S/7539] submitted by the delegations of Jordan, Mali, Nigeria and Uganda is, in the view of the Argentine delegation. an adequate expression of the Council’s concern at events which could have repertussions in the Congo and of its desire to give that country assurances that foreign interference in its interna1 alfairs Will not go unopposed. l.32. At the same time, the draft resolution makes it quite clear that the Portuguese Government’s views have been taken into account and that the good faith of its statement that it does not, and Will not, allow Angola to be used as a base for operations against the Congo has been fully accepted. 133. My delegation wishes to draw particular attention to the fact that in voting in favour of the draft resolution it interprets operative paragraph 1 as an acceptance of the Portuguese representative’s statel ment to us that his Government is pursuing a policy of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic OP the Congo. 134. We trust that this sesolution by the Security Council Will help to create a favourable atmosphere in the area, enabling the Democratic Republic of the Congo to live in peaoe. The Foreign Minister, Mr. Bomboko, made a moving appeal to the Security Council at its 1302ndmeeting. describing the sufferings visited upon the Congolese people. In addition to the reasons which we have given, the Argentine delegation Will take that appeal for peace and calm in the Congo into account when it votes in favour of’ the draft resolution before us.

If it is difficult to reach an objective and firm conclusion on the specific charge levelled against Portugal by the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the evidence immediately available to the Council does ,pevertheless tend to confirm one element at least of the latter Government’s fears. The reported incident in Ardeche-that 136. When such a possibility exists, it is appropriate to reiterate what my delegation has already had occasion to state in an earlier debate on another question in this Council, namely, the duty imposed by the Charter on all Member States to refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State is an absoiute one which extends to responsibility for ensuring against improper use of territory administered by it, as is alleged to be happening on this occasion in Angola. 1 would add that this duty does not, in the view of my Government, admit of any exceptions, whether in favour of action directed against an independent State or in favour of a so-called people’s war of liberation. 137. But leaving aside both general principles and the possible threat of moves against the integrity of the Congo from an undetermined source, we corne, as we must, to the actual charge broughtbefore the Council. It is not easy on the basis of the evidence immediately available to corne to a firm opinion about the Government of the Congo’s specifio claim that Portugal is using the Territories in Africa whioh it administers as a base of operations for mercenaries, hired by dissident Congolese, whose mission, is as the Fore@ Minister said, “to shed Congolese blood in ordex to overthrow the legitimate and lawfal authorities of the Congo”. 138. We face here a situation which is becoming a11 too familiar to the Security Council. On the one hand, a Member State brings a charge backed by the sort of circumstantial evidence which the Council has only recently shown itself reluctant to accept-in this case, in fact, evidence that is hardly circumstantial: reports from various sources, including an employee of the Congolese Government; incidents, such as that in Ardéche, which may or may not relate to the specpfic complaint; historical trends which point in a certain direction but are hardly conclusive. On the other hand, another Member State categorically denies the charges, impugns the standing of those whose reports have been bxought forward as evidence, contests the significance of past events, and brings oountercharges. In short, there is no evidence which cari be regarded as absolutely conclusive either way, and the Council is placed, in its present ignorance of the full facts, in the position of having to weigh the unsubstantiated accusations of one Member State against the unsubstantiated denials of another. 140. Undex these circumstances, and short of having an impartial investigation undertaken of a situation in which it is not alleged that an actual act of aggression has taken place but merely that the possibility exists of such a violation of the Congo’s territorial integrity occuring, my delegation supports those portions of the draft resolution placed before us by the representatives of Jordan, Mali, Nigeria and Uganda in which no commitment to either side in the issue of Substance is intended or implied. 141. The preambular paragraphs record accurately the statements made and quite rightly, in the view of my delegation, express the concern ofthe Council over developments. Where there is smoke there is usually fire and, as I said earlier, the Ard&che incident suggests that there may indeedhave been a basis for some, at least, of the fears of the Congolese Government. While not coming down on one side or the other on specifics, the fourth preambular paragraph appropriately reasserts this Council’s interest, wellfounded in the short but turbulent; history of the independent Congo, in the maintenance of the territorial integrity of that country. 142. It is with the first operative paragraph of the draft resolution that my delegation has difficultiea We would have wished that this paragraph could have been more precisely worded SO as to exclude the possibility of misinterpretation. 143, In the view of my Government, the most useful action the Council could take in view of the evidence presented would have been to L&ue the sort of general cal1 contained in operative paragraph 2, to which indeed might usefully have been added a reminder that this responslbility mubt encompass also an active nontaleration of the activities af private groups and individuals directed against the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We feel that such a general cal1 could have stoad on its own, providing the assurance which the Democratic Republic of the Congo is seekingfrom us, but, in the absence of conclusive evidence, expressing no view on this specific charge against Portugal. 1% If we have a further reservation about the text, it relates to the final preambular paragraph. If the “pertinent resolutions” of the General Assembly are held to be those dealing with non:intervention in the interna1 affairs of other States, which is the key-issue of the item before us at the moment, then we would have no objection. But New Zealand cannot be held to be endorsing, by its support for the draft resolution as a whole, General Assembly resolutions which do net relate directly to thiS issue and which New Zealand did net support when they were adopted. 146. These qualifications being made clear, New Zealand will not withhold its vote from the draft 147. If 1 refer to this particular incident it is because the opportunity is offered in the context of the pxesent debate; but the remarks which 1 had prepared are of general application and apply equally to the deplorable incident which occurred in this very city today. The rules of oustornary international law in respect of the inviolability of the personages d diplomatie agents and premises are perfeccly clear: they enj oin inescapable obligations upon the receiving States. At a time when the incidence 0% infringements of such inviolability appears ‘CO be increasing, it may be timely to recall that the principle and praotice of inviolability is essential to the conduct of relations between independent sovereign States.

The French delegation cannot but join with a11 the previous speakers who, in the course of this debate, have expressed the hope that no foreigninterference willdisturb the peaceful existence ofthe Democratic Republic of the Congo. It has always been my country’s policy to oppose such interference, and there should not, in our opifiion, be any exception to that principle. Its application is perhaps even more imperative in a continent where the majority of States have recently achieved independence and have.a greater need than others to develop in order and peace and to reserve a11 their strength fox themselves and not be forced to dissipate il in combating encroachment from outside. 149. France has shown, moreover, as the Foreign Minister of the Congo and the representatives Nigeria and Mali were good enough to mention, that it has not confined itself to the mere statement of that principle, but has applied it on its own soi1 by taking vigorous action to stop the reoruitment mercenaries. 150. In the light of this policy and this situation, my delegation was ready to welcome a recommendation by the Security Council that ail States should avoid any kind of interference in the domestic affairs of any country in that region, and, in particular, the Democratic Republic of the Congo. We nevertheless feel that the Council, which, in our opinion, cannot make pronouncements about possibllities or intentions, has not received absolute and convincing proof of any actual recent interference. 152. Before concluding, 1 would like to say that my delegation was very much saddened to learn of the sesious incidents at the Portuguese Embassy. We noted with interest, therefore, the assurances given by the Fore@ Minister of the Congo regarding the security of Portuguese nationals. It was with similar feelings that my delegation heard the news of the occupation of the offices of the Syrian Mission, and it welcomed the statement of the United States representative, who prornptly expressed his regret and disapproval of such inadmissible breaches of international usage,

The USSR delegation bas, carefully listened to the statements made in thc Security Çouncil by the representatives of African countries-the Minister for Foreign Affairs of ths Democratic Republic of the Congo, the Minister of Culture of Tanzania, and the representatives of Burundi and the Congo (Brazzaville)-as well as those of other representatives. 154. We have also s’cudied the additional documentation placed at the disposa1 of members of the Council. We thus have a complete and clear picture of attempts by the imperialist Powers to use the Portuguese colonies in Rfricafor afresh intervention in the affairs of an African country, the Congo. 155. This is, of course, not the first time that the Security Council examines the tense situation that has been created in respect of the African country of the Congo (Kinshasa). Now, the attention of the United Nations has once again been drawn to that longsuffering African country, whose people, in recent Yeass, have had to undergo such hard trials in their struggle for freedom. 156. Once again peace in that part of Africa is threatencd, just as it was in the past, by the designs of the colonialist and imperialist Powers on the freedom and independence of one of the Young countries. Recent events in and around the Congo provide ample evidence of the fact that imperialist forces are aotiv@ly seeking to preserve their domination in the Congo. The preparation for an invasion of the Congo by colonialist mercenaries from the Protuguese colonies iS merely one of the latest links in the long chain of crime S committed by the colonialist and imperialist powers against thepeople of the Congo in recent years. 167. This series of crimes began, as we a11 know and remember, six years ago when, immediately 158. Regrettably, the intervention of the United Nations in the affairs of the Congo, for reasons which are well known to ail, in fact helped the cause of colonialism and created serious oomplications within the United Nations itself. 159. In 1964, shortly sfter the withdrawal from the country of the so-called United Nations force, the Congo was once again subjected to armedintervention by the imperiaiist Powers. TO put down the struggle which the Congolese people were waging against colonialist domination and fox their own national independence, Belgium, with the assistance of the United States of America and the United Kingdom, sent a shameful punitive expedition to the Congo, Everyone remembers, 1 am certain, that this question was debated in the Security Council, on the initiative of a large group of African States. 160. There cari be no doubt that the latest acts of provocation against the sovereignty of the Congo and the dangerous ‘situation in that country are the direct result of the unceasing interîerence of the United States, the United Kingdom, Belgium and Portugal in the affairs of thc Congo. The aim of this interference is to preserve the former colonial privileges and imperialist holdings not only in the Congo but in other’ African countries as well. 161. This time, however, in order to exert pressure on the Congo and intesfere in the interna1 affairs of the Colgolese people, the plans callfor the Portuguese colonialists and foreign mercenaries to be used as shock troops, SO to speak, and for the Portuguese colonial possessions to serve as military bases. 162. The documents beîore the Council show that Portugal has been concentrating in its colonial Territories bands of mercenaries, including those who fled from Katanga some time ago, for the purpose of invading the Congo, The Territories of Angola and Cabinda are being used as a base of operation for the bands of mercenaries. It is quite clear that the resulting situation constitutes a serious threat to peace in Africa, and, of course, not only in Afrioa. 163. It must be noted that, jointly with their English colonialist partners and the South African régime, 164. Al1 these facts are well known to the members of the Security Council, and 1 would only add that the representatives of many African countries, including those who spoke in the Council during the consideration of the question of Southern Rhodesia, have called for the adoption of stringent measures against Portugal, which is supporting the Southern Rhodesian racists and sabotaging the economic sanotions against the racist Smith r6gime. 165. United Nations organs, including the Security Council, have frequently had to consider questions relating to the criminal policies pursued by the Lisbon régime in its African colonies andits attempts to use its colonial possessions as bases for incursions into independent African countries. 166. As we a11 know, the armed attacks of the forces of Portuguese colonialism on independent African States have been repeatedly examined in the Security Council. On two separate occasions, the Council adopted resolutions in connexion with the violation by Portuguese colonial authorities of the territorial integrity of Senegal. The Council’s attention was also drawn to criminal activities of the Portuguese authoritics against Guinea, Tanzania, the Congo (Brazzaville), Zambia, and other countries. In this year alone, the Council’s attention has on a number of occasions been drawn to Portugal’s unceasing provocation of independent African countries. drew the Security Council’s attention to an attack by PortWuese colonial troops. Similar acts of provocation bave been committed by Portuguese authorities along the fsontier between Zambia and Mozambique. We alto know that, as a result of provocatory acts bY Portuguese armed forces against Senegal, the Security Council adopted resolution 204 (1965) of 19 May 1965, which strongly condemned Portugal and oalled for the taking of a11 effective and necessary action to prevent anyviolation of Senegal’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. In his statement in the Council on 3 Cctober [1303rd meeting], the representative of Tanzania Presented new facts concerning threats and Provocations by Portuguese colonialists against his CountrY, the massing of troops along Tanzanials bordera, etc. 167. In a letter dated 9 June 1966 [S/7352] to the President of the Security Courmil, the Government of the Congo (Brazzaville) reported the bombing of Congolese villages by Portuguese aircraft. In a letter dated 25 July 1966 [S/7430], the Government of Zambia 169. In continuing to pursue in Africa their inhuman policy of repressing by the use of armed force the struggle of the peoples of Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea, and ‘carrying out provocatory acts against independent African eountries, the Portuguese oolonialists enjoy the support of their senior NATO partners. Numerous documents, which are being examined in various United Nations bodies, irrefutably prove that the Salazar régime could not pursue its present policy in Afsica-and would not dare to do so-without the political, material and military support of the principal imperialist Powers. 170. Convincing: evidence of this is to be found in the statements made recently in the Security Council by representatives of African countries. Allow me to q-uote some passages from the statement of the representative of Tanzania, Mr. Mgonja, who quite rightly said that: “Portugal alone is too weak to be able to maintain brutal colonialism, even fox one day more, in the face of a revolt by the African people who have for a long time been subjected to the Portuguese fascist empire.” He also stressed that: n .*. impoverished Portugal derives part of its strength from the NATO military system. Portugal is a member of NATO and has access to NATO military plans, experience and equipment. AU. the lethal weapons used to massacre African populations and intimidate independent African States are supplied by NATO.” [1303rd meeting, paras, 44 and 53.3 171. As the sepresentative ofBulgaria rightlypointed out at the 1304th meeting, the Portuguese colonialists, with the encouragement and support of their allies, are using the weapons supplied to them to pursue the so-called African policy of the military colonialist NATO bloc. 1’72. During the session held by the Committee of Twenty-Four in Africa in the summer of 1966, petitioners revealed the magnitude of the military assistance rendered to Portugal by the Western Powers. The data they gave concerning the types of weapons and military equipment delivered to Portugal through NATO show beyond any doubt that this bloc is directly responsible for the crimes of the Portuguese colonialists in Africa. The weapons and war materialused by the Portuguese troops to put down the national - 173. The role played by the Federal Republic of Ger-a many in the supply of weapons to Portugal is increasing; it has already delivered a vast qnantity of automatic weapons and is continuing to expand and diversify this form of assistance. In 1966, Bonn started deliveries to Lisbon of forty jet fighters of the F-86 C Sabre-type, built, incidentally, under United States licence, This type of aircraft is specially designed for infantry support, particularly in suppressing the partisan movement in the colonies. 174. In his statement, the represallcative of Tanzania mentioned the sale to Portugal of seven United States B-26 bombers, It is truc that the UnitedStates representative hastened to tel1 the SeLwrity Council that the sale in question had been an illegal transaction. In this connexion, it should be pointed out that the Security Council does not tare whether it is United States intelligence or diplomatie service that furnishes weapons to Portugal for the extermination of African peoples; it is of no concern to the Council through what channeïs such weapons are delivered. 175. What matters is something else. What is important is the facts, and they show that the Portuguese colonialsts are receiving large quantities of different types of weapons manufactured in the United States of America ahd in othex NATO countries, and that they are using these weapons against the African peoples who are defending their right to freedom and independence, just as other peoples have faught for their independence in other parts of the world, including this continent, 1’76. There 1s a direct’ connexion between the support given by the Western Powers to Portugal’s colonial policy in Africa and the selfish interests of the great monopolies in the United States of America, the United Kingdom, the Federal Republic of Germany and Belgium, which exploit the natural resources of the Portuguese colonies. It is no secret thatthesemonopolies directly or indirectly control about two thirds-1 repeat, two thirds-of a11 capital investment in the econon-V of Portugal and its colonies. 177. In explaining the material basis for the alliance of the Western Powers with the Portuguese colonialists and racists, which ensures favourable conditions for capital investment in the Republic of South Africa, Southern Rhodesia, Mozambique and Angola, The New York Times of 12 May of this year wrote: ‘Vie Unil;ed States, Britain and other Western Gcuntries are expanding their investments in the X78. Through its arms deliveries and its economic assistance to Lisbon, the United States also “pays” for other @services” rendered by the Salazar regime in connexion with Portugal’s participation in NATO. The Wnited States position with regard to Portugal’S policy in Africa is determined by military and Strategic considerations, such as the use of the large military base in the Azores. 1’79. The imperialist Powers place great hopes also in the military bases in Portugal’s African colonies. These bases play an important role in carrying out punitive operations against the national liberation movement and acts of provocation against independent African States. The facts set out in the statements made to the Council by the representatives of -African countries and in the aide-mémoire [see S/7524] submitted by the Congo (Kinshasa) show that the military bases and camps in the Portuguese colonies arebeing used for the massing of mercenary forces and the preparation of acts of mili.tary provocation against the Congo. 180. We cannot overlook the fact that the intensive training of mercenaries fox an attack on the Congo from the Portuguese colonies this summer coincided, by no means accidentally, with the Congo’s attempts to take measures to protect its economy from the foreign monopolies. 181. Confronted with Stern reality and with theprospect of bankruptcy and complete economic disruption to which that puppet and lackey of the foreign monopolies, Mdise Tshombe, had brought the Congo, the Congclese Government was compelled to take drastic measures against the domination of foreign capital. Certain decisions were promulgated which were clearly damaging to the interests of Bclgian monopolies. These legitimate measures, modest as they were, were greeted with open hostility in Brussels and in the capitals of the other Powers whose monopolies operate in the Congo and which have not renounced the idea of keeping the Congo, by any means that might corne to hand, in a state of economic and political dependence. 182. The increasinglyfrequent acts of militaryprovocation and aggression by Portugal against the independent countries of Africa are convincing evidence that the preservation of the vestiges of colonialism constitutes a serious threat to peace in the African continent and throughout the world. Colonial possessions in Africa are being used ever more openly by the imperialist Powers as spring-boards for intervention in the affairs of sovereign African countries and for aggression and provocation against theirfreedom and national independence. 184. The USSR delegation considers that the Seourity Council should listen attentively to the requests made by the representatives of the Young African countries and should in the most unambiguous and uncompromising mariner, condemn the acts of provocation committed by the Lisbon r6gime against independent African countries and adopt a resolution designed to protect sovereignty of those countries from the intrigues of Portuguese colonialism. 185, The Security Council should, we are convinced, demand the strict observance by Portugal of the United Nations declaration concerning non-intervention in the domestic affairs of States, the protection of their sovereignty and the inadmissibility of acts which constitute a threat to peace and security in Africa. 186. Finally, with regard to the draft resolution [S/7539] submitted by Jordan, Mali, Nigeria, and Uganda, I should like to remark that, although this text mskes certain demands on Portugal, it is nevertheless clearly insufficient. In this connexion, we share the opinion of other representatives, OUF African colleagues, who have spoken on the subject. It is, of course, not difficult to understand why the sponsors of the draft sesolution have submitted suoh a document and why it does not make much stronger demands upon those guilty of interference in the domestic affairs of the Congo. We realize that, if it had depended only on them, the sponsors of the draft resolution would bave preferred to propose much more effective measures to prevent a recurrenoe of any actions constituting interference in the Congols affairs. 187. Nevertheless, since we consider that the adoption by the Seourity Council of the draft resolution submitted by the representatives of African countries will help to put a stop to foreign interference in the Ckm%tiC affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, the USSR delegation Will vote for it. 188. 1 waive conseoutive interpretation, on the usual understanding.

The Seourity Council has been considering a complaint of a serious nature against Portugal submitted by the Democratic Republic of the Congo, The question involves units of mercenary troops to be used to overthrow the legitimate Government of the Democratic Republic of the COngo. We have heard the statements of the representative of Portugal denying the charge. Without going into a lengthy discussion of the faots, which were very ably presented by many of our colleagues around this table, we feel that we should stress the point that acts of interference in the affairs of the Congo Will lead to serious complications in the area, It 1s the duty of the Security Council to take a11 the 191, The statement of the representative of Portugal at the 1304th meeting did not show any change of heart or a change of minci or a change of behaviour vis-à-vis this tragic situation. 192. On the problem before the Council, a11 that we want at this stage is that Portugal should not intervene through mercenaries or otherwise in the domestic affairs of the Congo, and the present draft resolution, co-sponsored by Mali, Nigeria, Uganda and my delegation, which was very ably presented by the representative of Mali, is the least that the Council oan adopt on this matter. We hope that it Will he unanimously adopted and implemented by Portugal and that Portugal will start walkipg hand in hand with the spirit of today, with the spirit of the world of tomorrow and not with the spirit of yesterday. l.93. Mr. HSUEH (China): Mr. President, in compliante with your injunction given us at thc beginning of the meeting and in view of the late hour, 1 shall confine my statement to an absolute minimum, to use your words, of the views of my delegation on the question before us. 194. The Sccurity Council knows only too weïl the stumbling blocks and the pitfalls on the tortuous road travelled by the Democratic Republic of the Congo since its independence six yeass ago. Among them, those created by the problems of mercenaries loomed large at one time or another. The Council cari claim the credit that, by making treinendous efforts to help remove the stumbllng blocks and fil1 the pitfalls, the road of independence has been made passable for the Congo, The Council cari also draw satisfaction from the fact that, as a result ofthese efforts, the Congolese people have been enabled, under a stable Government in recent years, to devote themselves ta the worlr of peaceful reconstruction and economic devel.opment. f98, At the same time, my delegation also takes note with gratification of the statement made during the debate by the representative of Portugal that his CountrY bas not done anything and Will not do anything that may endanger or disturb the peace of the Congo. In Farticular, his categorical. denial that there are any mercenaries or camps or war material in Angola meant to disturb the peace of the Democratic Repuhlic of the Congo or of anyone else 1s reassurlng. 199. Thus, the debate in the Security Council has already produced a tangible beneficial result. It has called attention to a possible serious danger in international relations and has pointed to the way in which aW’ possible misunderstanding between the parties concerneci may be removed. It remains for the Council t0 Put this result on its record. 200. In the circumstances, my delegation finds the draft reSOlUtion now befoxe us useful and acceptable. 201. Mr, BERRO (LJruguay)(translatedfromSpanish): The lack of proof, as defined in procedural law, in support of the contradictory statements by both parties obliges me to refrain from discussing the details of this question and to concentrate on the basic, and somewhat general, theoretical considerations involved in the constructive study of it in relation ta future developments. 202. The entry into the international communiiy as sovereign States of Territories formerly under a colonial r6gime has created a series of problems and conflicts arising from the predominance of certain political tendencies in the ruling circles of such new States. This has given rise to a new kind of interference due to the interest or sympathy of certain Governments whioh support one or other of the groups striving for power in these new independent nations. 203. It likewise occurs that some complex and confused situations, to which the juridical definition of non-intervention cari be hardly said to apply, are brought to the attention of the Seourity Council through excessive zeal or caution. This is not to deny the existence of cases in whichthe valid principle of non-intervention actually is violated, sometimes by one party, sometimes by another, 204. My country has made a veritable cuit of the principle of non-intervention in the interna1 affairs of other States. Latin America’s intellectual and moral efforts may be said to have made a fundamental contribution to the recognition of this standard of conduct in the public practice of modern international law. 205. This outlook, SO deeply rooted in our spirit, impels us to vote in favour of the draft resolution [S/7539] sponsored by Jordan, Mali, Nigeria and Uganda. At the same time, we cal1 on a11 people not to exceed the bounds of their respective sovereignties and to refrain from any act or deed which could interfere with the free development of the sovereignty of other States. 206. The existence of the international community is entirely compatible with individual sovereignty, but individual sovereignty must not exceed its own jurisdiction if the international community is to function effectively. In this way, each State, because of the reciprocal attitude of other States, Will be able to enjoy domestic stability and independence at the international level without let or hindrance. 208. Since the representatives of New Zealand and France have referred to the deplorable occurrence today at the Syrian Mission, I feel obliged to speak out in defence of the principle ofthe extraterritoriality of embassies and missions and of respect for diplomatic immun@. Fortunately, the case brought to our attention this morning was immediately and strongly condemned by the representative of the United States, on his own behalf and that of his Government, the necessary police action being taken immediately at his behest and those responsible imprisoned. Although this incident has no direct bearing on the matter before us, my delegation could not remain silent in view of its dedication to the observance of standards of international law and the fact that the incident had been mentioned in the Council’s debate.

1 do not intend to dwell at length on the evils of Portuguese imperialism, which are too well known and which have been amply expatiated on. 1 only wish to say in passing that the Portuguese brand of imperialism is of a particularly pernicious and mischievous type. This is 50, very much because under the euphemistic appelation of assimilation it is intended to possess a11 the elements of eternity , and partly because Portugal, being a small and impoverished country, cari only retainits imperial chair, which it has Pound exceedingly profitable and comfortable, by resorting to the most brutal methods of repression and oppression. This is hardly surprising, for weaklings are ever anxious to throwtheir weight aboüt and to tyrannize over others. Portuguese colonialism thus poses a threat to internationalpeace, and there cari never be peace in Africa SO long as the Portuguese retain their stranglehold over Angola, Mozambique and so-called Portuguese Guinea. 210. My delegation has listened attentively to the statements made in the Council and notes that there iS a complaint which has been lodged before the Council by the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and a denial and counter-accusations by the other side. Before I refer generally to the issue before us, 1 should like to take up one or t,wo points that were raised by previous speakers; I should like to refer PartiCularly to an exception which was taken by the representative of New Zealand, when he said that he would not support parts of the draft resolution, referring in particular to the preambular paragraph whioh recalls the pertinent resolutions of the Security CounCil and the General Assembly. 211. I only wish to allay his fears and to point out to him that a11 that he is being asked to do is to recall certain resolutions which form part and parce1 of the 212. We ha.ve also been asked, as co-sponsors, to spread the net wider, to embraoe a11 the countries there are in the world. And the argument that has been used is, why piok on Portugal? But a11 1 wish to say in that connexion is that we are at least entitled to a certain measure of credit for having been SO moderate in our request uncler such provocation. Al1 that we are asking is that we should receive some firm commitment from Portugal regarding its future conduct. That is not too much to ask, and it is my hope that members will vote in favour even of operative paragraph 1 of the draft resolution, 213. Yet another question has been put before the Security Council, and that concerns the issue of whether the compIainant has proved its case to the satisfaction of the Security Council, This, 1 submit, at once gives rise to yet anotherquestion: what degree of proof is needed from a Member State which is being threatened by a hostile and warlike neighbour before the Security Council cari be prevailed upon to take whatever action it deems necessary to remedy the situation? Must a Member State prove its case to the hilt or bevond a11 reasonable doubt? Rnd if that were a neceisary sine qua non, what would be the effect of such a recruirement umn the usefulness of the Security Councii as the custodian of world peace and security? 214. Then there is another matter of principle, and the question that has to be posed and answered assumes the form of whether a Member State has to prove anything at a11 to the Security Council, or whether it is sufficient for any Memb&r of this Organization to bring any dispute, or any situation of the nature referred to in Article 34 of the United Nations Charter, to the attention of the Security Council. Here 1 may mention that Article 34 empowers the Council to “investigate , . , any situation whichmight leadto international friction or give sise to a dispute, , , “, hnd Article 35, if I may repeat, empowers any Member to “bring any dispute, or any situation of the nature referred to in Article 34, to the attentionof the Security Council or of the General Assembly” . 215. It would thus be wrong for this Council to adopt fire-engine tactics and to refrain from bestirring itself until there has been an actual breach of thc peace. The complainant, under Article 35, paragraph 1, of the Charter, need not even be a party to the dispute; a11 that is required of him is to draw the attention of the Council to the existence of a dispute or of a situation. Clearly the complainant does not have to prove his facts apart from establishing a prima facie case, and the responsibility has been left by the framers of the Charter with the Seourity Council to 217. It follows that wbere the faots are in dispute and the Security Council is unable to reach a conclusion on the basis of statements presented to it , the sensible course of action is for it to adopta resolution similar to the one which we have put before the members of the Council; or to dispatch a Êact-finding team to the locus quo, with terms of reference for obtaining the faots within a given period of time and reporting back to the Counci.1, where the facts are susceptible of proof. 218. It has been proved already by the previous speakers that the facts in this case are not susceptible of proof. Therefore, 1 need not prove that any further myself. It is absolutely essential that the vital responsibflity of the Security Council to hear a complaint brought to it by any Member State in circumstances envisaged under Chapter VI of the Charter andto take such action as it deems appropriate, wherenecessary, should be upheld and recognieed by a11 Member States. 219, The alternative would defeat the very purpose and objective of this Organization. Member States, big and small, could be threatened by warlike measures; they could conceivably be attacked by modern ballistic missiles or even by high-speed bombers and fighters; and the whole incident, 1 put it to members, could be accomplished with.in a matter of moments, leaving no trace of evidence as to their identity or whence they came. 220. I submit that it should be open forthe survivors of such a disaster to corne to the Security Council in the full knowledge that their case would be sympathetically entertained and, what is more, that appropriate measures would be taken.

We have now corne to the end of the list of speakers in this debate. 1 would wish to make a very short comment of my own on behalf Of the United Kingdom. Thereafter, there is one member of the Council who has expressed the wish to speak before the vote, and three who have expressed the wish to speak after the vote, 299. Speaking for the UNITED KINGDOM, 1 would first of a11 wish to make a very brief reference to the speech made by the representative of the Soviet Union. He made certain accusations against my country and my Government. Certainly, 1 do not propose to Pursue him in the general dissertation on a wide rage of subjects which he raised with us today. But on this particular matter 1 would wishto make a short rePlY, and I would do SO by quoting what 1 have said 223, 1 now corne to the debate to which we have closely listened. It raises for us -one important point of principle. Allegations have been made, andthese allegations have been denied. Whensucha situation exists, my delegation feels that the best basis for a decision would be an impartial investigation. 224. We now have before us the draft resolution [S/7539] which the representative of Mali has presented. I recognize chat a serious effort has been made’ to draft a resolution which could be supported by a11 of us, and we would certainly wish to respond to that effort. 225. There is one outstanding question which causes my delegation some difficulty. It is in regard to the firSt operative paragraph, where, in the absence of an impartial investigation, my delegation still feels doubt. At the same time, we atitach great importance to the main purpose of the draft resolution before us, and in particular to the substance 0: the second operatiVe paragraph. We consider it vital, if the Democratib Republic of the Congo, or indeed any country, is to be permitted to develop peacefully , that there should be no external interference whatever, from any source, in its internai affairs. 226. For these reasons, we join with the representdiVe of France and others who have expressed the hope that the co-sponsors will be prepared to allow a Separate vote on the first operative paragraphbefore proceeding to a vote on the draft resolution as a whole. We express that hope because we are SO anxious to support the draft resolution as a whole. 22’7. Speaking now as PRESIDENT, 1 invite the representative of Mali ta speak, as he has requested, before the vote.

As everyone knows, the substance of the draft reso- 229. When the Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo spoke before this Council, he spoke, as a11 Will remember, without rancour and without anger, and his words were moving, natural and sincere, thus proving once again, if that were necessary, that when Africans bring their problems to you, they do SO with the desire to achieve their end by winning the understanding of their hearers. Ever since 1 have been provileged to work-1 should rather say, to learn-in this important Council, 1 have been pleased to note that understanding is the constant concern of its members whenever a solution has to be found to the grave problems which corne before it. 230. We could have-indeed we should have-as has already been said and acknowledged here, submitted a stronger, and hence more specific and effective draft resolution. But, as 1 have just said, we were counting mainly on the understanding of those who share our concern about this problem. Our great friend the representative of France always manages to express his thoughts with such elegance and depth that one would have to be totally Iacking in scruples to oppose him. Therefore, with the assent and on behalf of the co-sponsors of draft resolution S/7539, which 1 had the honour to introduce to the Council at its 1304th meeting, 1 agree, at the request of the representative of France, the President and other members of the Council, to a separate vote on the first operative paragraph of this text. Hile making this concession, we remain confident that the draft resolution Will receive the unanimous support of the Council members. 1 wish to stress that the draft resolution does not relate only to the Congo, for the problem of interference in the domestic affairs of States is a constant concern of a11 African countries. It is, therefore, a draft resolution which relatedto the whole of Africa, and, on behalf of the co-sponsors and of the whole of Africa, 1 wish to thank in advance the members of the Council, however they may vote, for the understanding and sympathy which they have shown us, 23I.. The PRESIDENT: The representative of the United States of America has asked to speakin explanation of vote before the vote. 23% IVIr. GOLDBERG (United States of America): SlnCe the events which led to the United Nations OPeratiOn in the Congo, the United States has been vitally concerned with doing everything we cari do, throngh the United Nations and unilaterally, to help ensure the security, independence and well-being of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, with which we enjoY good relations. We were strong supporters of 233. We have listened with great concern to the reasoned presentation made by the Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and we share bis concern about the situation in that countïy. 234. We would have been prepared--indeed we are prepared--to support unhesitatingly a cal1 on a11 States not to interfere in the domestic affairs of any other State, including the Congo. Indeed, we would have been further prepared to support a cal1 upon a11 States not to allow their territories, or the territories under their control, to be used as bases for operations for interference by mercenaries or otherwise in the domestic affairs of other States, including specifically the Democratic Republic of the Congo. 235. Now, we have difficulty in supporting operatlve paragraph 1 as it now stands for reasons which have been adverted to by other delegations. It is asserted by the Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo that mercenaries axe being stationed in Angola for employment in the Congo; and this is denied by the representative of Portugal, who offerS on behalf of his Government to open the way for a fa&-finding mission SO thai: the Council candetermine the disputed fa&. 236. In the presence of this conflict, and in the absence of any Securiiy Council action on the Port~- guese proposa1 for a fact-finding mission-and, our view, this Council could take action to ensure that that mission would have complete access to the fac&,-we find it difficult to make an enunciation at this stage of OUT proceedings in the particular terms of operative paragraph 1. 237. We too recognize and coinpliment the representative of Mali and the other co-sponsors on their attempt to find a common ground SO that a11 cari be together; and we welcome very much the statement he just made, which permits a separate vote, SO that, in the final analysis, whatever our reservations rndy about specific language, we cari corne to a common meeting in a resolution which expressed the view of this Council that a11 States ought to refrain from interfering in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Conoo, and, indeed, that mercenaries are not to be employed by any State to interfere in the domestic affairs of other States, including the Congo.

We now corne to the stage of the vote. The representative of Mali, on behalf of the co-sponsors of the draft resolution, has indicated his readiness to accept a separate vote onoperative paragraph 1 of the draft resolution. Therefore, we shall proceed by voting firat on operative paragraph 1, and then on the draft resolution as a whole. 240. 1 cal1 on the representative of the Soviet Union, who, 1 assume, wlshes to speak on the question of the vote.

We have listened very attentively to the statements of those memhers of the Security Council who have explained the difficulty of their position with regard to operative paragraph 1 of the draft resolution submitted by Jordan, Mali, Nigeria and Uganda. That paragraph states that the Security Council: “Urges the Government of Portugal, in view of its ownïement, not to allow foreign mercenaries to use Angola as a base of operation for interfering in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo”. 242. In a11 humility, 1 cannot understand the reasons and considerations put forward just now by certain delegations which, supposedly , should convince us that there are certain circumstances which dispense them from adopting this simple and clear provision. This verges on the absusd. The Government of Portugal itself agrees with the description of the situation given in that operative paragraph. The’ paragraph says ” . . . in view of its own statement”. Does this mean that other countries are casting doubts even on what is admitted by the Government of Portugal? 243. In the circumstances, it is very difficult to understand the position of those delegations. We have the impression that we are coming to thepoint where, whether we like it or not, the draft resolution Will be reduced to the elementary psovision contained in our Charter, namely, that a11 States -inust refrain from interfering in the domestic affairs of other States. 244, If that is SO, what purpose is there in discussing this question in the Security Council, what are a11 the WOrds uttered here worth, and how Will the Security CounCil look if we emasculate this draft resolution by removing its very essence, contained in operative Paragraph 17 What, Mr. President, are you aimingat, if 1 may ask? At having us vote on what remains of the draft resolution, namely, operative paragraphs 2 and 31 What need is there for that? Are we ourselves ?aating doubt, as it were, on the basic principles

The matter will be settled,as it should be settled, by the free vote of the Council.

Mr. President, we have an established procedure. 1 didnot waive consecutive interpretation, although 1 was very much tempted to do SO. I would ask thatthe usual procedure should be followed and my statement interpreted into Englfsh and, of course, into Fsench. At this point the consecutive interpreotation into English of the statement by the USSR representative was begun. 248, The PRESIDENT: 1 cal1 on the representativeof New Zealand on a point of order I presume?

Yes, Mr. President, 1 speak on a point of order. 250. 1 did not presume to interrupt the representative of the Soviet Union while he was speaking, but may I place on record the view of my delegation that his entire statement was out of order, the voting process having already commenced. 1 believe, therefore, Mr. President, it is in your discretion whether you recognize the statement that was made or not.

1 think, havingheardthe statement, we shall als8 have to hear the interpretation if it is the wish. 1 cal1 on the representative of Bulgaria on a point of order.

Mr. President, 1 merely wanted to ask you whether , when the consecutive interpretation of a statement is in progress, a representative may raise a point of order and proceed to speak on it. 1s it right to interrupt the interpretation of a statement? I wished to put that question to you because, while it is, of course, permissible for the representative of New Zealand to interrupt the representative of the Soviet Union when he is speaking, he may not do SO once the interpretation has begun, 253, The PRESIDENT: 1 cannot refuse apoint of order when it is raised. Nevertheless, since it is the desire of the representative of the Soviet Union to have an

We shall now proceed to the vote. The Council Will vote first on OperatiVe paragraph 1 of the draft resolution [S/7539], which reads as fullows: IjUrges the Government of Portugal, in view of its own statement, not to allow foreign mercenaries to use Angola as a base of operation for interfering in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo Il. A vote was taken by show of hands. .In favour: Argentina, Bulgaria, China, Japan, Jordan, Mali, Netherlands, Nigeria, Uganda, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Uruguay. Against: None. Abstai$ng: France, New Zealand, United Kingdomof Great Britain and Northern Ireland, United States of America. Qperative paragraph 2 was adopted by 11 votes to none, with 4 abstentions.

Operative paragraph 1, therefore, remains part of the draft resolution. The Council Will mow vote on the draft resolution [S/7539] as a whole. A vote was taken by show of hands. The dratt resolution was adopted unanfmously. 7/ 256, The PRESIDENT: We shall now proceed to hear explanations of vote after the vote. There are four delegations who have requested to speakafterthe vote, and 1 shah now cal1 on them.

1 should lilre, first of all, tothank the representative of Mali, who, in extremely friendly terms, kindly agreed, on behalf of his colleagues and cosponsors, the representatives of Jordan, Nigeria and Uganda, to accept the proposa1 which 1 made. 258. 1 should add that, although my delegation did not oppose the inclusion of the second preambular paragraph, beginning with the words “Talting note of the statement of the representative of the Democratic Republic of the Congo”, the position of my country on this point, which is well known, remains unchanged. Q’e bave always consiclered, and we still consider, that the question whether a territory is non-selfgoverning or not may not be decided by the United Nations against the wishes of the State concerned. 25% 1 accepted this second preambular paragraph, firat, in order to facilitate the vote which has just kaa taken, and, secondly, because the words “Angola 3 Se resolution 226 (1966).

1 now callonthe represslltatiVe of Portugal I 261. Mr. DE MIFL~NDA (Portugal): My delegationhas already commented at length onthe iniquitous character of the text of document 5/7539, a text Chat is repugnant to the logic of the facts and to a sense Of falr dealing. My delegation is not surprise& though it deeply regrets, that such a text has been approved. 262. My delegation wishes to express its appreciation and thanks to the members of the Council that abstained in the vote on paragraph 1 of the text and also to those members who in wise and realistic terms, deplored the attack on our Embassy in Kinshasa. 263. Pinally, my delegation - wishés eo formulate its most firm and forma1 reservations wlth regard to the resolution that has just been approved.

Mydelegationvoted for the resolution just adopted, including operative paragraph 1, on the clear understanding which 1 expressed in my intervention at the 1304th meeting, namely, that this resolution does net imply any condemnation or judgement, because in our opinion the evidence available was insufficient for such a judgement. My delegation voted for the resolution because it gives the Government of the Republic of the Congo the assurance of freedom from intervention îrom outside which it seeks-an assurance which, in our opinion, the Government of Portugal has implicitly given in its statements and whichit is, in view of these statements, determined to abidel by.

My delegation voted in favour of operative paragraph 1 of the draft resolution for the same reasons as those given in his speech today by the representative of Argentina, who said: “My delegation wishes to drawparticular attention to the fact that in voting in favour of the draft resolution it interprets operative paragraph 1 as an acceptance of the Portuguese representative’s statement to us that his Government is pursuing a policy of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.” We share those views and 1 would ask the President to arrange for my explanation of vote to be noted in the records. 266, The PRESIDENT: The Foreign Minister of the Democratic Republic of the Congo wishes to speak, and I give him the floor now. 268. 1 wish to stress that my delegationandthe other African States Members of the United Nations have asked for a minimum. Inother circumstances we would have been tougher, but we have shown moderation, in the hope that the Lisbon Government Will understand this attitude and that, in future, it Will show respect, in its dealings with the Democratic Republic of the Congo, for the basic principles which govern this Organization, including that of non-interference inthe domestic affairs of States, which is one of the bases on which this Organization is founded. 269. We hope alsp that the other Member States Will heed the appeal addressed to them in the draft resolution and respect the territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its institutions, ,whether they approve of them or not. That, 1 believe, is the very basis of this principle of non-interference in the domestic affairs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo or of other States. 270. It seems that there was, at one point, some reluotance to accept what the Portuguese Government had stated through its representative. This leads us to ask: why should we be asked to trust the Portuguese Government when others are reluctant tc accept that Government’s statements? 2’71. Nevertheless, this observation does not detract from the satisfaction which my delegation has felt during this debate, and, on behalf of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1 wish to thank you, Mr. President, once again. 212. With regard to the incident of the sacking of the Portuguese Embassy at Kinshasa, to which allusionhas been made, 1 wish to stress what 1 stated at the beginning of this debate, namely, that my Government, which respects the principles and traditions that govern relations between States, greatly deplored that incident and has taken steps to avoid any repetition of it. 1 described then the measures which we have taken to protect not only the members of the Portuguese Embassy but also a11 Portuguese nationals. 273. Al1 of us here are concerned about this problem. The incident which took place this morning, which we a11 deplore, shows that it is a problem which arises net only in Africa but also in the best organized countries, where the police system cannot be compared to that which exists in our developing countries. We may thus hope for some measure of indulgence, and 1 do not think that such an incident should he taken as typical or that it should be thought that it is only in Africa that failure to respect diplomatie traditions occurs or that there is a desire to introduce into diplomatie practice procedures which might be oalled primitive or savage. 275, I wish to stress this because the persistence with which certain Council members have dwelt on the incident at the Portuguese Embassy might have given the impression that in the Congc there is no concern for thc; protection of diplomatie personnel.

This concludes the work of our present meeting, We had agreed this morning to meet this evening at 9 o’clock, but 1 would suggest that, in order that we may return suitably revived and refreshed, we might hold our meeting at 9.30 p.m. The meeting rose at 8.5 p.m. tithb in UN. Price: $US. 1.00 (Or equivalent