S/PV.1314 Security Council

Before we adopt the agenda, 1 wish to say a few words of appreciation to our distinguished colleague Lord Caradon, as well as his capable deputy Sir Roger Jackling, who presided over the Council during the busy and difficult period of Council meetings in October. 1 am sure that a11 the members of the Council share my particular fondness for Lord Caradon as a human being and as a person who is SO closely identified with the work of the United Nations. 1, of course, have particular regard for him because, like myself, and like some others, he also shares responsibility as a cabinet officer of his Government. 1 am sure that our esteem for our retiring President is buttressed by hisunfailinggoodwill and equanimity and good humour during the past month. 2. Sir Roger Jackling has had the great fortune to divest himself of his responsibilities one day after assuming them. 1 think this is something that perhaps at various times in our deliberations a11 of us would welcome. But, as he always does, Sir Roger also demonstrated, in the brief period in which he acted in Lord Caradon’s absence abroad, his ski11 and impartiality as a professional diplomat in his contribution to the Council. This is, of course, well known to a11 members who have enjoyed his friendship for several years. 3. I want to thank Lord Caradon and Sir Roger for their skilful and impartial administration of the affairs of the Council, 5. Sir Roger Jackling was, I understand, in charge of this Council when 1 was away and the meeting over which he presided, SO it was reported to me, was short and sweet. 1 do not think those adjectives could be used in connexion with the previous period during which 1 was in control of the Councilts affairs. But I would go on merely to say that 1 confidently trust that, in the control of our deliberations and in the results which are commensurate with our duties in this Council, you, Mr. President, willenjoygreater success than 1 achieved either in the control of our deliberations or in the results which we were able to register. And in that spirit we shall embark on the new month with new hope, not forgetting that when you previously presided over this Council we were able, under your guidance and direction, to score one of the major successes of the Council in the past.

1 thank you, Lord Caradon, for your remarks which, as usual, are overly kind and generous. Adoption of the agenda The agenda was adopted. The Palestine question Letter dated 12 October 1966 from the Permanent Representative of Israel to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/7540)

In accordance with the decisions taken previously, 1 shall now, with the consent of the Council, invite the representatives of Israel, the Syrian Arab Republic and the United Arab Republic to take their seats at the Council table in order to participate without vote in the discussion. At the invitation of the President, Mr. M. Comay (Israel), Mr. G. J. Tomeh [Syria) and Mr. M. A. El-Kony (United Arab Republic) took places at the Council table.

In light of the requestpresented by the representative of Saudi Arabia at the 1312th meeting on Friday evening that hebe invited to address the Council on the question, and bearing in mind what was said on that occasion and at our 1313th meeting on Monday afternoon, 1 now propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite the representative of Saudi Arabia to take a seat at the Council table in order that he may address the Council. At the invltation of the President, Mr. J. M. Ba.ro&y (Saudi Arabia) took a place at the Council table.

The Council will now resume discussion of the item on its agenda. 1 invite the representative of Saudi Arabia to address the Council and, before doing SO, wish to express my appreciation and that of the members of the Council to him for his 10, Mr, BAROODY (Saudi Arabia): Mr. President, 1 am indeed thankful to you and to the members of the Council for allowing me, once again, to make a statement, enabling me to comment on the various aspects of the debate that have become quite apparent since 1 last addressed the Council. Furthermore, 1 shall define the policy of my Government in this statement. 11. Before 1 proceed further, Mx. President, 1 should like to ask you to be kind enough and make sure that the United Nations guards stationed among the public in the gallery are more than ever on the alert should any “Minutemen” who may have corne to the Council take some drastic action, for after a11 we are keeping çompany around this table with some of our communist and leftist colleagues. 12. The United Nations is an accessible open forum and far from being an impregnable fortress in the midst of New York City. nMinutemenn need not wear clocks on their chests for a11 to see as ta when they should strike in a split second. Give me Bible thxowers, like we had the other day. Any time. For that book is replete with wisdom. But 1 do not know what a “Minuteman” with lightning speed might do, 1 wrote these words last Sunday, before it was announced that the United Nations Headquarters was to be a choice target for some of the “Minutemenn.

Let me observe to the representative of Saudi Arabia that 1 am sure the personnel assigned by the Secretary-General, as always in the past, Will perform their duties.

1 am sure that they Will, Sir, and that under your Presidency they Will be even more alert. 15. It is, indeed, ironical that 1 should be given the floor today on 2 November. Today is the birthday of the perfidious Balfour Declaration. This date has been a day of mourning to Palestinians a11 over the world. It Will stand in history as exemplifying the deceit, duplicity and dastardly equivocal policy of the empixebuilders. Thank God they are no longer with us. 16, Not only have various members of the Council defined their positions cleaxly, but two of themnamely, the representatives of the United Kingdom and the United States-have crystallized the policy of their respective Governments in a joint draft resolution dated 27 Octobex 1966 [S/7568] which, in some paragraphs, went far beyond the complaint of Israel against Syria. The Govexnment and people of Saudi Arabia oannot remain silent, in view of what has emerged from the joint draft resolution. is incompatible with the inalienable rights of the indigenous people of Palestine, 18. 1 have been authorized to make thepositionof my Government patently clcax, lest any member of the Council might labour under any false impression that Saudi Arabia is complacent with respect to any endeavour on the part of certain Powers to act in collusion with one another to liquidate the Palestine pxoblem to suit the designs of the usurper Zionist State. 1 said, Mr. Pxesident, “in collusion” and 1 repeat, “in collusionn . 19. The year 1956 is still fresh in our memory. 1 wish only to refer you ta an article which was published three days ago. It is an article from the New York World Journal Tribune, of Sunday, 30 October 1966, and is entitled “The Txuth About Suez, What is it? Ten Yeaxs Later” by Don Cook. I arnnot going to encumber the Council with long quotations. Suffice it, that 1 Will read the following lines from that article: “One week later, on Oct. 23, Ben=Gurion flew to Paris with his chiefof staff,,Maj.-Gen. MosheDayan, At a villa at Sévxes, Mollet and Pineau were waiting. There the final plans for the Israel attack and French and British help were completed. “Al1 the principals pledged lifetime secrecy about the pxoceedings at Savres, but as Hugh Gaitskell, then leader of the British Labor party, remarked 10 years ago: ‘sooner or later one of them will begin talking and it Will a11 corne out.‘” 20. 1 for one, on 1 Novembex 1956, defined that collusion and desoribed it in my speech from the rostrum of the General Assembly and 1 shall not qucte from it for it is on record, 21. At this stage of my statement it is my duty to give fair waxning that the people of Saudi Axabia, and 1 believe, Axabs everywhere, are SO inflamedregretfully so-about the Palestine question-regretfully, but rightly so-that one day they Will erupt and the consequences shall, indeed, be SO great that it will be hard fox any great Power to contain the ensuing conflict. 22. What 1 have just said is not being said in the spirit of a threat; far be it from me, committed as 1 am to the United Nations, like everyone of you sitting here around this table, touse the Council as a platform for engaging in bombastic deolarations. 1 am trying to reflect the mood, the sentiments, the feeling of the Saudi Arabian people, and as 1 said, 1 believe, Arabs everywhere, on this question. 23. Again, fair warning, as 100 million Arabs feelso deeply on the Palestine question that they will xise as one if certain Powers, in particular the United Kingdom and the United States-whose successive 24, 1 take this opportunity to point out to you that if we are going to resost to the antiquated methods of diplomacy used skilfully since the Congress of Vienna, when Metternich and Talleyrand were the chiefactors, a policy that has backfired and led to many conflicts during the nineteenth Century, 1 think, inasmuch as 1 am committed to the United Nations, that from what 1 see, this Organization Will also founder. That is why 1 have chosen, since 1 joined the United Nations, to speak unequivocally, with oandour, although the truth might hurt. 25. Not long ago, in one of the oommittees of the United Nations, we pronounced ourselves on thequestion of South West Africa. This reminded me of the days when I was an informa1 observer, during the 193O’s, in Western Europe-an observer of the League of Nations. And 1 cari assure you that 1 find the same pattern unfolding hese in the United Nations, the pattern which led to the foundering of the League of Nations. missions nous sommes 26. I shall quote, from that liberal newspaper, The Observer, of Sunday, 30 October 1966, a dispatch from Stanley Uys, datelined Cape Town, 29 October: The Observer, “The whole territory is calm. The vote”--meaning the United Nations vote-“was not unexpected. It is .just another of those resolutions which the UN has been passing for twenty years and which for one reason or another it has not beenable to implement. Everyone here”-meaning in South West Africa-“bas unlimited faith in the South African Government, which has given the assurance that South-West Africa is part and parce1 of South Africa and Will remain that way.n 27. 1 remember the League of Nations; 1 remember how many resolutions wese not implemented, with the result that the League of Nations foundered. Likewise, on this very fiery question of South West Africa, many resolutions have been passed, only to become academic. Let us not repeat a sad episode in the history of international organizations. 28. 1 need not repeat what 1 said about this fictitious Mandate, It was naught but colonialism in disguise, not dissimilar to the Mandate transferred by the United Kingdom to the Union of South Africa. In that case it was even worse, for Palestine, through manœuvring in the United Nations in 1947-a matter to which 1 need not refer further here, since I dealt with it in detail in my last statement-was given t0 alien Zionists who came from Europe, nialisme mandat transféré pas 29. A few moments ago, 1 mentioned that the whole Arab people are inflamed, which is afact, because the enclave, where Israel was foisted upon the indigenous 30. Palliatives will not solve the problem; censuring one party or another for so-called incidents Will further aggravate the situation, Nothing-not even the duplicity of the United Kingdom, nor the might and wealth of the United States-cari heal the body politic and social of the Arab world, or, 1 dare say, of the whole Middle East, as long as the abscess in Palestine remains to keep the entire area inflamed. 31. It was duplicity and deoeit that led to the dastardly act of trampling upon the natives of Palestine. Let there be no mistake about the grave consequences, if certain Western Powers refuse to admit the facts and face reality. Only those Powers whichviolated the right of the indigenous people of Palestine to self-determinatien are in a position to prevail upon the Israelis-and by Israelis, 1 mean the militant Western Zionists and not our brothers, the Oriental Jews-to return to their countries of origin, instead of permitting these militant Western Zionist to involve the Western Powers in a bloody conflict which would be impossible to contain. 32. Throughout history, power and wealth have tended to make certainGovernments too self-righteous. Iurge those who are abetting Israel in suicida1 policies not to be SO self-righteous and act as if, due to their might and affluence, they have a monopoly on wisdom. 33. In my last two statements to the Council, 1 developed my thesis on the Palestine question and, by adducing facts, endeavoured to prove the following points:. 34. First, Judaism is a religion and not anationality, as, likewise, are Christianity, Islam and other religions. 36. Secondly, the torch-bearers of militant Zionism have always been European and Amerioan, most of whom, ethnologiaally, were not Semites. 36. Thfrdly, these militant Zionists used Judaism, a noble religion, as a motivation for their own political ends, and hen&? they played upon the sentiments of Jews who had been persecuted in Europe and quite often treated with contempt in the United States, which, indeed, was most deplorable. 37. Fourthly, Theodore Herzl’s dream for the ingathering of a11 the Jews in the world, in Palestine, has failed, since the enclave of Israel cannot absorb a11 the Jews in the world, who total some 1’7 million, Al1 the Jews in Israel, half of whom are Oriental Jews, constitute only 1’7 per cent of the Jews in the world. Thé birth-rate of our Oriental Jewishbrethren there is 44 per thousand. They are very fertile and very fecund. The European birth-rate is lower: 26 per thousand if memory serves me well. Befose long, our 38. Fifthly, had it not been for the betrayal by successive United Kingdom Governments since Balfour’s time, when this sacred trust was placed in that Government under the Mandate, and had it not been for Zionist pressure which in the United States culminated in Mr. Truman’s arbitrary policy and which led to the imposition of a European colonial incursion on the indigenous people of Palestine, there would have been no Arab-Israel problem, nor even an Arab-Jewish problem, because it is not germane to the mores of the Arabs to fight, to persecute or to kil1 any Jew living amongst them. 39. Sixthly, the military Zionists, in repeated declarations, have stated that the primary loyalty of every Jew in the world should be to Isxael, irrespective of the nationality to which he belongs. Hence the militant Zionists have introduced the notion of dual nationality, or what may be called “split loyalty”. 40. Seventhly, the Zionist claim to Palestine on religious grounds is refutable because the Jews are as diverse as the adherents to any other religion such as, for instance, Christianity or Islam. Palestine is the Holy Land for Christians and Moslems also, not exclusively for Jews. 41. Eighthly, Zionist claims to Palestine on historical grounds have also been refuted sinoe the original Semitic Jews hailedfrom Mesopotamia as a tribe which invaded Palestine three thousand years ago and, subsequently, twice were subjected to dispession-by the Babylonians and the Romans, As far back as 1,800 or SO years ago, the present indigenous people of Palestine-and many of them may have been Jewshave continually lived in that country, Accordingly, the historical argument is untenable, for if it were to be made valid, many people-such as the American Indians, and the Arabs, for that matter-could on historical grounds lay claim to the United States of America and to the Iberian Peninsula. The Arabs remained for eight centuries in the Iberian Peninsula. If such a claim as that which the Zionists are making is rightful, the attempt of Mussolini to resuscitate the Roman Empire need not have been looked upon with derision and contempt. 42. Ninthly, the humanitarian argument-cited not only by the Zionists but also by those Western Powers who helped them entrench themselves in Palestinewould only have been valid if Palestine had been an empty desert, with no indigenous inhabitants. In trying to alleviate the sufferings of the European Jews, the 43. Tenthly, since the League of Nations and the United Nations itself do not seem to have transcended the policy of the balance of powex, or the obnoxious policy of “divide and rule”, these Powers apparently, or only partly, have been motivated by humanitarian considerations. Hence the Western Powers, insteadof upholding the lofty principles of the United Nations Charter and its high ideals-which they profess-do what? What do they do but drive a wedge into the side of the Arab world and establish an Isxael enclave, which may corne in handy for their intexvention in the affaixs of other States. TO wit-what happened in 1956. The flagrant collusion with the usurper State of Israel is now a historical fact, about whichbooks and articles are published nowadays, by objective European and English writexs. 1 cari cite a newspaper article about what happened in 1956. When 1 was in London last summer, the Sunday Times, 1 believe, was serializing a book about what happened in 1956-in 1956 when, 1 am glad to say, there was a Conservative Government in power, not the Government of my friend, Lord Caradon. Furthermore, one has only to read Mr, Eden!s memoirs and the latest work by Moshe Dayan, or the writing of the boastful Irgun terrorists to verify what 1 have just said. 44. Whorn do these Western Powers think they are fooling with their milk of human kindness? Corne now, let us be frank here. Destructive fires cannot be hidden under the bush of the United Nations. This is impossible, Let these Powers stop using mellifluous phrases about peace; let them stop hammering about having always espoused the highest prinoiples of democracy. What kind of democracy is this which allows a State to give away land that does not belong to it’? What sort of democracy is this which sells a whole people down the river, as has been done with the peopIe of Palestine? Wbat kind of democracy is it? Shall 1 use the same mellifluous phrases? No, That was the style of the League of Nations-and it foundered. It was the method of Talleyrand and Metternich, who served their purpose in their own era. 45. But this is an open forum: the truth should be expressed here even though it hurts a11 concerned, even though it hurts me to say these words and it is not easy for me to say them. This is nothing but democxacy perverted, democracy which retains only the husk, as the kernel has already been devoured by the worm of abuse, 1 repeat-it is nothing but perverted democracy, retaining only the husk. The kexnel has already been devoured by the worm of abuse, 46. It is most unfortunate that certain Western Powers have used both the Jew and the Arab as pawns in theix power politics. It is most deplorable that in SO doing these Powers have oontributed immeasurably 47. Lest my words of warning be brushed aside as emanating from an Arab, may 1 be permitted to quote a passage wxitten by a noble-spirited Jew, the late William Zukerman, who was SO described by an erstwhile Zionist, another noble-spirited Jew, none other than Mr. Moshe Menuhin, the father of the illustrious virtuose, Yehudi Menuhin. In this passage, which appears in a book by Mr. Moshe Menuhin, the late Mr. Zukerman wxote: permettrai Menuhin, M. Zukerman flThe Arabs have lost, by the emergenoe of the State of Israel, their homes, fields and oountry, which, as history has show-n, cari be regained. But the Jews are in mortal danger of losing their SOU~S and status as a people of justice and mercy which was their most precious possession for centusies. “The Christian world too, now better disposed toward the Jews than at any previous time, is not likely ta forget the tragically dramatic moral paradox of our time, that Jews, the most pitiful victims of exile and oppression in history, were the first to use the same methods which had been used against them, and inflicted the tragedy of exile on other people because this helped to build more conveniently a new State. And, are truc Christians ever likely to forget the spectacle of American Jews, prosperous, rich and self-satisfied, not only not protesting against this act of brute force, but supporting It munificently, justifying and glorifying it as an act of justice and heroism? “1s a11 this not too great a price to pay for a State?” U These are the words of Mr. Zukerman, a brother to humanity, not only a Jew. He is dead, but his voice cannot be stifled for his words live on. Indeed, Mr. President, the price has been robbing a whole people of their country. pays. 48. Indeed, the price has been to coop up over a million and a quarter Palestinians in camps where they live on a pittance of seven cents a day, whioh is the price of a tabloid newspaper in this country. Less than a dime, which nowadays is the least that a person feels he ought to give a beggar in the streets of New York, Indeed, the price is not only too high, it is not only exorbitant, it is staggering, it is ruinous, as it may well pave the way to a world conflict. This is what, more than anything else, worries me, knowing the Arab people as 1 do, Although I have been away for many yeaxs in the Western world, every year 1 return and mix wfth the common people in the caf&, without their knowing who 1 am. I know the -5 Moshe Menuhin, The Decadence of Judaism in our Time (New York, Exposition Press, IX., 1965), p, 140. York, 49. I have witnesses. You, Mr. President, have seen me operate in committees, sometimes as a lonevoice in the wilderness, not trying to be a part of any grégarious majority until I have read every word of any rêsolution, because 1 am committed to this Organization. Do not believe that 1 have any axe to grind. I may be wrong, but 1 cannot be too fax wrong about what 1 am saying. 50. 1 do appeal, Mr. President, through you to the vote hunters, because 1 know where the trouble came from. 1 have been in this country long enough, on and off fox about twenty-six years. 1 may not be an American but I sometimes feel as if 1 were since I have lived here SO long. I do appeal through you to the vote hunters who, in their deep ignorance of the cataclysm which may play havoc with the Arab and Jew, nay, with other countries far and wide, since the Arabs Will not stand alone-may 1 appeal to these vote hunters to cesse currying favour with the militant Zionists, lest in SO doing they become without their knowledge responsible for a wosld tragedy. It is not too late for Western statesmen to admit the error of their Governments in the past and to courageously face the facts. We need courage today in the United Nations. We do not needmore resolutions, but courage, statesmen, in and out of the United Nations, in our respective countries. 51. 1 have asked to be heard on behalfof my Government because a number of Council members-the United Kingdom and the United States, in particularare apparently interested inpromoting lastingpeace in the Middle East and in steps to be taken on the broader question of Arab-Issael relations, as spelled out in operative paragraph 5 of the United Kingdom-United States draft resolution. 52. Let me once again state frankly-and 1 hope that events will not bear out what 1 say here because it would be terrible if they do-that there shall be no lasting peace in the Middle East SO long as the State of Israel continues to exist in the midst of the Arab world. This is a big statement to make. Unfortunately, this is a fac& I do not live in the Arab East, but I know what goes on there, 53. These are not my words. 1 am paraphrasingwhat His Majesty, King Faisal, whom you, Mr. President, met here this past summer, mentioned to reporters when they were granted an interview by him in New York City at that time. A correspondent of the Jewish faith asked Bis Majesty the following question: “When do you think, Your Majesty, peace shallbe established between the Arabs and Israel?” King Faisal answered, succinctly and unequivocally: “When the State of Israel cesses to exist?. No doubt the correspondent 54. A man’s word is his bond. If he says things, his honour is bound, I know that Lord Caradon knows about US; he lived amongst US for many years in Palestine. If an honourable man says something, he Will not go back on his Word. He does not bave to sign: a man’s word is his bond. 1 think that the British also have acted that way in histoxy, Once they gave their Word, they honoured their Word. And here is a king-not the only king-whose words 1 shall repeat, because 1 know that he meant what he said; 1 also know that millions upon millions of Arabs think in tbe same way. It is most painful for me to know that. On the other hand, King Faisal made it cleax tbat thexe was no quarrel between us Arabs and our non-Zionist Jewish brothers. That was not published either. 55. 1 had a press conference the other day and l’ said to the corresponde&: “1 am sure that you faithfully report to your newspapers what 1 say, good or bad, whether or not you believe it. Your job is to transmit to the media of information”. But what about the silences, and the scissoxs that the editoxs use? They have to live, and the newspaper Will go bankrupt if they do not cater ta the wishes of their advertisers and the vote-catchers, especially when they spend SO much money on campaigns. 1 am net a prophet, but not one single word was reported on that press conference, and there were eighty corxespondents present. Some of the correspondents sent out word of what 1 said, but not one single word appeared. 1 shun publicity; in twenty years’ time 1 had only on@ Press conferenoe of my own-but not one word appeared. This did not astonish me at ail. 56. As to freedom of information, 1 was one of the Committee of Fifteen whioh, at Lake Success, drewup the Draft Convention on Freedom of Information that is still being shelved; every year we give it priority, but it is being shelved. 1 know the tricks of the game that are used here. 57. On the other hand, 1 must repeat that King Faisal made it cleax that there was no quarrel between Arabs and theix non-Zionist Jewish brothers. These Jews are referred to in the Holy Koran as the PeoPle of the Sacred Book, and they should be considexed as believers in the universal God, the same and onlY God of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. Hence, the Arab in Palestine was never averse to living in the Holy Land with his non-Zionist Jewish brothexs. 58. The conflict between Arab and Jew in F%&&ine results fxom the incursion of Kuxopean Zionists who, under the guise of a divine religion-and it is a divine 59. Who can sefute what Ihave just said-let him stand Up and be counted. They took Palestine by the sword, and here is Judaism-the essence and the nobility of Judaism in Isaiah and in Micah. 1 have read the Bible about fifteen times in my days and 1 derived a great deal of comfort and solaoe from it. By the sword they took Palestine; Isaiah was not heeded. Are these militant Zionists believers in Judaism? Are the European Christians who go to churches and who proclaim that God is love abetting in this colonial incursion? Are these Christians?-perhaps in name they are. The ritUa is there; the husk is there, the kernel is gone. 60. However, I must say that most politioians in many countries where democracy has become merely a ritual have established a new religion, a religion woven around the winning of votes and whose patron saints are the party bosses and the controllers of the mass media of information used for brainwashing and indoctrination. 61, It is as if those politicians say: “Vote for me and 1 Will do a11 for you”, “Vote for me and 1 Will see that a lot of aid goes to Israeln, “Vote for me, and 1 will see to it that my Government Will become a roaring lion to intimidate the Arabs and, if need be, to paw them to submit ta what you ask of me”, “Vote for me and 1 Will close my eyes to any injustice you perpetraten, “Vote for me, as once 1 am elected 1 shall be your servant and do anything at your beck and call”. That is the creed of democracy in SO far as 1 have witnessed it. 62. In a11 fairness, is it just that the indigenous Peuple of Palestine should be the victims of the vote- SeekerS? We are having an election here in this COUntrY; 1 believe it will take place on 8 November. 1s it fair chat the indigenous people of Palestine should be the victims of power politics? IS it fair that the indigenous people of Palestine should remain the victims of Mr. Truman and his ilk?-Mr. Truman, who sooffed at the “striped-pants boys in the State Department”, as he called them in his Memoirs when they had put before him President BooSevelt’s records and statements regarding Palestine. 63. And, here again, may 1 be permitted to quote from Mr. Truman’s Memoirs with reference to a SPeCial communication addressed to him regarding the attitude and thinking of the State Department on Palestine: “‘It iS very likely’, this communication read, ‘that efforts Will be made by some of the Zionist leaders “‘There is continua1 tenseness in the situation in the Near East’, the communication concluded, ‘1argeIy as a result of the Palestine question, and as we have interestsl -meaning American interests-lin that area which are vital to the UnitedStates, we feel that this whole subject is one that should be handled with the greatest tare and with a view to the longrange interests of the country.lR Mr. Truman goes on to say in bis Memoirs: “I had familiarized myself with the history of the question of the Jewish homeland and the position of the British and the Arabs. 1 was skeptical, as 1 read over the whole record up ta date, about some of the views and attitudes assumed by the ‘striped-pants boys’ in the State Department. It seemed to me that they didn’t oare enough about what happened to the thousands of displaced persons who were involved. It was my feeling that it would be possible for us to watch out for the long-range interests of our country while at the same time helping these unfortunate victims of persecution to find a home. And before Rabbi Wise left, Ibelieve 1 made this clear to him.“.2/ This is how Mr. Truman concocted the oreation of Israel, deriding the serious views of the “striped-pants boys” in the State Department. Why did he do SO? TO serve, according to him, the “long-range interests” of his country and due to the sympathy he had for the displaced European Jews, 1 repeai: for the displaced European Jews, and apparently only the European Jews, egged on as he was by militant American Zionists such as Rabbi Wise and others. 64. At whose expense was ail this done? The whole indigenous people of Palestine, and, none the less, at the expense of ‘the genuine interests of the Amerioan people. After almost twenty years, the then so-called “striped-pants boys” in the State Department have been proven right, and Mr. Truman dead wrong. The whole Middle East is in turmoil on account of Mr. Truman’s brai+ohild. Mr. Truman, writing to Dr. Wiseman two years later, assured him that he would do a11 in his power to find a prompt solution to the Arab-Israel problem and, like many other politicians who think that money does everything, or as the Frenoh say “l’argent fait tout”, he promised mutual aidin the area, ignoring the fact that the Arab people are non- 2/ Warry S. Truman, Memoirs, Vol. I: Year of Decisions (Garden City, New York, Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1955), p. 69. 66. I am afrai.d that some Western Powers stilllabour under an erroneous impression in thinking, as Mr. Truman once did, that time Will eventually solve the Palestine question. It is very dangerous to thinkalong those lines. Believe me, it is very dangerous, inasmuch as 1 would like to see peace prevail in the area, It is not what you or 1 or any of us would want. We have to face the facts and the reality that obtain in the area. 67. The Council shoUld know that in the period since the Israel enclave was established no less than thirteen Arab leaders, of whom 1 knew more than halfpersonally, have been assassinated-and by none other than Axabs-merely because it was rumoured that these leaders entertained the idea that peace could be attained whilst Israel remained in the region, 1 aan say that a11 of them were innocent. One of them, a king, was shot in a mosque. 1 knew four prime ministers, a11 of them shot like birds. 1 knew them personally; I regret to say that, because I wish 1 had not known them. They were as Arab to the tore as any other Asab who professed he was a patriot, 68. The situation now-please mark my words-is far worse than when these leaders were murdered. Let no one delude himsolf that in this issue time is the gxeat proverbial healer. I was not dramatizing the situation when 1 mentioned that the Arab people were inflamed, with a festexing wound in their side. Should pressure be applied to the abscess, either by the militant Zionists or certain Western Powers, there is no telling what the dire consequences Will be. 69. Therefore no one should entertain any pious hopes that time, pressure or the lucre of politicians, levied mostly from innocent taxpayers, will solve the Palestine question. The Palestine question involves a people, a whole people, the indigenous people of Palestine-not only those living in camps, but also those dispersed a11 over the world who, individually and collectively, Will not rest until they regain their homeland. ‘70. I believe it would be useful to describe the mood of the Palestinian exiles by qUoting from a statement delivered on Monday to the Special PoliticalCommittee by Mr. Al-Ghouri, xepresentative of the Palestine Arab delegation, who is a Palestinian: “It is appropriate at this juncture to say a word about those Palestine Arab patriots. 11 . . . n te. “During the Second World War, various resistance movements were formed in the oountries ocoupied by Gesmany, such as Poland, France, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, Romania and othess. Not only did the Western Powers and the world at large welcome and hail those movements, but they also Supplied them with arms and money. Similar movements were formed in Asia and Africa to liberate territories from colonial and foreign occupation, Those movements were well received and supported by a11 free and peace-loving countries , . . . Why are they being made the abject of derisionand the target for Zionist and colonialist attacks? 1s it because they are Arabs, and the invadess of their country are Zionists and Europeans? n .*. “The Arabs of Palestine who refuse and repudiate a11 United Nations resolutions have never been a party to those resolutions. nor to the armistice agreements. “We wish to put on record before this world Organization that we are determined to regain our homeland and restitute our rights by a11 ways, means and measures, without any resesvation or limitation. “History has proven that, however strong the aggressors may be and however long the aggression and illegal occupation may continue, the right of evesy people to self-determination always triumphs in the end. The liberation of many Asian and African countries [from foreign domination and subjugation] has proven beyond doubt that right is stsonger, much stronger, Ban might.ny 71. 1 am afraid that the Council cari do vesy little, irrespective of what resolutions it adopts or any consensus it may reach.,It must, first and foremost, 1 submit, consider that no solution cari be attained without the free will of the indigenous people Of Palestine, the self-same people who were betrayed, since they were placed under the Mandate, when more than 80 per cent of them live in forced exile, either in camps or sca#ered in many countries. Hardly anything would be gained by attempting to seek a Solution fox the Palestine question without ascertaining the wishes of the indigenous people of Palestine. 72. A few Council members have more than admonished Syria, and tomorrow they may admonish other Arab States for incidents similar to the one under discussion. They may admonish Israel, too, depending on the circumstances and the incidents. Al1 these incidents axe nothing but links in a long ohain of .?/ This statement was made at the 501st meeting of LIE SPecial ~01itkal Committee, the officia1 records of which are eublished in summary form. 73. A Boston tea tax, in the colonial days of our host country, sparked the American R.evolution which liberated the people from what they considered despotic rule. Were the United Nations in existence then, would it have condemned Lafayette and other foreign heroes for assisting the Americans in their struggle for freedom? 74. Whenever there is a people endeavouring to liberate itself, there is surely no dearth of champions espousing their cause, If the Syrians extolled the Palestinian patriots for attempting to regain their homeland, then a11 Arab countries, in like manner, are jubilant that, after all, the Palestinian people themselves-and it is they and only they that cari do so-should regain their homeland. 75. Will the conscience of the Western Powexs allow them to assist Israel in keeping indigenous Palestinians from returning to their homes? What double standard have these Powers adopted when, on the one hand, they assert that no one has the right to rob a person of his property, and, on the other, exonerate theusurping Zionists for confiscating a11 the assets of the Palestinians who panicked and left their country because of such atrocities as were committed at Deir Yassin, 76. These Palestinian people had no government of their own, since they had been livingunder the League of Nations Mandate, granted to the United Kingdom. There were no reparations of war involved to justify the Israel authorities in seizing and appropriating private assets and persona1 property. Did the Allies in the two world wars appropriate, as victors, the private property of the Germans? How, then, could the same Allies overlook what the Israel authorities have done, as if Palestinian individuals have forfeited their own patrimony and allowed themselves to be the prey of Zionist rapacity? 77. Anything seems to be permissible for the Israel authorities, because Western politicians have constantly promised the Zionists a free hand at the expense of the indigenous people of Palestine. The servility of these politicians-a good number of them non-Jewish in fairness to my Jewishfriends; and their number is legion here and elsewhere-has gone sofar that some of them don skull-caps usually worn by Jews in their synagogues. 78. Yes, non-Jewish politicians, vying with one another for Zionist favour and benediction, have very often hypocritically declared that Israel was the most progressive force in the Middle East. It is a shame, a great shame;‘ that in the twentieth Century so-called progress is achieved, first by the sword to deny a people its right to self-determination, and secondlyby robbing that people of a11 its assets and belongings. 73. Of course, they bring peaoe to them: the etsrnal peace of death; the eternal peace of the grave. I have 1iVed long enough to witness this-twenty years of United Nations effort. TO bring peace to a people by bombing them, by killing them: ohildren, wives, men full of hope. Peaoe! Peace by what? Peace by napalm bombs, daggers, rifles, and tanks. 80. No legal quibblings and interminable altercations will contribute an iota to the solution of the Palestine question. 1 submit, therefore, that the Security Council is wasting itS Lime engaging itself in adopting resolutlons or reaching a consensus which, with a11 due respect to you, Mr. President, and the members of the Council, Will lead to nothing constructive so long as there is a Palestinian people who bave awakened from the shock of injustice perpetrated upon them and have roused themselves with indignation and rancour in their hearts to retrieve their homeland. 81. Some speakers around this table have alluded to a couple of desperate Palestinian organizations. These are nothing comparcd to what, 1 believe, will develop out of the deep frustration, wounded dignity and dire oppression inflicted upon the indigenous people of Palestine, who, sooner or later, are bound to erupt like a volcano, spouting its lava and burning everything around them and getting burnt themselves with the possibility that those who may, at a late hour, corne to the rescue, might themselves be caught in the conflagratio& How to find a solution? Do justice unto’ the indigenous people of Palestine and then, and only then, the solution will be achieved. 82. It is, therefore, 1 humbly submit, for the Council to find ways and means to ascertain the wishes of the indlgenous people of Palestine, and desist from acting on the premise that the problem with which the Council is seieed cari be solved by any remedy which is not oonducive to justice. Any peace brought about by expediency is temporary and ephemeral. 83. The joint draft resolution speaks of 1aStingPeace in the Middle East, Again and again, I must rePeat that there cari be no lasting peace in the Middle Eastnot because we a11 do not wishfor peace-but because, being familiar with the mood of the Palestinian people, there cari be no peace unless their inalienable rights are fully redressed. 84. If any Powers still believe that they cari achieve their goals by overthrowing the Governments whichdo not go along with them-as they have done, once in a while in Africa and Asia-and, if these Powers think that they cari supplant these Governments with pUPPet rggimes, such r&imes Will, indeed, be short-livedas the people cari no longer be fooled by such devices. I 85. 1 would be remiss in myduty, as a representative committed to the ideals of the United Nations, not to have pointed to the grave dangers which lurk behind the Palestine question, Let us a11 bear inmind that the United Nations was not established for the attainment of peace and security at any price. The sole price for peace and security is justice. Policies based on expediency, not only have backfixed-as they have done throughout history-but even the League of Nations foundered, because it reconciled itself to the wanton behaviour of the big Powers in the 1920’s and in the 1930’s. 86. Almost twenty years have elapsed since the forced partition of Palestine was effected, with the result that it has created a lot of il1 Will between the East and West. The Zionists have chosen to occupy a perpetual hornet’s nest. Unfortunately, for a11 those concexned in the area, whether they live inside Palestine or in the neighbouring countries, they shall constantly suffer from the tension which, when it hecomes unbearable, is lmown to lead to conflict. 87. If I have dwelt on this question at such length, it is because Saudi Arabia, which constitutes a large part of the Middle East, cari neither stand aloof nor be indifferent to what will threaten peace in the whole area. 88. 1 must repeat what His Majesty mentioned at a mass rally in Riyadh, expressing the deep emotion of the people and reflecting the extent of their involvement in the Palestine question; God forbid, in the event of a conflict which may get out of hand, that His Majesty, his brothers, his sons, and a11 the Saudi people will find themselves in the vanguard for assisting their brothers, the indigenous people of Palestine, to attain their inalienable rights. His Majesty is not known as one who minces his words. From my persona1 contacts witb other leaders of the Arab world, 1 dare,say that should the situation deteriorate in Palestine, these leaders and their people shall also xise to the defence of their usurped brothers. 89. 1 have interspersed my statement with grave warnings which 1 hope Will not be interpreted as couched threats. We have never threatened the Western Powers, who have hurt us SO much, since we found out, after the First World War, how they subjected us to many insults and indignities. It is these Western Powers, who have, themselves, threateced that they would chastise us if anything is done in the area which is inimical to the interests of the usurping Zionists. 90. We Will not be coweredby suoh threats. For 6,000 years alien conquerors have corne and gone in our area, but the Arabs have survived and multiplied. Lethal weapons Will not frighten us, Let no Power 91. Mr. President, 1 am coming to a conclusion, knowing that the time is late. I must thank you, very much and thank again the members of the Council for making it possible for me to define clearly the position Of mY Government, lest we may be reproached in the future for keeping Sibnt on an issue whioh touches the hearts of a11 Arabs, 100 million of them, including the people of Saudi Arabia. With your permission, I may ask to spoak again in the event certain deoisions emerge from the deliberations of the Council, upon which we feel we must comment.

1 thank the representative of Saudi Arabia for his comment& 1 have one additional speaker on my list for this morning, the representative of Israel. 1 would like to ask the Counoil, before we proceed, what is the desire of the Council in this connexion, in light of the time of day. I have asked the Secretariat to consult with the representative of Israel who says his comments would take perhaps ten or fifteen minutes; allowing some generosity of time about that, it may be more or less. 1 would assume, from past experience, that if the representative of Israel would like the floor, the representative of Syria would, perhaps, also want thefloor, although he has not. at the moment, asked to be inscribed as a speaker. 93. 1 want to remind the members of the Council that-in acoordance with the consultations which have been held with a11 of them-they are to meet this afternoon, pursuant to the Statute of the International Court of Justice, to hold a simultaneous meeting with the General Assembly and to proceed with the election of members of the International Court of Justice, 94. Therefore, 1 put it to the Council. What is the desire of the Council? Shall we proceed to hear the representative of Israel this morning and then, perhaps,, afford to the representative of Syria an opportun@ to have his say, or shall we adjourn until tomotirow, since we have a meeting this afternoon which is linked with the meeting, under the Court Statute, of the General Assembly.

We have just heard the important statement by the representative of Saudi Arabia, which we muet Undoubtedly consider very carefully. We look forward to hearing the representatives of Israel and of S@a. Rowever, the consultations which we held the day before yesterday, yesterday and again this morning have not yet been conoluded. In these Ciroumstances and in view of the late hour, 1 move the adjournment of the meeting, under rule 33 of the provisional rules of procedure. May 1 express the hope that, when You, Mr. President, consider it appropria& tomorrow morning perhaps, we should meet to continue our discussion of the important issue before us. The motion was adopted.

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